BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY THE PLAYS OF EURIPIDES VOL. I LONDON: G. BELL & SONS, LIMITED, PORTUGAL STREET, KINGSWAY, W.C. CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & co. NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY : A. H. WHEELER & CO. THE PLAYS OF EURIPIDES TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH PROSE FROM THE TEXT OF PALEY BY EDWARD P. COLERIDGE ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD VOL. I LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LIMITED 1910 CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND co. TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE I. TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE vii II. MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES xv III. TRANSLATION, WITH NOTES, OF NINE PLAYS, IN THE FOLLOWING ORDER :— RHESUS i MEDEA 31 HIPPOLYTUS 73 ALCESTIS .115 HERACLEID^: . . . , . . . . . 151 THE SUPPLIANTS ........ 185 THE TROJAN WOMEN 225 ION . 263 HELEN , 319 PREFACE. IN preparing the following translation of the plays of Euripides I have followed the text of Paley as it stands in the "Cambridge Greek and Latin Texts' series" 1869. Similarly, too, the order of the plays conforms to his arrange- ment. Without going into lengthy details for my choice of this text, I may briefly mention a few reasons for having selected it. First, there is the accessibility of this edition ; secondly, its very general use to-day by the mass of English readers, in preference to the once popular " Poetae Scenici " of W. Dindorf; and thirdly, its superiority in many respects to all previous editions of the complete body of plays, due partly to its greater fidelity to the MSS. readings, partly to the more metrical arrangements of choral passages. In some ways, perhaps, the adoption of a particular text saves the translator much trouble by precluding him from straying far afield into the region of textual emendation ; but, at the same time, it not unfrequently forces him into direct oppo- sition to his own opinion, if he consents to follow it without any deviation and to yield implicit obedience to its authority. At the risk of incurring the chance of inconsistency, I have, though as a rule adhering rigidly to Paley's text, occasionally allowed myself the liberty of following the emendations of other scholars, where for the sake of clearness or on grounds of probability, there seemed fair reasons for so doing; but in every such case attention is Viii PREFACE. called to the divergence in a footnote, and the actual Greek words of the variant text are quoted. Into the question of MSS. authority I do not here venture to digress at any length. The majority of English readers probably take small interest in such investigations; while the few who do pursue them further, will naturally have good critical editions within reach, and in these a full dis- cussion of this subject more usefully finds a place. Those, however, who, without making a special study of the MSS., wish to see shortly on what authority any particular play of our poet rests, cannot perhaps do better than read the few remarks offered by Mr. Gow on this subject in his excellent volume, entitled, " Companion to School Classics " (Mac- millan, 1888). From his concise summary and from Paley's more exhaustive essay in Vol. III. of his large annotated edition of Euripides, I extract the following very brief account of the Euripidean MSS., omitting all superfluous details : — (1) Nine plays are found complete in MS. Vaticanus (i2th century), and in several other MSS. in part ', viz. — Hecuba, Orestes, Phcenissae, Medea, Hippolytus, Alcestis, Andromache, Troades, Rhesus. (2) Seven others rest on the authority of two MSS. only, the Palatinus in the Vatican and Florentinus 2 (both 1 4th century), viz. — Heracleidae, Supplices, Ion, Bacchae, Iphigenia in Tauris, Iphigenia in Aulide, Cyclops. (3) Three plays, Helena, Hercules Furens, and Electra are found only in Florentinus 2. Another point requiring explanation, perhaps, is my treat- ment of corrupt passages. Only those who have set them- selves carefully to examine the text of an ancient classic, more especially that of a Greek dramatist, can be fully aware of the difficulties that beset the student from first to last. The ravages of time, the ignorance of copyists, the more PREFACE. ix dangerous officiousness of grammarians, the perverted in- genuity of successive editors infected with the pernicious "cacoethes emendandi," have all contributed in the course of many centuries to render the task of arriving at the genuine text an almost hopeless one. '4 The whole question of the present state of our classical texts," wrote Paley, in the preface to his third volume of Euripides, "is one demanding a most careful and lengthened inquiry. If we cannot have them perfect, which is not to be hoped for, we must make up our minds to choose between adhering to the authority of the best existing MSS., or freely admitting the conjectural restorations of eminent critics, or we must adopt a cautious mean between the two, which consists in correcting obvious errors, to the rejection of all purely speculative or only plausible alterations." It is this last method which Paley himself adopts ; and, agreeing cordially as I do with his strictures on unwarrant- able tampering with the text, I have endeavoured as far