INSTITUTES ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, ANCIENT AND MODERN. IN FOUR BOOKS, MUCH CORRECTED, E N L A R - sent ihcm with fifteen assistant monks into *hrtm, in hi* Hisloria Tartaromm ecclcsias- the same countries. These also were BUC- tica, p. 13, &c., relying chiefly on the pre- cessful missionaries ; and with the consent ceding authorities, states that Timnthrns, of Timothcus, the two bishops ordained seven who was patriarch of the Nestonans from of their companions to he bishops of the East A.I.) 777 to A.D. 820. planned the mission namely, Thomas who went into India, Da- to these nations inhabiting the shores of the nd metropolitan of China, and Zaschaeut, Caspian Sea ; and that he selected for its Srmus, Ephni'in, Simeon, and Ananias. execution one Subchal Jctu, a learned monk Thomas Margensis relates, that Ttmothcui of the Nefctorian monastery of Bcth-Aben in directed the two ordaining bishops first to Assyria well skilled in the Syriac, Arabic, ordain a third, and to supply the place of a and Persian languages, ordained him bishop, third bishop at his ordination by placing a and sent him forth. Subrhal made numer- copy of the Gospels on the seat near the right ons converts among the Gelae and Daila- hand. Afterwards, they would have the mites, formed them into churches, and or- canonical number of three bi*hops, to ordain liained elders over them. This active mis- the others. These new bishops dispersed atonary also travelled farther East, and spread themselves widely over the counlries of the the gospel extensively in Tartary, Cathai, East, and founded many churches in India, ind China ; but on his return from his mis- Cathai, and China. But after the death ol 6 BOOK IIL— CENTURY VIII.— PART I.— CHAP. I was firmly and permanently established in those countries for several centuries, although it was sometimes disturbed by the Mohammedans: and that the bishops of these countries were always subject to the author- ity of the Nestorian pontiff. § 2. In Europe, most of the German nations were still involved in the darkness of superstition ; the only exception being the tribes on the Rhine, namely, the Bavarians, who are known to have received a knowledge of Christianity under Theodoiic the son of Clovis the Great, and the Eastern Flanks [or Franconians], with a few others. Attempts had been often made to enlighten the Germans, Doth by the kings and princes for whose interest it was that those warlike tribes should become civilized, and a'so by some pious and holy men ; but tne attempts had met with little or no success. But in this century, \\inijiid an English Benedictine monk of noble birth who afterwards bore the name of Boniface, attempted this ob ject with better success. In the year 715 he left his native country, with two companions, and first attempted in vain to disseminate Christian doc trines among the Frieslanders who were subjects of king Radbocl. Af terwards in the year 719. having received a solemn commission from the Roman pontiff Gregory II r, he more successfully performed the functions of a Christian teacher among the Thuringians, the Frieslanders, and the Hessians. (2) Ttntothcus A.D. 820, we learn nothing more cording to the threefold sense of scripture, respecting these churches till A.D. 1000, After a short time he was a teacher of these when the famous Christian prince, called things. At the age of 30 he was ordained Presbyter John, carne upon the stage.— 7V.] a presbyter. About A.D. 715, he undertook (2) All that could be said of this cclebra- a voluntary mission to Friesland, with two ted man, has been collected by Hem. Phil, monks for companions. But Rudbod, the Gudcnms, in his Diss. de S. Bonifacio Ger- pagan king of the country, being at war with manorum Apostolo ; Hclrnst., 1722, 4to. the Franks and hostile" to the Christians. Yet we may add Jo. Aid. Fabricii Biblioth. gave him no encouragement ; and he return- Latma medii aevi, torn, i , p. 709. Histoire ed again to his monastery. The abbacy of itt de la France, torn, iv., p. 92. Jo. Ma- Nusccllc was now offered him ; but he' re- toUon, Annales Benedict™ : and others, fused it, because he preferred a more active 11 he Church Histories of Flcury, Schroeckh, employment. Soon after, having projected t D C' f*rl>milit> ffivc ample accounts a mission to the pagans in Germany, he set of Boniface, twiner (Church Hist., cent, out for Rome to obtain the papal 'sanction VIM. ch. iv.) is an admirer of Boniface, and support to his enterprise. Daniel the 1 he best among the origin;.! biographers of bishop of Winchester, gave him a letter of this famous man, arc Willibdd one of introduction to the pontiff, who readily gave his disciples and a German monk named him a commission to preach the Gospel to the UtMon , who lived in the llth century, and pagans wherever he could find them He collected various letters of Boniface which now visited Germany, preached m Bava e has inserted in his narrative. Both these and Thuringia ; and learning that Radh •,,., , --• ..«.v,,u proposed to him to become his \\ hen but four or five years old, he permanent assistant and successor ; but Bon- showed a strong inclination for a monastic iface dccl.ned, on the ground that the pope i~.-LtL£™! 1 f^ cnd(javo"redr to had intc»dcj he should labour in the more ut afterwards favoured. He first eastern parts of Germany. He now visaed i monastery at Exeter. From that Rome a second time in "the vear 72'5 wa* ,_]/-._ ., j cai I «O) >\ d> f A" BIyr.8ej_en ' the rnonas- closely examined by the pope as to his faith 01 AnsceUe in Hants, as a better place and his adherence to the sec of Rome ; and lere he learned grammar, poe- upon his swearing perpetual allegiance to th- 1 Dir wal interpretation ac- pope, he was created a bishop, and had M* PROSPEROUS EVENTS. § 3. In the year 723, being ordained a bishop by Gregory II. at Rome, and being supported by the authority and the aid of Charles Martel the Major Do- mus of the Franks, Boniface returned to his Hessians and Thuringians, and resumed his labours among them with much success. Me was now greatly assisted by several learned and pious persons of both sexes, who repaired to him out of England and France. In the year 738, having gathered more Christian churches than one man could alone govern, he was advanced to the rank of an archbishop by Gregory 1 1 1., and by his authority and with the aid of Carloman and Pepin, the sons of Charles Martel, he established various bishoprics in Germany ; as those of Wtirtzburg, Buraburg [near Frit/Jar, in Hesse-Cassel], Erfurt, and Eichstadt ; to which he added, in the year 744, the famous monastery of Fu/da. The final reward of his vacant see of Mentz to Boniface. As arch bishop of Mentz, Boniface claimed jurisdic tion over the bishop of Utrecht ; which claim was contested by the archbishop of Cologne. Boniface, as archbishop and as papal legate, presided in several councils in France and Germany, and was very active in enforcing uniformity of rites and rigid adherence to the canons of the church of Koine. In the year 754, being far advanced in life, he left his bishopric at Mentz under the care of Latin*, whom he ordained his colleague and succes sor, and undertook a mission among the Frieslanders, who were but partially convert ed to Christianity. With the aid of several inferior clergymen and monks, he had brought many persons of both sexes to submit to ba|>- tisrn, and having appointed the 5th of June for a general meeting of the converts to re ceive, the rite of confirmation, at Dockumon the Bordnc, between East and West Fru-s- land, on the morning of the day nppf>intccrsccution of the priest Virgilius in Bava ria, who maintained that the earth is globu lar, and consequently inhabitable on the other side of it, and there enlightened by the sun and moon. Boniface looked upon this as a gross heresy ; and he accused the man before the pope, who actually excommunicated him for a heretic. See the tenth Ep. of Zachari- -as, in Harduin's collection of Councils, torn. ni., p. 1912. — Schl. In this and the pre ceding notes, Sc/iltgcl ha% laboured with the zeal of a prosecutor, to substantiate the heavy charges of Dr. Mosheim against Bon iface. I have carefully read the original ives of this missionary and also a consider- ible part of his con ?spondence, and I must VOL II.— B »ay, I think Dr. Mosheim, and his annotator Schlegel, have not done impartial justice to this eminent man. He appears to me to have been one of the most sincere and hon est men of his age ; though he partook large ly in the common faults of his lime, an ex cessive attachment to monkery, and a super stitious regard for the canons of the church and the externals of religion. With all his imperfections, he deserves to be classed with those who followed Ch~ist according to the best light they had, and who did much to advance true religion among men. — TV.J (8) Ctenar. liurimii Annales ecclcsiast , torn, viii., ad ann. 716, $ 10, &c. C. Met- chelbeck, Hist. Frisingensis, torn. i. [The life of saint Corbinian in forty six chapters, was written by one of his pupils and suc cessors, Anbo; and may be seen in Mabil- lon's Ada Sanclor. Orel. Bened., torn, in . p. 470-485, and in Mcichelberk, Hist. Pris ing., torn, i., part 11., p. 3-21. Corbintan was born at Chartres near Pans, about A.D. 680. He early devoted himself to a mo nastic life, and acquired great fame by hi* miracles. To escape from society and en joy solitude, he travelled into Italy about the year 717, and begged the pope to assign him some obscure retreat. But the pope or dained him a bishop, and sent him back to France. His miracles and hi* marvellous sanctity now drew such crowds around him. that after seven years he determined to go to Rome and beg the pope to divest him of the episcopal dignity. On his way through Bavaria and the Tyrol, he caught a huge bear which had killed one of his pack horses, whipped him soundly, and compelled him to serve in place of the pack horse. At Trent and at Pavia some of his horses were sto len ; for which the thieves paid the forfeiture of their lives, by the hand of God. The pope would not release him from the episcopacy. He returned by the way he came, as far as Freisingcn in Bavaria ; where Grimoald the reigning prince detained him for the benefit of himself and subjects. After six years' la bours at Freisingen, he died, somewhat like Moses, or at least in a very extraordinary 10 BOOK III.-CENTUBY Vlll.— temporary with Boniface, who taught Christianity amid various sufferings in Helvetia, Alsace, and Bavaria, and presided over several monasteries.^ Such likewise was Lebwin an Englishman, who laboured with carncs: ness and zeal though with lithe success to persuade the warlike Saxon nation, the Frieslanders, the Belgae, and other nations, to embrace Chris- tianfty.(lO) Others of less notoriety are omitted.(ll) Neither shall mention WUlibrord and others, who commenced their missionary labours in the preceding century, and continued them with great zeal in this. manner. He foresaw his death, and having tied down at Deventer in Overyssel, where made arrangements for it, he arose in the he preached with considerable success till mornina in perfect health, bathed, dressed his death, about A.D. 740 himself in his pontificals, performed public Cimb. Litt.. ubi supra.— Tr.] (11) [Among these were the following, monk, founder of the service, returned and placed himself upon his bed, drank a cup of wine, and immedi ately expired. His biographer makes no mention of his efforts to enlighten his flock, or to spread the knowledge of the Gospel. He was a most bigoted monk, and exceed ingly irascible. Prince Grimoald once in vited him to dine. Corbinian said grace before dinner, and made the sign of the cross over the food. While they were eating, GrimoaLd threw some of the food to his dog. Corbinian in a rage kicked over the table, and left the room, declaring to the prince that a man deserved no blessings who would give food that was blessed to his dog — Tr.] (9) Herm. Bruschii Chronologia Monas- ter. German., p. 30. Anton. Pugi, Critica in Annales Baronii, torn, ii., ad ann. 759, 9, &c. Histoire litteraire de la France, tome iv., p. 124. [The life of St. Pirmin, written by Warmann bishop of Constance at the beginning of the eleventh century, may be seen in MabillorCs Acta Sanctor. ord. Benedict., torn, iv., p. 124-139. Accord ing to this biography, Pirmin was first the bishop of either Meaux or Melz in France, where he was a devout and zealous pastor. Sinllax a Swabian prince, procured his re moval to the neighbourhood of Constance, where there was great need of an active and exemplary preacher. He established the monastery of Rcichenau, in an island near Constance ; and afterwards nine or ten other monasteries in Swabia, Alsatia, and Switzer land ; and was very active in promoting mo nastic piety in those countries. He is sup posed to have died about A.D. 758. — Tr.] (W)Hucbaldi Vita S. Lebvini ; in L. Su- ni Vitis Sanctor. die 12 Novem., p. 277. Jo. Molleri Cimbria litterata, torn, ii., p. 464. [Lebivin was an English Benedictine monk, and presbyter of Ripon in Northumberland, who, about A.D. 690 witn twelve compan ions, went over to West Friesland on the borders of the pagan Saxons, and for several /ears travelled and preached in that region and in Heligoland. He once travelled to the borders of Denmark. At length he set- Othmar, a German monastery of St. Gall in Switzerland. At the close of a long and exemplary life, he was maliciously accused of unchastity, by some noblemen who had robbed his monas tery, and was thrown into prison where he languished four years, and then died. Nu merous miracles were wrought at his tomb. His life, written by Walafrid Strabo, is in Mabillons Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., vol. iv., p. 139, &c. — Willibald, bishop of Eich- stadt, was an Anglo-Saxon monk, of honour able birth, educated in a monastery near Winchester. \Vhcn arrived at manhood, he and his younger brother \VuncbaJd left Eng land, travelled through France and Italy, sailed to Asia Minor and the Holy Land where they spent seven years. Returning to Italy, they took residence in the monas tery of Mons Cassinus during ten years, or till A.D. 739. The pope then scut them into Germany, to assist St. Boniface. Wil- libald was placed at Eichstadt, ordained priest A.D. 740, and bishop the year fol lowing. His death is placed A.D. 786. His life, written by a kinswoman, a contem porary nun of Heidcnheim, is extant in Ma- billon's Acta Sanctor. ord. Bencd., torn, iv., p. 330-354.— Saint Alto, a Scotch monk, who travelled into Bavaria, and there estab lished the monastery called from him, Alto- munstcr. The monastery was endowed by king Pepin, and dedicated by St. Boniface. The life of Alto is in Mabillon, i. c., p. 196, &c. — St. Sturmius, a native of Noricum. and follower of St. Boniface. Under the direction of that archbishop, he erected and presided over the monastery of Fulda, from A.D. 744 till his death A.D. 779, except one year which he spent in Italy to learn monr perfectly the rules of St. Benedict, and two other years in which Pepin king of the Franks held him prisoner under false accu sations of disloyalty. In the last years of his life, he aided Charlemagne in compelling the Saxons to embrace Chrstianit) His life, well written by Eigil his pupi1 and succes PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 11 ty 6. l.i the year 772, Charlemagne king of the Franks, undertook to lame and to withdraw from idolatry the extensive nation of the Saxons, who occupied a large portion of Germany, and were almost perpetually at war with the Franks respecting their boundaries and other things, for he hoped, if their minds should become imbued with the Christian doctrines, they would gradually lay aside their ferocity, and learn to yield submis sion to the empire of the Franks. The first attack upon their heathen ism produced little effect, being made not with force and arms, but by seine bishops and monks whom the victor had left for that purpose among tha vanquished nation. But much better success attended the subsequent wars which Charlemagne undertook, in the years 775, 776, and 780, against that heroic people, so fond of liberty, and so impatient especially of sacer dotal domination. (12) For in these assaults, not only rewards but also the sword and punishments were so successfully applied upon those adhering ?o the superstition of their ancestors, that they reluctantly ceased from rt - distance, and allowed the doctors whom Charles employed, to administer to them Christian baptism. (13) Widckind and Albion, indeed, who were two of the most valiant Saxon chiefs, renewed their former insurrections; and attempted to prostrate again by violence and war, that Christianity which had been set up by violence. But the martial courage and the liberal ity of Charles, at length brought them, in the year 785, solemnly to declare that they were Christians, and would continue to be so. (14) That the sor, is extant in Mahillon, 1. c., p. 242-259. them be preachers, not plunderers.] Look ut — St. Virgiliiu, whom Boniface accused of this portrait of ihe apostles of this century — heresy for believing the world to be globular, was an Irishman, of good education and tal ents. He went to r'rance in the reign of Pepin ; who patronised him, and in the year 766 procured lor him the bishopric of Salis bury, which he held 'ill his death AD. 781). While at Salzburg, he did much to extend (Christianity to the eastward of him, among the Slavonians and Huns. His life is in Mabtllon, 1. c , p 279, Ac.— TV.] (12) I cannot disjK-nse with quoting a pas sage from a very credible author, Alcuin, which shows what it was especially, that rendered the Saxons averse from Christiani ty, and how preposterously the missionaries »ent among them conducted. Alcuin, Ep. civ., in his Opp , p. 1647, says : Si tanta in- And yet they are said to have wrought gre;it miracles ! (13) Alcuin, as cilc-d by William of Malmesbury dc gestis Keg. Anglorum, 1 i . c. 4, published in the Kerum Anglican scrij- tores, Francf. , 1601, fol., uses this language . '• The ancient Saxons and all the Friesland- ers, being urged to it by king Charles, who plied some 01 them with rewards and others with threats, (instanti rcge Carolo, alios pra- mrif, et alios minis sollicitante), were con verted to the Christian faith." Sec also the Capitularia Kegurn Francor, torn, i., p. 24S and p 232. From the lirst of these passages it appears, that the Saxons who would re nounce idolatry, were restored to their an- ctent freedom forfeited by conquest, and were 4tanlia leve Chrifti juguin et onus ejus levo freed from all tribute to the king. The lawt durissimo Saxonum populo praedicaretur, quanta DKCIMAKCM redditio vel letjalis pro parvissimis quibuslibet culpis edictis neces- •itas exigebatnr, forte baptismntis saoramenta non abhorrerent. SINT TANDEM ALIQUANTO DOCTORKS KIDEl APOSTOLIC1S KRUIHTI KXKM- PL1S. SlNT PRAEIMCATORKS, NO\ PRARIIA- TORES. [Had the easy yoke of Christ with Kis light burden, been preached to the stub born Saxons with as much earnestness as the payment of tithes and legal satisfaction for the *«y smallest faults were exacted, perhaps they would not have abominated the sacra ment of baptism. Let the Christian teachers (earn from the example of the apostles. Let of these passages contains this law : If anv person of the Saxon race, shall contem/ita- ovsly refuse to come to baptism, and shali resolve to continue a pagan, let him be put to death. — By «uch penalties and reward*, the whole world might he constrained to profess Christianity, without miracles. I3i.t what sort of Christians the Saxons so con verted must have been, we need not be told See Jo. Ltunoi, de veteri more baptizandi Jud. et infideles, c. v , vi., p. 703, Ac , Opp , torn ii., pt. ii., where he tells us, that the Ro man pontiff Hadrian I. approved of this mode of converting the Saxons to Christianity. (14) Eginhard, de Vita Caroli Magni . 12 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART I.— CHAP. I. Saxons mirtit not apostatize from the religion which they unwillingly pro- fessed, bishops were established in various parts of their country, schools were set up and monasteries were built. The Huns inhabiting Pannoma, were treated in the same way as the Saxons ; for Charles so exhausted and humbled them by successive wars, as to compel them to prefer becom ing Christians to being slaves. (15) § 7. For these his achievements in behalf of Christianity, the gratit of posterity decreed to Charlemagne the honours of a saint. And in the twelfth century, the emperor of the Romans, Frederic L, desired Pasclial III. whom he had created sovereign pontiff, to enroll him among the tutelary saints of the church.(16) And he undoubtedly merited this honour, accord ing to the views which prevailed in what are called the middle ages, when a man was accounted a saint, who had enriched the priesthood with goodi and possessions^ 17) and had extended, by whatever means, the boundaries of the church. But to those who estimate sanctity according to the views of Christ, Charlemagne must appear to be any thing rather than a saint and a devout man. For not to mention his other vices, which were certainly not inferior to his virtues, it is evident that in compelling the Huns, Saxons, and Frieslanders to profess Christianity, he did it more for the sake of gaining subjects to himself than to Jesus Christ. And therefore he did not hesitate to cultivate friendship with the Saracens, those enemies of the Christian name, when he could hope to obtain from them some aid to weaken the empire of the Greeks who were Christians. (18) § 8. The numerous miracles, which the Christian missionaries to the pagans are reported to have wrought in this age, have now wholly lost the credit they once had. The corrupt moral principles of the times, allowed the use of what are, improperly called pious frauds ; and those heralds of Christianity thought it no sin, to terrify or beguile with fictitious miracles those whom they were unable to convince by reasoning. Yet I do not suppose that all who acquired fame by these miracles, practised imposition. For not only were the nations so rude and ignorant as to mistake almost any thing for a miracle, but their instructers also were so unlearned and so unacquainted with the laws of nature, as to look upon mere natural events, if they were rather unusual and came upon them by surprise, as special interpositions of divine power. This will be manifest to one who will read with candour, and without superstitious emotions, the (Ada Sanc torum) Legends of the saints of this and the subsequent centuries. (19) Adami Bremens., lib. i., cap. viii., p. 3, &c., (18) See Jac. Basnage, Histoiredes Juifs. and all the historians of the achievements of tome ix., cap. L, p. 40, &c. Charlemagne ; who are enumerated by Jo. (19) [The miracles of this age are, many Alb. Fabricius, Biblioih. Lat. medii aevi, of them, altogether ridiculous. Take the torn, i., p. 959, &c. following as specimens. In the life of Sf. (15) Life of St. Rudbcrt : in Hen. Canisii Wmnnck, (in Mabillon's Acta Sanctor. ord. Lectionibus Antiqnis, torn, iii , part ii., p. Bened., torn, iii., p. 195), it is stated as n 340, &c. Pauli Dcbrcceni Historia Eccle- miracle, that his mill, when he let go of it siae reformat, in Hungar. et Transylvania ; to say his prayers, would turn itself. And a Lampio edita ; part i., cap. ii., p. 10, &c. when an inquisitive monk looked through a (16) Henr. Canisii Lectiones Antiquae, crevice to see the wonder, he was struck torn. iii.,pt. ii., p. 207. Dr. Walch, [ of Got- blind for his presumption. The biographer tingen] Tract, de Caroli Mag. canonizatione. of St. Pardulphus (ibid., p. 541, sec. 18) vi'/) See the last Will of Charlemagne, in makes a child's cradle to rock day after day Steph. Baluzii, Capitularibus Regum Fran- without hands ; but if touched, it would stop cor., torn, i., p. 487. and remain immoveable. In the life of Si ADVERSE EVENTS. CHAPTER IJ. THE ADVERSITIES OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ) 1. In the East, from the Saracens and Turks. — $ 2. In the West, from the Saracens. & 1. THE Byzantine empire experienced so many bloody revolutions, and so many intestine calamities, as necessarily produced a great dim- inution of its energies. No emperor there reigned securely. Three of them were hurled from the throne, treated with various contumelies, and sent into exile. Under Leo III. the Isaurian, and his son Constantine Co- pronymus, the pernicious controversy respecting images and the worship of them, brought immense evils upon the community, and weakened incal culably the resources of the empire. Hence, the Saracens were able to roam freely through Asia and Africa, to subdue the fairest portions of the country, and every where to depress and in various places wholly to ex terminate the Christian faith. Moreover, about the middle of the century, a new enemy appeared, still more savage, namely the Turks ; a tribe and progeny of the Tartars, a rough and uncivilized race, which issuing from the narrow passes of Mount Caucasus and from inaccessible regions, burst upon Colchis, Iberia, and Albania, and then proceeding to Armenia. first subdued the Saracens and afterwards the Greeks. (1) § 2. In the year 714, these Saracens having crossed the sea which sep arates Spain from Africa, and count Julian acting the traitor, routed the army of Rodcric the king of the Spanish Goths, and subdued the greater part of that country. (2) Thus was the kingdom of the West Goths in Spain, after it had stood more than three centuries, wholly obliterated by this cruel and ferocious people. Moreover, all the seacoast of Gaul from Gvthlack of Croyland, (ibid., p. 263, $ 19), are only a few, among scores of other*, while the saint was praying at his vigils, a which might be adduced. — 7V.] vast number of devils entered his cell, rising ( 1 ) [See the historians of the Turkish em- out of the ground and issuing through crev- pirc ; especially, Depuipnc, History of th« ices, "of direful aspect, terrible in form, Huns and Turks. — ScM.] with huge heads, long necks, pale faces, (2) Jo. Mariana, Rernm Hispanicar.,hb. MvjA.y countenances, squalid beards, bristly vi., cap. 21, &c. Euseb. Renaudot, Histo- ears, wrinkled foreheads, malicious eyes, ria Patriarch. Alexandria., p. 253. Jo de filthy mouths, horses' teeth, fire-emitting Ferreras, Histoire de 1'Espagne, torn, ii., p. throats, lantern jaws, broad lips, terrific 425, &LC. — [J. S. Sender, in his Historiae voices, singed hair, high cheekbones, prom- eccles. select* capita, torn, ii., p. 127, &c , inent breasts, scaly thighs, knotty kr.ees, conjectures, that the popes contributed to the crooked le<;s, swollen ankles, inverted feet, invasion of Spain by the Saracens. And e and opened mouths, hoarsely clamorous." appears from Baronins, (Annales eccles. an These bound the saint fa»t, dragged him ann. 701, No. xi., &c.), that the Spanish through hedges and briers, lifted him up king and clergy were in some collision with from the earth, and carried him to the mouth his holiness. Still, I can see no evidence, of hell, where he saw all the torments of that the popes had any concern with the the damned. But while they were threat- Mohammedan invasion of Spain. Count ening to confine him there, St. Bartholomew Julian, a disaffected nobleman, was }.: . t>al>ly appeared m glory to him ; the devils were the sole cause of this calau. ty to his coun- affi ghted ; and he was conducted back to try. — TV.] bii cell by his celestial deliverci —These U BOOK III.— CENTURY V11L— ^AK the Pyrenean mountains to the Rhone, was seized by these Saracens, who afterwards frequently laid waste the neighbouring provinces with fire and sword. Charles Martel indeed, upon their invasion of Gaul in the year 732 gained a great victory over them at Poictiers :(3) but the vanquished soon after recovered their strength and courage. Therefore Charlemagne in the year 778 marched a large army into Spain, with a design to rescue that country from them. But though he met with considerable success he did not fully accomplish his wishes.(4) From this warlike people, not even Italy was safe ; for they reduced the island of Sardinia to subjection, and miserably laid waste Sicily. In Spain therefore and in Sardinia, under these masters, the Christian religion suffered a great defeat. In Germany and the adjacent countries, the nations that retained their former supersti tions, inflicted vast evils and calamities upon the others who embraced Christianity.(5) Hence, in several places castles and fortresses were erected, to restrain the incursions of the barbarians. PART II. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE STATE OF SCIENCE AND LITERATURE. $ 1. The State of Learning among the Greeks. — () 2. Progress of the Aristotelian Philos ophy. — t) 3. Learning among the Latins, restored by Charlemagne. — § 4. Cathedral and Monastic Schools. — $ 5. They were not very successful. § 1. AMONG the Greeks there were here and there individuals, both able and willing to retard the flight of learning, had they been supported : but in the perpetual commotions which threatened the extinction of both church and state, they were unpatronised. And hence scarcely any can be named among the Greeks who distinguished themselves, either by the graces of diction and genius, or by richness of thought and erudition, or acuteness of investigation. Frigid discourses to the people, insipid narratives of the lives of reputed saints, useless discussions of subjects of no importance, ve hement declamations against the Latins and the friends or the enemies of images, and histories composed without judgment ; — such were the mon uments which the learned among the Greeks erected for their fame. § 2. Yet the Aristotelian method of philosophizing made great progress every where, and was taught in all the schools. For after the many public (3) Paulus Diaconus, de Gestis Longo- hard., lib. vi., cap. 46 et 53. Jo. Mariana, Rerum Hispanicar., lib. vii., cap. 3. Pet. Bayle, P'ctionnaire historique, article Abde- rame, torn, i., p. 11. Ferreras, Histoire de i'Espagne, torn, ii., p. 463, &c. [Gibbon, Dec. and Fall of Rom. Emp., ch. lii. — TV.] (4) Hcnr. de Bvnau, History of*the Ger man Emperors and empire, [in German], vol. ii., p. 392, &c. Ferreras, Hist, de I'Espagne, torn, ii., p. 506, &c. (5) Scrvalus Lupus, vita Wigberli, p 304, and others. STATE OF LEARNING. 15 condemnations of the sentiments of Origen, and the rise of the Nestoriari and Eutychian controversies, Plato was nearly banished from the schools to the retreats of the monks. (1) John Damascenus distinguished himself beyond others in promoting Aristotelianism. He attempted to collect and to illustrate the dogmas of Aristotle, in several tracts designed for the less informed ; and these led many persons in Greece and Syria more readily to embrace those dogmas. The Nestorians and Jacobites were equally dil igent in giving currency to the principles of Aristotle, which enabled them to dispute more courageously with the Greeks respecting the natures and the person of Christ. § 3. The history of the Latins abounds with so many examples of ex. tremc ignorance, as may well surprise us. (2) Yet the fact must be readily admitted by those who survey the state of Europe in this century. In Rome, and in some of the cities of Italy, there remained some faint traces of learning and science ;(3) but with this exception, what learning there was, had abandoned the Continent and retired beyond sea, among the Brit ons and Irelanders.