as possible, to follow his guidance through the tortuous mazes of textual corruption ; with this reservation, however, that, as my purpose is a twofold one, being as much to enable readers unfamiliar with the Greek to understand the drama- tist's meaning as to produce a faithful version of the original, I have, in dealing with passages avowedly corrupt, preferred to adopt provisionally an intelligible emendation to leaving an awkward break in the sense. At the same time, from a textual critic's point of view, Paley's remark is unquestion- ably true, "passages really corrupt should be marked as avowedly corrupt, not patched up and almost rewritten." On the other hand, it is by no means certain at times, whether, in the attempt to follow the supposed genuine reading, an editor has not rushed to another extreme and committed an error, pleasantly described by a recent reviewer as " translating unintelligible Greek into unintelligible Eng- lish and going on his way rejoicing." Absit omen ! X PREFACE. As regards the addition of notes to this translation, the few that are given have, for the sake of the reader's conve- nience, been appended as footnotes, to avoid the necessity of referring continually to an appendix. They are of two kinds, dealing firstly, with variant readings and proposed emendations, and secondly, with obscure allusions ; the former being by far the more numerous class. Euripides is an author, about whom and whose writings so much has been written that a mass of notes is not only un- necessary, but apt to distract and weary the reader, who pre- sumably wishes to know not what a commentator but what the author says and thinks. Still as there is occasionally an allusion, the elucidation of which is necessary to a full un- derstanding of the context, a few explanatory notes have been added. The adoption of Paley's edition as a textus receptus, has to some extent obviated the need of calling attention on every occasion to variations from the MSS., for that which he has admitted I have in the majority of instances tacitly followed ; wherever I have diverged from him I have noted the fact and cited my authority for so doing ; and occasionally, when un- intelligible or corrupt passages occurred, more than one of the numerous emendations offered have been quoted. There has been, and still is, in Germany, a large school of critics, who settle textual difficulties by a method only praise- worthy for its extreme simplicity ; they at once pronounce spurious whatever appears to them hard to understand, and so relieve Euripides of a host of more or less time-honoured " cruces." Against such a charming plan for elucidating his author Paley resolutely sets his face, and, it may be, goes a little too far in the opposite direction in his sturdy conser- vatism and retention of passages almost certainly spurious or interpolated. I do not feel called upon, in the capacity of translator, to PREFACE. XI discuss the genuineness of any of the plays attributed to the poet. Where single lines have been called in question by Paley or Nauck, by Dindorf or Kirchhoff, I have generally noticed their objections, without, however, absolutely omit- ting the lines. But when the genuineness of large portions of plays is at stake, as in the case of the conclusion of the " PhcenissaV' or of frequent passages in the " Iphigenia in Aulide," to say nothing of the entire " Rhesus," I have not made any allusion to the voluminous controversies that have been carried on over them. In alluding briefly to editions of Euripides, other than that of Paley, I cannot sufficiently express my debt to the critical apparatus prefixed to Vol. I. of the Teubner edition ("Euripidis Tragcedise ex recensione Augusti Nauckii. Editio tertia. Lipsiae, 1887 "), which I have consulted throughout ; as well as to the critical notes appended to Hartung's edition, an edition one might employ with still greater advantage, were it not so full of his own daring and not unfrequently capricious corrections ; to Jerram's useful little volumes in the Clarendon Press series, the value of which is immensely enhanced by the addition of brief critical notes on the most important variant readings ; and lastly, to several editions of separate plays, amongst which for English scholars, Sandys' edition of the " Bacchse " ranks facile princeps as a book which every student of Euripides will value and appreciate ; to the careful but some- what laboured works of Pflugk and Klotz, a few only of whose volumes I have read through ; and lastly, to VerralPs edition of the " Medea," and Mahaffy's edition of the " Hippolytus," both of which works are full of interesting suggestions, although, like Hartung's, they seem to admit too many variations into the text. What Paley has called the "subjectivity " of the editor is almost too conspicuous ; so that, what with rewriting in the one case and re-arranging in the xii PREFACE. other, the originals are, as it were, old friends appearing with new faces. For a fuller account of the numerous modern editions of separate plays reference may be use- fully made to Professor Mayor's " Guide to the Choice of Classical Books," new edition (George Bell and Sons). Of the older editions of Euripides, Paley gives a brief account in his introduction to Vol. Ill , cited above, from which and from the article on Euripides in Dr. Smith's large Bio- graphical Dictionary, I extract a short resume: — (i) Editio princeps of Euripides, containing the Medea, Hippolytus, Alcestis, Andromache, pro- bably edited by J. Lascaris, and printed by De Alopa, at Florence, towards the end of i5th century, (ii) Aldus published 18 plays, omitting the Electra, at Venice, 1503. (iii) An edition published at Heidelberg, containing the Latin version of JEm.il. Portus and a frag- ment of the Danae. 1597. (iv) Edition of P. Stephens. Geneva. 1602. (v) „ of Barnes. Cambridge. 1694. (vi) „ ofMusgrave. Oxford. 1778. (vii) „ of Beck. Leipzig. 1778-88. (viii) „ of Matthiae. Leipzig. In 9 vols. with the Scholia and fragments and a Latin version. 1813-29. (ix) A variorum edition. 9 vols. Glasgow. 1821. (x) The Fragments by Wagner. Wratislaw. 1844. Of separate plays there have been almost countless editions ; but here it must suffice to mention a few of the more famous editors : e.g., Porson, Elmsley, Valckenaer, Monk, Pflugk, Hermann, etc., etc. The only complete translation in English of any note, actually known to me, is an old one in verse by Michael PREFACE. Xlll Wodhull (3 vols., London, 1809). In the author's preface to this work, an exhaustive account of previous attempts in the same field is given, which is not without interest as showing the critical stand-point of that age. In more recent times we have had Robert Browning's " Balaustion," a beautiful poem in itself, and almost a verbatim translation of the "Alcestis;" while not a few scholars of modern days have shown their keen apprecia- tion of the beauties of Euripides by presenting the world with verse translations of portions of his works. In conclusion, if it is necessary to say anything on the vexed question of translations in general, one might perhaps defend them against their traducers on the ground that, when, as now, the whole world is bent on being examined in every branch of knowledge, time becomes an object of vital importance, and, if only to save this, translations have a distinct value. There are many who wish to know the contents of the ancient classics without being put to the trouble of studying them closely in the original language ; indeed, the number of those who will have leisure in the future to study these great masterpieces is only too likely to become even smaller than now as the pressure of examina- tions and the range of prescribed subjects becomes daily larger ; if, then, a translation can, in however an imperfect way, serve to keep alive an admiration for the models of antiquity, it will not have been undertaken in vain. The form that any translation should assume is a point on which few persons hold identically the same opinion. It is a matter for individual taste. As far as I am concerned, this knotty point has been decided for me by my publishers, who have therefore saved me the trouble of weighing con- flicting claims. A prose version having been essayed, I have endeavoured to produce one, which should combine, as far as the different XIV PREFACE. idioms of the two languages permit, an accurate rendering of the Greek text with some elegance of expression. How- far the execution falls short of the conception I am only too painfully conscious. To be literal and at the same time literary is a high goal to aim at ; and it is to be feared that in all attempts of this kind, the amari altquid will rise both for reader and writer. Still it will not be wholly in vain, if by means of a translation, imperfect as this will doubtless appear to many more competent to produce one than the present writer, anything is contributed to the wider study of one concerning whom a brother poet and dramatist once wrote : "a poet whom Socrates called his friend, whom Aristotle lauded, whom Menander admired, and for whom Sophocles and the city of Athens put on mourning on hearing of his death, must certainly have been something." (Quoted from Goethe by John Addington Symonds in his " Studies of the Greek Poets," ist series, p. 242.) A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. AS with so many other authors of classical antiquity, con- siderable obscurity veils the details of Euripides' life ; nor is it easy in the case of a dramatist, to gather from chance utterances, spoken in character, the real sentiments of the writer on any particular subject. It is true that, apart from the numerous unfounded scan- dals and legends which invariably surround any person of eminence, certain broad facts regarding his life stand out with tolerable clearness; but, for the rest, we are thrown back upon conjecture based upon the weak evidence of later writers or the gossip and undisguised malice of con- temporary opponents. Taking, first, the few details which are regarded as toler- ably certain, we are informed that he was born in B.C. 480, on the very day of the battle of Salamis, and in the island itself, though others place his birth five years earlier. His parents must have been wealthy people, and not improbably of some rank, for their son was not only able to attend the expensive lectures of Prodicus, Anaxagoras, and other famous sophists and teachers of the day, but also held in hi? youth certain offices, for which none but the nobly born seem to have been eligible. As for the scandalous attacks and ribald jests of the comic poets of the period regarding his mother and her antecedents, the evidence of their having any foundation