(4) Those therefore among the Latins, who distin guished themselves at all by works of genius, with the exception of some few Franks and Italians, were nearly all either Britons or Scots, that is, Irelanders ; such as Alcuin. Beda, Egbert, Clemens, Dungal, Acca, and oth ers. Prompted by Alcuin, Charlemagne, who was himself a man of letters, attempted to dispel this ignorance. For he invited to his court gramma rians and other learned men, first out of Italy, and afterwards from Britain and Ireland ; and he laboured to rouse especially the clergy, or the bish ops, priests, and monks, (whose patrimony, in this age, seemed to be learn- ing), and by means of his own example, the nobility also and their sons, to the cultivation of divine and human science and learning. § 4. By his authority and requisition, most of the bishops connected with their respective primary churches, what were called cathedral schools, in which the children and youth devoted to the church were taught the sciences. The more discerning abbots or rulers of the monasteries like wise opened schools, in which some of the fraternity taught the Latin lan guage, and other things deemed useful and necessary for a monk or a preach. er.(5) It was formerly supposed, that Charlemagne was the patron and founder of the university of Paris ; but all impartial inquirers into the history (1) [See Brother's Historia crit. Philoso- (4) Ja. Usher, Praefatioad Syllogen epi»- phiae, torn, iii., p. 53;). — Schl.] tolarum Hibcrnicar. (2) See the annotations of Steph. Bahtze (5) Stcph. Baluze, Capitularia Regum on Rcgino Prumicnsis, p. 540. [Learning, Francor., torn, i., p. 101, &c. Ja. Sirnumd, which appears to have beei confined much Concilia Galliae, torn, ii., p. 121. Caet. to the clergy, began to be ra;e even among Egasse de Boulay, Diss. de Scholis claus- thein. The clergy understood little or no- tralibus et episcopahbus ; in his Historim thingof human science, or of languages ; and Acad Paris., torn, i., p. 79. Jo. Launoi, the popes confirmed them in this state. For de Scholis a Carolo M. per Occident, insli- they required nothing more of them, at their tutis. Hcrm. Conringii Antiquitates Aca- ordination, than to be able to read, to sing, demicae, p. 81, 315. Histoire litter, de la and to repeat the Lord's prayer, the creed, France, torn, iv., p. 6, &c., and others. [In and Psalter, and to ascertain the feast days, the year 787, Charlemagne addressed an in- The ignorance shown by Boniface, and even junction to the bishops and abbots, requiring by pope Zacharias, in the controversy re- them to set up schools ; which were not in specting antipodes and the figure of the tended for little children, but for monks, who earth, has already been noticed — Schl.] were to be taught the interpretation of Scrip- (3) Lud. Ant. Muratori, Antiquitt. Italiae lure, and the learning requisite for this pur- medii aevi, torn, iii., p. 811. pose. He likewise often permitted monks 16 BOOK III.-CENTURY VIII.-PART II.-CHVP. II. of those times deny him this honour : yet it is ascertained, that he laid a foundation upon which this celebrated school was afterwards erected.(6) To purge his court of ignorance, he established in it the famous school called the Palatine school, in which the children of Charlemagne and of his nobles were instructed by masters of great reputation.(T) & 5 But the youth left these schools not much better or more learned, than when they entered them. The ability of the teachers was small ; and what they taught was so meager and dry, that it could not be very ornamental or useful to any man. The whole circle of knowledge, was included in what they called the seven liberal arts ; namely, grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy ;(8) of which, the three first were called the Trivium, and the four last, the Quadrivium. How miserably these sciences were taught, may be learned from the little work of Alcuin upon them ;(9) or from the tracts of Augustine, which were considered to be of the very first order. In most of the schools, the' teachers did not venture to go beyond the Trivium ; and an individual who had mastered both the Trivium and the Quadrivium, and wished to attempt something stiil higher, was directed to study Cassiodorus and BoetJuus CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. $ 1. Vices of the Religious Teachers.— § 2. Veneration for the Clergy in the West.— t) 3. Increase of their Wealth. — § 4. They possessed Royal Domains. — § 5. Causes of Extravagant Donations to the Clergy, — 6. and especially to the Pope. — 1> 7. His good offices to Pepin. — $ 8. The Rewards of his Obsequiousness to the French kings. The Donation of Pepin. — § 9. Donation of Charlemagne. — § 10. The Grounds of it. — $ 11. Nature of the Pope's Jurisdiction. — $ 12. His Prosperity checked by the Greeks ; Ori gin of the Contests between the Greeks and Latins. — $ 13. The Monastic Discipline wholly Corrupted. — § 14. Origin of Canons — ^ 15, 16. Power of the Popes circum scribed by the Emperors. — § 17. Greek and Oriental Writers. — $ 18. Latin and Occi dental Writers. § 1. THAT those who in this age had the care of the church, both in {he East and in the West, were of very corrupt morals, is abundantly tes- to come to his court school. His commands, no where more fully stated, than in C. E. and the example he exhibited in his court de Boulay's Historia Acad. Par., torn, i., p. school, were very efficient ; and soon after, 91, &c. But several learned Frenchmen, the famous school of Fulda was founded ; Mabillon, (Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn. the reputation of which spread over civilized v., Praefat., $ 181, 182), Launoi, Claude Europe, and allured numerous foreigners to Joly, (de Scholis), and many others, have it. Next to Fulda, Hirschau, Corvey, confuted those arguments. Priim, Weisscnburg, St. Gall, and Reiche- (7) Boulay, Historia Acad. Paris., torn nau, became famous for their good schools ; i., p. 2S1. Mabillon, 1. c., § 179, and others which might be called the high schools of (8) Herm. Conrin^ii Antiquitates Aca- that age, and were the resort of monks, de- dem., Diss. iii., p. 80, &c. Ja. Thomasius, signed for teachers in the inferior and poorer Programmata, p. 368. Observationes Ha- monasteries. Charlemagne also exercised lenses, torn, vi., observ. xiv., p. 118, &c. the wits of the bishops, by proposing to them (9) Alcuini Opera, part ii., p. 1245, ed. all sorts of learned questions, for them to an- Quercetani. This little work is not only swer either in writing or orally — Schl.] imperfect, but is almost entirely transcribed (6) The arguments, to prove Charlemagne from Cassiodorus. ^he founder of the miversity if Paris, are CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 17 tified. The Oriental bishops and doctors wasted their lives in various controversies and quarrels, and disregarding the cause of religion and piety, they disquieted the state with their senseless clamours and seditions. Nor did they hesitate to imbrue their hands in the blood of their dissent- ing brethren. Those in the West who pretended to be luminaries, gave themselves up wholly to various kinds of profligacy, to gluttony, to hunt- ing, to lust, to sensuality, and to war.(l) Nor could they in any way be reclaimed, although Carloman, Pcpin, and especially Charlemagne, enacted various laws against their vices. (2) § 2. Although these vices of the persons who ought to have been ex- amples for others, were exceedingly offensive to all, and gave occasion to various complaints ; yet they did not prevent the persons defiled with them from being every where held in the highest honour, and being adored as a sort of deities by the vulgar. The veneration and submission paid to bishops and to all the clergy, was, however, far greater in the West than in the East. The cause of this will be obvious to every one, who con- siders the state and the customs of the barbarous nations then dominant in Europe, anterior to their reception of Christianity. For all these nations, before they became Christians, were under the power of their priests; and dared not attempt any thing important, either of a civil or military nature, without their concurrence. (3) When they became Chris tian, they transferred the high prerogatives of their ancient priests to the (1) Strph. Balu^e, ad Reginon. Prumien- •cin, p. 563. H'///.-I;IX' Concilia magnae Brilanniac, torn. i.. p. 90, &c. (2) Stepfi Boluze, Capitular. Regum Francor., torn, i., p. 189, 208, 275, 493, &c. [Harduin, Concilia lorn, iii., p. 1919, &c., where the clergy are forbidden to bear arms in war, and to practise hunting ; and severe laws are enacted against the whoredom of the clergy, monks, and nuns. These laws were enacted under Carloman, A.D. 742. Among the Capitularia of Charlemagne, cited by Harduin, are laws against clergy men's loaning money for twelve per cent, .merest, (Harduin. vol. v., p. 827, c. 5) — against their haunting taverns, (p. 830, c. 14) — against their practising magic, (831, c. 18) —•gainst their receiving bribes to ordain improper persons, (p. 831, c. 31) — bishops, abbots, and abbesses, are forbidden to keep packs of hounds, or hawks and falcons, (p. 846. c. 15). — Laws were also enacted against clerical drunkenness, (p. 958, c. 14) — concubinage, (ibid., c. 15) — tavern-haunt ing, (p. 959, c. 19) — and profane swearing, (ibid., c. -20) —7V.] (3) Julius Casar (de Bello Gallico, lib. »i., c. 12, 13) says: "The Druids are in great honour among them : for they deter mine almost all controversies, public and private : and if any crime is perpetrated ; if a murder is committed ; if there is a contest about an inheritance or territories ; they decide, and determine the rewards or pun- VOL. II.— 0 ishments. If any one, whether a private or a public character, will not submit to their decision, they debar him from the sacrifices. The Druids are not accustomed to be present in battle ; nor do they pay tribute, with the other citizens ; but are exempt from mili tary service, and from all other burdens. Allured by such privileges, and from inclina tion, many embrace their discipline, and are sent to it by their parents and friends." — Tacitus (de Moribus Germanor , c. 7, p. 384, ed. Gronov.) says : " Moreover, to judge, to imprison, and to scourge, is allow able for none but the priests ; and this not under the idea of punishment, or by order ol the prince, but as if God commanded it." — Chap, xi., p. 291. "Silence fin the public councils] is enjoined by the priests, who there have coercive power." — Hclmold, Chron. Slavorum, lib. i., c. 36, p. 90, says of the Rugians : " Greater is their respect fora priest, than for the king." — Idem de Slavis, lib. ii., c. 12, p. 235. " With them, a king is in moderate estimation, compared with a priest. For the latter investigates responses. — The king and the people depend on his will." — These ancient customs, the people of Germany, Gaul, and of all Europe, retained, after their conversion to Christianity ; and it is therefore easy to answer the question, Whence originated that vast power of the priesthood in Europe, of which the Christian religion has no knowledge 1 ,„ BOOK III.-CENTURY VIII.-PART 1I.-CHAP. II. -hority of the priesthood. "ft Tanourat" prerogative, enjoyed by the bishops and priest*, \ \ nf tlio neonle in the West, were added, during this pe- with the conse^af/a;nches? The churches, monasteries, and bish- riod, immense wealth and ncncs rcvenucs ; but in this °PS;h th±rearose a new andmost convenient method of acquiring for " amplifying them for ever. Suddenly,-by tin not known, the idea became universally prevalent, tt1 punlhmen for sin which God threatens to inflict, may be bought off ' by libera gifts to God, to the saints, to the temples, and to the minis- Ss of God angd of glorified saints. This opinion being every where ad. mtted *e rich and prosperous whose lives were now most flagitious, conferred their wealth (which they had received by inheritance or wrest ed from others by violence and war according to the customs of the age) upon the glorified saints, upon their ministers, and upon the guardians of thPeir temples most bountifully for religious uses ; in order to avoid the very- irksome penances which were enjoined upon them by the priests,(4) and vet be secure against the evils that threatened to overtake them after death This was the principal source of those immense treasures, which from 'this century onward through all the subsequent ages flowed in upon the clergy, the churches, and the monasteries. (5) & 4 The ^ifts moreover, by which the princes especially and the no- blemcn, endeavoured to satisfy the priests and to expiate their past were not merely private possessions which common citizens might own, and with which the churches and monasteries had often before been endowed ; but they were also public property, or such as may properly belong only to princes and to nations, royal domains (regalia) as they are called. the emperors, kings, and princes, transferred to bishops, to churches, and to monasteries, whole provinces, cities, and castles, with all the nglv sovereignty over them. Thus the persons, whose business it was to teach contempt for the world both by precept and example, unexpectedly b came Dukes, Counts, Marquises, Judges. Legislators, sovereign Lords ; and they not only administered justice to citizens, but even march. to war, at the head of their own armies. And this was the origin of those great calamities which afterwards afflicted Europe, the lamentable wars and contests about investures and the regalia. § 5. Of this extraordinary liberality, which was never hoard of out of (4) Such as long and severe fasts, tor- of a part of their estates, penalties so irk tures of the bodv, frequent and long-contin- sonic. ued prayers, pilgrimages to the tombs of the (5) Hence the wril-known phraseology saints and the like. These were the pen- used bv those who made offerings to t ances imposed by the priests on persons who churches and the priests confessed to them their sins ; and they would the offering, redemptions annnarum suarum be the most irksome to such as had spent causa. /cr the redemption of their souls. their HveF without restraint, amid pleas- property given was likewise often called ..res and indulgences, and who wished to prehum pcceatonim, the price of s ^Uinue to live in the same way. Hence Lvd. Ant. Mumtori, Diss. dc redemptione the opulent most eagerly embraced this peccator., in his Antiquitates ltd. medr new method of shunning, by the sacrifice aevi. torn, v., p. 712, &c. CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. IB Europe, not the vestige of an example can be found anterior to tnis cen- tury. There can therefore be no doubt, that it grew out of the customs of the Europeans and the form of government most common among these warlike nations. For the sovereigns of these nations, used to bind their friends and clients to their interests, by presenting to them large tracts of country, towns, and castles in full sovereignty, reserving to themselves only the rights of supremacy and a claim to military services. And the princes might think, that they were obeying a rule of civil prudence in thus enriching the priests and bishops : and it is not probable, that superstition was the sole cause of these extensive grants. For they might expect, that men who were under the bonds of religion and consecrated to God, would be more faithful to them, than civil chieftains and military men who were accustomed to rapine and slaughter : and moreover, they might hope to restrain their turbulent subjects and keep them to their duty, by means of bishops, whose denunciations inspired so great terror. (o') § 6. This great aggrandizement of clergymen in the countries of Europe, commenced with their head, tin; Roman pontiff; and thence grad ually extended to inferior bishops, priests, and fraternities of monks. For the barbarous nations of Europe, on their conversion to Christianity, looked upon the Romish bishop as succeeding to the place of the supreme head or pontilF of their Druids or pagan priests; and as the latter had possessed immense influence in secular matters, and was exceedingly fear ed, they supposed the former was to be reverenced and honoured in the same manner.(7) And what those nations spontaneously gave, the bishop of Rome willingly received ; and lest perchance, on a change of circumstan ce* he might be despoiled of it, he supported his claims by arguments draw n from ancient history and from Christianity. This was the origin of that vast pre-eminence acquired by the Roman pontiffs in this century, and of their (G) I will here quote a noticeable passage of Beneventum, Spolcto, Capua, and othcra from Willuifn of Malmetbury, in his filth in Italy, much was to be feared, after the Book de (Jestis Regum Angha-, p. 166, extinction of the Lombard monarchy; and amoiiii the Scriptores rerum Anglicanarum hence he conferred a large portion of Italy post Bcdam, Francf, 1601. fol. He there upon the Roman pontiff, so that by his au- gives the reason for those great donations to thority, power, and menaces, he might deter the bishops. "Charlemagne, in order to tho>c powerful and vindictive princes from curb the ferocity of those nations, bestowed sedition, or overcome them if they dared nearly all the lands on the churches ; wisely to rebel. That other kings and princes m considering that men of the sacred order Europe, reasoned in the same manner ai would not be so likely as laymen, to re- Charles did, will not be questioned, by one nounce subjection to their sovereign; and who considers well the political constitution! moreover, if the laity should be rebellious, and forms of government of that age. That the clergy would be able to hold them in aggrandizement therefore of bishops and chrck, by the terrors of excommunication, priests, which we should naturally ascribe and the severities of their discipline." — I wholly to superstition, was also the result of doubt not, that here is stated the true reason civil prudence or state policy. On the sub- \vli\ Charlemagne, a prince by no means su- ject of excommunication*, mentioned by • ;ous, or a slave of priests, heaped upon Malmesbury above, we shall have something the Roman pontiff, and upon the bishops of to say hereafter. (Jermany, Italy, and other countries which (7) Julius Casar, de Bello Gallico, vi., 13 MI .i'dut'il, so many estates, territories, and His autem omnibus Drmdihus praeest unua, riches. That is, he enlarged immoderately qui summam inter eos (Celtas) habet avctor- the power and resources of the clergy, that ttattm. Hoc mortuo, si qni ex reliquis ex- he might by means of the bishops, restrain cellil digmtate, succedit. At si pi u res pares, and keep in subjection his dukes, counts, suffragio Druidum adlegitur ; nonnunquar* and knights. For instance, from the dukes eliam anins de prmcipatu contendunk 20 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP II. great power in regard to civil affairs. Thus that most pernicious opinion the cause of so many wars and slaughters, and which established and in- creased surprisingly the power of the pontiff, namely, the belief that who- ever is excluded from communion by him and his bishops, loses all his rights and privileges not only as a citizen but as a man also, was derived to the Christian church from the ancient Druidic superstition, to the vast detriment of Europe. (8) § 7. A striking example of the immense authority of the pontiffs in this age, is found in the history of the French nation. Pepin, the viceroy or Major Domus of Childeric king of the Franks, and who already pos sessed the entire powers of the king, formed the design of divesting his sovereign of the title and the honours of royalty ; and the French nobles, being assembled in council A.D. 751 to deliberate on the subject, demand, ed that first of all the pontiff should be consulted, whether it would be law. ful and right to do what Pepin desired. Pepin therefore despatched en voys to Zacharias, who then presided over the church at Rome, with this inquiry : Whether a valiant and warlike nation might not dethrone an in- dolent and incompetent king, and substitute in his place one more worthy, one who had already done great services to the nation, without breaking the divine law ? Zacharias at that time, needed the aid of Pepin and the Franks against the Greeks and the Lombards who were troublesome to him ; and he answered the question, according to the wishes of those who consulted him. This response being known in France, no one resisted ; the unhappy Childeric was divested of his royal dignity, and Pepin mount ed the throne of his king and lord. Let the friends of the pontiff con sider how they can justify this decision of the vicar of Jesus Christ, which is so manifestly repugnant to the commands of the Saviour. (9) Zacharias* (8) Though excommunication^ from the and the pontiffs and bishops did all they time of Conslantine the Great, had great in- could to cherish and confirm this error, which fluence among Christians every where, yet was so useful to them. Read the following it had no where so great influence, or was extract from Julius Casar, de Bello Gallico, so terrific and so distressing, as in Europe, vi., c. 13, and then judge whether I have And the difference between European ex- mistaken the origin of European and papal communication and that of other Christians, excommunication. Si qui aut privatus aut from the eighth century onward, was im- publicus Druidum decreto non stetit, sacra- mense. Those excluded from the sacred ficiis interdicunt. Ha?c poena apud eos est rites, or excommunicated, were indeed every gravissima. Quibus ita est interdictum, ii where viewed as odious to God and to men ; riumero impiorurn ac scelcratorum habentur, yet they did not forfeit their rights as men iis omnes decedunt, aditum eoixim, sermo- and as citizens, and much less were kings nemque defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione in- and princes supposed to lose their authority commodi accipiant : neqne iis petentibus jus to rule, by being pronounced by bishops to redditur, neque honos ullus communicatur. be unworthy of communion in sacred rites. (9) See, on this momentous transaction, But in Europe, from this century onward, a Charles le Cointe, Annales ecclesise Fran- person excluded from the church by a bish- ciae ; and Mczcray, Daniel, and the other op, and especially by the prince of bishops, historians of France and Germany ; but es- was no longer regarded as a king or a lord ; pecially, Ja. Ren. Bossuet, Defensio decla- nor as a citizen, a husband, a father, or even rationis Cleri Gallicani, pt. i. p. 225. Pet. as a man, but was considered as a brute. Rh-al, Dissertations bistoriques et critiques What was the cause of this 1 Undoubtedly sur divers sujets, Diss. ii., p. 70; Diss. the following is the true cause. Those new iii., p. 156, Lond., 1726, 8vo, and the illus- and ignorant proselytes confounded Chris- trious Henr, de Bunau, Historia imperii Ger- tian excommunication with the old Gentile manici, torn. 11., p. 288. Yet the transac- excommunication practised by the pagan tion is not sta -d in the same manner by all priests, or they supposed the former to have the writers ; and by the sycophants of the the same nature and effects with the latter ; Romish bishops, it is generally misrepresent- CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. successor, Stephen II., took a journey to France A.D. 754, and not only confirmed what was done, but also freed Pepin, who had now reigned three years, from his oath of allegiance to his sovereign, and anointed or crowned him, together with his wife and his two sons. (10) § 8. This attention paid by the Roman pontiffs to the Franks, was of great advantage to the church over which they presided. For great com- motions and insurrection" occurring in that part of Italy which was still sub. ject to the Greeks, in consequence of the decrees of Leo the Isaurian and Const.anline Copronymus against images ; the Lombard kings had so man- aged those commotions, by their counsel and arms, as gradually to get possession of the Grecian provinces in Italy governed by an exarch stationed at Ravenna. Aistulphus the king of the Lombards, elated by this success, endeavoured also to get possession of Rome and its territory, and affected the empire of all Italy. The pressure of these circumstan ces, induced the pontiff Stephen II. to apply for assistance to his great pa- tron, Pepin king of the Franks. In the year 754, Pepin marched an army over the Alps, and induced Aistulphus to promise by a solemn oath to restore the exarchate of Ravenna, Pentapolis,(ll) and all that he had plundered. But the next year, the Lombard king having violated his prom ise, and also laid siege to Rome, Pepin again marched an army into Ita ly, compelled him to observe his promise, and with unparalleled liberali ty bestowed on St. Peter and his church the Grecian provinces, (namely, the Exarchate and the Pentapolis), which he had wrested from the grasp of Aistulphus.(12) ed ; for they make Zarhanas, by his pon tifical power, to have deposed Ch.ilil.eric, and to have raised I'cpic to the throne. This the French deny, and on good grounds. Yet were it true, it would only make the pope's crime greater than it was. [See Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. iii., p. 331, &c., ed Lond., 1754.— Tr.J (10) Among many writers, see the illus trious Bunnu, Historia imperii Germanici, torn, ii., p. 301, 366, [and Bmcrr, Lives of the Popes, vol. iii., p. 352 — Tr.J (11) [This territory lay along the Gulf of Venice, from the Po. southward as far as Permo; and extended back to the Apeninnrs. According to SigOitttU, (ad ann. 755. lib. iii.), the Exarchate included the cities of Ravenna, Bologna, Imola, Facnza, Forlim- popo/i, Firrti, Cesr.na., Bobbio, Fc.rra.ra, Co- mackio, Adria, Cervia, and Sccchia. The Pentapnlis. now the Marco. (TAncona, com prehended R mini, Penaro, Cnnca, Fano. Si- niyaglia, Ancona, Osimo, Numana, Jcsi, Fossombrow, MontfeU.ro, Urhino, Ca^li, Lvccotn, and Eugvlrio. The whole territory might be loO miles long, and from 60 to 80 miles broad. — Tr.] (12) See Car. Sigonius, de regno Italiae, lib. iii , p 202, &,c., Opp., torn. ii. Henry count de Bunau, Historia Tmperii Germani ci, torn, ii., p 301, 366. Wuratnri, Annali d'ltalia, torn, iv , p. 310, &t , and many oth ers. But what wore the boundaries of this ex archate thus disposed of by Pepin, has been much controverted, and has been investiga ted with much industry in the present age. The Roman pontiffs extend the exarchate given to them as far as possible ; others con tract it to the narrowest limits thev can. See Lud. Ant. Muratori, Droits de 1'Empire sur 1'Etat Ecclcsiastique, cap. i., ii., and Antiqq. Italicae mcdii aevi. torn, i., p. 64-68, 986, 987. But he is more cautious in torn, v., p. 790. This controversy cannot easily be settled, except by recurrence to the deed of gift. Just. Fontanini, Dominiodella S. Sede sopra Comacchio, Diss. i.. c. 100. p. 346; c. 67, p 242, represents the deed of gift as still in existence ; and he quotes some word* from it. The fact is scarcely credible : yet if it be true, it is unquestionably not for the interest of the Romish church to have this important ancient document come to light. Nor could those who defended the interests of the pontiff against the emperor Joseph, in the controversy respecting the fortress of Co macchio, in our age, be persuaded to bring it forward, though challenged to do it by the emperor's advocates. Francis BlancMnus however, in his Prolegomena ad Anastasium de vitis Pontificum Rom., p. 55, has given us a specimen of this grant, which bears the marks of antiquity. The motive which led Pepin to this great liberality, was, as appears 22 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP. II. § 9. After the death of Pepin, Desiderius the king of the Lombards again boldly invaded the patrimony of St. Peter, namely, the territories given by the Franks to the Romish church. Hadrian I., who was then pontiff, had recourse to Charles afterwards called the Great, [Charle magne], the son of Pepin. He crossed the Alps with a powerful army, in the year 774, overturned the empire of the Lombards in Italy, which had stood more than two centuries, transported king Desiderius into France, and proclaimed himself king of the Lombards. In this expedition, when Charles arrived at Rome, he not only confirmed the donations of his fa- ther to St. Peter, but went farther ; for he delivered over to the pontiffs to be possessed and governed by them, some cities and provinces of Italy which were not included in the grant of Pepin. But what portions of Italy Charles thus annexed to the donation of his father, it is very difficult, at this day, to ascertain. (13) § 10. By this munificence, whether politic or impolitic I leave to others to determine, Charles opened his way to the empire of the West ; or rather to the title of emperor of the West, and to supreme dominion over the city of Rome and its territory, on which the empire of the West was thought to depend. (14) He had doubtless long had this object in view ; from numerous testimonies, to make expia tion for his sins, and especially the great sin he had committed against his master Childenc. (13) See Car. Sigonius,de Regno Italiae, l.iii., p. 223, &c., Opp. .torn. ii. Henry count de Bunau, Historia Imperii German., torn, ii., p. 368, &c. Peter de Marca, de Con- cordia sacerdotii et imperil, lib. i., cap. xii., p. 67, &c. Lud. Ant. Muratori, Droits de ['Empire sur 1'Etat Ecclesiastique, cap. ii., p. 147, &c. Hcrm. Connngius, de impe- rio Romano-German., cap. vi. [Baiter's Lives of the Popes, vol. iii., Life of Hadrian I.], and numerous others. Concerning the extent of Charlemagne'1 s new donation to the popes, there is the same warm contest between the patrons of the papacy and those of the empire, as there is respecting PcpirCs donation. The advocates for the pontiffs maintain, that Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, the territory of Sabino, the duchy of Spoleto, besides many other tracts of country, were presented by the very pious Charlemagne to St. Peter. But the advocates for the claims of the emperors, diminish as far as they can the munificence of Charles, and confine this new grant within narrow limits. On this subject, the reader may consult the writers of the present age who have published works on the claims of the emperors and the popes to the cities of Comar.chio and Florence, and the duchies of Parma and Placentia ; but especially the very learned treatise of Bfrret, entitled Diss. chorographica de Italia medii aevi, p. 33, &c. The partialities of the wri ters, if I mistake not, have prevented them from discerning in all cases the real facts ; ind it is easy to fall into mistakes, on sub jects so long involved in obscurity. The pontiff Adrian affirms, that the object of Charles in this new donation, was, to atone for his sins. For he thus writes to Charle magne, in the ninety-second Epistle of the Caroline Codex, in Muratori' s Scriptor. rer. Italicar , torn, iii , part ii., p. 205 : " Vem- entes ad nos de Capua, quain Beato Petro, Apostolorum Principi. pro mcrcedc animae rcstrac atque sernpiterna memoria, cum cae- teris civitatibus obtulistis.'' I have no doubt that Charles, who wished to be accounted pi ous according to the estimates of that age, ex pressed this design in his transfer or deed of gift. But a person acquainted with Charles and with the history of those times, will not readily believe that this was his only motive. By that donation, Charles aimed to prepare the way for attaining the empire of the West, which he was endeavouring to secure, (for he was most ambitious of glory and domin ion,) but he could not honourably obtain his object in the existing state of things, without the concurrence and aid of the Roman pon tiff. Besides this, he aimed to secure and establish his new empire in Italy, by increas ing the possessions of the holy see. On this point I have already touched in a preceding note ; and I think, whoever carefully con siders all the circumstances of the case, will coincide with me in judgment. (14) In reality, Charles was already em peror of the West ; that is, the most pow erful of the kings in Europe. He therefore only lacked the title of emperor, and sover eign power over the city of Rome and the adjacent country ; both of which he eas-I, obtained by the aid of Leo III. CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 25 and perhaps his father Pepin had also contemplated the same thing. Bui the circumstances of the times required procrastination in an affair of such moment. But the power of the Greeks being embarrassed after the death of Leo IV. and his son Constantine, and when the impious Irene who was very odious to Charles had grasped the sceptre, in the year 800, he did not hesitate to carry his designs into execution. For Charles com. ing to Rome this year, the pontiff Leo III. knowing his wishes, persua ded the Roman people, who were then supposed to be free and to have the right of electing an emperor, to proclaim and constitute him emperor of tne West.(15) § 11. Charles, being made emperor and sovereign of Rome and its ter ritory, reserved indeed to himself the supreme power, and the prerogatives or, sovereignty ; but the beneficial dominion, as it is called, and subordinate authority over the city and its territory, he seems to have conferred on the Romish church. (16) This plan was undoubtedly suggested to him by the Roman pontiff; who persuaded the emperor, perhaps by showing him some ancient though forged papers and documents, that Constantine the Great, (to whose place and authority Charles now succeeded), when he re- moved the seat of empire to Constantinople, committed the old scat of em pire, Rome and the adjacent territories, or the Roman dukedom, to the possession and government of the church, reserving however his imperial prerogatives over it ; and that, from this arrangement and ordinance of Constantine, Charles could not depart, without incurring the wrath of God and St. Petcr.(17) (15) See the historians of those times, and especially the best of them all, Bunau, Histona Imperii Romano-(Jermanici, torn, ii., p. 537, tu. The advocates of the Ro man pontiffs tell us, that Leo III., by virtue of the supreme power with which he was di vinely clothed, conferred the empire of the West, after it was taken from the Greeks, upon the French nation and upon Charles their king; and hence they infer, that the Roinati pontiff, as the vicar of Christ, is the sovereign lord of the whole earth, as well as ot the Roman empire ; and that all emperors reign by his authority. The absurdity of this reasoning is learnedly exposed by Fred. Spanheim, de ficta trari.slatione imperii in Carolmn M. per Leonem III., in his Opp., torn, ii., p. 557. [See also Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. iii., Life of Leo III ] Other writers need not be named. (16) That Charles retained the supreme power over the city of Rome and its territo ry, that he administered justice there by his judges, and inflicted punishments on male factors, and that he exercised all the pro- rogatives of sovereignty ; learned men have demonstrated, by the most unexceptionable testimony. See onlv Muratori, Droits de I'Empire sur 1'Etat Eccles., cap. vi , p. 77, &c. Indeed, they only shroud the light in darkness, who maintain, with Justus Fon- ianim, (Dominio della S. Scde sopra Co- macchio, Diss. i., c 95, 96, &c.), and the other advocates of the Roman pontiffs, that Charles sustained at Rome, not the character of a sovereign, but that of patron of the Ro mish church, relinquishing the entire sover eignty to the pontiffs. And yet, to declare the whole truth, it is clear, that the power of the Roman pontiff in the city and territory of Rome, was great ; and that he decreed and performed many things, according to his pleasure and as a sovereign. lint the limits of his power, and the foundations of it, are little known, and much controverted. Mura tori (1 Irons de I'Empire, p. 102) maintains, that tlie pontiff performed the functions of an exarch or viceroy of the emperor. But this opinion was very offensive to Clement XI. ; nor do I regard it as correct. After considering all the circumstances, I suppose the Roman pontiff held the Roman province and city by the same tenure as he did the exarchate and the other territories given him by Charles, that is, as a fief ; yet with less circumscribed powers than ordinary feudal tenures, on account of the dignity of the city, which was once the capitol or the seat of empire. This opinion receives much con firmation from the statements which will be made in the following note ; and it reconciles the jarring testimonies of the ancient writer* and other documents. (17) Most writers are of opinion, that 24 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP. II. § 12. Amid these various accessions to their power and influence, the Roman pontiffs experienced however, from the Greek emperors, no incon- sidcrable loss both of revenue and dignity. For Leo the Isaurian, and his son Constanline Copronymus, being exceedingly offended with Gregory II. and III. on account of their zeal for holy images, not only took from them the estates possessed by the Romish church in Sicily, Calabria, and Apu lia, but also exempted the bishops! of those territories, and likewise all the provinces of Illyricum, from the dominion of the Roman pontiffs, und placed them under the protection of the bishop of Constantinople. Nor could the pontiffs afterwards, either by threats or supplications, induce the Greek em. perors to restore these valuable portions of St. Peter's patrimony. (18) This was the first origin, and the principal cause, of that great contest be tween the bishops of Rome and of Constantinople, which in the next cen tury severed the Greeks from the Latins, to the great detriment of Chris tianity. Yet there was an additional cause existing in this century ; name ly, the dispute concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit, of which we Constantine's pretended grant was posterior dignatus est : ita et in his vestris felicissimis to this period ; and that it was forged per- temporibus atque nostris, sancta Dei rcclesia haps in the tenth century. But I believe gcrrninet — et amplius, atque amplins exaltata it existed in this century ; and that Hadrian permaneat — Quia ecce novus Christianissi- and his successor Leo III. made use of it, mus Dei Constantinus Imperator (N.B. to persuade Charles to convey feudal power Here the pontiff denominates Charles, who over the city of Rome and its territory, to the was then only a king, an emperor, and com- Romish church. For this opinion, we have pares him with Constanline) his temporibus the good authority of the Roman pontiff him- surrexit, per quern omnia Deus sanctae suae self, Hadrian I., in his Epistle to Charle- ecclesiae — largiri dignatus est. Thus far, magne ; which is the xlix. in the Caroline he speaks of Constantine's donation. Next, Codex, published in Mural ori^s Reruin Ital- the pontiffnotices the other donations ; which icar. Scriptores, torn iii , pt. ii., p. 194 ; and he clearly discriminates from this. Sed et which well deserves a perusal. Hadrian cuncta alia, quae per diversos Imperatores, there exhorts Charles, who was not yet em- patricios, etiam et alios Deum timentes, pro peror, to order the restitution of all the grants eorum animac mercede ct vcnia pccratorum, which had been formerly made to St. Peter and the church of Rome. And he very clearly distinguishes the grant of Constan- tine from the donations of the other emperors in partibus Tusciae. Spoleto seu Benevento, atquc Corsica, simul et Pavincnsi patrimo- nio, Beato Pc/ro Apostolo, — concessa sunt, et per nefandam geniem Longobardorum per and princes ; and what deserves particular annorum spatia abstracts atque ablata sunt, notice, he distinguishes it from the donation of Pepin, which embraced the exarchate, and from the additions made to his father's grants by Charlemagne : whence it follows conclusively, that Hadrian understood Con- stantine''s grant to embrace the city of Rome and the territory dependant on it. He first mentions the grant of Constantine the Great, thus : Deprecamur vestrr.m excellentiam — pro Dei amore et ipsius clavigeri regni.coe- lorum — ut secundurn prormssionem, quam polliciti estis eidem Dei Apostolo, pro ani- mae vcstrac mercede et stabilitate regni ves- tri, omnia nostris temporibus adimpfere ju- vestris temporibus restituantur. The pontiff adds in the close, that all those grants were preserved in the archives of the Lateran ; and that he had sent them by his ambassa dors to Charlemagne. Unde et plures do- nationes in sacro nostro scrinio Lateranensi reconditas habemus ; tamen et pro satisfac tions Christianistqmi regni vestri, per jam fatos viros, ad demonstrandum eas vobis, direximus ; et pro hoc petimus eximiam Praecellentiam vestram, \it in integro ipsa patrimonia Beato Pctro et nobis restituere jnbcatis. — By this it appears, that Constan tine's grant was then in the Lateral 01 chives beatis. — Et sicut temporibus Beati Sihestri of the popes, and was sent with the othen Romani Pontificis, a sanctae recordationis piissimo ConstantinoMagHO Imperatore, per ejus largilatem (see the grant of Constantine itself) sancta Dei catholica et apostolica Ro- mana ecclesia elevata atque exaltata est, et potestatem in his Hesperiae partibus largiri to Charlemagne. (18) See Mieh. le Quien's Oriens Chris- tianus, torn, i., p. 96. &c. The Greek wri ters also, as TJieophancs and others, ac knowledge the fact, but differ a liule in respect to the cause. CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 25 shall treat in its proper place. But this perhaps might have been easily adjusted, if the bishops of Rome and Constantinople had not become involv ed in a contest respecting the limits of their jurisdiction. § 13. Monastic discipline, as all the writers of that age testify, was en tirely prostrate both in the East and the West. The best of the Oriental monks, were those who lived an austere life remote from the intercourse of men in the deserts of Egypt, Syria, and Mesopotamia ; and yet among them, not only gross ignorance, but also fanatical stupidity and base superstition, often reigned. The other monks, in the neighbourhood of the cities, not (infrequently disquieted the state ; and Constant/lie Copronymus and other emperors, were obliged to restrain them repeatedly by severe edicts. Most of the Western monks now followed the rule of St. Benedict ; yet there were monasteries in various places, in which other rules were preferred. (19) But when their wealth became increased, they scarcely observed any rule; and they gave themselves up to gluttony, voluptuousness, idleness, and other vices. (20) Charlemagne attempted to cure these evils by statutes ; but he effected very little.(21) § 14. This great corruption of the whole sacred order, produced in the West a new species of priests, who were an intermediate class between the monks, or the regular clergy as they were called, and the setular priests. These adopted in part the discipline and mode of lite of monks, that is, they dwelt under the same roof, ate at a common table, and joined in uni ted prayer at certain hours ; yet they did not take any vows upon them, like the monks, and they performed ministerial functions in certain church es. They were at first called the Lord's brethren (['nitres Dominici) ; but afterwards took the name of canons (canonici). (22) The common opinion attributes the institution of this order to Chrodegang, bishop of Mctz : nor is this opinion wholly without foundation. (23) For although there were, anterior to this century, in Italy, Africa, and other provinces, convents of priests who lived in the manner of canons ;(24) yet Cltrodrgang, about the (19) See Jo. Maliillon, Praef. ad Acta neque deliciis vel scurrilitatibns mixta, &c. Sancton, ord. Benedict!, saec. i., p. xxiv., — Tr.] and saec. iv., }>t. i , p. xxvi., &c. (22) See Le Bcuf, Memoires sur 1'His- (20) Mabillon treats ingenuously of this toire d'Auxerre, to:n. i . p. 171, Paris, 1743, corruption of the monks, and of its causes, 4to. in the above work, Praef. ad Saecul. iv., pt. (23) For an account of Chrndeganp, see i., p. Ixiv., &.c. the Histoire litteraire de la France, toin. iv., (21) See the Capitularia of Charlemagne, p. 128. Aug. Co/met, Histoire de Lor- published bv Ba'uze ; torn, i., p. 148, 157, raine, torn, i., p 513, &c. Acta Sancto- 237, 355, 3'oR, &c., 375, 503, and in various rum, torn, i., Martii, p. 452. The rule other places. These numerous laws, so oft- which he prescribed to his canons, may be en repeated prove the extreme perverseness seen in Le Cointe, Annales Francor. eccle- of the monks. [See also the 20th, 21st, siastici, torn, v., ad ami. 757, (f 35, &o., and 22d canons of the council of Olovesham, and in Lalbc's Concilia, torn, vii., p. 1444 : in England. A.D. 747. Monasteria — non [in Har Hum's Concilia, torn, iv., p. 1181, sint liulicrartnn artinm receptacula, hoc est, &c. — Tr.] The rule, as published by Lu- poetarum, citharistarum, rnusicorum, scur- cos Dachery, Spicileginm veter. Scriptor., rarum — Non sint sauctimonialium domicilia torn, i , p. 565, &c., under the nainc of Chro- turpium confabulationum, commessationum, degang, was the work of another person, ebiietatum, luxuriantiumque cubilia. — Mon- A neat summary of the rule is given by Jac. asteriales sive ecclesiastic!, ebrietatis malum Long~ucval, Histoire dc 1'Eglise Gallicane, non sectentur aut expetant — sed neque alios torn, iv., p. 435. cogant intemperanter bibere ; sed pura et (24) See Lud. Ant. Muratori, Antiqui- sobria sint eorum comivia, non luxuriosa, tales Italics medii aevi, torn, v., p. 185, VOL. II.— D 26 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP. II. middle of this century, subjected the priests of his church at Metz to this mode of living, requiring them to sing hymns to God at certain hours, and perhaps to observe other rites ; and by his example, first the Franks, and then the Italians, the English, and the Germans, were led to introduce this mode of living in numerous places, and to found convents of canons. § 15. Supreme power over the whole sacred order, and over all the possessions of the churches, was, both in the East and in the West, vested in the emperors and kings. Of the power of the Greek emperors over the church and its goods and possessions, no one entertains a doubt. (25) The prerogatives of the Latin emperors and kings, though the flatterers of the popes labour to conceal them, are too clear and manifest to be con cealed,' as the wiser in the Roman community themselves confess. Ha drian I., in a council at Rome, conferred on Charlemagne and his succes sors, the right of appointing and creating the Roman pontiffs. (26) And although Charles and his son Lewis declined exercising this power, yet they reserved to themselves the right of accepting and confirming the election, made by the Roman people and clergy ; nor could the consecra tion of a pope take place, unless the emperor's ambassadors were pres ent. (27) The Roman pontiffs obeyed the laws of the emperors, and ac counted all their decisions definitive. (28) The emperors and kings of the Franks, by their extraordinary judges whom they called Missos, that is, Legates, inquired into the lives and conduct of all the clergy, the superior as well as the inferior, and decided causes and controversies among them ; they enacted laws respecting the modes and forms of worship, and pun ished every species of crime, in the priests just as in the other ciiizens.(29) The property belonging to churches and monasteries, unless exempted by the special indulgence of the sovereign, was taxed like other property, for the common uses of the state. (30) § 16. That the preservation of religion, and the decision of controver- &c. ; also Lud. Thomassmus, de Disciplina Marca.de Concordia, &c., lib. viii., c. 1H. ecclesiae vetere ac nova, pt. i., lib. iii., c. iv., Pagi, Critica in Baron, ad ann. 774. Man- selves ; that is, by the Laws of the French kings. And all those who have discussed the rights of kings and princes in matters of religion, take up and illustrate this subject. See also Jac. Bas- nage, Histoire de PEglise, torn, i , p. 270, &.C. (33) See Richard Simon. Critique de la Bibliotheque Ecclesiast. de M. du Pin, torn, i., p. 270. [Germanus was the son of Jus tinian, a patrician of Constantinople, and was deprived of his virility by Constantino Pog- onitus. He was made bishop of Cyzicum, and then patriarch of Constantinople, from A.D. 7 1 5 to 730. During the four last years of his patriarchate, he strenuously opposed the emperor Leo, and defended image-wor ship until he was deposed. He then re tired to a peaceful private life, till his death about A.D. 740, when he was more than ninety years old. His writings all relate to image-worship, and the honour due to the virgin Mary, and consist of letters, orations, tnd polemic tracts ; which may be seen in the Acts of the second Nicene council, the Bibliotheca Patrurn, and other collections. His orations in praise of the holy virgin, are nwribed by some to another Germanus, bish op of Constantinople in the 13th century. See Cave's Historia Litterar., vol. i. — TV.] (34) [Cosmos was a native of Italy ; cap tured by Saracen pirates, he was carried to Damascus, and there sold to the father of John Darnascenus, who made him preceptor ;o his son. He was afterwards a monk in the monastery of St. Sabas, near Jerusalem ; and at last, bishop of Majuma. He flour ished about A.D. 730. and has left us thir teen Hymns on the principal festivals, and some other poems ; which are extant only in Latin, arid may be seen in the Biblioth. Patr , torn. xii. See Cave's Historia Lit terar., vol. i. — TV.] (35) [George was a monk of Constanti nople, and synccllus to Taramus the patri arch. A syncrllus was a high ecclesiastical personage, the constant companion and in spector of the bishop, and resident in the tame cell with him ; whence his name, trvyKfAXof. See Du Canpe. Glossar. me diae et infim. Latinitatis, sub voce Syncel- lus. The Chronicon of George Syncellus, extends from the creation to the times of Maximin ; and is copied almost verbatim from the Chronicon of Eusebius. Jos. Sca- liger made much use of it, for recovering the lost Greek of Eusebius' work. It was published, Gr. and Lat., with notes, by Jac. Goar, Paris, 1652, fol. See Cave's Histor. Litterar , torn. i. — TV.] (36) [ Theophanes, surnamed Isaanus and Confessor, was a Constantinopolitan of no ble birth, born A.D. 758. Leo the patrician obliged him in his youth to marry hi* daugh- 28 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP. II. the writers of Byzantine history, but they must be placed far below the earlier Greek and Latin historians. The most distinguished of the Greek and Oriental writers was John Damascenus, a man of respectable talents, and of some eloquence. He elucidated the Peripatetic philosophy, as well as the science of theology, by various writings ; but his fine native en dowments were vitiated by the faults of his times, superstition and exces sive veneration for the fathers, to say nothing of his censurable propensity to explain the Christian doctrines conformably to the views of Aristotle. (31) § 18. At the head of the Latin writers, stands Charlemagne, the emper or, who was a great lover of learning. To him are ascribed the Capilu- laria as they are called, several Epistles, and four looks concerning ima ges ; yet there can be little doubt, that he often used the pen and the ge nius of another. (38) Next to him should be placed Bcda, called the Ven ter ; but his wife and he agreed to have no Chrysorrhoas by the Greeks, on account of matrimonial intercourse, and on the death of his eloquence, and by the A ribs Mansur, her father they separated, and Theophanes became a monk. He had previously filled several important civil offices under the em was born at Damascus near the end of the seventh, or beginning of the eighth century. His father Scrgius, a wealthy Christian, peror Leo. He retired to the monastery of and privy counsellor to the kalif, redeemed Polychronum near Singriana, A.D. 780: and thence to the island Calonymus, where he converted his paternal estate into a mon astery, and spent six years. Then return ing to Singriana, he purchased the estate called the Field, converted it into a monas tery, and presided over it as the abbot. In many captives ; and among them a learned Italian monk named Cosmas, whom he made preceptor to his only son John. On the de cease of his father, John succeeded him in office at the Saracen court. About the year 728, he wrote numerous letters in defence of image-worship, which the emperor Leo the year 787 he was called to the second the Isaurian was endeavouring to suppress. Nicene council, where he strenuously de fended image-worship. After A.D. 813, Leo the Armenian required him to condemn im age-worship ; which he resolutely refused to do. In 815. or a year later, he was impris oned for his obstinacy, though now in de clining health ; and two years after, was banished to the island of Samothrace, where he died at the end of twenty-three days. The patrons of image-worship accounted him a confessor, and honoured him as a saint. His Chronicon, which embraces both the civil and ecclesiastical affairs of the Greek empire, continues that of George Synccllus, from A.D. 28f> to A.D. 813. It is written in a dry style, without method, and with nu merous mistakes. The Chronicon of Anas- 'asius Bibholhccarius is a mere Latin trans lation of this, so far as this extends. It was published, Gr. and Lat., with the notes of Goar and Combcfis, Paris, 1655, fol. See Cave, Hist. Litterar., torn, i — TV.] (37) See Peter Baylc, Dictionnaire Histo- rique, torn, ii., p. 950, and Leo AUatius" ac- This, it is said, induced Leo to forge a trea sonable letter from John to himself, which he sent to the kalif in order to compass the destruction of John. The kalif ordered his right hand to be cut off. John replaced the severed hand ; and by the intercession of the virgin Mary, had it perfectly restored the same night. This miracle convinced the kalif of John's innocence, and he ottered to restore him to his office and favour ; but John chose to retire to private life. He sold and gave away all his property, and repaired to the monastery of St. Sabas near Jerusa lem, where he spent the remainder of his life in composing learned works on theology and science. His treatises are numerous, con sisting of Orations, Letters, and Tracts, chiefly polemic, in defence of imago-worship and against heresies ; yet several are devo tional and narrative. But few of his philo sophical works have been published His great work is, dc fide orthodoxa Libri iv which is a complete system of theology de- count of his writings ; which Mich, le Qaicn rived from the fathers, and arranged in the has published, with the Opera Damasceni, [ed. Paris, 1712, and Venice, 1748, 2 vols. fol. — Also DM Pin, Biblioth. des Auteurs Eccles., torn, vi., p. 101, &c. Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. viii., p. 772, &c., and manner of the schoolmen.— TV ] (38) See Jo. Alb. F) and Thcodulphus of Orleans ;(40) we have nearly all the writers of any merit, who cultivated either sacred or profane learning. (47) th;it they might read to their congregations. Tin- colli'ction is made from Ambrose, Au gustine, Jerome, Origen, Leo, Gregory, Max- nuns, Brda, &,c. Some discourses were added to it, after the death of Paul. He also wrote the life of St. Gregory the Great, in tut: Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., by Mobil- Ion, torn, i., p. 371), &c. See Cave, Histoha I r.ir., torn, i., and Bellarmin, Scriptores -last., cd. Venice, 1728, Ibl , p. 258, &C.-7V] (45) [Ambrote Authpert,m Autpert,w&» * native of France, and became abbot of St. Vincent in Abrezzo, Italy, about A.D. 760. Hi- must not be confounded with an abbot of Mount Cassino of the same name, who lived m the ninth century. To him has been attributed, the work entitled The conflict of the vices and virtues, published among the works of Augustine and also of Ambrose of Milan ; and likewise some other pieces, but his great work is, his Commentary on tin- Apocalypse, in ten iJooks. See Cave, .1.1 Litter., torn, i , and Mabillon, Acta or. ord. Bened., loin, iv., p. 234, &c. -7V. J (40) [Thfodulphus, an Italian, whom Charlemagne patronised. He first made him iilibot of St. Floury ; and then bishop of Orleans, about A.D. 7'J4. Lewis the Pious greatly esteemed him, employed him much at his court, and sent him as his envoy to tin- pope. But in the year 818, being sus pected of treasonable acts, he was deposed, and confined to the monastery of Angers. He died about A.D. 821. He wrote toler able poetry ; namely, Carminum ad diversos liliri vi. ; besides Poemata x. His prose is interior to his poetry ; consisting of 46 Can ons for his diocese, a Tract on baptism, and another on the Holy Spirit Most of the preceding were published by Jac. Sirmond, fans. 1 64(5, 8vo. There is still extant an elegant Ms. Bible, which he caused to be written, and to which he prefixed a preface and some poems, in golden letters. See Cave, Historia Litterar, torn. i.,and Bellar- mtn, Scriptoros Ecclesiast , p 281, ri quibus non sit adultera vel meretrix gen- 160, 164, 165, &c., passim. THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 35 & 4. Charlemagne's reverence for the sacred volume was so great(7) that it went beyond due bounds, and led him to believe the fundamental principles of all arts and sciences to be contained in the Bible ; a senti ment which he imbibed undoubtedly from Alcuin and the other divines whom he was accustomed to hear. (8) Hence originated his various efforts to excite the clergy to a more diligent investigation and explanation of the sacred books. Laws enacted by him for this purpose, are still extant ; and there are other proofs, that on no subject was he more sincere. (9) That errors in the Latin translation might be no obstacle to his designs, he employed Alcuin to correct and improve it :(10) indeed, he himself spent some time during the last years of his life, in correcting such errors. (11) Some also tell us, that he procured a translation of the sacred books into German : but others attribute this to his son Lewis the Pious. (12) § 5. These efforts of the emperor, had the effect to awaken some of the slothful and indolent to exertion. Yet it must be admitted, that some of his regulations and plans tended to defeat in part his excellent purposes. In the first place, he sanctioned the practice which was introduced before his day, of reading and expounding only certain portions of the sacred volume, in the assemblies of worship ; and the diverse customs of the dif ferent churches, he endeavoured to reduce to one uniform standard. (13) In the next place, knowing that few of the clergy were competent to explain well the Gospels and Epistles as the lessons were called ; he directed Paul Diaconus and Alcuin, to collect from the fathers Homilies or discourses on these lessons, that the ignorant and slothful teachers might recite them to (7) Idem : o was led on to one degree of in novation after another, by the opposition to his measures from the friends of images. At first, he proceeded in the ordinary and legal way. He wished to have the subject dis cussed and determined in a general council. But the pope would not agree to it, and urged that the emperor should remain quiet, and should not bring the subject under agitation. Leo's first requisition was, that the images should be hung higher in the churches. But in this, the patriarch Germanus opposed him. And as the opposition of this man was confined to no limits, he was deposed : yet the emperor allowed him, as we are in formed by Theophanes, to spend his life qui etly in his father's house. Next followed the edict of the emperor, by which he forbid the worshipping of images ; and required their removal, if the worship of them could not be prevented by the mere prohibition. And it was not till after the horrible tumult at Constantinople, and the insurrections of the Italian provinces, that he ordered all im ages upon the church walls to be effaced, and the walls to be whitewashed, and the move- able images to be carried away and burned , and laid heavy punishments upon the riotoua monks and blind zealots, who insulted hire to his face with the titles of Antichrist, a sec ond Judas, &c. See Spanheim, loc. cit. p. 115, &c., and Basnage., loc cit., torn. ii. p. 1278.— ScA/.] BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP. III. Gregory III., and although we cannot determine at this distance of time the precise degree of fault in either of these prelates, thus much is unquestion able, that the loss of their Italian possessions in this contest by the Greeks, is to be ascribed especially to the zeal of these two pontiffs in behalf of images. (22) § 12. Leo's son Constantine, surnamed Copronymus(23) by the furious tribe of Image-worshippers, after he came to the throne A.D. 741, trod in his father's steps ; for he laboured with equal vigour to extirpate the wor ship of images, in opposition to the machinations of the Roman pontiff and the monks. Yet he pursued the business with more moderation than his father had done : and being aware that the Greeks were governed entirely by the authority of councils in religious matters, he collected a council of eastern bishops at Constantinople in the year 754, to examine and decide this controversy. By the Greeks this is called the seventh general council. The bishops pronounced sentence, as was customary, according to the views of the emperor ; and therefore condemned images.(24) But the pertinacity (22) The Greek writers tell us, that both jurisdiction over kings and emperors, or to the Gregorics debarred Leo, and subsequent- have authority to dethrone them and to trans- ly his son Constantine, from the sacred com- fer their dominions to other sovereigns. In munion, absolved the people of Italy from particular, Gregory II. stated very well the their oath of allegiance, and forbid their pay- boundary between civil and ecclesiastical ing their taxes or performing any act of power, and reproached Leo with overleaping obedience. And the advocates of the Ro- that boundary — TV.] (23) [" This nickname was given to Con stantine, from his having defiled the sacred font at his baptism." — Macl.] (24) [This council was composed of 333 bishops, a number sufficient to constitute man pontiffs, Baronius, S/gonius, (de Reg- no Italiae), and numerous others who follow after these writers, admit, that all these things were facts. Yet some very learned men, particularly among the French, main tain that the Grcgorics did not commit so a respectable general council. In his gross offences; they deny that the pontiffs circular letter for calling the council, the em- either excommunicated the emperors, or ab- peror directed the bishops to hold provincial solved the people from their allegiance and councils throughout the empire for discussion their duties to them. See Jo. Launoi, Epis- of the subject, so that when met in the gen- tolar. lib. vii., ep. vii., p. 456, in his Opp., eral council they might be prepared to de- tom. v., part ii. Natal. Alexander, Histor. clare the sense of the whole church. The Eccles. select. Capita, Saecul. viii., Diss. i., council held its sessions in the imperial pal- p. 456. Peter Jc Marco,, de Corcordia sa- cerdotii et imperil, lib. iii., c. xi. Jac. Ben Bossuct, Defensio declarationis Cleri Gallic, de potest. ecclesiastica, part i., lib. vi., c. ace of Hicra, over against the city on the Asiatic shore ; and deliberated from the tenth of February till the seventh of August, when they adjourned to the church of St. Mary xii., p 197. Giannone, Histoire civile de ad Blachcrnas in Constantinople, and there Naples, torn i.. p. 400. These rely chiefly published their decrees. The patriarch of on the authority of the Latin writers, Anas- Constantinople, Anastasius, died a few days tasius, Paidus Diaconus, and others ; who before the council met : and the emperor not only are silent as to this audacity of the would not appoint a successor to that see till pontiffs in assailing and combating the em- the deliberations of the council were closed, perors, but also tell us that they gave some lest it should be thought he placed a crea- proofs of their loyalty to the emperors. The ture of his own at the head of it. Of course facts cannot be fully ascertained, on account two other bishops, namely, Thcodosius ex- of the obscurity in the history of those times ; arch of Asia, and Pastillus metropolitan of and the question must be left undecided. Pamphylia, presided in the council. Its acts Yet this is certain, that those pontiffs by their and deliberations have all perished, or rather, zeal for image-worship, occasioned the revolt been destroyed by the patrons of image-wor- of their Italian subjects from the Greek em- ship, except so much of them as the°second perors. [The arguments adduced by the Nicene council saw fit to quote, for the pur apologists for the pcpes above named, seem pose of confuting them, in their sixth act to be conclusive as to this point, that the (Harduin's Concilia, torn, iv., p. 325-444 popes did not then feel themselves to have From these quotations it appears, that th« THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 41 of the superstitious, who were borne on by their zeal for images, was not to be overcome by these decisions. None made greater resistance than the monks, who did not cease to disturb the public tranquillity, and to excite sedition among the people. Constantine therefore, being moved with just indignation, punished many of them in various ways, and by new laws bri dled the turbulence of this restless class of people. Leo IV., who succeed. ed to the throne on the death of Constantine A.D. 775, entertained the same views as his father and grandfather. For when he saw, that the abet- tors of images were not to be moved at all by mild and gentle measures, he coerced them with penal statutes. § 13. But Leo IV. being removed by poison, through the wickedness of his perfidious wife Irene, in the year 780, images became triumphant. For that guilty woman, who governed the empire during the minority of her son Constantine, with a view to establish her authority, after entering into a league with Hadrian the Roman pontiff, assembled a council at Nice in Bithynia in the year 786, which is known by the title of the sec ond Nicene council. Here the laws of the emperors, together with the decrees of the council of Constantinople, were abrogated ; the worship of images and of the cross was established ; and penalties were denounced against those who should maintain, that worship and adoration were to be given only to God. Nothing can be conceived more puerile and weak, than the arguments and proofs by which these bishops support their de crees. (25) And yet the Romans would have those decrees to be held sa- council deliberated soberly, and reasoned dis creetly, from Scripture and the Fathers ; that they maintained, that all worship of images was contrary to Scripture, and to the sense of the church in the purer ages ; that it was idolatry, and forbidden by the second com mandment. They also maintained, that the use of images in churches and places of wor ship, was a custom borrowed from the pa gans ; that it was of dangerous tendency, and ought to be abolished. They according ly enacted canons, expressive of these views and requiring a corresponding practice. See Watch's Hist, dcr Kirchenversamml., p. 463, &c. Cave, Hist. Litteraria, vol. i., p. 646, &c. Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. iii., p. 357-368, ed. 1754. On the side of the Catholics, may be consulted, Baronius, An- nales ; and Pagi, Critica, ad ann. 754. — TV.] (25) Martin Chemnitz, Examen Concilii Trident., pt. iv., loc. ii., cap. v., p. 52, ed. Frankf., 1707. Jac. Lcnfant, Preservatif centre la Reunion avec le Siege de Rome, pt. iii.. Lettr. xvii., p. 446. — [Irene was undoubtedly an ungodly, hypocritical, am bitions woman ; eager after power, and from this passion prone to all even the most un natural cruelties ; and she was at the same time much devoted to image-worship. Her first step was, to grant liberty to every one to make use of images in his private worship. She next removed Paul, the patriarch of VOL. II.— F Constantinople, because he was an Icono clast ; and made Tarasins her secretary, who was devoted to images and to her, to be pa triarch. And as the imperial guards were inclined to iconoclasm, and might give her trouble, she caused them to be marched out of the city, under pretence of a foreign in vasion, and then disbanded them. At last, in the name of her son Cotistantinc who was a minor, she called the council of Nice. Ta- rasius directed the whole proceedings. Yet there were two papal envoys present. In the Acts, which we still have entire, (in Har- dmn's Collection, torn, iv., p. 1-820), there is mention of the representatives (TOTrorqpe- TU>V) of the two eastern patriarchs, those of Alexandria and Antioch. But according to credible accounts, under this high title two miserable and illiterate monks were desig nated, whom their fellow-monks had arbitra rily appointed, and whom forged letters le gitimated. The bishops assembled, were at least 350. Besides these, two officers of the court were present, as commissioners, and a whole army of monks. At first, Con stantinople was appointed for the place of meeting. But the Iconoclasts who had tht; greater part of the army on their side, raised such a tumult, that the empress postponed the meeting, and changed the place to Nice. In the seventh Act of this council, a decree was made, that the cross and the images of Christ, Mary, the angels, and the saints, were 42 BOOK I1I.-CENTURY VI1I.-PART II.-CHAP. III. crcd • and Jae Greeks were as furious against those who refused to obey them,' as if they had been parricides and traitors. The other enormi. ties of the flagitious Irene, and her end, which corresponded with her crimes,(26) it belongs not to this history to narrate. § 14. In these contests most of the Latins, — as the J3nt< ns, the Ger. mans, and the French, took middle ground between the contending parties ; for they decided, that images were to be retained indeed, and to be placed in the churches, but that no religious worship could be offered to them without dishonouring the Supreme Being.(27) In particular Charlemagne, at the suggestion of the French bishops who were displeased with the Ni- cene decrees, caused four Books concerning images to be drawn up by some learned man, and sent them in the year 790 to the Roman pontiff Hadrian, with a view to prevent his approving the decrees of Nice. In this work, the arguments of the Nicene bishops in defence of image-worship, are acutely and vigorously combated.(28) But Hadrian was not to be taught by such a master, however illustrious, and therefore issued his formal con. futation of the book. Charlemagne next assembled, in the year 794, a council of 300 bishops, at Frankfort on the Maine, in order to re-examine this controversy. This council approved the sentiments contained in the Books of Charlemagne, and forbid the u-orship of images. (29) For the the work ; but it is easy to discover, that it was the production of a learned man bred in the schools, or of a theologian, and not of the emperor. Some very learned men have conjectured, that Charlemagne em ployed Alcuin his preceptor to draw up the book. See Heumann's Preface, p. 51, and the illustrious Bunait, Historia imperii Ger- manici, torn, i., p. 490. Nor would I con temn the conjecture. And yet it appears to me somewhat doubtful, for when these Books were written, Alcuin was resident in Eng land, as is manifest from his history, he hav ing gone to England in 789, whence he did not return till the year 792. (29) See especially. Jo. Mabillon. who is ingenuous on this subject, in his Praef. ad Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn, v., p. v., &c. ; also Gco. Dorschcus, Collatio ad Con cilium Frankfordiense, Argentor, 1649, 4to. [The council of Frankfort was properly a general, though not an (Ecumenical coun cil ; for it was assembled from all the coun tries subject to Charlemagne ; Germany, France, Aquitain, Spain, and Italy. Dele gates from the pope were present. Charle magne presided. Two subjects were dis cussed ; the heresy of Felix of Urgel, and the subject of image-worship. Charlemagne laid his Books de Imagmibus before the council. The council approved of them , and passed resolves in conformity with them, that is, disapproving of the decisions of the Nicene council, and deciding that, while im ages were to be retained in churches as or namental and instructive, yet no kind of wor ship whatever was to be given to them. Sec entitled to reverential worship npoaKivr/aic.} ; that it was proper to kiss them, to burn incense to them, and to light up candles and lamps before them ; yet that they were not entitled to divine worship (Aorpta). The proofs adduced by these fathers in sup port of their decree, and their confutations of the contrary doctrine, betray the grossest ignorance in these fathers, and their total want of critical sagacity, if not also some intentional dishonesty. Their Acts are full of fabulous tales of the wonders wrought by images, of appeals to apocryphal books, of perversions of the declarations of the fathers, and of other false and puerile arguments. Even Du Pin and Pagi cannot deny the fact. And it seems strange, that it was pos sible for doctrines supported by such false reasonings, to become" the prevailing doc trines of the whole church. See Walch's Historie der Kirchenversamml., p. 477, &c. — Schl.] (?6) This most atrocious woman procured the death of her own son Constantine, in or der that she might reign alone. But in the year 802, she was banished by the emperor Nicephorus to the island of Lesbos, where she died the year following. (27) On the abhorrence of the Britons of image- worship, see Henr. Spelman, ad Con cilia Magnae Britannioe, torn, i., p. 73, &c. (28) These Books of CJiarlemagne de Imaginibus, are still extant, republished after becoming very scarce, with a very learned preface, by Christoph. Aug. Neumann, Han over, 1731, 8vo. The venerated name of the emperor Charlemagne, is attached to TIIKOLOGY AND RELIGION. 4'J Latins, it seems, did not in that age deem it impious to dispute the cor- ' rectriess of the decisions of the Roman pontiff, and to discard his opinions. § 15. While these contests respecting images were raging, another con- ' troversy sprung up between the Greeks and the Latins, respecting the pro cession of the Holy Spirit; which the Latins contended was f nun both the Father and the Son, but the Greeks, that it was only from the Father. The origin of this controversy is involved in much obscurity ; but as it is rrrtain, that the subject came up in the council of Gentilli near Paris, A.D. 767, and was there agitated with the ambassadors of the Greek empcror,(30) it is most probable, that the controversy originated in Greece, amid the collisions respecting images. As the Latins defended their opinion on this subject, by appealing to the Constantinopolitan creed, which the Span iards first and afterwards the French had enlarged, (though at what time, or on what occasion, is not known), by adding the words (Ji/iuquc) and from the Son, to the article concerning the Holy Spirit ; the Greeks charged the Latins with having the audacity to corrupt the creed of the church uni versal, by this interpolation ; which they denominated sacrilege. From a contest about a doctrine therefore, it became a controversy about the in sertion of a word. (31) In the following century, this dispute became more violent, and it accelerated the separation of the Eastern from the Western etaurches.(32) U 'j'« Historic der Kirchcnvcrsammlun- Ant. Pagi, Critica in Baronium, to.n. iii., gen, p. 483, &c., and Harduin't Concilia, p. 323, think* that the controversy grew out loin iv , p. 904, can. 2. — 7V.] of the contest resecting images ; that be- (30) See Car. le Cointe, Annales Eccle- cause the Latins pronounced the Greeks to •iast. Francor., torn, v., p. 698. be heretics for op^sing images, the Greeks (31) Men of eminence for learning, have retaliated the charge of heresy upon the I,at- generally supposed that this controversy com- ins, for holding that the Holy Spirit proceed- mencecl, respecting the word Jilinquf, which ed from the Son as well as the Father. But of the Latins had added to the Con- this is said without authority, and without ?>t,inimoj>olitan creed; and that from dispu- proof; and is therefore only a probable con- ting about the word, they proceeded to dis- jecturc. pute about the thing. See, above all others, (32) See Peter Pithorus, Historia con- / Malnllon, (whom very many follow), trovcrsiae de prorcssione Spir. Sancli ; sub- Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened , torn, v., Praef., joined to his Codex Canontim ecrlcsiae Ko- p. iv. But with due deference to those great man., p. 355, iVc Mifk. If (Juirn. Onens men, I would say, the fact appears to have Christianus. torn. 1:1 . p. 354. (tcrfi. Jo. been otherwise. The contest commenced Vossius, de tribus Symbolic. Diss. iii., p. •ting the doctrine, and afterwards ex- 65, but especially Jo. Geo Wqlch. Historia tended to the word JUioque. or to the inter- controversiae de processione Spintus Sancti, polation of the creed. From the council of Jenae, 1751, 8vo [Respecting the opinion Gentilli it is manifest, that the dispute about of the fathers of the six first centuries, on the doctrine had existed a l°ng time, when this subject, see Munschcr's Dogmengesch., the dispute about the word commenced, vol. iii., p. 500-505. — 7V.] 44 BOOK II1.-CENTURY VIII.-PART 1I.-CHAP IV CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF RITES AND CEREMONIES. $ 1. Ceremonies Multiplied.— $ 2. Zeal of Charlemagne for the Romish Rites. § 1. THE religion of this century consisted, almost wholly, in ceremo. nies and external marks of piety. It is therefore not strange, that every where more solicitude was manifested for multiplying and regulating these, than for correcting the vices of people, and removing their ignorance and impiety. The mode of celebrating the Lord's supper, which was consid. ered the most important part of the worship of God, was protracted to a greater length ; and deformed rather than rendered august, by the addition of various regulations.(l) The clear traces of what are called private or solitary masses, were now distinctly visible ; although it is uncertain, wheth- er they were sanctioned by ecclesiastical law, or introduced by the author. ity of individuals.(2) As this one practice is sufficient to show the igno- ranee and degeneracy of the times, it is not necessary to mention others. § 2. Charlemagne, it must be acknowledged, was disposed to impede the progress of superstition to some extent. For besides forbidding the worship of images, as we have already seen ; he defined the number of the holy days,(3) rejected the consecration of bells with holy vvater,(4) (1) [We here subjoin a few facts, from which it will appear, how much superstition then dishonoured this holy ordinance of Christ. Pope Gregory III., among his de cisions, (in Harduin's Concilia, torn, iii., p. 1826, No. 28), gives the following : "If any one through negligence, shall destroy the eucharist, i. e., the sacrifice; let him do penance one year, or three Quadragesimas. If he lets it fall on the ground, carelessly, he must sing fifty Psalms. Whoever neg lects to take care of the sacrifice, so that worms get into it, or it lose its colour or taste, must do penance thirty or twenty days ; and the sacrifice must be burned in the fire. Whoever turns up the cup at the close of the solemnity of the mass, must do penance forty days. If a drop from the cup should fall on the altar, the minister must suck up the drop, and do penance three days ; and the linen cloth which the drop touched, must be washed three times, over the cup, and the water in which it is washed be cast into the fire." This same passage occurs in the Capitula of Theodore, archbish op of Canterbury, cap. 51. — Schl] (2) See Charlemagne do Imaginibus, lib. ii., p. 245. Geo. Calixtus, de Missis soli- tariis, $ 12, and others. [The private or solitary masses, were so called, to distin guish them from the public, or those in which the eucharist was imparted to the congregation ; and they were masses, in which the priest alone partook of the eu charist. The introduction of these private masses, led to a more rare distribution of the eucharist to the assembly ; at first, only on the three principal festivals, and at length, but once a year. — >S'<7;/.] (3) [At the Council of Mayence, A.D 813, (Hanhtin, Concil , torn, iv., p. 1015, can. 24-28), the number of fast and feast days was defined, according to the pleasure of Chark-maync, as follows : Fintr great fasts ; namely, the first week in March, the, second week in June, the third week in Sep tember, and the last full week in Decembei previous to Christmas day. In all these weeks, there were to be public litanies and masses at nine o'clock, on the Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. The festivals, in addition to all the Sundays of the year, were to be, Easter day, with the whole week ; Ascension day ; Whitsunday ; the nativky (martyrdom) of St. Peter and St. Paul ; of St. John Baptist ; the Assumption of St. Mary ; the dedication of St. Michael ; nativ ities of St. Remigius, St. Martin, St. An drew ; Christmas, four days ; the first day of January ; Epiphany ; and the purification HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 45 and made other commendable regulations. Yet he did not effect much ; and chiefly from this cause among others, that he was excessively attached to the Roman pontiffs, who were patrons of such as loved ceremonies. His father, Pcpin, had before required the mode of singing practised at Rome, to be every where introduced. (5) Treading in his steps, and in obedience to the repeated exhortations of the pontiff Hadrian, Charlemagne took vast pains to induce all the churches of Latin Christians, not only to copy after the Romish church in this matter, but to rxdopt the entire forms of the Romish worship. (6) There were however a few churches, as those of Milan, Chur, &c., which could not be persuaded by any arguments or inducements, to change their old forms of religious worship. CHAPTER V. HISTORY OF HERESIES. $ 1. Ancient Sects recover Strength. — $ 2. Clement and Adalbert. — $ 3. Felix and Elipandus. § 1 . THE ancient sects, the Arians, Manichaeans, and Marcionites, though often depressed by the operation of penal laws, acquired new strength in the East, and gained many adherents, amid those perpetaul calamities under which the Greek empire struggled.(l) The Monothelites, to whose cause the emperor Philippicus and other persons of distinction were well wishers, made advances in many places. The condition also of the Nea. torians('.2) and Monophysites,(3) was easy and agreeable under the domin- of St. Mary ; together with the festivals of Tartary. He left many sermons, an expo- the martyrs and confessors, interred in each sition of John's Gospel, ecclesiastical can- parish ; and the dedication of a church. — otis, polemic writings, a treatise on astrono- Tr. ] my, and 200 letters. From him we get (4) [Among the Capitula of Charlemagne, knowledge of several other writers, and of as given by Harduin, (Concilia, torn, iv., p. the divisions caused by them. But as these 846), there is one, No. 18, " Ut cloccae nan had no influence on the churches of Europe, baptizentur.'" — TV.] we may pass them by. See also Baumgar- (5) [See the Capitulare Aquisgranense, ten's Auszug der Kirchengesch., vol. iii., p. No. 80, in Harduin's Concilia, torn iv., p. 1315, &c. — Schl.] 843. — TV.] (3) [Of the Monophysite patriarchs and (6) See Charlemagne, de Imaginibus, lib. writers, we likewise obtain some 'knowledge i., p. 52. Effinhard, de vita Caroli Magni, from Asscman. Conspicuous as writers c. xxvi., p. 94, cd. Bessel. and others. among them were, Eluis of Sigara, who (1) Among the barbarous nations of Eu- commented on the books of Gregory Nazi- lope, there were still some Arians re- anzen ; and Theodosius of Edessa, who maining. wrote poems. Among the Maronites, the (2) [From Asseman, we obtain some patriarch Theophilus obtained renown. He knowledge of the Nestonan patriarchs ; the appears to have been the same person with most distinguished of whom, were the fol- that Maronite author of the same name, who lowing. Ananjesii, under whom the Sigan lived about AD. 785, and who not only monument was erected, A.D. 781. Timo- translated Homer into Syriac, but also com- theus. who succeeded Ananjesu, and greatly posed large historical works See Baum- extended the sect by the conversion of pa- garten, as above, p. 1318. — Schl.] »n nations near the Caspian Sea, and in BOOK III.-CENTURY VIIi.-PART II.-CHAP. V. 46 ion of the Arabians ; nor were they without ability to annoy the Greeks, their foes, and to propagate their faith abroad. § 2 In the new Germanic churches, collected by Bontface, there were many 'perverse men who were destitute of true religion, if confidence may be placed in Boniface and his friends. But this cannot well be, because it appears from many circumstances, that the persons whom he calls patrons of error, were Irishmen, Franks, and others, who would not subject them. selves to the control of the Roman pontiff; which Boniface was labouring to extend. Among others the most troublesome to him were, Adalbert a Frenchman, who obtained consecration as a bishop, against the will of Bon- iface ; and Clement a Scot, that is, an Irishman. The former, who crea ted disturbance in Franconia, appears to have been not altogether free from error and crime ;(4) for not to mention other instances of his disregard to truth, there is still extant an Epistle, which he falsely asserted was written by Jesus Christ, and brought down from Heaven by Michael the archan gel. (5) The latter excelled perhaps Boniface himself, in knowledge of the (4) See Histoire Litteraire de la France, torn, iv., p. 82, &c. (5) The Epistle is published by Stejih. Baluze, in the Capitulana Regurn Franco- rum, torn, ii., p. 1396. [Semlcr, in his Hist. Eccles. selecta Capita, torn, ii., p. 185, &c., conjectures that this Epistle was fabricated by the enemies of Adalbert, and palmed upon him for the sake of injuring him. This however is doubtful. The caption of the epistle purports, that it is an Epistle of our Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God. which fell down at Jerusalem, and was found by the archangel Michael near the gate of Ephraitn ; that a priest read it, transcribed it, and sent it to another priest, who sent it into Arabia. After passing through many hands, it came at length to Rome, &c. Ac companying this letter, as transmitted by Bomfa.ce to the pope, was a biography of Adalbert ; which stated, that his mother had a marvellous dream before his birth, which was interpreted to signify that her child would be a distinguished man; and also a prayer, said to have been composed by him, in which he invoked four or five angels by name, that are not mentioned in the Bible. The letter of Boniface containing the accu sations against both Adalbert and Clemens, states that he, Boniface, had now laboured thirty years among the Franks, in the midst of great trials and opposition from wicked men ; that his chief reliance had been on the protection of the Roman pontiffs, whose pleasure he had always followed ; that his greatest trouble had been with " two most base public heretics and blasphemers of God and the Catholic faith,'" Adalbert a French man, and Clement a Scotchman, who held different errors, but were equal in amount of criminality. And he prays the pontiff to defend him against these men ; and to re strain them, by imprisonment and excom munication, from annoying the churches. For said he, " On account of these men, I incur persecution, and the enmity and the curses if many people ; and the church of Christ suffers obstructions to the progress' of the faith and holy doctrine." Of Adal bert, he says : " The people say respecting him, that I have deprived them of a most holy apostle, patron, and intercessor, a work er of miracles, and a shower of signs. But your piety will judge from his works, after hearing his life, whether he is not one clad in sheep's clothing, and a ravening wolf within. For he was a hypocrite in early life, asserting that an angel in human form brought to him from distant countries relics of marvellous sanctity, but of whom, it was uncertain ; and that by means of these rel ics, he could obtain from God whatever he asked. And then, with this pretence, as Paul predicted, he entered into many houses, and led captive silly women, laden with sins, and carried away by divers lusts ; and he seduced a multitude of the rustics, who said that he was a man of apostolic sanctity, and wrought signs and wonders. He next hired some ignorant bishops to ordain him, con trary to the canons, without assigning him a specific charge. — He then became so in solent as to assume equality with the apos tles of Christ ; and disdained to dedicate a church to any apostle or martyr ; and re proached the people for being so eager to visit the thresholds of the holy apostles. Afterwards, he ridiculously consecrated ora tories to his own name, or rather defiled them. He also erected small crosses and houses for prayer, in the fields, and at fount ains, and wherever he saw fit ; and directed public prayers to be there offered ; so that great multitudes despising the bishops, and IIKRES1KS AND SCHISMS. 47 true religion of Christ ; and he is therefore not improperly placed by many, among the witnesses for the truth, in this barbarous age. (6) Both were condemned by the Roman pontiff Zxclutrias, at the instigation of Boniface, in a council at Rome A.D. 748. And both, it appears, died in prison. § 3. Much greater commotions were produced in Spain, France, and Germany, towards the close of the century, by Felix, bishop of Urgel in Spain, a man distinguished for his piety. Being consulted by Eli pandas archbishop of Toledo, respecting his opinion of the sonship of Christ the Son of God ; he answered, in the year 783, that Christ as God was truly and by nature the Son of God; but that as a man, he was the Son of God oniv in mime and by adoption. Elipandus imbibed this doctrine from his pre ceptor, and disseminated it in the provinces of Spain, while Felix spread it in Septimania [or Languedoc]. But in the view of the pontiff Hadrian, and of most of the Latin bishops, this opinion seemed to revive the error attributed to Nestorius, or to divide Christ into two persons. Hence Felix was judged guilty of heresy, and required to change his opinion ; first in the council of Narbonne, A.D. 788 ; then at Ratisbon in Germany, A.D. 792; also at Frankfort on the Maine, A.D. 794; and afterwards at Rome, A.D. 799 ; and lastly, in the council of Aix-la-Chapelle. And he revoked his opinion ostensibly, but not in reality ; for he died in it at Lyons, where he was banished by Charlemagne. (7) No law of thinking could be imposed forsaking the ancient churches, held their And many other horrible things he affirms nis meetings in such places ; and respecting divine predestination, and con- would say, The merits of St. Adalbert will travening the Catholic faith." See llardit- aid us. He also gave his nails and locks of i/i'jt Concilia, torn in . p. 1930-1940 — Tr.] his hair, to he kept in remembrance of him. (6) The errors of Clement are enumera- and to be placed with the relics of St. Peter, ted by Boniface, Kpi«t. cxxxv., p. Itfy. the prince of apostles. And finally, what [See them stated, in the concluding part of appears the summit of his wickedness and the preceding note. — Tr.] Among these blasphemy against God, when people came errors, there is certainly no one that is cap- and prostrated themselves before him to ital. See Jac. Usher, Sylloge Kpistolar. confess their sins, he said : I know all your Hibernicarum, p 12, and Nouveau Diction- sins, for all secrets are known to me ; re turn securely, and in peace, to your hab;ta- nairc histor. crit., torn i , p. i:i [For the history of the controversy with tions. And all that the holy Gospel testi- both Adalbert and Clement, see Walch's fies as done by hypocrites, he has imitated. Historic der Ketzereyen, torn z., f. 3-66. in his dress, his walk, and his deportment." — The Episile then describes the wicked ness of Ciement. thus : " The other heretic, -7V.] (7) The authors who have treated of the sect of Felix, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. whose name is Clement, opposes the Cath- Fabricius, in his Bibliotheca Lit. medii olic church, and renounces and confutes the aevi, torn, ii., p 482. To these, add J'eter canons of the church of Christ. He refuses de Marca, in the Marca Hispanica, lib. iii., to abide by the treatises and discourses of c 12, p. 368, cVc. Jo. de Fcrrerax, His- the holy fathers, Jerome, Augustine, and toire generate d'Kspagne. torn, ii., p 518, Gregory. Despising the decrees of coun- 523, 528, 535, &c.. 560. Jo. Mabillon, cils, he affirms, that in his opinion, a man Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn, v., Praef., can be a Christian bishop, and bear the title, p. ii., &c. Of Felix in particular, account after being the father of two sons, begotten is given by Domin. Colonia, Histoire litter. in adultery [i. e , in clerical wedlock]. In- de la villc de Lyon, torn, ii., p. 79, and by traducing Judaism again, he deems it right the Benedictine monks, in Histoire litte- for a Christian if he pleases, to marry the raire de la France, torn, iv., p. 434. etc. widow of his deceased brother. Also, con trary to the faith of the holy fathers, he main tains, that Christ the Son of God descended [This sect is fully treated of, in C W. F Walch's Hist, der Ketzer , vol. ix., p 667- 940 : and in his Historia Adoptianorum, into hell, and liberated all that were there Getting., 1755, 8vo. See also Schroeckh,. detained in prison, believers and unbelievers, Kirchengeschichte, vol. zz., p. 459—498 worshippers of God and worshippers of idols. — Tr.] 48 BOOK III.— CENTURY VIII.— PART II.— CHAP. V. on Elipandus by the Christians, because he lived under the Saracens of Spain. Many believe, and not without reason, that the disciples of Felia. who were called Adoptionists, differed from other Christians, not in reality, but only in words, or in the mode of stating their views.(8) But as Felix was not uniform in his language, those who accuse him of the Nestorian error have some grounds of argument. (8) Jo. Geo. Dorscheus, Collat, ad Con cilium Francof., p. 101. Sam. Werenfels, de Logomachiis Eruditor., in his Opp., p. 159. Jac. Basnage, Praef. ad Ethcrium ; in Hcnr. Canisii Lectionibus Antiquis, torn, ii., pt. i., p. 284. Geo. Calixtus, in his Tract on this subject ; and others. [Dr. Walch, in his Historia Adoptianor., consid ers Felix as not a Nestorian ; and yet he regards the controversy as not merely about words. The substance of Felix's views he hus states : Christ as a man, and without regard to the personal union of the two na tures, was born a servant of God, though without sin. From the condition of a ser vant, he passed into that of a free person, when God at his baptism pronounced him his dear Son. This transaction was hia adoption, and likewise his regeneration. The title of God, belongs to him indeed as a man, but not properly, for he is God only nuncupatively Thus did Felix utter some thing unsuitable and new ; but his innova tion was not a ground for so great an alarm throughout the whole church, as if he had assailed the fundamental doctrines of ChrU- tianity. — Tr.] CENTURY NINTH. PART I. THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS IN THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 9 1, 2. The Swedes, Danes, and Cimbrians converted. — $ 3. The Bulgarians, Bohemians, and Moravians. — $ 4. The Slavonian tribes, the Russians. — $ 5. Estimate of these Con versions. § 1. So long us Charlemagne lived, which was till the year 814, he omitted no means which he deemed requisite, to propagate and establish Christianity among the Huns, the Saxons, the Frieslanders, and others. (1) But it is to be regretted, that he did not omit to employ violence and war. His son, Lewis the Meek, had the same zeal for propagating Christianity, though greatly his inferior in other respects. Under his reign, a conve nient opportunity^was presented for planting Christianity among the north, ern nations, especially the Danes and Swede vs. ('2) Harold K/ack, a petty sovereign of Jutland, being expelled his kingdom by Rcgner Lodbrock in the year 820, applied to the emperor for his assistance. Lewis promised him aid, on condition that he would embrace Christianity himself, and admit teachers of the Christian religion into his country. Harald acceded to the (1) [Among those belong the Carinthians. with them, while their pagan masters had to They had indeed partially received Chrisli- eat their bread and meat without the doors ; anity in the preceding century, from Virf^l- and had to drink out of black cups, whereas tux bishop of Salisbury. For Boruth the the servants drank from gilded cups. For duke of Carinthia, when he committed his the presbyters told the masters, " You un- son Corastus to the Bavarians as a hostage, baptized persons are not worthy to eat with requested that he might be baptized and ed- those that are baptized '' This enkindled ucated as a Christian : and he also request- such a desire to become Christians, that ed the same in regard to his nephew Chcti- great numbers of them were baptized. The mar. Now, as both these afterwards be- story does as little credit to these missiona- came successively dukes of Carinthia, it may ries, as to their converts. Seethe Lifeof St. be readily conceived, that the Christian re- Ruprecht ; in Canisii Lectiombus Antiq., ligior. had made considerable progress there torn. vi. of the old ed 4to — Schl ] before this century. In the present century, (2) [ Ebbo archbishop of Kheims, who had A.D. 803, Charlemagne came to Saltsburg, travelled as an imperial envoy in the north- and confirmed to Arno his ecclesiastical ju- ern countries, made an attempt as early as risdiction over Slavonia, or Carinthia in Low- A.D. 822, to spread Christianity there ; and er Pannonia. The presbyters, whom bish- together with Halitgarnis of Cambray, he op Arno sent to Carinthia to build up the obtained from pope Paschal a full power :hurches there, adopted a singular artifice to for this purpose. See Acta Sanctor., Antw.. render Christianity respectable, and pagan- ad 3 Februar., and Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ism contemptible, in the eyes of the people, ord. Bened, Secul. iv., pt. ii., torn, "i., p. They allowed Christian slaves to sit at table 91, 107, 122. — .ScW.1 VOL. II.