in fact is so very slight that we may dismiss them without serious consideration. The legend, for in- b XVI A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. stance, which makes the poet's mother a seller of herbs and not a very honest women either, no doubt served Aristo- phanes for many a good joke at his enemy's expense ; but it should be borne in mind that this brilliant caricaturist's avowed object was to depreciate Euripides, and he certainly was not very careful what use he made of current scandal and perverted truth, so long as he could raise a laugh and amuse his audience. Similarly, too, the stories which make Euripides a man of dissolute habits, given up to vice and pursuing it throughout his life till it led him to a violent end, will be found, on examination, to rest on the flimsiest evi- dence, and probably originated in the prurient imagination of his numerous enemies or of readers who either misunder- stood their author or too rashly inferred that they had found a key to his character in some isolated passage, considered without reference to its context Passing to better authenticated facts, it is recorded that the poet's father had him trained with extreme care to con- tend in the footrace at Olympia, but that after winning two prizes at less important games, he was rejected at Olympia on account of some technical difficulty connected with his age. From his own bitter remarks on the subject of athletes and their habits in some interesting fragments of a play, en- titled " Autolycus," we may fairly infer that he carried away no very pleasant memories of that epoch in his life. Further, we learn that he applied himself to painting and sculpture, in the first of which arts he must have attained considerable proficiency, for pictures of his were exhibited at Megaramany years after his death, and there are frequent allusions in his plays pointing to an intimate and appreciative acquaintance with this subject. He was twice married, each time, it is said, unhappily ; some indeed have gone so far as to refer the constant dia- tribes and sneers in his plays against women to his own per- sonal experiences, forgetting perhaps, in their eagerness to A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. XVll advance this theory, that the poet has quite as frequently drawn female characters of almost ideal tenderness, devo- tion, and beauty. Of the three sons born to him, the youngest, called after his father, produced his last plays, and was himself also a dramatist by profession. Late in life Euripides retired from Athens to Magnesia, and finally accepted the invitation of Archelaus, King of Macedon, to his court, then a home for men of letters and savants of all kinds. Here his genius speedily advanced him to royal favour, and it is even said that he was called in to give his advice at the monarch's council-table. Pos- sibly the distinction, with which he was treated, excited the jealousy of rival court poets, for there is a story current that he met his death from the bites of dogs set upon him by his enemies as he was going to keep an assignation. This wild story no doubt may have arisen from a confusion between the poet and the plot of his last play, " The Bacchze," in which Pentheus is torn to pieces by infuriated women. But it is interesting both as showing the sort of calumny with which vulgar scandal will assail the great, and also as point- ing to the state of feeling which must have existed for such an idle tale to originate at all. On his death in B.C. 406, he was buried with great pomp at Pella, the Macedonian capital, in spite of the request of his countrymen that his remains might be sent to Athens. Such are the few meagre details we are able to collect from reliable authorities of the poet's life. From his own writings and from somewhat doubtful sources a little more has been conjecturally assumed. Thus we are told, with great probability, that he was the friend of Pericles, of Socrates, and Alcibiades, and that his friendship with the two latter caused him to leave his native city rather than risk the chance of incurring the odium and unpopularity which eventually brought them to their deaths. Legend, busy on this point as on others, has set down his retire- xviii A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. ment into Magnesia to the irritation caused him by the merciless satire of Aristophanes on the poet's unhappy experiences of married life, and it is unfortunately only too likely that one who could make capital out of the death of the man he disliked, would not hesitate to pour out his venomous abuse on domestic scenes which modern decency prefers to regard as sacred. Born, as Euripides was, some time between B.C. 490 and 480, and dying in B.C. 406, his life comprised the whole brilliant period of Athenian supremacy. Thus he would have witnessed the successive steps by which Athens attained in a short time a pinnacle of material prosperity and artistic glory never reached before or after by any other state in Hellas ; he would have admired the masterly organization of the Delian Confederacy, have shared in the varied splendours and triumphs of the age of Pericles, rejoiced at the victories of Cimon, watched the successful schemes of Athenian colonization, and followed with atten- tive eye the many phases of that long and disastrous war, which brought such suffering