— G 50 BOOK III.— CENTURY IX.— PART I.-CHAP. I. terms, was baptized at Mayence A.D. 826, together with his brother, and took alono- with him to Jutland, two preachers of Christianity, Ansgarius a monk and° schoolmaster of Corbeyin Saxony, and Autherf. a monk of Cor- bey in France ; and these monks preached among the innabitants of Jut- land and Cimbria, for two years, with great success. § 2. On 'he death of his fellow-labourer Autbert, in the year 828, the indefatigable Ansgarius went over to Sweden ; and there he plead the cause of Christ with equal success.(3) Returning into Germany in the vear 831, Lewis the Meek constituted him archbishop of the new churcn of Ham. burg(4) and of all the North ; and in the year 844, the episcopal see of Bremen was annexed to that of Hamburg. The profits of this high station were small,(5) while its perils were very great, and its labours immense. For Ansgarius, while he lived, took frequent journeys among the Danes.(6) the Cimbrians, the Swedes,(7) and other nations ; and laboured, though at the peril of his life, to collect new churches, and to strengthen those previ ously formed, till death overtook him, A.D. 865.(8) (3) [The Christians who were carried into efforts. But the income of the monastery captivity by the Normans in their frequent was very small ; and soon after ceased al- plundering expeditions, undoubtedly con- together, when the kingdom fell into disor- tributed much to give this people a favour- der. Amgarius must therefore have been able disposition towards Christianity; and in want of resources. He at last received a especially by recounting to them the wealth small estate from a pious widow, in Ramel- and power of the Christian countries, which slob near Bremen ; which however yielded was ascribed to their religion. This will ac- him but a small income — Schl.] count for what historians affirm, that Swe- (6) [The violent persecution to which the dish ambassadors came to king Lewis, and Danish Christians were exposed, was one stated among other things, that many of their occasion for his repeatedly visiting that coun- people had an inclination towards Christian- try. He was himself driven from Hamburg, ity, and that their king would cheerfully per- (by an invasion of the Normans), and the mit Christian priests to reside among them, city being wholly laid waste, he had to re- Anscharius and Vitmarn were sent thither, side some time at Bremen. He was at with rich presents. Their voyage was un- length permitted to enter Denmark, by king fortunate : for they fell into the hands of pi- Erich ; and being allowed to preach there, rates, who plundered them. Yet they final- he erected a church at Hadcbye or Schles- ly reached the port of Biork. which belonged wick, in the year 850. But this king being to the king Bern or Biorn. There they col- slain in 856, during the minority of his son lected a congregation, and built a church, in Erich Barn there was fresh persecution, the course of six months, the king having and the church of Srhlcswick was shut up. given liberty to his subjects to embrace the When this king began to reign in person, he new religion. On the return of these mis- was more favourable to the Christians, and sionaries, the congregation in Sweden was permitted Anscharhtslo return, and to erect without a teacher, till Ebbo sent them his nephew Gausbcrt, who at his ordination to anew church at Ripen, A.D. 860.— Schl.] (7) [To Sweden he sent the priest Ard- the episcopacy of that see, took the name of garius ; and likewise went there himself, a Simon : but he was soon after driven out of second time, in the character of envoy from Sweden.— Schl.] king Lewis to king Olavs, who was induced , (4) [The see of Hamburg was then very by presents to support Ansgarius in two im- small. embracing but four parish churches, perial Swedish diets, at which the establish- Leun* sent Ansgarius to the pope; who ment of Christianity was derided by casting conferred on him the archiepiscopal pall, and lots. He now re-established Christian wor- constituted him his legate for Sweden, Den- ship at Biork, and left Hf.nrnbcrt there as a mark, the Faro Islands, Iceland, &c., as also Christian teacher.— Schl.'] among the Slavonians, and the northern and (8) The writers who treat of the lite eastern tribes. See the Acta Sanctor., Feb., and labours of this holv and illustrious pa- torn. i., and Mahllon, 1. c.—Sehl..-] rent of the Cimbrian, Danish, and Swedish (5) [Lewis the Meek assigned him the churches, are enumerated bv Jo Alb Fa- revenues of a monastery in Brabant, in or- brinus, Biblioth. Latin, medii aevi, torn, i., the exoenses of his missionary p. 292, &c , and Lux Evangelii toto orl-i PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 51 $ 3. About the middle of this century, two Greek monks, Methodius and Cyril, being sent as missionaries from Constantinople by the empress Theodora, taught first the Moesians, Bulgarians, a-nd Ga/ari, and afterwards the Bohemians and Moravians, to renounce their false gods and to embrace Christ. (9) Some knowledge of Christianity had indeed been previously terrar. exoriens, p. 425, &c To these, add the Benedictine monks' Histoire litteraire de la France, tome v., p. 277. Acta Sanctor. uiens. Februar.. torn, i., p. 391, &c. Enc Punt oppidan, Atmales eccles. Danicae Di plomatic!, torn, i., p. 18, &c. Mollerus, Cinitiria Litterata, torn. iii.,p. 8, &c From these writers, a knowledge may be pained of the others also ; namely, Eb'b-i, Witlimar, Rembcrt, &.c., who were either the compan ions and assistants of Ansgarius, or his suc cessors in the field of labour. [The life of Anx<;uriu», well written by Rtmhcrt his dis ciple and successor in the see of Hamburg, is in Mabtlltm, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn, vi., p. 78, &c. Among the recent writers, see Schmidt, Kirchengesch., vol. iv., p. 108-1 19. Schroerkh, Kirchengesch., vol. xxi., p. 314, &c., and archbishop Munter^s Kirchengesch. von Diinern. und Norweg., vol. i., p. 319, Lips., 1823.— Tr.] (9) Jo. Gco Stredotoglty, Sacra Moraviae Historia, lib. ii., cap. ii., p. 94, &c. Com pare Jo. I'cter Kohl, Introduct. in historiam et rem littcrar. Slavorum, p. 124. &c.. and others. [A much ampler account of the missions and conversions, mentioned in this and the following sections, w given by Schrocckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xxi., p. 396, &c., and by J. E. C. Schmidt, Kirchen gesch., vol. iv., p. 120, &c. ; also by Jo*. Sim. Asscman, Kalendaria Ecclesiae uni- versae, tomus iii., p. 3, &c , Romae, 1755, 4to ; see likewise Gicselcr's Text book by Cunningham, vol. ii., p. 128, &c. — The fol lowing summary by Schlegrl, derived from Semler and Baumgarten, contains the most material results of modern investigation. — 7V. The seeds of Christianity had been previously scattered among the Bulgarians by some Christian captives. In the year 814, Crummus the Bulgarian king captured Adrianople, and carried the bishop Manuel with other of the citizens into captivity ; and his successor afterwards put this bishop with other Christian captives to death, be cause they made proselytes among the Bul garians. After this, it appears, that both the monk Thcmlorus Eu.pha.ras who was a cap tive in that country, and a sister of the Bul garian king Rogoris (who had been taken prisoner and carried to Constantinople, where she was educated and taught the Christian re- jgion and then exchanged for the monk The- /uorus), contributed much to recommend Christianity to that people. The way being thus prepared, Bogons admitted several ar tists from Constantinople ; among whom was the famous painter Methodius, who instead of drawing worldly scenes for the king, formed religious pictures, and among them one of the judgment day ; and instructed him in the principles of Christianity. Not long after, the king in a time of famine, openly profess ed Christianity, and invited teachers from abroad. But his subjects made insurrection against him for it, and he caused fifty-two of the ringleaders to be put to death, and at length brought the rest to embrace the new religion. In the year 848, (for thus Asse- man has ascertained the true year, in his Kalendar. eccles. universae. torn, iii , p. 13, &c., whereas Kohl and Sircdowsky state the year 843), Conslantine the brother of this Mrihodnit, had been sent among the Chazari [or Gazari] whose king had likewise desired to have Christian teachers. Constantint laid the foundation of the Christian church among this people, translated the scripture* into the Slavonic language, and taught that barbarous nation the use of letters. Aftei this, he came to the aid of his brother among the Bulgarians; and in the year 861 he bap tized king Bogoris, who assumed at the font the name of the Greek c mperor Michael.— The two brothers Comfantme and Methodi us, were natives of Thessalonica. The for mer who was the oldest, afterwards took the name of Cyril ; and on account of his learn ing, was surnamed the Philosopher. The younger brother was distinguished as a paint er. It is probable, that both of them in early life fled from Constantinople, to avoid the persecution which befell the worshippers of images, and especially the painters of them ; and that they took refuge among the Slavonic tribes, and there learned their lan guage, which was afterwards of use to them in the propagation of Christianity. — From the Bulgarians, Constantine, it is stated, travel led among the adjacent Dalmatians and Croatians, and baptized their king Biidimir. See Baumgarten's Auszug der Kirchen gesch., vol. iii., p. 1379, and S. Semler't Selecta Hist, eccles. Capita, torn, ii., p. 263, 269. — As to the Bohemians, the Chronicles of Fulda, ad ann 845, state that under Lewis king of the Germans, fourteen Bohemian lords with their subjects, embraced the Chri»- tian religion. And it is well known, thai 52 BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.-PART I -CHAP. I. imparted to these nations, through the influence of Charlemagne and sorno of the bishops ;(10) but that knowledge produced little effect, and gradu. ally became extinct. As the missionaries above named were Greeks, they inculcated on those new disciples the opinions of the Greeks, their forma of worship and their rites ;(11) from which the Roman pontiffs afterwards, by their legates were able but partially to reclaim them. And from thia source, ™t commotions occasionally arose. & 4 Under the Greek emperor Basil the Macedonian, who ascended the throne A.D. 867, the Slavonic nations, the Arentani and others who inhabited Dalmatia, sent ambassadors to Constantinople, and voluntarily placed themselves in subjection to the Greek empire ; and at the same time, they professed a readiness to receive Christianity. _ Greek priests were therefore sent among them who instructed and baptized them. (12) The same emperor, after concluding a peace with the warlike nation of the Russians, persuaded them by presents and other means to promise him by their ambassadors, that they would embrace Christianity. The nation stood to their promise, and admitted not only Christian teachers among them, but also an archbishop commissioned by Ignatius the Greek patriarch. (13) towards the close of the century, the Bohe mian prince Borivai or Borsivoi was bap tized. Suatopluc or Zwentibold, king of the Moravians, appears to have greatly aided this conversion. For having been baptized himself, the king treated this pagan prince roughly while residing at his court, and would not allow him to sit at his table; be cause, as he told him, it was not suitable for a pagan to eat with Christians. Perhaps also the assurance given him by Methodiu?, may have contributed to his conversion ; for he told him, that if he embraced Christianity he would become a greater man than any of his ancestors. In short, he consented to be baptized ; and returning home, he persuaded his wife Ludomilla with many others, to re ceive baptism also ; and afterwards, with the aid of his wife, greatly promoted the spread of Christianity, and among other means, by erecting a famous school at Budec. See litanae, A.D. 1738, 4to. [See (14) Mich, le Quten, in his Christianas also Schrorckfi. Kirchengesch., vol. xxi., p. Oriens, torn, i., p. 1257, gives account of 507, Ac., and J. E. C. Schmidt's Kirchen- this conversion of the Russians to Cliristi- gesch , vol. iv., p. 166, &c — TV.] •nity in the reign of Basil the Macedonian; (1) [Euphemius a general in Sicily, be- but he has made a number of mistakes, as came enamoured with a nun, and forcibly others had done before him. He first tells took her to his bed. Her brothers com- us, that the Russians here intended were plained to the viceroy, who laid the case be- those that bordered on the Bulgarians ; but fore the emperor ; and he ordered the nose a little after, he tells us they were the Go.- of Euphemius to be cut off. Euphrmius zari. For this opinion he has but one reason, repelled the force sent to arrest him, and namely, that among the teachers sent to in- fled to Africa. There he offered the Sara- strur.t the Russians, was that Cyril who was cen governor, to put him in possession of all active in the conversion of the Gazari. The Sicily, if he would intrust him with an army learned author was ignorant of both the and allow him to assume the title of a Ro- Russians and the Gazari. He has made also man Imperator. The governor consented ; other mistakes. The subject is developed and Euphemius fulfilled his promise. But much better, and more accurately, by Thcoph. he had scarcely accomplished his design, Si ff r. Bayer, Diss. de Russorum prima ex- when he lost his life at Syracuse by assas- peditione Constantmopolitana ; published in sination. See the account given by John 51 BOOK HI -CENTURY IX.-PAKT I.-CHAP. II. v Rome They also either ravaged or seized upon Crete, Corsica, and other islands. How great the injury to the Christian cause every where from 0 . - > berless families of Chris order to render their lives comfortable. Those possessed of more resolu- tion and piety, gradually sunk into a miserable state being not only de- spoiled of the chief of their property, but what was still more lamentable, thev fell by degrees into a kind of religious stupor, and an amazing igno rance • so that they retained almost nothing Christian, except the name and a few religious rites. The Saracens in Europe, and particularly those of Spain, became divested in a great measure of their ferocity ; and they suffered the Christians their subjects to live quietly according to their own laws arid institutions. Yet instances of cruelty were not wanting among them.(2) § 2. Another and a more direful tempest came upon the buropean Christians from the regions of the North. The Normans, that is, the people inhabiting the shores of the Baltic in Denmark, Norway, and Swe den, who were accustomed to rapine and slaughter, and whose petty kings and chieftains practised piracy, had infested the coasts along the German and Gallic Oceans as early as the reign of Charlemagne, and that emperor established garrisons and camps to oppose them. But in this century they became much more bold, and made frequent descents upon Germany, Bri tain, Friesland, but especially France, plundering and devastating with fire and sword wherever they went. The terrific inroads of these savage hordes, extended not only to Spain,(3) but even to the centre of Italy ; for Curopalata, as cited by Baronms, AnnaL, death. The particular offence of Evlogiu* torn, ix., ad aim. 827, $ xxiv., &c. — Tr.] for which he was put to death, was detain- (2) See, for example, the martyrdom of ing and secreting a Spanish girl, whom he Eulogius of Corduba, in the Acta Sanctor. had converted from the Mussulman to the ad d xi. Martii, torn, ii., p. N8 ; and those Christian faith, and not giving her up to her of Roderic and Salomon, Spanish martyrs of parents and friends. See his three Books, this century, in the same vol. ad d. xiii. de Martynbus Cordubensibus ; his Apolo- Martii, p. 328. [The Saracens of Spain geticus pro martyribua adv. Calumniatores ; were tolerant to the Christians, so long as and his Exhortatio ad martyrium ; in the they demeaned themselves as quiet and Biblioth. Patr., torn, xv., p. 6G6, &c. ; also peaceable citizens ; and they allowed them Schrver.kh, Kirchengesch., vol. xxi., p. 294, the free exercise of their religion. But they &c., and (nescler's Text-book of Eccles. would not allow them to revile Mohammed Hist., transl. by Cunningham, vol. ii., p. 55, and his religion. And this was the source &c. — Tr.] of all the difficulties. Ahdalrahman consult- (3) Jo. de Fcrrcras, Histoire generale ed Recc/ifnd, a Christian bishop, on the d'Espagne, torn, ii., p. 583. Piracy was subject. The bishop stated, that when Chris- esteemed among these northern nations, a tians traduced the Mohammedan religion very honourable and laudable profession ; without urgent cause, and laboured to intro- and to it, the nobility and the sons and the duce their own in place of it, if they thereby kindred of kings were trained. Nor will lost their lives they could not be accounted this surprise us, if we consider the religion martyrs. A number of Christians agreed of those nations, and the barbarism of the with Reccafrid ; but the majority dissented, times See Jo. Liid. Hnibf.ry, Historia Dan- And Eulosi'is wrote against Reccafrid, and orutn et Norvejrorum navalis ; in the Scrip- compiled histories of the Spanish martvrs ta Societatis Scientiarum Hafniensis, torn. He and those in his sentiments, exerted all iii., p. 349, where he relates many intercst- iheir efforts to run down Mohammedism, ing accounts respecting these maritime rob- and to make converts to Christianity. They beries, from the annals of the Danes and also courted martyrdom ; and in several in- Norwegians, tstances, invited the judges to put them to STA'IK OF LEARNING. 53 it appears from the writers of those times, that they destroyed the city of Luna in the year 857, and Pisa and other cities of Italy in the year 860. (4) The early histories of the Franks, detail and deplore at great length theii horrid enormities. § 3. The first views of these savages, extended only to collecting plun der and slaves in the countries they invaded ;(5) but by degrees, becoming captivated with the beauty and fertility of those countries, they took up residence in them; nor could the European kings and princes prevent their doing so. In this very century, Cfuirles the Bald was obliged A.D. 850, to cede a considerable part of his kingdom to these bold invaders. (6) And a few years after, in the reign of Charles the Fat, king of France, Godfrcd one of their most valiant chieftains, persevered in his military enterprises till he had subdued all Friesland.(T) Yet those who perrna- nently settled among Christians, gradually became civilized, and intermar rying with the Christians, they exchanged the superstitions of their ances tors for the religion of the Christians. Godfred the conqueror of Fries- land, did so in this century, when lie had received Gisela the daughter of king Lotliaire Junior, from the hands of Charles the Fat, for his wife. PART II. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE STATE OF LEARNING AND SCIENCE. $ I . State of Learning among the Greeks. — § 2. State of Philosophy. — $ 3. Learning among the Arabians — $ 4. State of learning under Charlemagne and his Sons. — $ 5. Impedi ments to its progress. — $ 6. List of learned Men. — $ 7. John Scotus. § 1. AMONG the Greeks many things occurred in this age, which could not but damp their ardour for learning and knowledge. Still however, the munificence of the emperors, some of whom were themselves devoted to study, and the precautions of the patriarchs, among whom Pliotius shone conspicuous for erudition, prevented an absolute dearth of learned men. particularly at Constantinople. Hence there were among the Greeks, some who excelled both in prose and in poetic composition, who showed their skill in argumentation by their writings against the Latins and others, and (4) See the Scriptores rerum Italicar. by These places were therefore generally for- Muriitori, in various passages. tified ; and the bishops and abbots who were (6) [This object of the Normans, [making also bound to do military service for their nlindcr], occasioned the destruction of a lands, were obliged to defend them against vast number of churches and monasteries in the incursions of foreign enemies. — Schl.] England, France, Germany, and Italy. For (6) Annals by an unknown author, in in these places were deposited large treas- Pithoei Scriptores Francici, p. 46. ures, parity belonging to the establishments, (7) Regino Prumiensis, Annales, lib. it., md partly placed there for safe keeping, p. 60, in Pistorii Scriptor. German. 56 BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. 1. win composed histories of their own times not altogether destitute of merit. i particular, when their disputes with the Latins became warm, many who would otherwise have suffered their talents to be eaten up of rust, were roused to set about cultivating elegance and copiousness of diction. & 2 That the study of philosophy among the Greeks of this century, continued for a long time neglected, is testified expressly by John Zonaras. But under the emperors Tlieophilus and his son Michael III. the study of it revived, through the influence especially of Bardas the Csesar,(l) who, though himself not learned, was the friend ofPhotius who was a very learned man&and a great Maecenas, and by whose counsels no doubt Bardas was guided in this matter. At the head of all the learned men to whose pro- tection he intrusted the interests of learning, Bardas placed Leo the Wise, who was a very learned man, and was at last made bishop of Thessaloni. ca.(2) Photius himself expounded what are called the Categories of Aris totle ; and Michael Psellus wrote brief explanations of the principal books of that philosopher. Others, I pass over. § 3. Hitherto the Arabians, intent solely on making conquests, had entire ly neglected the sciences, but now the Kalif of Babylon and Egypt, Al Ma. mun or Abu Gaafar Abdullah, by his love of learning and munificence to learned men, aroused them to make greater advances. For this excellent kalif, who began to reign about the time that Charlemagne died, and end- ed his days A.D. 833, founded celebrated schools at Bagdad, Cufa, Bassora, and other places ; drew learned men around him, by conferring on them great rewards ; established ample libraries ; procured at great expense the translation of the best works of the Greeks into Arabic ; and neglected no means, which would do honour to a prince greatly attached to literature and science, and himself a distinguished proficient.(3) Through his influ ence, the Arabians began to find pleasure in Grecian science, and to prop agate it by degrees not only in Syria and Africa, but also in Spain and even in Italy. Hence they celebrate a long list of renowned philosophers, physicians, astronomers, and mathematicians of their nation, extending through several centuries. (4) Yet we must not take all that the modern Saracenic historians tell us of the merits and endowments of these men, in the most literal sense. (5) From the Arabians, the European Christians afterwards profited in the sciences. For what knowledge of mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and philosophy, was taught in Europe from the tenth (1) Annales, torn, ii., lib. xvi., p. 126, in (4) Sec Leo Africanus' Tract, de Medicis the Corpus Byzant., torn. x. et Philosophis Arabibus ; repnblished by Jo. (2) [Among the Greek emperors who ad- Alb. Fabricins, in his Biblioth. Graeca, vol. vanced science, Basil the Macedonian should xii., p. 259, &c. not be forgotten. He was himself not with- (5) [In the abstruse sciences, they are said out learning ; as is evident from his speeches, to have been mere copyists, or rather plagia- letters, and counsels to his son Leo, that are rists from the Greeks and Latins, particularly still extant. And this son of his, who was from Aristotle, Euclid, Galen. &c. Even eurnained the Wise and the Philosopher on Avicenna, whose canon or system of physic, account of his learning, composed largely : was classic in the European medical schools the most important of his works are, the so late as the 16th century, we are told, advan- eixty Books of his Basilicon, or Imperial ced nothing very important but what is to Laws, his Tactica, and his speeches.— SchL] be found in Galen and others. Their as- (3) Abulpharajus, Historia Dynastiar., p. tronomy was more properly astrology, or 146. Geo. Elmacin, Historia Saracen., lib. divination from the starry heavens See u., p. 139. Barthol. Herbelot, Biblioth. Ori- Schroeckh, Kirchengesch.. vol. xxi., p. 279- entale, Article Mamun, p. 545 292. — Tr.] STATE OF LEARNING. 57 century onward, was derived principally from the schools and the books of the Arabians in Italy and Spain. And hence, the Saracens may in some inra-snre be considered as the restorers of learning in Europe. § 4. In the part of Europe subject to the Franks, Charlemagne while he lived, cheiished and honoured learning of all kinds with great zeal. If his successors had followed him with equal strides, or had been capable of doing si i, ignorance and barbarism would have been expelled. And indeed, his example was partially imitated. Lewis the Meek, copying after his father, devised and executed several projects suited to promote and advance the useful arts and sciences. (6) His son, Charles the Bald, went beyond his father in this matter : for this emperor was a great patron of learning and learned men ; he invited men of erudition to his court, from all quarters ; took delight in their conversation ; enlarged the schools and made them re spectable, and cherished in particular the Palatine or court school. (7) In Italy, his brother Lotkairc, (emperor after A.D. 823), laboured to restore the entirely prostrate and languishing cause of learning, by founding schools in eight of the principal cities. (8) But his efforts appear to have had little ellect : for during this whole century, Italy scarcely produced a man of ge nius. (9) In England, king Alfred obtained great renown by promoting and honouring literary enterprise. (10) § 5. But the infelicity of the times, prevented these plans and efforts from imparting that prosperity to learning, which the rank and power of the noble actors might lead us to expect. In the first place, the wars that the (6) See the Histoirclitterairede la France, lorn, iv., p. .183, &c. [The Palatine school continued to flourish under Lewis the Meek. Also many monasteries were re- established, or instituted anew, in which the sciences were studied. From his Capitulare it , (in Hanluin's Concilia, tom. iv., p. 1251, No. 5), ni'iv be seen, how desirous this emperor was of promoting learning and the establish ment of schools He there says to the bish ops : " The institution of schools in suitable . 'or the education of children and the ministers of the church, which you formerly promised us, and which we enjoined upon you, wherever it has not been done, must not be neglected by you.'' — Schl.] (7) Hcrm. Connnyius, Antiquitates Aca- iliim. .e. p. 320. Cats. Egasse du Boulau, Historia Acad. Paris., tom. i., p. 178. Jo. ! . . de Scholis Caroli M., cap. xi., xii , p. 47, cVc. Histoire Litteraire de la France, torn, v., p. 433. (8) See his Ordinance or Capitulare, which is published by Muratori, Rermn Ital- icar. Scriptor , tom. i., part ii., p. 151. [In this ordinance, the emperor represents the cultivation of literature as wholly prostrate in the Italian states, in consequence of the negligence of the clergy and the civil officers ; and that he had therefore appointed teachers, who should give instruction in the liberal arts, and wholn he had directed to use all possible diligence to educate the rising gen- VOL. II.— H eration. He also mentions the cities in which he had stationed ihese teachers ; namely, Pavia, Ivrea, Turin, Cremona, Flor ence, Fermo, Verona, Viccnza, and Forum Julii, or the modern Cividad del Friuli. — Schl.] (9) See Muralori, Antiquitates Ital. medii aevi, tom. iii., p. 829, &c. (10) See Ant. Wood, Historia et Antiqq. Acad. Oxoniensis, lib. i., p 13, &c. Bon, lay, Historia Acad. Paris, tom. i, p. 211, and Nouveau l)iciionnaire Histor. Grit., tom. i., article Elfrra. p. 234. ["This excel lent prince not only encouraged by his pro tection and liberality such of his own sub jects as made any progress in the liberal arts and sciences, but invited over from foreign countries men of distinguished talents, whom he fixed in a seminary at Oxford, and, of consequence, may be looked upon as the founder of that noble university. Johannes Scotiis Eriyena. who had oeen in the service of Charles the Bald, and Grivibald, a monk of St. Berlin in France, were the most fa mous of those learned men who came from abroad ; Asscrius, Werefrid, Plegmund, Dunicuf, Wulfsig, and the abbot of St. Neat's, deserve the first rank among the Eng lish literati who adorned the age of Alfred. See Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. i., book iii., p. 165, 166, &c. Rapin Thoyras, in the reign of this illustrious monarch." — Macl.1 68 BOOK I1I.-CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. I sons of Lewis the Meek waged with their father, and afterwards between themselves, interrupted very much the prosperity of the countries subject to the Franks In the next place the incursions and victories of the IS ormans, which afflicted a large portion of Europe during the whole century, were such an obstruction to the progress of learning, that at the close of the cen- tury in most of these countries, and even in France itself, few remained who deserved to be called learned men.