on his countrymen, and finally left his city ruined and humbled at the feet of Sparta. Amongst the circle of his acquaintance he might have counted poets, painters, sculptors, historians, and philosophers, whose productions are still the wonder of the world and the despair of modern imitators. Indeed, to know any one character of that great period thoroughly it is necessary to know something of them all, and only in this way can one hope to find the right start- ing-point for a proper appreciation of this many-sided poet, and to see how far he influenced and how far he was influenced by his environment. Euripides produced his first play, the " Peliades," in B.C. 455, a year after the death of ^Eschylus ; it ob- tained the third prize, but considering the poet's age and the rivals he probably had to meet, this is no evidence A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. XIX of inferior work. Having once started it is probable that he brought out tetralogies at regular intervals, till in B.C. 441 he attained the coveted distinction and won the first prize, but the names of his plays on this occasion have not been identified. Thrice again was he proclaimed victor, on the last occasion with plays that appeared after his death. This small measure of immediate success may at first sight appear strange, for we know that he was a prolific writer, some seventy-five or even ninety-two plays being attributed to him. But the reason is not really far to seek. He was not the advocate of any party ; for though he was inclined towards a war-like policy, and entertained a lively hatred of Sparta and things Spartan, yet he was equally ready to point out to Athens her mistakes and the inevitable consequences of her follies. Such a man was not likely to please the judges of his day, who almost inevitably must have been influenced by party considerations ; and so others, who abstained from politics altogether in their compositions, or consistently supported one side, stepped in to carry off the prize which " the great outsider," as Mahaffy so aptly calls him, must often on his merits and in accordance with the judgment of posterity have better deserved. Nor, again, was Euripides, strictly speaking, a public man, that is, in the sense of keeping himself before the people ; doubtless he was well versed in all that went on around him, as indeed is abundantly proved by his writings; but he did not mix much with his fellows in the way, for example, that his friend Socrates did ; his mind was more purely speculative; the quiet of his study was therefore more congenial to him than the noise of the market-place, and the silent perusal of his books than the wordy warfare of the law-courts. In all the great social problems of the day he took a deep interest, and passages abound in his plays proving XX A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. how thoroughly he had mastered some of them and how far in advance of his age he had gone in his efforts to arrive at the solution of others. The treatment of slaves, the relations of women towards the other sex, the popular theology, new discoveries in science, — these are only a few of the questions which occupied his thoughts and attracted his cosmopolitan sympathies. Living, as he did, in the age of the Sophists, an age of daring speculation and unboundt d scepticism, when old beliefs were giving way to new theories, it is not strange that Euripides was affected by the movement, and that the influence of sophistic teaching is everywhere discernible in his pages. In no writer of the period is the spirit of this new learning more clearly mirrored ; never before were con- ventional methods treated with i,uch scant respect ; and this it is which roused the apprehensions of the more con- servative Aristophanes, and threw him into such violent opposition to this new-fangled poet — opposition, which, after all, was doomed to fall powerless before overmaster- ing genius. A certain melancholy pervades all the poetry of Euri- pides. Whether, as some say, he was naturally morose, or whether his experiences soured his disposition, we have no means of deciding now. The ceaseless rancour of male- volent foes, the despair that at length drags down a man who is persistently and purposely misunderstood, the fate of his best friends, the sad contrast of the closing years of the Peloponnesian War to its early promise, his own do- mestic troubles — all these causes may well have succeeded in insp'ring him with that gloomy view of life which is reflected so deeply in his writings. To enter into any examination of the exaggerated attacks made on the poet by his detractors, ancient and modern, would be too long a subject in so brief a memoir, even had it not been already most ably treated by Professor Mahaffy A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. xxi in his little volume on "Euripides"; two remarks from which I take the liberty of quoting. Speaking of the atheism laid to Euripides' charge, he says : "The only declared atheist in his extant plays is the brutal and ignorant Cyclops, whose coarse and sensual unbelief is surely intended for a keen satire on such vul- garity in speculation." In another passage, after discussing the rival views that have prevailed about our poet, and the anomalies and con tradictions of his character which make it so easy to blame, so hard to understand his many-sidedness, he concludes : " We must combine all these portraits with their con-r tradictions to obtain an adequate idea of that infinitely various, unequal, suggestive mind, which was at the same time practically shrewd and mystically vague, clear in ex- pression but doubtful in thought, morose in intercourse and yet a profound lover of mankind, drawing ideal women and yet perpetually sneering at the sex, doubting the gods and yet reverencing their providence, above his age and yet not above ir, stooping to the interests of the moment and yet missing the reward of momentary fame, despairing of future life and yet revolving problems which owe all their interest to the very fact that they are perpetual." Euripides is the last of the Greek tragedians properly so called. " The sure sign of the general decline of an art," says Macaulay, "is the frequent occurrence, not of deformity, but of misplaced beauty." How hard this criti- cism hits Euripides must be obvious to all who are familiar with his choral odes. Many of the most beautiful of these have no direct connection with the plot of the play in which they occur; they might be introduced with equal propriety elsewhere ; they are exquisite hymns, and,' as such, often recommend a poor play ; but they are irrelevant and out of place. In spite, however, of all that was said and written against xxil A SHORT MEMOIR OF EURIPIDES. him, the great fact remains that he was by far the most popular of all the tragedians. He appealed directly to men's hearts ; as Aristotle said of him, he represented men as they are, not as they ought to be ; and if he thereby lost in dignity, he yet gained by being able to extend a wider sympathy to the sufferings of his fellow-men. And this no doubt will explain much that has been most bitterly blamed in his method ; it is said that he vulgarized tragedy, bring- ing it down to the level of melodrama with his excessive love of pathos, his reliance on striking scenery and novel- ties in music to create an effect, his rhetorical subtlety and exaggerated patriotism ; but an unerring insight had taught how he could best reach his audience, and this was enough for him. The sentiment expressed by Terence many years later might very well have issued from the lips of Euripides : '• Homo sum ; humani nihil a me alienum puto." RHESUS DRAMATIS PERSONS. CHORUS OF TROJAN SENTINELS. HECTOR. AENEAS. DOLON. A MESSENGER (a Shepherd). RHESUS. ODYSSEUS DIOMEDES. PARIS. ATHENA. THE MUSE. THE CHARIOTEER OF RHESUS. SCENE. — Before Hector's tent at the gates of Troy. RHESUS. CHO. To Hector's couch away, one of you wakeful squires that tend the prince, to see if he have any fresh tidings from the warriors who were set to guard the assembled host during the fourth watch of the night. {Calls to HECTOR in the tent.} Lift up thy head ! Prop thine arm beneath it ! Unseal that louring eye from its repose ; thy lowly couch of scattered leaves, O Hector, quit ! 'Tis time to hearken. HEC. Who goes there? Is it a friend who calls? Who art thou ? Thy watchword ? Speak ! Who in the dark hours comes nigh my couch, must tell me who he is. CHO. Sentinels we of the army. HEC. Why this tumultuous haste ? CHO. Be of good courage. HEC. Is there some midnight ambuscade ? CHO. Nay. HEC. Then why dost thou desert thy post and rouse the army, save thou have some tidings of the night ? Art not aware how near the Argive host we take our night's repose in all our harness clad ? CHO. To arms ! O Hector, seek thine allies' sleeping camp ! Bid them wield the spear ! Awake them ! To thine own company despatch a friend. Saddle and bridle the steeds. Who will to the son of Panthus ? who to Europa's son, captain of the Lycian band ? Where are they who should inspect the victims ? Where be the leaders of the light-armed troops ? Ye Phrygian archers, string your horn-tipped bows. 4 EURIPIDES. [L. 34-120 HEC. Now fear, now confidence thy tidings inspire; nothing is plainly set forth. Can it be that thou art smitten with wild affright by Pan, the son of Cronion, and leaving thy watch therefore dost rouse the host ? What means thy noisy summons? What tidings can I say thou bringest? Thy words are many, but no plain statement hast thou made. CHO. The long night through, O Hector, the Argive host hath kindled fires, and bright with torches shines the anchored fleet. To Agamemnon's tent the whole army moves clamorously by night, eager for fresh orders maybe, for never before have I seen such commotion among yon sea-faring folk. Wherefore I was suspicious of what might happen and came to tell thee, that thou mayest have no cause to blame me hereafter. HEC. In good season com'st thou, albeit thy tidings are fraught with terror ; for those cowards are bent on giving me the slip and stealing away from this land in their ships by night ; their midnight signalling convinces me of this. Ah ! Fortune, to rob me in my hour of triumph, a lion of his prey, or ever this spear of mine with one fell swoop had made an end for aye of yonder Argive host ! Yea, had not the sun's bright lamp withheld his light, I had not stayed my victor's spear, ere I had fired their ships and made my way from tent to tent, drenching this hand in Achaean gore. Right eager was I to make a night attack and take advantage of the stroke of luck by heaven sent, but those wise seers of mine, who have heaven's will so pat, persuaded me to wait the dawn, and then leave not one Achaean in the land. But those others await not the counsels of my soothsayers ; darkness turns runaways to heroes. Needs must we now without delay pass this word along the line " Arm, arm ! from slumber cease ! " for many a man of them, e'en as he leaps aboard his ship, shall be smitten through the back and sprinkle the ladders with blood, and others shall be fast hound with cords and learn to till our Phrygian glebe. RHESUS. 