(ll) What little incoherent knowledge remained among the clergy, was chiefly confined to the episcopal and mo nastic schools. But the more the priests and monks increased in wealth and riches, the less they attended to the cultivation of their minds. § 6. And yet a large part of this century was brightened with the ex amples and labours of the men, who derived a literary spirit from Charle. magne and from his institutions and laws. Among these, Rabanus Maurus held perhaps the first rank in Germany and France ; and to his lectures, the studious youth resorted in great numbers. As historians, and not wholly without merit, appeared Eginhard, Freculphus, Theganus, Haymo, Anastasius, Ado, and others. In poetry, Florus, Walafrid Strabo, Bertha- rius, Rabanus, and others, distinguished themselves. In languages and philology, Rabanus, (who wrote acutely concerning the causes and origin of languages), Smaragdus, Bertharius, and others, possessed skill. Of Greek and Hebrew literature, William, Servatus Lupus, John Scolus, and others, were not ignorant. In eloquence, or the art of speaking and wri ting with elegance, Servatus Lupus, Eginhard, Agobard, Hincmar, and others, were proficients. (12) § 7. The philosophy and logic, taught in the European schools in this century, scarcely deserved the name. Yet there were, in various places and especially among the Irish, subtle and acute men, who might not im properly be called philosophers. At the head of these, was John Eri- gena(13) Scotus, i. e., the Irishman, a companion and friend of Charles the Bald, a man of great and excelling genius, and not a stranger to either Grecian or Roman learning. Being acquainted with Greek, he expounded Aristotle to his pupils ; and also philosophized with great acuteness, with out a guide. His five Books on the Division of Nature, (de Divisione na turae), are still extant ; an abstruse work, in which he traces the causes and origination of all things, in a style not disagreeable, and with no ordinary acumen ; and in which he so explains the philosophy of Christianity, as to make it the great aim of the whole system to bring the minds of men into intimate union with the Supreme Being. To express the thing in words better understood, — he was the first of those who united Scholastic theolo gy with that which is called Mystic. Some have viewed him as not very far from the opinion of those, who suppose God to be connected with na ture as the soul is with the body. But perhaps he advanced nothing but what the Realists, as they were called, afterwards taught ; though he ex- (11) Servants Lupv.s, Epistolae, p. 69, Le Bcuf, Etat des sciences en France de Ep. xxxiv. Conringius, Antiqq. Acad., p. puis Charlemagne jusqu' au Roi Robert ; in 322. Histoire litteraire de la France, torn, his Recueil de diverses Ecrits pour servir iv., p. 251, &c. d'eclaircissRment & 1'Histoire de France, (12) Fine illustrations of these remarks torn. ii.. p. 1, &c., Paris, 1738, 8vo. may be derived from the Histoire litteraire (13) [Erigena signifies properly a native de la France, by the Benedictine monks, torn, of Ireland, as Erin, or Irin, was the ancient iv., p. 251, 271, &c., and especially from name of that kingdom. — Macl.] CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 59 pressed his views with less clearness. (14) He did not, so tar as I know, found a new sect. About the same time one Macarius, also an Irishman or Scot, disseminated in France that error concerning the soul, which Averroes afterwards professed ; namely, that all men have one common soul : an error which Ratram confuted. (15) Before these men, and in the times of Charlemagne and Lewis the Meek, Dungal, a Scot and a monk, taught philosophy and astronomy in France, with great reputation. (16) Nearly contemporary with him was Heiric or Heric, a monk of Auxerre, a very acute man, who is said to have pursued his investigations in the manner of Des Cartes. (17) CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS AND OF CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 9 1. The Lives of the Clergy very Corrupt. — t) 2. Causes of this. — t) 3. The Roman Pon tiffs. — t) 4. Their Frauds for establishing their Power : Papess Joanna. — i) 5, 6. Friend ship of the Popes for the Kings of France. — § 7. The Emperors suffered their Rights in Matters of Religion to be wrested from them. The Power of Bishops curtailed. — () 8. Documents forged by the Roman Pontiffs. Decretal Epistles. — I) 9. Success of these Frauds. — $ 10. Monks gain access to Courts, and to Civil Offices. — $ 11. Attempts to reform their Profligate Lives. — t) 12. Canons and Canonesses. — § 13. The principal Greek Writers. — t) 14 The more distinguished Latins. § 1. THE ungodly lives of most of those intrusted with the care and government of the church, are a subject of complaint with all the ingen uous and honest writers of this agc.(l) In the East, sinister designs, rancour, contentions and strife, were every where predominant. At Con- st.uitinople or New Rome, those were elevated to the patriarchal chair, who were in favour at court ; and upon losing that fivour, a decree of the "inperor hurled them from their elevated station. In the West, the bish ops hung around the courts of princes, and indulged themselves in every species of voluptuousness :(2) while the inferior clergy and the monks were (14) This book was published by Thomas (16) Histoire litteraire de la France, torn. Galr, Oxon., 1G31, fol. Cfir. Aug. Heu- iv., p. 493. [But Muratori, History of mann made some extracts from it, and treat- Italy, vol. iv., p. 611, German ed. and else- ed learnedly of Scotu.i himself, in the Ger- where, thinks this Dungal taught at Pama man Acta Philosophorum, torn, hi., p. 858, in Italy, and not in the monastery of St. &c. Denys in France. — 7V. J (15) See Jo. Mabil/on, Praef. ad Saecul. (17) Le Bcnf, Memoires pour 1'Histoire iv., pt. ii. Actor. Sanctor. ord. Benedicti, d'Au.ierre, torn, ii., p. 481. Acta Sanctor., $ 156, &c., p. liii., &c. [It is not to be sup- torn. iv. m. Junii ad diem 24, p. 829. et ad posed that Macanux held the numerical unity diem 31 Julii, p. 249. For this philosopher of all human souls, but only their specific obtained a place among the saints. unity or identity ; i. e., their sameness of es- (1) See Agobard, de privilegiis et jure sence. or sameness of nature. The doctrine Sacerdotii, $ 13, p. 137, torn i. of his Opp., of the sameness of all generals, was often so ed. Baluze. stated as apparently to deny the separate ex- (2) See Agobard, passim ; and the laws i»tence of individuals, and even to approxi- (or canons) enacted in the councils of the •nate towards pantheism. See Bayle, Die- Latins : also Sercatus Lupus, Epist. xxxv., tionnaire Historique, article Spinoza, note p. 73, 281, and the annotations of Scrph P, torn, iv., p. 264, ed. 1738. — 7V.J Baluze, p. 371. [The council of Pavia, 60 BOOK IH.-CENTURY IX.— PART II.— CHAP. II. sensual ; and by the grossest vices, corrupted the people whom they were set to reform. The ignorance of the clergy in many places, was so great, that fe\\ of them could read and write, and very few could express their thoughts with precision and clearness. Hence, whenever a letter was to be penned, or any thing of importance was to be committed to writing, recourse was generally had to some one individual, who was supposed to excel common men by possessing some dexterity in such matters. The example of Scrvatus Lupus is evidence of the fact. (3) § 2. In Europe, various causes operated to produce and to foster this corruption among persons who ought to have been examples to others. Among the principal must be reckoned the calamities of the times, such as the perpetual wars between Lewis the Meek and his sons and posterity, the incursions and ravages of the barbarous nations, the gross ignorance of the nobility, and the vast wealth that was possessed by the churches and monasteries. To these leading causes, others of less magnitude may be added. If a son of an illustrious family lacked energy and talent, an elevated place was sought for him among the rulers of the church. (4) The patrons of churches, not wishing to have their vices exposed and re- proved, gave the preference to weak and inefficient men for parish minis ters and guardians of the souls of men. (5) The bishops and the heads of monasteries held much real estate or landed property, by a feudal tenure ; and therefore, whenever a war broke out they were summoned to the field, A.D. 850, canon 3d, say : " It is our opin ion, that bishops should be contented with temperate meals ; and should not urge their guests to eat and to drink, but rather set ex amples of sobriety. Let all provocations to debauchery, be removed from their convivi ality ; let no ludicrous shows, no vain gar rulity, no buffoonery of wits, no scurrilous tricks, there find a place." — Harduin's Con cilia, torn, v., p. 25. In a subsequent canon, they forbid bishops' keeping hounds and hawks for hunting, and their having super fluous trains of horses and mules, and gaudy dresses, for vain display. — The council of Aix-la-Chapelle, A.D. 836, forbid bishops getting drunk. — Harduin, Concilia, torn, iv., p. 1392, No. 6. And they state, with rep robation, the fact that some of their order neglected their charges, and travelled here and there, not from necessity, but to gratify their avarice or their love of pleasure. — Ibid., p. 1393, No. 12. Of presbyters and the in ferior clergy, they complain that they kept women in their houses, to the great scandal of the ministry ; and this, notwithstanding the attempts of former councils and princes to remove the evil. Also, that presbyters turn bailiffs, frequent taverns, pursue filthy lucre, practise usury, conduct shamefully and lewdly in the houses they visit, and do not blush to indulge in revelry and drunkenness. —Ibid., p. 1397, No. 7, 8. They say of the nunneries, that " in some places they seem ed to be rather brothels than monasteries" — quae in quibusdam locis lupanaria potius videntur esse, quarn monasteria. — Ibid., p. 1398, No. 12. The council of Mayence, A.D. 888, decreed: "That the clergy be wholly forbidden to have females resident in their houses. For, although there were ca nons allowing certain females [mothers and sisters] to reside in clergymen's houses ; yet, what is greatly to be lamented, we have of ten heard, that by such permission, numer ous acts of wickedness have been commit ted ; t-o that some priests, cohabiting will) their own sisters, have had children by them. (Saepe audivimus, per illam concessionem plurima scelera esse comrnissa, ita ut quidam sacerdotum cum propriis sororibus concum- bentes, filios ex eis generassent.) And therefore this holy synod decrees, that no presbyter shall permit any female to live with him in his house ; so that the occasion of evil reports, or of iniquitous deeds, may be wholly removed." — Ibid., vol. vi.,p. 406, No. 10.— TV.] (3) See his Works ; Ep. xcviii., xcix., p. 126, 148, 142 ; also his Life. To these add, Rodolphi Bituricensis Capitula ad Cleruin suum; in Baluzc, Miscellanea, torn, vi., p. 139 and p. 148. (4) Hincmar, Opus posterius contra Go deschalcurn, cap. xxxvi., in his Opp , torn. i. p. 318. Servatus Lupus, Epist. Ixxix., p 120. (5) Agobard, de privilegiis et jure Saeer dotpm, cap. xi., in his Opp., torn, i., p. 341 CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 61 with the quota of soldiers which they were bound to furnish to theb sovereigns. (6) Kings and princes moreover, that they might be able to reward their servants and soldiers for their services, often seized upon con. secrated property, and gave it to their dependants ; and the priests and monks who had before been supported by it, to relieve their wants, now betook themselves to every species of villany, and fraud, and imposition. (7) § 3. The Human pontiffs were elected by the suffrages of the whole body of the clergy and people [at Rome] ; but the emperors must approve of their appointment before they were consecrated. (8) There is indeed extant an edict of Lewis the Meek, dated A.D. 817, in which this right of the emperors is relinquished, and power given to the Romans not only of electing a pontiff, but of installing and consecrating him without waiting for the consent of the emperor :(9) but eminent men have shown by argu ments entirely satisfactory, that this document is a forgery.(lO) Yet I readily admit that after the times of Charles the Bald, who obtained the imperial dignity by the good offices of the Roman pontiff, the state of things was materially changed, and the consent of the emperors was not asked by tiie Romans. It is at the same time true beyond a question, that from the time of Eugene III. (11) who was placed in St. Peter's chair A.D. 884, the election of a pontiff was nearly destitute of any rule or order, and for the most part tumultuous ; and this irregularity did not cease until the times of Olio the Great. § 4. Few of those who in this century were raised to the highest station in the church, can be commended for their wisdom, learning, virtue, and other endowments proper for a bishop. The greater part of them by their nu merous vices, and all of them by their arrogance and lust of power, entailed disgrace upon their memories. /Between Leo IV. who died A.D. 855, and Benedict III., a woman who concealed her sex and assumed the name of John, it is said, opened her way to the pontifical throne by her learning and genius, and governed the church for a time. She is commonly called the papcss Joanna. During the five subsequent centuries, the witnesses to this extraordinary event are without number : nor did any one prior to (6) Stephen Baluze, Appendix Actorum (9) Hanluin, Concilia, torn, iv., p. 1236. ad Servatum. p. 508. Muratnri, Antiqq. Car. le Ccrintc, Annales Ecclesiae Franco- Ital. mcdii aevi, torn, ii., p. 446, &c. Ma- rum, tome vii., ad ann. 817, sect. 6. Ba- billon, Annales Benedict., torn, vi., p. 587. luze. Capitular. Rcgum Francorum, torn, i., Du Fresne, ad Joinvillii Historiam Ludovi- p. 591. ci S., p. 75, 7fi. [Yet military service was (10) Muratori, Droils de 1'Empire sur not always required for church lands, some 1'Etat Eccles , p. 54, &c., and Antiquitates donations expressly granting exemption from Ital. medii aevi, torn, iii., p. 29, 30; where it. See Mabillon, \. c. — TV.] he conjectures, that this document was for- (7) Agobanl, dedispcns. rerum ecclesiast., ged in the eleventh century. Biinau, Hist. $ 14. Opp., torn. T., p. 270. Flodoard, Hist. Imper. German., torn, iii., p. 34. And yet eccles. Rhemensis, lib. iii., cap. ix. Scrva- some popish writers, e. g., Fontanini and tus Lupus, Epist. xlv., p. 87, 437, &c., but others, most earnestly defend this edict of especially Lud. Ant. Muratori, Antiqq. Lewis; though ineffectually. [The evidence Italicae, torn, vi., p. 302, &c., and Lud. of the spuriousness of this edict, is well Thomasstn, Disciplina ecclesiae vet. et nova summed up by Pagi, Critica in Baron, ad circa benelicia, pt. ii., lib iii., c. xi. The ann. 817, No. 7, vol. iii., p. 492. — Tr.J same custom prevailed also among the (11) [Here is a mistake. It was Hadrian (ireeks and the Lombards. See Mich, le III. who became pope in the year 884 ; and Quicn, Oriens Christianus, torn, i., p. 142. not Eugene III., who was not raised to that (8) See the illustrious DeBunau, Hist. Im- dignity till A.D. 1145. — Von Einem.] perii German., torn, iii., p. 28, &c., 32, &c. 62 BOOK III. CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. II. the reformation by Luther, regard the thing as either incredible or disgrace, fu] to the church.(12) But in the seventeenth century, learned men, not only amon.] (19) It is no improbable, supposition, that these and other documents, such as the do nations of Constan/inc and Lewis the Meek, were fabricated with the privity and appro bation of the Roman pontiffs. For who can believe, that the pontiffs who made use of these writings during many ages to substan tiate their authority and their prerogatives, would have ventured to confront kings, prin ces, ecclesiastical councils, and bishops, with the fictions and impositions of private indi viduals 1 In that age, frauds for the benefit of the church and of God, were deemed law ful ; so that it is not strange, that the Ro man pontiffs should suppose they did no moral wrong, by permitting and approving the fabrication of such papers as would be a rampart and bulwark to the see of St. Peter. (201 That the author of these Epistles wished to be regarded as Isidore, a distin guished bishop of Seville in the sixth cen tury, or to speak more definitely, that he wished to make the world believe that these Epistles were collected by Isidore, is per fectly clear. See Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bib- lioth. Lat. medii aevi, torn, v., p. 561. The bishops were accustomed, in token of their humility, to subjoin to their names the word peccator (sinner) ; hence the author of this forgery annexed the surname Peccator to the assumed name of Isidore. Some of the transcribers, ignorant of the ancient customs and literature, corrupted this signature by exchanging Peccator for Merc.alor. And hence the fraudulent compiler of the Decre tal Epistles is called Isidorus Mercator. [See, on the whole subject of these Epistles, their origin, character, and effects, G. J. Planck's Gesch. d. christl. Kirchl. Gesell- schafts-Verfassung, vol. ii., p. 800-828 ; and Giesclcr's Text-book of Eccl. Hist., transl. by Cunningham, vol. ii., p. 64-69. — Tr.] (21) See Aug. Calmct, Histoire dc Lor raine, tome i , p. 528. Just. Hcnn. Bb'h- mer, Praef. ad novam editionem Juris Canon., torn, i., p. x., xix., notes. [F/cury says of them, that " they crept to light near the close of the eighth century." Fleury, in Histor. eccles., Diss. iv., $ 1, and Histoire Ecclesi astique, liv. xliv., (j 22. — TV.] (22) The spuriousness of these epistles CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. f>6 Roman council, said to have been held under Syh-cstcr [A.D. 324], but which \vas never heard of by any one, till the ninth century; than which nothing could be better suited to enrich and to exalt above all human au- thority, the Roman |>ontiff.(23) § 9. There were indeed among the western bishops some discerning men, who perceived that designs were formed against them and the church : in particular, the French bishops vigorously opposed the admission of these Epistles and other spurious productions, among the received books of ec clesiastical law. But these men were overcome by the pertinacity of the R:mrm pontitFs, especially by Nicolas I. And as in the subsequent times all science and learning forsook the Roman world, there scarcely remained any one, able or even disposed to move controversy respecting these pious frauds. How great the evils to which they gave rise, and how audacious ly the Roman pontiffs abused them to overthrow the ancient system of church government, to weaken the authority of bishops, to increase their o\vn revenues and emoluments, and to abridge the prerogatives of kings and princes, numberless facts in the history of the subsequent centuries will show. Nor is this denied at the present day, by respectable and hon est men, even though in other respects favourably disposed towards the Romish church and its sovereign. (24) § 10. The estimation in which a monastic life was held, was astonish: ingly great, b,>th in the eastern empire and in the western. In the former ' • 11 demonstrated, not only by the Ccn- turiatorcs MarAeburgenses and some others, but most le.irnedlv and in an appropriate trea tise, by Dtipid llondcll, in his Psuedo-Isi- donH ct Turrianus vapulantes, Genev., 1628, 4to. And at the present day, the friends of the Roman poutills who follow reason and truth, confess the cheat. Sec Jo. Fran. Bi«l 'l''ns, Fsagogc in Theologiam, torn, ii., p. (•''.'. Add, Pelf.r Constant, Prolegom. ad Kjiistolas Pontificum, torn. i.. p. cxxx., &c. Floury, Diss. prefixed to his Histoire Ecclesiastique, torn, xvi., [and still better, in his Histoire Ecclesiastique itself, livre xliv., ij> xxii. These epistles, bearing the nami's of various Romish bishops, from Cirin'-nt I. to DamasuK I., A.D. 384, arc in the early collection of councils by Sever. Binniux ; but are not inserted in the Rulla- •'ium Miiirtinm of Chcrubin, published by Mthorty of the court of Rome near the ilose of the seventeenth century. It is be lieved, they are now universally given up, even by the Catholics. The oldest papal epistles, now admitted by any to be genuine, are those collected by Dionynui Exiguus, who says he could find none written by the pontiffs anterior to Si/ricmx, who succeeded Danwsr.s I., A.D. 385. The earliest in the Biillii'-inm Maynum are those of Leo I., A..D. 447.— TV.] (213) See Jo. La.unm, de Cura Ecclesia; erga pauperes et miseros, cap. i., observ. i , p. 576, of his Opp., torn, ii., part .i. [Like- VOL. II.— I wise Jo. Cabassut, Notitia Ecclesiast., o. 132, and Pagi, Critica in Baron, ad ann. 324, § xvii.. xviii., who do not hesitate to pronounce this council a fiction. — TV.] (24) See Jo. Launoi, d'.- Regiapotesta. in 'causis matrimonial, in his Opp., torn, i., part ii., p. 764, and Peter Constant, Prtef. ad Epist Romanor. Pontiff., torn, i., p. cxxxvii., &c. [Mcury, Diss. vii., 1) v.. in Historiam Eccles , says : Falsae Isiilori Decretales, circa octavi finein siuculi invcctae, jurisdic- tionem ecclesiasticam in tribus articuli* act modum cnncusscrunt, scilicet quoad concilia, Judicia Episcoporum, et appellations. See also Diss. iv.. $ I, &c. — Peter de Marco, de Concordia sacerdotii et imperii, lib. vii., cap. xx , § 1, &c. Sub secunda Regum nostrorum dynastia norwmjiu r.anonicnm in ecclesiam Gallicanam, sque ac in ceteras Occidentis provincial, introduci coeptum est, invcntis earn in rcm supposititiis ilhs vete- rum Pontificum Romanorum cpistolis, in quibus extant quam plurima constituta pror- susadversa veterum caiionum statutis. But while these and other Catholic writers trace the commencement of a great revolution in the constitution of the Catholic church, to the Decretal Epistles and other forgeries of the eighth and ninth centuries, they say, it was only the commencement ; for the revo lution was not completed till after the publi cation of the Decretum of Gratian, in the twe.r''.h century. — 7V.] 06 BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. II. this excessive estimation had long existed ; but among the Latins it takes date only from the preceding century. Hence even kings, and dukes and counts, abandoning their honours and their wealth, voluntarily retired to monasteries, in order to devote themselves to the service of God. Of this quite a number of examples occurred in Italy, France, Spain, and Germa ny, during this century ; and there were some also in the preceding cen tury. Those who could not in their lifetime bring themselves to the res- olution of abandoning society, would yet demand the monastic garb when dying, and actually put it on before they left the world ; that they might enjoy the prayers and spiritual succours of the fraternity among whom they were received. Another and a striking proof of the high estimation in which monks were held, was the custom of the emperors and kings of the Franks in this age of calling monks and abbots to their courts, and in trusting them with civil affairs and business of great moment both at home and in foreign countries. For those unsuspicious princes thought, that no persons could more safely be intrusted with the management of public af. fairs, than men of such sanctity and piety, men who had subdued all their natural desires and become free from all concupiscence. Hence it was, that in the history of those times, we read of so many abbots and monks who performed the functions of ambassadors, commissioners or extraor dinary judges, and ministers of state, sometimes indeed with good success but not seldom unsuccessfully. § 11. And yet those who conferred such honours upon monks and the monastic life, did not deny that most of that class lived vicious lives ; and they laboured to reform their morals, and to render them obedient to their monastic rules. The efforts of Lewis the Meek especially in this particular, deserve notice. That emperor employed Benedict, abbot of Aniane and afterwards of Indre, a man distinguished for piety and the fear of God, to reform the monasteries, first in Aquitainc, and then throughout the kingdom of France, and to purge them of the enormous vices which had crept into them; and afterwards in the council [of abbots assembled] at Aix-la-Cha- pelle A.D. 817, in which the same Benedict presided, he caused good canons to be enacted for restoring the prostrate discipline of the monaster ies. This Benedict therefore, who has been called the second father of the western monks, subjected all the monks to the single rule of St. Benedict of Monte Cassino, suppressing all diversities of rites and customs, and in troducing one uniform rule : he also banished the greater vices from the monasteries ; and likewise brought all associations of monks, who had be fore been bound together by no ties, to become in a sense one body or society.(25) This discipline flourished for a while, but from various (25) See Jo. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. billon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., Snecul. ord. Benedict., Sscul. iv., pt. i., Praef!, p. iv., pt. i., torn, v., p. 183-215.— This Ben- xxvii., and Praef. ad Saecul. v., p. xxv. ; edict appears to have been a very sincere also his Annales Ordinis S. Bened., torn, man, and a great reformer of the monaster- ii., p. 430, &c., and many other places in ies, that is, one who brought them to great- that volume. Aug. Calmet, Histoire de er uniformity in dress, living, worship, and Lorraine, torn, i., p. 596. Concerning Ben- usages. He was himself most rigorous in edict of Aniane and his merits generally, see voluntary mortifications ; and the rule of St. the Acta Sanctor., torn, ii., Febr., p. GOG, Benedict he reverenced, as if it had com* and Histoire litteraire de la France, torn, immediately from God, and was the only iv., p. 447, &C. [Also, the Life of Bene- true guide 'to heaven— TV.] diet, by Ardo one of his disciples ; in Ma- CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. causes it gradually declined ; and at the end of this century, such devas tations had every where been made both in church and state, that only some slight traces of it remained in a few places. § 12. The order of canons, which Chrodegang devised and which had been extensively introduced in the preceding century, Lewis the Meek cherished with great care and extended through all the provinces of his empire. He also added an order of canonesses, which had been unknown in the Christian world till that time. (26) For both, he caused rules to be drawn up in the council of Aix-la-Chapelle A.D. 817, superseding the rule of Chrodegang ; and these new rules continued to be followed in most of the convents of canons and canonesses till the twelfth century, although they were disagreeable to the court of Rome. The compiler of the rule for canons, was undoubtedly Amalarius a presbyter of Metz; but whether he also drew up that for canonesses is uncertain. (27) From this time onward, numerous convents of canons and canonesses were founded in every part of Europe,, and endowed with ample revenues by pious individ uals. But this institution degenerated like the others, and very soon be came widely different from what it was designed to be. (28) § 13. Of the writers among the Greeks, the following were the most distinguished. Pkotius, patriarch of Constantinople, a man of superior talents, and of various and extensive knowledge. His Bibliotheca,(29) should avoid all vices, and practise all vir tue. They should live in well- secured clois ters, containing dormitories, refectories, and other necessary apartments. The number of canons in each cloister, should be pro portioned to the exigences of the church to which it belonged. In their :iie. There he was guilty of adultery, and did penance. Returning to Constantinople, came very zi-alous in defence of image- worship ; was banished, and imprisoned, and whipped. But in 842, he was made patri- arrii of Constantinople. He died A.D. 847 ; and has left us five orations in praise of rnonk- .uid a collection of canones poenitenlia- !«.•>. Some of his orations have passed for works of Methodius 1'atarcnsis, who flour ished AD. 290— 7V.] (34) 1'ctcr liaijlc, Dictionnaire, torn, i., p. rt. Abucaras. [The word Abucara sig- mtirs bishop of Curia. He followed the party of I'hoiius ; but afterwards renounced it and joined that of Ignatius. According to Cave, he flourished A.D. 867. He has left us about 40 Dissertations doctrinal and polemic, against heretics, Jews, and Moham medans ; which were published, Gr. and Lat., by Joe. Grctzcr, with the Hndcgus of Anas- tasius Sinaita, Ingolstadt, 1606, 4to. — TV.] (3i>)[ Peter Siculus, (flourished A.D. 870), was a learned nobleman, whom the emper or Basil \. sent to negotiate an exchange of prisoners in Armenia. There he became untcd with the sect of the new Mani- chtrans, or Politicians ; the history of whose origin, progress, and decline, he afterwards composed ; published, Gr. and Lai., Ingol- . 1G04, 4io, and partially, in Latin, by Baronius, Annuls, torn. ix. ; and in the 13 ib- lioth. Pair., torn, xxii.— 7V.] (36) [Kicctas David, a learned bishop of Puphlagonia. flourished about A.D. 880, and strongly attached to the party of Igna tius ; whose life he composed, full of re proaches ag.iinst Photius. He also wrote encoinmir 3 on the twelve apostles, and sev eral othei saints ; a defence of the synod of Ct-ilcedon, and a commentary on some parts of Gregory Naz. His life of Ignatius was published, Gr. and Lat . with the Acts of the eighth general Council. Ingolstadt, 1604, !''>; and in Harduin's Concilia, torn, v., p. 'J44-1009.— TV.] (37) Jos. Sim. Asscman, Biblioth. Orient. Vaticana, torn, ii., p. 127, &c. [Moses RorccpAa was a Syrian bishop of Beth-Ra man, and inspector of the churches in Baby lonia. He probably flourished near the close of this century ; Care says, about A.D. UUl. — His three Books de Paradiso, in a Latin translation from the Syriac, by Anilr. Ma- sius, were published, Antwerp, 1569, 8vo ; and then in the Biblioth. Patruin, torn, xvii., p. 456. The Greek writers omitted by Dr. Mo- shcim, are the following : Nictphorus Chartophylax, who flourished, perhaps A.D. 801, and wrote two Epistles to Thcodosiiis a monk of Corinth, containing solutions of several difficult questions in ethics ; extant, Gr. and Lst., in the Jus Gr. et Roman , lib v ., p. 341, and Lat., in the Biblioth Pair., torn. xii. Joscpkus, archbishop of Thessalonica, brother of Thcodurus Studites, and also a zealot for image-worship. He was deposed A.D. 809, exiled, and died after A.D. 81fi. Gretzer (de Cruce, lorn, ii., p. 1200) has published, Gr. and Lat , an Oration of his, on the exaltation of the holy cross ; and Baro nius (Annales, ad aim. 808, § 22) has given us an Epistle of his, in Latin. Ignatius, a grammarian and deacon at Constantinople, and then metropolitan of Nice. He flourished A.D. 810, and was alive A.D. 828. His life of the patriarch Tarasius is extant, Lat., in Surius, and in Holland, on Feb. 25th. His life of the pa triarch Nicrphorus was published, Gr. and Lai., by Hcnschcnius and Papcbroch, on March 12th. Naucralius, a monk of Constantinople, very active in favour of image- worship, for which he was often imprisoned. He flour ished from A.D. 813, till after A.D. 820. Several letters addressed to him are given us by Baronius ; and a very long one of his, containing an account of the sufferings of the image-worshippers, is inserted, Latin, in the Biblioth. Pair., torn. xiv.,p. 903. Gate (Hist. Lit., torn, ii.) gives a specimen of the Greek ; but did not deem it worth publish ing entire. Theophanes, the brother of Theodorus Graptus, (see note (32) p. 68), and of the same character, conduct, and fortune. Yet he became metropolitan of Nice, about A.D. 845. We have a Hymn, consisting of nine odes, in memory of his brother ; edited by ;0 BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. 11. 6 14 At the head of the Latin writers may justly be placed Rabanus Maurui, whose last office was that of archbishop of Mentz. He was the common preceptor of Germany and France ; with whom no one in this century can be compared, either for genius, or extent of learning, or the multitude of books he composed. Whoever acquaints himself with the opinions of Rabanus Maurus, learns all that the best of the Latins thought and believed for about four centuries ; for his writings were in the hands of all the learned.