5 CHO. Thou hastest, Hector, before thou knowest clearly what is happening ; for we do not know for certain whether our foes are flying. HEC. What reason else had the Argive host to kindle fires? CHO. I cannot say ; my soul doth much misgive me. HEC. If this thou fearest, be sure there's nought thou wouldst not fear. CHO. Never aforetime did the enemy kindle such a blaze. HEC. No, nor ever before did they suffer such shameful defeat and rout. CHO. This thou didst achieve ; look now to what remains to do. HEC. I have but one word to say, " Arm, arm against the foe ! " CHO. Lo ! where ^Eneas comes, in hot haste too, as though he hath news to tell his friends. JEN. Why, Hector, have the sentinels in terror made their way through the host to thy couch to hold a midnight con- clave and disturb the army ? HEC. Case thee in thy coat of mail, ^Ene'as. JEN. How now? are tidings come of some secret stratagem set on foot during the night by the foe? HEC. They are flying, these foes of ours, and going aboard their ships. JEN. What sure proof canst thou give of this ? HEC. The livelong night they are kindling blazing torches; methinks they will not wait for the morrow, but after lighting brands upon their ships' decks will leave this land and fly to their homes. JEN. And thou, wherefore dost thou gird thee with thy sword ? HEC. With my spear will I stop them even as they fly and leap aboard their ships, and my hand shall be heavy upon them ; for shameful it were in us, aye, and cowardly as well 6 EURIPIDES. [L. 103-171 as shameful, when God gives them into our hands, to let our foes escape without a blow after all the injuries they have done us. ^)N. Would thou wert as sage as thou art bold ! But lo ! among mortals the same man is not dowered by nature with universal knowledge ; each hath his special gift appointed him, thine is arms, another's is sage counsel. Thou hearest their torches are blazing, and art fired with the hope that the Achseans are flying, and wouldst lead on our troops across the trenches in the calm still night. Now after crossing the deep yawning trench, supposing thou shouldst find the enemy are not flying from the land, but are awaiting thy onset, be- ware lest thou suffer defeat and so never reach this city again ; for how wilt thou pass the palisades in a rout ? And how shall thy charioteers cross the bridges without dashing the axles of their cars to pieces ? And, if victorious, thou hast next the son of Peleus to engage ; he will ne'er suffer thee to cast the firebrand on the fleet, no, nor to harry the Achaeans as thou dost fondly fancy. Nay, for yon man is fierce as fire, a very tower of valiancy. Let us rather then leave our men to sleep calmly under arms after the weariness of battle, while we send, as I advise, whoe'er will volunteer, to spy upon the enemy ; and if they really are preparing to fly, let us arise and fall upon the Argive host, but if this signalling is a trap to catch us, we shall discover from the spy the enemy's designs and take our measures ; such is my advice, O King. CHO. It likes me well ; so change thy mind and adopt this counsel. I love not hazardous commands in generals. What better scheme could be than for a fleet spy to ap- proach the ships and learn why our foes are lighting fires in front of their naval station ? HEC. Since this finds favour with you all, prevail. (To ^£NEAS.) Go thou and marshal our allies ; mayhap the host hearing of our midnight council is disturbed. Mine shall it RHESUS. 7 be to send one forth to spy upon the foe. And if I discover any plot amongst them, thou shalt fully hear thereof, and at the council-board shalt learn our will ; but in case they be starting off in flight, with eager ear await the trumpet's call, for then I will not stay, but will this very night engage the Argive host there where their ships are hauled up. JEN. Send out the spy forthwith ; there's safety in thy counsels now. And thou shalt find me steadfast at thy side, whene'er occasion call. HEC. What Trojan now of all our company doth volun- teer to go and spy the Argive fleet? Who will be that patriot? Who saith 'I will?' Myself cannot at every point serve my country and my friends in arms. DOL. I for my country will gladly run this risk and go to spy the Argive fleet, and when I have learnt fully all that the Achaeans plot I will return. Hear the conditions on which I undertake this toil. HEC. True to his name in sooth, his country's friend is Dolon. Thy father's house was famed of yore, but thou hast made it doubly so. DOL. So must I toil, but for my pains a meet reward should I receive. For set a price on any deed, and then and there it gives to it a double grace. HEC. Yea, that is but fair; I cannot gainsay it. Name any prize for thyself save the sway I bear. DOL. I covet not thy toilsome sovereignty. HEC. Well then, marry a daughter of Priam and become my good brother. DOL. Nay, I care not to wed