(38)— Agolard of Lyons, a man of character and discern. Combefis Gr and Lat., in his Orig. Con- Stylianus, surnamed Mapa, metropolitan ri 09,1 of Neo-Cassarea in the Provmcia Euphra- tantmop., p. *.«'*. „ • i j , A -n o-™ IT Michael Svncellus leader of the choir at tensis, who flourished about A.D. 870. He Constantinople, a zealot for image- worship, was a strong partisan of Ignatius, in opposi tion to P/iotms ; lor which he suffered a in which cause he suffered much. He flour ished about A.D. 830 ; and wrote an Enco mium on St. Dionys. Areop., which is ex tant, Gr. and Lat., in the Opp. Dionys. Are- op., torn. ii.,p. 207; also Encomium on the holy angels and archangels of God ; extant, Gr. and Lat., in Combefis, Auctuar. Nov., torn, i., p. 1525. George Hamartolus, an Archimandrite, who flourished about A.D. 842, and wrote a Chronicon from the creation to A.D. 842, •vhich still exists in MS. From it the suc ceeding chronologists, Ccdrcnus, Thcopha- ncs, Glycas, &c., have copied all that is val uable. Ignatius, son of the emperor Michael Cu- ropalata, castrated and banished by Leo the Armenian, lived a monk about 30 years, was made patriarch of Constantinople A.D. 847, quarrelled with Barda, arid was deposed and banished A.D. 858. In the year 867, Pho- tiuLS his competitor was deposed, and Igna tius restored. He died in 878, aged 80 years. Two letters and one discourse of his are extant, Latin, in Harduin's Concilia, torn, v., p. 791, 872, 937. Metrophanes, metropolitan of Smyrna, A.D. 858-859, and A.D. 867-880. He was a strenuous opposer of Photius, and rose as he fell. He has left us a letter, giv ing us the history of Photius from A.D. 858 to 870 ; which is extant in Latin, in Ba.ro- nius, Annales, ad ann. 870, § 453 ; and Gr. and Lat., in Harduin's Concilia, torn, v., p. 1111. Basil the Macedonian, Greek emperor from A.D. 867-886. He wrote Exhorta tions to his son Leo, some orations, ad dresses, and epistles, still extant ; besides some things which are lost. Michael Psellus, a philosopher who flour ished A.D. 870, is supposed to have written some of the pieces, which go under the name of another Michael Psellus who lived in the eleventh century, particularly a paraphrase on most of the books of Aristotle, a Dia logue on the operations of demons, a Tract concerning demons, &c. temporary deprivation of his see. He has left us two Epistles, Gr. and Lat., in Har duin's Concilia, torn, v., p. 1122, 1130. Michael, the monk, syncellus to the pa triarch Ig?iatms, flourished A.D. 878 ; and wrote an Encomium on Ignatius ; extant, Gr. and Lat., in Harduins Concilia, torn, v., p. 1009 ; and a life of Theodorus Studites, from which Baronhis in his Annals has made va rious extracts. George, chartophylax of the great church at Constantinople, and archbishop of Nico- media about A.D. 880. He was a warm friend of Photius. Several Orations and some Poems of his in praise of saints, are extant, Gr. and Lat., in Combcjis, Auctuar. Nov., Paris, 1648, torn, i., p. 995. Leo the Philosopher, Greek emperor from A.D. 886 to A.D. 911. He has left us xvi sacred Orations, some Letters and Tracts, Trpoxcipov vofiiKov sive Delectus Legum, in Ix. Tituli ; a huge digest of the laws of the Greek empire, published, Paris, 1647, Gr. and Lat.. in vii. tomes fol. Novelize Constitutioncs III. ; and Tactica, seu de re militari Opus. Nicolaus, surnamed Mysticus, patriarch of Constantinople from A.D. 892 to A.D. 903, when he was deposed and banished for opposing the divorce of the empress and the marriage of another. But in 911 he was restored, and lived till 924. He has left us eight Epistles ; extant in the collections of councils, or in Baronius' Annals. — TV.] (38) See the Acta Sanctor , torn i., Febr., p. 500. Histoire Litteraire de la France, tome v., p. 151. [Also, Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Benedict., torn, vi., p. 1-45. — Rabanus or Hrabamis, surnamed Maurus, was of French extract, and born of respect able parentage at Mentz, A.D. 776. He studied first at Fulda, where he was made deacon in 801. The next year he removed to Tours, to study under the famous Alcuin. After one or two years he returned to Fulda, and was made head of the school there, at the age of 25. As an instructer he was so CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. ment, and not destitute of learning ; but he would have deserved more commendation if he had not been a defender of the rebellion of the sons of Lewis the Meek against their own father.(39) — Hilduin obtained noto riety by his work entitled Areopagitica.(4.6) — Eginhard, abbot of Sell- genstadt, the celebrated author of the life of Charlemagne and other works, was particularly attentive to the elegance of his style, and was not desti tute of other excellences. (41) — Claudius of Turin is in reputation at this day, for his exposition of certain books of scripture, and for his Chronolo. gy.(42) — Frccu/pkits of Lisieux, whose Chronicon is still extant, compiled celebrated as to draw young men of talents Stephen Baluzc, Paris, 1666, 2 vols. 8vo -TV.] (40) Histoire Litteraire de la Fiance, tome iv., p. 607, [and Cave, Histona Lit- teraria, torn. ii. — Hilduin was made abbot of St. Denys about A.D. 814, and of St. a time popular, but at length the monks com- Germain near Paris in 816 ; also archchap- plained that he was so engaged in writing lain of the palace. After being in great fa- books as to neglect his active duties. He now resigned his abbacy, and retired to a literary life. This was in 842. Five years after he was made archbishop of Mcntz ; in which office he continued till his death, A.L). 857. — He wrote commentaries on all the from a <_'rr.it distance. Among his pupils were Walafrid Strabo, Servatus Lupus, and others, who were among the first scholars of their age In the year 822, he was made abbot of Fulda ; in which office he was for vour with Lewis the Meek, he joined the rebellion of his sons, and was deprived of his offices, and banished to Corbey in Saxony, A.D. 830. But soon after he was restored to his Parisian abbacies. Lewis now di reeled him to write a full history of St. Di- canonical books, and on several of the apoc- onysius, the founder of his monastery, and ryphal ; also sermons, letters, and tracts, the reputed first bishop of Paris. This Hil- Most of his works, as published, are com- duin executed in his famous Areopagitica. prised in six vols. folio, Cologne, 1627. — He there makes Dionyriua the Areopagite, TV.] mentioned Acts xvii., 34, after being bishop (39) Colonia, Histoire litter, de la ville de Lyon, torn, ii., p. 93. Nouveau Diction- naire Histor. Critique, torn. i.. p. 178. His toire Litteraire de la France, tome iv., p. 567, &c , [and Cave's Historia Litterana, torn, ii Agobard was a Frank, called from Spain to be coadjutor of Lrtdmd archbishop of Lyonv A. IV >ii:{, whom he afterwards of Athens, to have travelled to Home, thence to Aries, and at last to Paris, where he founded the monastery of St. Denys (Diony- sius), converted vast numbers, was made bishop of that region, and at length suffered martyrdom, in the reign of Dumitian. To him also, he ascribes all the works that go under the name of Dionysnts the Areopagite. succeeded. He was a man of an ardent, in- This is his famous Areopagitica. a mere bun- dependent mind, of great learning and in- die of idle tales, once indeed generally be- Hexibility. He attacked the superstitions of lievcd, but now universally rejected. — TV.J (41) Histoire Litteraire de la France, tome iv., p. 550 ; and his Life of Charle magne, as published by Hcrm Schmincke. [See above, p. 30, note (43) —7V.] (42^ See Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bib- liotheque Eccles. de M. dn Pin, tome i., p. 284. [Claudius was a native of Spain, and educated under Felix of Urgel. In 812 or 813, he became a presbyter in the court of Lewis the Meek, and commenced writing the age, so far as he discovered them, with boldness ; was very zealous against the Jews, to whom the French kings were disposed to grant privileges ; and taking sides with Lo- tkaire and Pcpin against their father Lewis the Meek, he went so far, that on a recon ciliation between those sovereigns he was deprived of his bishopric. However, he was restored, and held his office till his death in 840. He attacked Felix of Urgel ; wrote against image-worship, a- ; but was compelled to it, on the grouinl that his father had devoted him to such ;i life in his childhood, and that no hu man power could vacate the transaction. He now removed to Orliais, was ordained •. ter, and was so distinguished as a scholar that he was surnanud FvlgentttU. Upon some disaffection between him and the bishop of the diocese, he travelled to Italy, arid thence to Daimalia and Pannonia. : me was his favourite author; and he soon began to advance the opinions of Au- gii>tinr respecting divine grace, and a two fold predestination. Many favoured those but more were opposed to them. The synod of Merit/, AD 847, condemned his sentiments ; and the president RabaniLs Maurus, sent him to Hincmar archbishop of Rhciins, to whose diocese he belonged. The next year he was arraigned before the synod of Chiersey, condemned, degraded, and shut up by limcmar in the monastery of Haute ville ; and after 21 years' confinement, died in prison. He persevered to the last in his opinions, and was denied Christian burial. He wrote two statements of his faith, a longer and a shorter ; both of which are extant. In one of them he offered to be cast into boiling water or oil, and to stake the truth of his doctrine on the issue. He also wrote a letter or two, and a tract on predestination ; but they are lost. See Care's llistoria Litter. Maugmn, Vindi- ciae Praedestinationis et Gratiae, totn. ii., p. •!."), iVc. L. Cc/lnt, Historia Gotteschalci Praedeslinatiani. Matnllon, Annal. Bcned., torn, ii., p. 523, &c , 681, &c. Schrocckh, Kircheng., vol. xxiv., p. 5, &c. J. Mdncr, Church Hist., cent, ix., ch. iv. — TV.] (48) [Pasrha.sius Radbcrt was a French monk, born about A.D. 786. In the year 844, he became abbot of Corbey in France. He was a member of the synod of Chiersey, which condemned Godcschalcus A.D. 849 ; and died April 26, A.D. 851. The Prot estants regard him as the man who intro duced the doctrine of transubstantiation into the Romish church. Bcrcnparius taxed him with this ; and even Bdlarmin (de ocriptor. Ecclesiast., p. 288) says : Hie VOL. II.— K auctor primus fuit, qui scrib ct cofiion: strip- sit de veritate corpons et sangiunis Domini in Eucharistia. But .Ma'/illun (Acta Sane- tor, ord Bened., torn, vi., Praef., p. is., &c.) endeavours to confute tins charge. He wrote Expositions of Matthew, of the book of Lamentations, of the 44th Psalm ; de Sacramento co|H>ris et sangumis D. N. Jesu, ad Pacidum Liber; de corpore et sang. Domini, ad Frudegardum Epistola ; the Life of St. Adclhurd ; the passion of SS. Riilinus and Valerius : all which were published by Sinnotul, Paris. 1618, fol. He also wrote the Life of St. W;ila ; and de piirtu virginis Libri ii. See Care, Hist. Lilt., vol. ii., and Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened , torn, vi., p. 126-142. — 7V. J (49) Concerning both Kadbcrt and Rat ramn, sec the Histoire Littcraire de la France, torn, v , p. 287 and 332. [ Bertram or Ratramn, was a French monk of old Cor bey, and afterwards abbot of Orbais. He flourished as early as 840, and was still alive in 870. He was a devout, modest, and learned man : and wrote de partu virginis, proving that the Saviour was born in the or dinary manner ; which Radbcrt answered, maintaining the perpetual virginity of Mary ; de pracdcstmatione Libri ii., in vindication of the sentiments of Godcschalcus ; contra Graecorum crrores Libri iv ; de corpore et sang. Domini ; in opposition to Radbert ; and de anima Liber. — 7V.] (50) Of the works commonly ascribed to Haymo, a considerable part are not his but the productions of Rcnugius of Auxerre. See Casimir Oudin, Comment, de Scriptor. Ecclesiast., torn. ii.,p. 330. Histoire Litte- raire de la France, torn, v., p. Ill, torn, vi., p. 106. Lc. Bcuf, Recueil des Diss. sur 1' Histoire de la France, torn, i., p. 278. [Haymo or Aymo, was a disciple of Alcuin, an intimate friend and fellow-student of Rabanus Maurus, a monk of Fulda, abbot of Hersfeld A.D. 839. and bishop of Hal berstadt A.D. 841. He was at the synod of Mentz in 848, and died 853. Among the writings ascribed to him, are Commen taries on the Psalms, on Isaiah, on the epis tles of Paul, on the Apocalypse ; all of which are mere compilations from the fa thers ; Historiae Eccles. Breviarium, sive de Christianorum rerum memoria Libri x.» a 7i BOOK III.— CENTURY IX.— PART II.— CHAP. II. Walafrid Strata deserved well of the church in that age, by his Poems, his Lives of Saints, and his Exposition of difficult passages of scripture. (51) Hincmar of Rheims deserves a very honourable place among the Latin writers of this century. For his writings on various subjects, show that his mind was not of the ordinary class, but elevated, independent, and zealous for truth. But he at the same time was arrogant, and of a restless temper. His works throw much light on both the civil and the ecclesiastical history of that age. (52) — John Erigena Scotus, the friend and companion of the emperor Charles the Bald, combined the study of philosophy with that of theoloi-v, and acquired great reputation and fame by the acuteness of his mind, "and by his translations from Greek into Latin, as well as by his original compositions. (53) — Eemigius,(51) Bcrtharius,(55) Ado.(o6) Ai. mere abridgment of Rufinus : some Homi lies ; ius Areop., and the Scholia of St. Maximus on difficult pas sages of Gregory Naz., and composed a Tract on the Lord's supper, which is lost, but in which he is said to have denied the doctrine of transubstantiation. — Several writers con found him with John, a Saxon monk whom king Alfred invited over from France to England, to teach in his school at Oxford, and who was murdered by the envious monks. But Malillon (Acta Sanctor ord. Bened., torn, vi., p. 114, &c.) shows, that he was a different person ; and that there is no evidence of his going to England in the days of Alfred. He was alive A.D. 872. -Tr.] (54) [There were two eminent men in this century of the name of Rcmigius. The one, bishop of Lyons, and active from A.D. 850 to A.D. 875, in several councils in be half of Augustinianism and Godeschalcus. He wrote de tribus Episcoporum epistolis Liber, seu Responsio ecclesiae Lugdunensis nomine facta adversus Hincmari, Rabani, et anonymi Episcopi epistolas ; (in defence ol Augustinianism) ; Libellus de tenenda Scnr CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 75 WD//i.(57) //mc,(58) Rcgino of Prum,(59^ and others, arc here passed over, as a sullicient knowledge of them may easily be obtained from common mriters.(60) lur;!.1 \ iTitatc, et SS. Patruin authoritatc sec- tanda ; and Absolutio qucstionis dc genera- li per . \daiiuiiii damnatione. ct special! per Christum ex eadein ereptione electorum. Tin .-•• Tracts are in the Biblioth. Patrum, lorn, xv., and in Mauguin, Collectio Scrip- tor, ili' 1'rx'destinatione, &c., torn. i. — The Other Jtcmigius was a Benedictine monk of St. Germain in Auxerre ; and hence called Autissiodorensis. In the year 882, or sub sequently, he was called to Khrims, to take 'f the bishop's school. He died about A. 1 1 !")(). His works are Commentaries on all the Psalms of David ; on the 1 1 last minor prophets ; on the epistles of St. Paul ; pometimes ascribed, though falsely, to Hay- mo of Halberstadt) ; and an exposition of All these are compilations from the I'.ithors. — 7V.] (55) [St. Hrrtharius was of noble French origin, and first a monk, and then abbot of Monte Cassmo in Italy from A D. 856, till his death in the year 884. The Saracens frc'iuciilly plundered that monastery, and at last slew Bertharnu at the altar. See Ma- billon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn, vi., p. 472, &.c. He wrote several discourses, poems, and lives or eulogies of saints ; most of which remain unpublished in the archives of his monastery — 7V.] (56) [Ado. a French monk, born about A.D. 800, made archbishop of Vienne A.D. 860, and died A.D. 876. He was much es teemed, and active in several councils in favour of Augustinianism. He wrote a Mar- tyrolouy, before he was a bishop, and after wards a brief Chronology, from the creation to about A.D. 870 ; also the lives of some saints. See Mabillon, 1. c., torn, vi., p. 278-290.— TV.] (57) [Aimoin, a Benedictine monk of St. Germain near Paris, near the close of this century. He wrote the history of the mira cles and of the removal of the relics of St. Germain and St. George ; which is extant in M.ilullon, 1 c., torn, iv., p. 96, &.C., and torn, vi , p. 45, &c. This Aimoin must not be confounded with Aimoin the Bene dictine monk of Fleury, in the 1 1th century, the author of the Historia de rebus gestis Francorum. See Labbe de Scriptor. Ec- clesiast. ad Bdlarmintim, p. 305, &c. — TV.] (53) [Herriciu or Erricus, born at Hery, a villae near Auxerre, and a Benedictine monk at Auxerre, near the close of this cen tury He wrote six Books of poetry, on the life of St. Germain ; and two Books of prose, respecting his mirac cs ; besides nu merous Homilies, some of which are now inserted in the Homiliarium of Paul Diaro- nus. See Cave, Hist. Lilt., torn. ii. — TV.] (59) [Rcgrno was a German, a monk of Prum in the diocese of Troves, chosen ab bot there A.D. 892 ; opposed, and induced to resign A.D. 899. He died A.D. 908. His Chronicon, from the Christian era to the year 907, and continued by another hand to A.D. 972, relates chiefly to the affairs of the Franks and Teutones. It is printed among the Scriptores rerum German., ed. of 1'istonus, torn. i. His two Books de Dis- ciplmis ecclcsiusticis et rehgione Christiana, (a collection from councils, and the fathers, relating to ecclesiastical law), are best edit ed by Steph.Baluze, Paris, 1671, 8vo.— 7V.1 (60) [The Latin writers omitted by Dr Moshcim, are the following : Bcncdictus Anianensis, born in Lower Languedoc A.D. 751, educated at court, and for some vears employed in civil life. In the year 774, he retired to a monastery : and six years after, to avoid being made ab bot, withdrew to a cell near the river Ani- ane, where monks gathered around him, and he became abbot of that and a dozen other monasteries propagated from it. He died A.D. 814. See his life, written by Ardo his disciple, in MatnUon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Ben ed., torn, v., p. 183-215. He wrote Codex Rcgularum Monasticar., (a collection of the rules of most orders of monks, previous to his time) ; edited by L. HoUlenitu, 1661, and Paris, 1664, 4to. — Concordia Rcgula rum ; a collection of exhortations to monks : Modus divcrsarum poenitcntiarum ; and some epistles. Ludgcr, a monk of Utrecht, who spent some time in England, and travelled in It aly ; became abbot of NVerdcn, and bishop of Mimeguen A D. 802, and died A.D. 809. See his life, written by Allfnd the second bishop after him, in Mabillon, 1. c., torn, v., p. 14-33. He wrote the life of St. Greg ory bishop of Utrecht, and some letters, still extant. Svuragdus, abbot of St. Michael, in the diocese of Verdun ; flourished about A.D. 810, and wrote commentaries on the Les sons from the Gospels and Epistles ; Dia- dcina Monachorum ; a commentary on the Rule of St. Benedict ; Via Regia ; a letter for Charlemagne to the pope ; Acts of a conference at Rome A.D. 810 ; and a gram matical commentary on Donatus, in fourteen Books. The last, never published. 76 BOOK III.— CENTURY IX.-PART II.— CHAP. II. Amalarius, a deacon, and perhaps rtiral bishop of Metz. He flourished from A.D 812 to A D. 836 ; and wrote de Divinis sive ecclesiasticis officiis Libri iv ; and de or- dine antiphonarum Liber ; (both in the Bib- lioth. Patrum, torn, xiv.); also some epis tles, Ecloga in canoncm missiB, and Kegula seu institutio canonicorum. Hatto, abbot of Richenau, and bishop of Basle A.D. 811-836. He wrote some ca- pitula for his diocese, and an account of the visions of Wettin, Hildegard, and other monkish saints. Hcttius or Hetfo, archbishop of Treves A.D. 814, &c., has left us two epistles. Frotkarius, abbot of St. Aper, and bishop of Tool A.D. 817-837. He wrote Episto- larum Liber, addressed to various bishops ; published by Duchcsne, among the Scrip- tores rerum Francicarum, torn, ii., p. 719. Ebbo or Ebo, a German, educated at the imperial court, employed some time in civil affairs, then abbot of St Remigius, and A.D. 816 archbishop of Rheims. In 822 he went to Rome, and obtained a commission to con vert the northern nations ; in consequence of which he made two journeys to Denmark. In the year 833, he joined the revolt of Lo- thaire against his father Lewis ; for which he lost his bishopric, and was kept in cus tody at Fulda and other places. In 840 he was restored to his see ; but lost it the next year. In 844, he was made bishop of Hildesheim; and died A.D. 851. Of this restless prelate, we have nothing remaining but his Apologeticus presented to the coun cil of Hildesheim ; and published in the col lections of Councils. Halitgarius, bishop of Cambray and Ar ras A.D. 816. He accompanied Ebbo in one of his excursions to Denmark. In 828, the emperor Lewis sent him as envoy to Constantinople. He returned the next year, with abundance of relics ; and died in 831. He wrote Opus de vitiis et virtutibus, reme- diis peccatorum, et ordine et judiciis poeni- tentiae sex Libris absolutum ; published by H. Canisius, and in the Biblioth. Patrum, torn, xiv., p 906. Paschal II., pope A.D. 817-824, has left us three Epistles ; which are in the collec tions of Councils. Sedulius, a Scot, who flourished about A.D. 818, and compiled from the fathers a Colleciane-um seu Explanatio in Epistolas S. Pauli ; which is extant, in the Biblioth. Pa trum, torn, vi., p. 494. He is to be distin guished from Sedulius the poet. See Lab- be, de Scriptor. Ecclesiast. apud Bcllarmi- num, de Scriptor. Ecclesiast., p. 149-152. Dungal, a monk of St. Denys near Paris, A.D. 821 . He wrote a confutation of Clau dius of Turin, in vindication of ini3_re-\vor- ship; which is in the Biblioth. Pair., torn, xiv., p. 196, and a letter to Charlemagim de eclipsi solari. Jonas, bishop of Orleans A.D. 821-843. He was much employed on councils, and wrote against Claudius of Turin, an Apolv geticum for retaining images but without worshipping them, in three Books ; also, De institutione laicorum Libri iii , and De insti- tutione regia Liber ; extant in the Biblioth. Patrum, torn, xiv., p. 166. Eugenius II., pope A.D. 824-827, has left us two Epistles and nine Decreta; which are extant in the collections of Coun cils. Gregory IV., pope A. D. 828-844. Thret of his Epistles are in the collections of Coun cils ; and another concerning the monastery of Fleury, in Baluzn Miscell., torn. ii., p 145. Anscgisus, abbot of various monasteriei in France, from A.D. 807, till his death in 833. He collected the Capitularia Carol* Magni de rebus praesertim ecclesiasticis, in four Books ; best edited by Stcph. B/iluze, Paris, 1677, 2 tomi, fol. His life, written by a contemporary, is in Malnllon, Actt Sanctor. ord. Bened , torn, v , p. 593, &c. Ardo, called Smaragdus, abbot of Aniane, and author of the life of his predecessor Bencdictus Anianensis; which is in Mabil- Ion, 1. c.,tom. v., p. 183, &c. Several oth er works have been ascribed to him ; but some adjudge them to another of tiie same name. Theganus, a learned French gentleman, and suffragan to the archbishop of Treves. He flourished about A.D. 837; and wrote Annales de gestis Ludovici Imp. ab ann. 813, usque ad ann. 837 ; extant among the Scriptores rerum Francicar., ed. Duchesne, torn. ii. Amulo, Amulus, or Amularius, archbish op of Lyons A.D. 841-852, or longer. He wrote Epistola ad Theolalduin, exploding certain relics and the venders of them ; ad Godesclialcum Epistola, disapproving his opinions ; and three tracts, on free will, pre destination, and grace : all which were pub lished by S. Baluzc, subjoined to the workf of Agobard, and in the Biblioth. Patrum, torn, xiv., p. 329. Nithardus, grandson of Charlemagne ; first a courtier and soldier, and then a monk. He flourished A.D. 843, and died in 853. He has left us four Books, de Dissidio fili- orum Ludovici Pii, from A.D. 814-843; published by Pithocus, and by Duchesne, rerum Francicarum Scriptores, torn, ii., p. 259. Sergius II., pope A.D. 844-847, has left CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 77 one Epistle ; extant in the collections of Councils. / ,:-ns 01 Prudentius, a Spaniard, but i i D| Troves in France. He nourished A . 1 ' . ' - . . and died in 80 1 . He wrote sev eral tracts on predestination, &c., against ./ '•.-, Hincmar, &c., which are ex tant in tin; Biuliotheca Patrum, torn, xv., p. 59$ : and also in Mauguin, Vindicue gra- ii. ii. 'us. bishop of Laon A.D. 847-856. His Epistle to Hincmar of Kheiins, is print ed inter Opera Hmcmari, loin, ii., p. 838. Eulofius of Corduba, flourished from A 1' ^17 to 859, when he was beheaded by the Saracens for his opposition to their laws. He wrote Mcinoriale Sanctorum, sive Libri iii. do martynbus Cordubensibus ; i icus pro mariyribus ; Exhortatio ad inartynum ; and several Epistles ; all extant nun Hispanicarum Scriptores, torn, iv.. and in the Biblioth. Patrum, torn, xv., p. M2. Alrarux, a Spanish Christian of Corduba, the intimate friend of Eulogius. He wrote the life of Eulogius, several epistles, and a tract entitled Scintilla: Patrum ; all of which, ito last, are published with the works of K;ilo''ius. Leo IV., pope A.D. 847-855, has left us ;e epistles, and fragments of several besides a good homily, addressed pytcrs and deacons on the pastoral diitu-s : extant in the collections of Coun cils. 'bcrt, a Benedictine monk of Prurn, who flourished A.D. 850. He wrote the life and miracles of St. Goar ; (in Mabillon, S. ord. Bened., torn, ii., p. 269, &c.) : also a martyrology, in heroic verse, published amoiiLr the works of Bcda, torn, i., under the title of Ephemeridum Bedse. •A;, bishop of Paris A.D. 854-869. He wrote Advcrsus objectiones Grsecorum Liber ; published by Dachier, Spicileg., torn, vii., and a short epistle to Hincmar. Benedict III., pope A.D 855-858. Four of his epistles are in the collections of Coun cils. IJcrard, archbishop of Tours A.D. 855- 871, has left us 140 Capifula, addressed to Ins el. rsry ; and some other papers ; in the collections of Councils. iiar, bishop of Laon A.D. 856-871, when he was deposed. This proud and ty rannical prelate quarrelled with his uncle, Hinrnur archbishop of Rheims, with the kin. ord. Bened., torn, i., p. 389, &c. Usuardus, a French monk of St. Germain near Paris, who flourished A.D. 876. Dis pleased with the brevity of the rnartyrolojjies of Jerome and Bcda, he wrote one more full and particular, under the countenance of Charles the Bald. It was published, Lou- vain, 1568, 8vo ; and with omissions of what displeased the Papists, at Antwerp, 1587, 8vo. Ablo, a monk of St. Germain, having witnessed the siege of Paris by the Normans in the year 887, composed a history of it, in three Books of very uncouth verses ; pub lished amons the Scriptores Historiae Franc. Stephen V., pope A.D. 885-891, has left us three Epistles, and part of another. Wolfhardus, a Benedictine monk and presbyter, in the diocese of Eichstadt, who flourished A.D. 886, has left us a life of St. Walpurga or St. Walpurgis, in four Books ; extatit in Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. Bened., torn, iv., p. 260, &c. Hercmbertus or Erchcmbcrtus, a monk of Mon'o Cassino,- A.D. 887. He wrote a Chronicon or a full History of the Lombards, continued to A.D. 888 ; an abridgment of which, made (it is supposed) by the author himself, was published at Naples, 1626, 4to, together with three other Chronicons. Adrcvaldus or Adalbcrtus, a Benedictine monk of Fleury, A.D. 890 ; wrote the his tory of the removal of the remains of St. Benedict and St. Scholastica from Monte Cassino to Fleury ; extant in Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. Bened., torn, ii., p. 338, &c. He also wrote de Corpore et sanguine Domini, in opposition to the views of John Scotus ; extant in Dachicr, Spicileg., torn. xii. Asserius, a British monk, much employed by Alfred the Great, and by him mm op of Sherburne. He flourished A.D. 890, and wrote a history of the life and achieve ments of king Alfred ; which is published among the Scriptores rerum Anglicarum, ed. Francf., 1602, p. 1, &c. Gulielmus, librarian of the church of Rome A.D. 890. He continued Anastasius' lives of the popes, from A.D. 867 to A.D. 891. Solomon, a German monk, abbot, and at last bishop of Constance, A.D. 890-920. He left several poems ; published in the Bib lioth. Patrum, torn. xvi. Formosus, pope A.D. 891-896. He had sharp contests with the citizens of Rome ; and when dead, his successor Stephen VII. dug up his remains, deposed him, mutilated his body, and cast it into the Tiber. Two of his Epistles are extant in the collections of Councils. Auxilius, a writer little known, who flour ished about A.D. 894, and composed a his tory of pope Formosus and the contests re specting him, in two Books ; in the Bibliotb. Patrum, torn, xvii., p. 1. The popes Stephen VII., A.D. 896-897, JohnlX., A.D. 898-900, and Benedict IV., A.D. 900-904, have left us, the first ii. Epis tles, the next iv., and the third ii. ; which are in the collections of Councils. — Tr.] RELIGION AND THEOLOGY 79 CHAPTER III. HISTORY OF RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. J 1. The low State of Religion and Learning. — $ 2. Causes of this Evil. — $ 3. The Cor ruption of the Age manifest in the Worship of Saints and Relics. — $ 4. Canonization ol Saints — § 5. Biographies of Saints. — $ 6. Attachment to Relics. — $ 7. Regard for the Holy Scriptures. — § 8. Faults of the Latin Expositors. — «J 9. The Allegonsts. — «J 10. Method of treating Theological Subjects. — $ 11. State of Practical Theology. — the sov- kviii., i) 99, &c.— TV.] RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. SI In tliis gradual manner it was, that the business of canonization or creation of saints arrived at maturity in the church. § 5. The number of celestial or glorified saints being so preposterously multiplied, nothing better was to be expected than that their biographies would be written, and be stuffed with falsehoods and fables ; and that ac counts would also be published of transactions which no one ever per formed. There is still extant a great mass of such idle tales ; which it appears, was produced not long after the times of Charlemagne, and for the most part by the idle monks. Nor were these crafty ('eceivers ashamed to contaminate with false accounts and fictitious miracles, the histories of those who really suffered persecution and death for the cause of Christ in the earlier ages ; and there are not wanting some respectable writers of those times, who chastise this their temerity. (4) Some were led to practise these impositions, by their false notions of religion. For in this rude and ignorant age, it was supposed that the saints in heaven are delighted with praise, and will therefore show special favour to their eulogists. Others were prompted to such presumptuous conduct, by their lust for honour or for lucre. Because in their perplexities and seasons of danger, the populace in great numbers resorted with presents to the temples of those saints, who aid to be ancient, and to have performed many wonders while alive ; hen, . such as were appointed to write the history of the patron saint of any associated body, deemed it necessary to practise deception, and to add false miracles to their account. (5) § <>. In the bones of those who were accounted saints, and the utensils which they used while alive, and even in the very ground which they had touched, there was supposed to reside a marvellous power of repelling all evils both bodily and mental, and especially of paralyzing the machinations of the prince of darkness. Hence, almost no one was willing to be destitute of these useful safeguards. The eagerness for relics led some to encounter toils and troublesome journeys to no purpose ; while others it prompt ed to delude the people with base impositions. That there might be relics enougli for distribution among the admirers of them, the latent carcasses of departed saints were first sought for by the priests with prayer and fasting, and then were discovered by the guidance and monitions of God. The exultation on the discovery of such a treasure, was immense. Some made journeys into the East, and travelled over the regions and places made fa- mous by the presence of Christ and his friends, in order to bring from them what would afford comfort to the fainthearted and protection to their country and their fellow-citizens. Nor did such travellers return empty : for the cunning Greeks, always versatile and knavish, took from the honest Latins their genuine coin, and sent them home loaded with spurious merchandise. In this way the numerous holy bodies and parts of bodies, of Mark. James, (4) See Sercatus Lupus, Vita Maximini, — De duobus Dionysiis, in his Opp., torn, p. 275, 276 ; and the ingenuous and learned ii., pt i., p. 527, 529, 530. See also Mar- remarks on this subject, made in several tcne, Thesaurus Anecdotor, torn, i., p. 151, places by John Launm ; Dispunctio epis- and the Histoire litteraire de la France* tolae Petri de Marca, de tempore, quo in tome iv., p. 273. Gallia Christ! fides reccpta, cap xiv., p. (5) Among all the lives of saints com- 110. — Dissert iii. de primis Christianae re- posed in this age, none are more to be sus- Hg. in Gallia initiis, diss. ii., p. 142, 144, pected, than those written by Britons and1 145, 147, 168, 169, 184.