amongst those beyond my station. HEC. There's gold, if this thou'lt claim as thy guerdon. DOL. Gold have I in my home ; no sustenance lack I. HEC. What then is thy desire of all that Ilium stores within her? 8 EURIPIDES, [L. 172-241 DOL. Promise me my gift when thou dost conquer the Achaeans. HEC. I will give it thee ; do thou ask anything except the captains of the fleet. DOL. Slay them ; I do not ask thee to keep thy hand off Menelaus. HEC. Is it the son of Oileus thou wouldst ask me for? DOL. Ill hands to dig and delve are those mid luxury nursed. HEC. Whom then of the Achaeans wilt thou have alive to hold to ransom ? DOL. I told thee before, my house is stored with gold. HEC. Why then, thou shalt come and with thine own hands choose out some spoil. DOL. Nail up the spoils for the gods on their temple-walls. HEC. Prithee, what higher prize than these wilt ask me for? DOL. Achilles' coursers. Needs must the prize be worth the toil when one stakes one's life on Fortune's die. HEC. Ah ! but thy wishes clash with mine anent those steeds ; for of immortal stock, they and their sires before them, are those horses that bear the son of Peleus on his headlong course. Them did king Poseidon, ocean's god, break and give to Peleus, so runs the legend — yet, for I did urge thee on, I will not break my word ; to thee will I give Achilles' team, to add a splendour to thy house. DOL. I thank thee; in receiving them I avow I am taking a fairer gift than any other Phrygian for my bravery. Yet thee it needs not to be envious ; countless joys besides this will glad thy heart in thy kingship o'er this land. CHO. Great the enterprise, and great the boon thou designest to receive. Happy, ay, happy wilt thou be, if thou succeed ; fair the fame thy toil shall win. Yet to wed with a prince's sister were a distinction high. On Heaven's decrees let Justice keep her eye ! what man can give thou hast, it seems, in full. RHESUS. 9 DOL. Now will I set forth, and going within my house will don such garb as suits, and then will hasten to the Argive fleet. CHO. Why, what dress in place of this wilt thou assume ? DOL. Such as suits my task and furtive steps. CHO. One should ever learn wisdom from the wise ; tell me wherewith thou wilt drape thy body. DOL. I will fasten a wolf-skin about my back, and o'er my head put the brute's gaping jaws ; then fitting its fore-feet to my hands and its hind-feet to my legs -I will go on all-fours in imitation of its gait to puzzle the enemy when I approach their trenches and barriers round the ships. But whenever I come to a deserted spot, on two feet will I walk ; such is the ruse I have decided on. CHO. May Hermes, Maia's child, escort thee safely there and back, prince of tricksters as he is ! Thou knowest what thou hast to do ; good luck is all thou needest now. DOL. I shall return in safety, and bring to thee the head of Odysseus when I have slain him, or maybe the son of Tydeus, and with this clear proof before thee thou shalt avow that Dolon went unto the Argive fleet ; for, ere the dawn appear, I will win back home with bloodstained hand. [Exit DOLON. CHO. O Apollo, blest godhead, lord of Thymbra and of Delos, who hauntest thy fane in Lycia, come with all thy archery, appear this night, and by thy guidance save our friend now setting forth, and aid the Dardans' scheme, almighty god whose hands in days of yore upreared Troy's walls ! Good luck attend his mission to the ships ! may he reach the host of Hellas and spy it out, then turn again and reach the altars of his father's home in Ilium ! Grant him to mount the chariot drawn by Phthia's steedr, when Hector, our master, hath sacked Achaea's camp, those steeds that the sea-god gave to Peleus, son of ^Eacus ; for he and he alone had heart enough for home and country to 10 EURIPIDES. [L. 242-317 go and spy the naval station ; his spirit I admire ; how few stout hearts there be, when on the sea the sun-light dies and the city labours in the surge ; Phrygia yet hath left a valiant few, and bold hearts in the battle's press ; 'tis only Mysia's sons who scorn us as allies.1 Which of the Achaeans will their four-footed murderous foe slay in their beds, as he crosses the ground, feigning to be a beast ? May he lay Menelaus low or slay Agamemnon and bring his head to Helen's hands, causing her to lament her evil kinsman, who hath come against my city, against the land of Troy with his countless host of ships. MES. (a Shepherd). Great king, ever in days to come be it mine to bring my masters such news as I am bearing now unto thine ears. HEC. Full oft the rustic mind is afflicted with dulness ; so thou, as like as not, art come to this ill-suited place to tell thy master that his flocks are bearing well. Knowest thou not my palace or my father's throne ? Thither thou shouldst carry thy tale when thou hast prospered with thy flocks. MES. Dull we herdsmen are; I do not gainsay thee. But none the less I bring thee joyful news. HEC. A truce to thy tale of how the sheep-fold fares ; I have battles to fight and spears to wield. MES. The very things of which I, too, came to tell thee ; for a chieftain of a countless host is on his way to join thee as thy friend and to champion this land. HEC. His country ? and the home that he hath left ? MES. His country, Thrace : men call his father Strymon. HEC. Didst say that Rhesus was setting foot in Troy? 1 The words TTOTI Mv