— De Lazari, Mag- Armoricans. See Mabillan, Acta Sanctor- dal. et Marthae in Galliam appulsu, p. 340. ord. Bened., torn, i., Preface, p. vjii VOL. II. — L P2 BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. III. Bartholomew, Cyprian, Pantaleon, and others, in which the West still ex. ults, were introduced among the Latins. Those who were unable to pro- cure these precious treasures by either journeys, or prayers, or frauds, deemed it expedient to steal them, or to seize them by violence and robbery. For whatever means were resorted to in such a cause as this, were supposed to be pious and acceptable to God, provided they were successful.(6) § 7. Among the Greeks there were few that attempted to explain the sacred volume^ except Pholius ; who has left Questions an the Holy Scrip. tures,(7) an explanation of St. Paul's epistles, and some other things of this nature. He made use of his own reason and ingenuity ; and yet he can- not be esteemed a good interpreter. All the other Greeks who attempted expositions of the scriptures, merely collected passages from the writers of preceding ages, and attached them to the declarations of the sacred volume. Thus m tins' century, and among the Greeks it was, that what are called catena, that is, expositions of scripture compiled from the writings of the fathers, of which no small number has come down to us, first began to be drawn up. For most theologians feeling their incompetence to more ardu ous labours, supposed they could best accomplish their object by collecting together the fine thoughts of the ancient fathers. § 8. The Latin interpreters were far more numerous : for Charlemagne had awakened in the preceding century, an ardour for tnc study and expo- sition of the sacred volume. And among these interpreters, here and there one is not wholly destitute of merit ; as e. g., Christum Druthmar, whose Commentary on Matthew has come down to us ;(8) and Bcrtharius, to whom are ascribed two Books reconciling difficult texts (dvTiKetfievw). But most of them were incompetent to their work ; and like the interpret, ers of the preceding age, they may be divided into two classes, those who trod in the steps of former expositors and collected their opinions, and those who searched for mysteries and various recondite meanings in the plainest texts, and for the most part without much discrimination. At the head of the former class stands Rabanus Maurus, who confesses that he drew his. expositions of Matthew and of Paul's epistles from the writings of the fathers. Of the like character were Wahifrid Stralo, author of what is called the Glossa Ordinaria, and who drew his materials chiefly from Ralanus ; Claudius of Turin, who followed Augustine and Origcn ; Hincmar [of Rheims], whose Stromata on the four Books of Kings, com. piled from the fathers, are still extant ; Remigius of Auxerre, who eluci dated the Psalms of David and other books of scripture, from the same source ; Scdulius, who expounded the epistles of Paul according to the (6) Read Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae raedii aevi, torn, v., p. 6, &c., who presents us with examples. (7) [This work is entitled Amphilochia, because it was addressed to Amphilochiiis bishop of Cyzicum. Though several man uscripts of it still exist, it has never been published entire. Among other large ex tracts, J. C. Wolf has subjoined one of 65 pages, to the fourth volume of his Cura Philologies, ed. 2d, Hamb., 1741. He also gives account of the work, in his preface to •that volume. Meet of the questions relate to difficult texts in the Old and New Testa ments ; but some of them are theological, philosophical, grammatical, historical, and literary. About one sixth part of the whole, is to be found in the Epistles of 1'hotiu-s, as published by R. Montague, London, 165J. -7V. J (8) See Rich. Simon, Histoire critique des principaux Commentat. du N. T., cap. xxv., p. 348, and Critique de la Bibhotfieque EC- cles. par M. du Pin. tome i , p. 293, &c. He treats of most of the other commentator!" here noticed ; ibid., cap. xxvi., xxvii. RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 83 news of the fathers ; Floras Magister, who chose Augustine for his guide ; Haymo of Halberstadt, and others. § 9. At the head of the latter class, we again find Ralanus Maurus ; whose very diffuse work on the Allegories of the scriptures, is yet extant. He is followed by Sinaragdus, Haymo, Scotus, Pascfiasius Radbert, and many others whose names it would be needless to mention. The exposi tors of this class all agree, that besides the literal import, there are other meanings of the sacred books ; but as to the number of these meanings they are not agreed. For some of them make thfee senses, others four or Jive ; and one, who is not the worst Latin interpreter of the age, Angdome a monk of Lysieux, maintains that there are seven senses of the sacred books.(9) § 10. In explaining and supporting the doctrjnes of religion, the Greeks as well as the Latins were neglectful of their duty. Their manner of treating such subjects was dry, and better suited to the memory than to the understanding. The Greeks for the most part followed Damascenes ; the Latins acquiesced in the decisions of Augustine. The authority of the ancients was substituted for arguments and proofs; as may be clearly seen by the Collectaneum dc tribus quoestionibus by Scrvalus Lupus, and the Tract of Remigius, on holding firmly to the truths of scripture and adhering faithfully to the authority of the holy and orthodox fathers. Those who appealed to the testimony of the sacred writers, either attached to the words what is called the allegorical sense, or deemed it wrong to put any other construction upon them than had been sanctioned by councils and the fathers. The Irish doctors alone, and among them John Scotus, ventured to explain the doctrines of Christianity in a philosophical manner. But t!r v generally incurred strong disapprobation ; for the Latin theologians of that age would allow no place for reason and philosophy in matters of reliirion.(lO) • § 11. Practical theology was treated negligently and unskilfully, by ai who attended to it. Some gleaned sentences from the writings of the an. cients, relating to piety and the duties of men ; as may be seen in the Scin~ tillne patrum of Alvarus. Others treated on the virtues and vices ; as Hit/itgarius, Ralanus Maurus, arid Jonas of Orleans ; but it is not easy tc discover in them a likeness with the patterns left us by Christ. Some en deavoured to explain the divine law and make it intelligible to the unlearned, by a tissue of allegories ; a method, the faults of which are manifest. The writers of sermons and of treatises on penance, of whom the number was not inconsiderable among the Latins, I pass over in silence. Some of the Greeks began to apply themselves to the solution of what are called cases of conscience. (11) § 12. The doctrines of the Mystics, which originated from Dionysius falsely called the Areopagite, and which taught men to abstract their minds from all sensible things, and to join them in an inexplicable union with God, (9) See the Preface to his Commentary (10) Respecting the dislike of Scotus, set- on the books of Kings, in the Bibliotheca Boulay, Historia Academ. Paris., torn, i., p. Patrum maxima, torn, xv., p. 308. The 182. Add the Life of John of Gortz, in commentary of Angdome on the book of Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened , saecul. Genesis, was published by Bernh. Per, The- v., [torn, vii.], p. 392. saurus Anecdotor., torn, i., part i. But it (11) See Nicephorus Chartophylax, Epis- would have been no loss to sacred literature, tolx ii. in the Biblioth. magna Patrum, torn had it remained in obscurity. iii , p. 413. 84 BOOlv III.-CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. III. had long been in the highest estimation among the Greeks, and especially by the monks. And the praises of this Dionysius were splendidly sung in this century, by Michael Syncellus and Methodius ; who thus endeavoured to multiply the admirers and followers of the man. The Latins had hitherto been unacquainted with this imposing system. But when Michael the Stammerer, emperor of the Greeks, sent a copy of Dionysius as a prcs- ent to Lewis the Meek, A.D. 824,(12) at once the whole Latin world be- came remarkably attached to it. For Lewis, in order to put the Latins in possession of so great a treasure, directed the works of Dionysius to be forthwith translated into the Latin language.(13) Afterwards Hilduin abbot of St. Denys, by the order of Lewis, published his Areopagitica or Life of Dionysius ; in which, according to the custom of the age, he not only states many things void of truth, but he basely confounds Dionysius the Areopagite with Dionysius bishop of Paris, designing, no doubt, to ad- vance the glory of the French nation. (14) And this fable, hastily admitted by credulous ears, became so firmly fixed in the minds of the French that it is not yet fully eradicated. The first translation of Dionysius, made by order of Lewis the Meek, was perhaps considerably obscure and barbarous. Therefore his son Charles the Bald, procured a new and more neat trans- lation to be made by the celebrated John Erigcna Scotus; and the circula tion of this translation swelled the number of the patrons of mystic the- ' ology in France, Germany, and Italy. Scotus himself was so captivated with this new system of theology, that he did not hesitate to accommodate his philosophy to its precepts, or rather to explain its principles by the rules of his philosophy. (15) § 13. In defence of Christianity against Jews, pagans, and others, only a few took the field ; because the internal contests among Christians en grossed all the attention of those who were inclined to be polemics. Ago- bard inveighed against the arrogance and other faults of the Jews, in two short tracts. Amulo and Rabanus Maurus likewise assailed them. The Saracens were confuted by the emperor Leo, by Theodorus Abucara, and by others whose writings are lost. But these and other opposers of the Mohammedans, advanced various false and unsubstantiated statements re specting Mohammed and his religion ; which, if brought forward designedly, (12) Jac. Usher, Sylloge Epistolar. Hi- Michael the Stammerer sent to Lads the bernicanim, p. o4, 55. works of Dionysius, translated from Greek (13) This we are explicitly taught by Hd- into Latin. The contrary is most clearly duin. in his epistle to the emperor Lewis signified by Hilduin, in the place cited : Au- the Meek, prefixed to his Areopanitica, p. thenticos namque eosdem (Dior.ysii) libros 66, ed. Cologne, 1563, 8vo ; in which he Graca lingua conscriptos, cum echonornus says : De notitia librorum, quos (Dionysius) ecclesine Constantinopolitanoe et caeteri mis- patrio sermone conscripsit et quibus peten- siMichaelis legatione — functi sunt — pro mu- tibus illos composuit, lectio nobis per Dei nere majrno suscepimus. gratiam et vestram ordinationem, cujus dis- (14) Jo. Launoi, Diss. de discrimine Di- pensatione interpretatos, scrinia nostra eos onysii Areop. et Parisiensis, cap. iv., Opp., petentibus reserat, satisfacit. Those err torn, ii., pt. i., p. 38, and the other writings therefore, who tell us that the Latin trans- of this great man, and of others, concerning lation of Dionysius was not made till the the tiro Dionysii. reign of Charles the Bald. And those err (15) [Scotus was partial to the Platonic also, who say, (with Jo. Mabillon, Annal. philosophy ; which being one of the primary Benedict., torn, it., lib. xxix., () lix., p. 488, sources of the mystic theology, would easily »nd the authors of the Histoire Litteraire amalgamate with it and serve to explain ani de la France, tome v., p. 425, &c.), that enforce it. — TV.] RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 83 (as would seem to be the fact), prove that the writers did not aim so much at convincing the Saracens as at deterring Christians from apostacy. § 14. Among themselves, the Christians had more strenuous and ani mate 1 contests than against the common enemy; and these contests in volved them continually in new calamities, and brought reproach upon the c;tuse of true religion. Upon the banishment of Irene, [A.D. 802], the contest about image-worship was renewed among the Greeks, and it continued with various success for nearly half this century. For Xi- cephorus, [who now ascended the throne], though he would not revoke the Nicene decrees nor remove the images from the temples, yet laid restraints on the patrons of images, and would not allow them to use any violence or do any harm to the opposers of image-worship. His successor Micluiel Curopulates, was a timid prince, who feared the rage of the monks and priests who contended for images, and therefore during his short reign, [A.I). 811-913], he favoured the cause of images, and persecuted the ppposeraof them. Leo the Armenian had more vigour,(16) and assembling a council at Constantinople A.D. 814, he explicitly rescinded the Nicene decrees respecting the worship of the images of saints ; yet he did not enact any penal laws against the worshippers of them. (17) As this tern- perate procedure was not satisfactory to Nicephorus the patriarch, and to the other friends of images, and as dangerous tumults seemed ready to break out, the imperor removed Niccphorus from his office, and repressed the rage of some of his adherents with punishments. His successor Michael the Stammerer, who was also opposed to image-worship, found it necessary to pursue the same course ; for although he at first showed great clemen- (16) [And more ingenuousness too. For A.D. 814, and condemned Anthony bahop before calling the council, the emperor in of Sillaeum, as an Iconoclast, and established an interview with Niccphorus requested him image-worship. The next council was call- to show the fact, by proofs from the writings ed by Leo himself, in the \ear815; and of the apostles and of the earlier fathers, if this it was that deposed Nictpharus, and as the patriarch asserted, the worship of im- declared him a heretic. The third was held ages was in early use in the church. The under the new patriarch Throdorus, and es- answer he received was. that in this case tablished the doctrines of the Iconoclasts, we must he satisfied with unwritten tradi- Images were now removed ; and the un- tion ; and that what had been decided in a submissive monks were banished, but resto- general council, was never to be controvert- red again to their cloisters as soon as they ed. After this,' the emperor brought the promised to remain quiet and to hold coin- contending parties to a conference in his munion with the new patriarch Theudorus. presence ; which Thcoiloms Studitcs and his There were however blind zealots among party frustrated, by telling the emperor to them, who with Theodoras Stitdites at their his face, that doctrinal controversies were head, belched forth most shameful language not to be discussed in the. palace but in the against those bishops and monks who yield- church ; and that if an angel from heaven ed obedience to the emperor's commands, should advance a doctrine contrary to the and even against the emperor himself. The decrees of the Nicene council, they would former they declared to be enemies of Christ, treat him with abhorrence. The emperor deniers of him, and apostates ; the emperor 1 this insolence by merely sending they called an Amorite, another Og of Ba the monks back to their cloisters, forbidding shan, the great dragon, a vessel of wrath, an them to raise disturbances about images, Ahab, a second Julian ; and to insult him, and requiring them to be peaceable citizens, they extolled their images by chanting their — Schl.] praises in the most public places. — These (17) [According to Mansi, (Supplem. Con- indeed were taken up and punished, and sil., torn, i., p. 775), there were several Theodonis Studitcs was sent into exile ; councils held at Constantinople under Leo and as this did not tame him, he was im the Armenian, in regard to images. One prisoned, yet so as to be allowed free cor was held under the patriarch Nicephorus, respondence by letters. — «ScA/.l 6fl BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.— PART II.— CHAP. III. cy to image-worshippers, he was obliged to depart from that clemency, and to chastise the restless faction that served images, and especially the monks.(18) His son Theophilus, [A.D. 829-842], bore harder upon the defenders of images, and even put some of the more violent of them to death.(19) § 15. But after the death of Theophilus in the year 842, his surviving consort Theodora, who administered the government of the empire, wearied out and deluded by the menaces, the entreaties, and the fictitious miracles of the monks, assembled a council at Constantinople A.D. 842, and there re-established the decisions of the Nicenc council, and restored image- worship among the Greeks.(20) Thus, after a contest of one hundred and ten years, image-worship gained the victory : and all the East, ex- cept the Armenian church, embraced it ; nor did any one of the succeeding emperors attempt to cure the Greeks of their folly in this matter. The council of Constantinople, held under Photius in the year 879, and which is reckoned by the Greeks the eighth general council, fortified image-wor ship by new and firm ramparts, approving and renewing all the decrees of the Niccne council. The Greeks, a superstitious people and controlled by monks, regarded this as so great a blessing conferred on them by heav en, that they resolved to consecrate an anniversary in remembrance of it, which they called the Feast of Orthodoxy. (21) § 16. Among the Latins image-worship did not obtain so easy a victory, although it was warmly patronised by the Roman pontiffs. For the peo ple of the West still maintained their ancient liberty of thinking for them selves in matters of religion, and could not be brought to regard the deci sions of the Romish bishop as final and conclusive. Most of the European Christians, as we have seen, took middle ground between the Iconoclasts (18) [Notwithstanding Michael ascended the throne under a very dubious title, the image worshippers described him as a sec ond David, and a Josiah, so long as they ac counted him one of their party ; because he released those imprisoned, and recalled the exiles. He in fact showed great gentleness towards the image-worshippers. He caused conferences to be held for allaying the con- tvi f'rsies ; and these proving ineffectual, he allowed them to retain their images, though not to display them in Constantinople ; and only required silence from both parties, so that the bitterness between them might sub side. This gentleness was the more re markable, as the superstition of the image- worshippers knew no bounds, and led on to the grossest follies. For they set up ima ges, instead of the cross ; lighted candles before them ; burned incense to them ; sung to their praise ; made supplications to them ; used them as sponsors for their baptized children ; scraped off the colours from the pictures and mixed them with the wine of the eucharist ; and placed the bread of ben ediction in the hands of the images, in order to receive it as from them. See the Epis tle v>f Michael to the emperor Lewis the Meek, in Baronius' Annals, ad ann. 824, § 26.— ScR] (19) [It is impossible to believe all that the Greek monks tell us of the cruelties of this emperor against the image-worshippers ; as he was in other respects an upright ruler. And it is well known, that he was very in dulgent and kind towards Throktista the mother of his empress, who worshipped im ages in her house and endeavoured to instil the love of them into the young princesses of the emperor. And if some persons did actually suffer severely under him, they suf fered rather on account of their slanderous language, their disobedience to the laws, and their seditious conduct ; to which they were prompted by their mad zeal for promoting image-worship. — Scltl.] (20) See Fred. Spanhcim, Historia Im- aginum, 6 viii , Opp., torn, ii., p. 845, &c. Jac. Lcnfant, Preservatif contre la Reunion avec le Siege de Rome, tome iii., lettr. xiv., p. 147, &c., lettr. xviii., xix., p. 509, &c. (21) See fac. Gretser, Observat. in Co- dinum de orficiis aulae et ecclesiae Con stantinop., lib. iii., cap. viii., and the Cere- moniale Byzantinum, lately published by Rciske, lib. i., cap. 28, p. 92, &c. RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 87 • and the image-worshippers. For they judged that images might be tol erated as helps to the memory, but denied that any worship or honour was to be paid to them. Micliael the Stammerer, emperor of the Greeks, when he sent an embassy to Lewis the Meek A.D. 824 for the purpose of re newing the confederation with him, instructed his ambassadors to draw Lewis over, if possible, to the side of the Iconoclasts. Lewis chose to have the subject thoroughly discussed by the bishops, in the council assembled at Paris A.D. 824. (22) They decided, that they ought to abide by the opinions of the council of Frankfort ; namely, that the images of Christ and the saints were not indeed to be cast out of the temples, yet that re ligious worship should by no means be paid to them. Gradually however the European Christians swerved from this opinion ; and the opinion of the Roman pontiil', whose influence was daily increasing, got possession of their minds. Near the close of the century, the French lirst decided, that some kind of worship might be paid to the sacred images ; and the Ger mans, and others, followed their example. (23) § 17. Still there were some among the Latins who inclined to the side of the Iconoclasts. The most noted of these was Claudius bishop of Tu rin, a Spaniard by birth, and educated under Felix of Urgel. As soon as the favour of Lewis the Meek had raised him to the rank of bishop, in the year 823, he cast all the crosses and sacred images out of the churches and broke them. The next year, he published a book not only defending this procedure, but likewise advancing other principles which were at va riance with the opinions of the age. Among other things, he denied the propriety of worshipping the cross, which the Greeks also conceded ; spoke contemptuously of all sorts of relics, maintaining that they had no eftica- cy ; and disapproved of all pilgrimages to the tombs of saints and to holy places. He was opposed by the adherents to the inveterate superstition ; and first by the abbot Theodcmir, and afterwards by Dungal, Scot its, Jonas of Orleans, Walafrid Stralo, and others. But this learned and ingenious man defended his cause with energy ;(24) and thence it was that long after (22) [" Flcury, Le Seur, and the other ii., p. 488. Idem, Pracf. ad Acta Sanctcr. historians, place unanimously this council in ord. Bcned., szecul. iv., pt. i., p. vii., viii. the year 825. — It may be proper to observe Car. le Comic, Annales Eccl. Francor, here, Unit the proceedings of this council ev- torn, iv., ad ami. 824 : and many others, idently show, that the decisions of the Ro- (24) Mabillon, Annales Benedict , torn, man pontiff were by no means looked upon, ii., p. 488, Praef. ad Saecul. iv., Actor.Sanc- at this time, either as obligatory or infalli- tor. ord. Bened., p. viii. Histoire Litter, ble. For when the letter of pope Adrian, de la France, tome iv., p. 491, and tome v., in favour of images, was read in the coun- p. 27,64. Among the Reformed, Jac Bas- cil, it was almost unanimously rejected, as nage, Histoire des Eglises Reformees, torn. containing absurd and erroneous opinions. i., period iv., p. 38, &c., ed. in 4to. — [It The decrees of the second council of Nice, is to be regretted that we have only those relating to image-worship, were also cen- testimonies of Claudius against the super- sured by the Gallican bishops ; and the au- stitions of his time, which his opposers and thority of that council, though received by especially Jonas of Orleans have quoted several popes as an (ecumenical one, abso- from his writings. Yet in these quotations, lutely rejected. And what is remarkable is, there is much that is solid, and expressed that the pope did not, on this account, de- in a nervous and manly style. Against im clare the Gallican bishops heretics, nor ex- ages, he thus expresses himself: " If a mac elude them from the communion of the ought not to worship the works of God, apostolic see. See Flcury, livr. xlvii., § 4." much less should he worship and reverence - -Macl.} the works of men. \Vhoeverexpectssalva- f23) MaMlon, Annales Benedict., torn, tion which comes only from God, to come 88 BOOK III.— CENTURY IX.— PART II.— CHAP. III. his death, there was less superstition in the region about Turin than in the other parts of Europe. § 18. The controversy that commenced in the preceding century, re- specting the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son, and respecting the words (filioque) and the Son, inserted by the Latins into the Constantinopolitan creed, flamed out with greater vehemence in this cen- turv ; and from being a private dispute, gradually became a public contro versy of the whole Greek and Latin church. The monks of Jerusalem became embroiled about this matter, and particularly about the words jllio- que ; and one John was despatched by them on the subject into France to the emperor Charlemagne, A.D. 809. (25) This subject was discussed in the council of Aix-la-Chapelle held in this year ; and also at Rome before the pontiff Leo III., whither Charlemagne had sent envoys. Leo III., approved the doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son, but disapproved of the alteration of the creed, and wished the words jilioque to be gradually disused. (26) And his successors held the same sentiments ; but the interpolation being once admitted, retained its place in spite of the pontiffs, and at length was received by all the Latin churches. (27) § 19. To these ancient controversies, new ones were added among the Latins. The first was, respecting the manner in which the body and blood of Christ are present in the sacred supper. Though all Christians believ ed, that the body and blood of Christ were presented to the communicants in the Lord's supper, yet up to this time their views had been various and fluctuating in regard to the manner in which the body and blood of Christ are present ; nor had any council prescribed a definite faith on the subject. But in this century, Paschasius Radbcrt, a monk and afterwards abbot of Corbey, in his treatise on the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ from pictures, must he classed with those mentioned Rom. i., who serve the creature more than the Creator." — Against the cross, and the worship of it, he thus taught : " God has commanded us to bear the cross ; not to pray to it. Those are willing to pray to it, who are unwilling to bear it, either in the spiritual or in the literal sense. To worship God in this manner, is in fact to depart from him." — Of tne pope, he said (when accused for not yielding to his authority), " He is not to be called the Apostolical," (a title then commonly given to the pope), " who sits in the apostle's chair ; but he who per forms the duties of an apostle. For of those who hold that place, yet do not fulfil its du ties, the Lord says, They sit in Moses' scat, &c." — See bishop Jonas, libri iii. de Imag., >.n the Biblioth. Patr. max. Lugd. , torn, xiv., p. 166.— SchL] (25) See Steph. Baluze, Miscellan., torn. vii., p. 14. [The occasion of this transac tion was as follows : some French monks residing at Jerusalem as pilgrims, chanted the creed in their worship, in the manner common with their countrymen, with the addition of jilioque. The Greeks censured this custom ; and the Franks sought the pro tection and the determination of the emper or.— Schl.'] (26) [The conference of the imperial en voys with pope Leo III. is still extant, in Harduiris Collection of Councils, torn, iv., p. 970, &c. From this it appears, that Leo was displeased, not with the doctrine itself, but with the unauthorized interpolation of the creed : and he disapproved the recent decision of the council of Aix-la-Chapelle, the confirmation of which was requested by the imperial envoys. Pope John VIII., in a letter to Phot ins, went still further; for he called the expression, that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Son, blasphemy : though the abolition of it was attended with diffi culty and required time. — Schl.'] (27) See Carl, le Cointe. Annal. Eccles. Francor.. torn, iv., ad ann. 809, &c. Lon gueral, Histoire de 1'Eglise Gallicane, torn, v., p. 151, and the other writers above cited. [The pope had not, either in the eighth cen tury or the forepart of the ninth, such in fluence and authority over the Spanish and French churches, as to be able to compel them directly to expunge the interpolation — Schl.] RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 89 written A.D. 831, attempted to give more clearness and stability to the views of the church. (28) On the presentation of this book enlarged and improved to Charles the Bald, in the year 845, a great dispute arose out of it. Pascluisius taught in general, that in the Lord's supper after the consecration, there remained only the form and appearance of bread and wine ; and that the real body or the flesh and blood of Christ, were actual, ly present ; and indeed that identical body, which wan born of the virgin, suffered on the cross, and arose from the tomb.('2(J) This doctrine seemed to many to be new and strange, and especially the last part of it. There fore Rabanus Maurus, Hcribald, and others, opposed it ; but on different grounds. And the emperor Charles the Bald, commanded two men of uished learning and talents, Ratramn and John Scotus, to give a true exposition of that doctrine which Radbert was supposed to have corrupt. ed.(30) Both of them did so ; but the work of Scotus is lost, and that of Ratramn which is still extant, has given occasion to much disputation, both in former ages and in the present. (31) § 20. The writers who treat of this controversy, are not agreed among themselves ; nor are they self-consistent throughout their respective trea tises. Indeed the mover of the controversy, Radbert himself, showed little consistency, and not unfrequently recedes manifestly from what he had before asserted. His principal antagonist Bertram or Ratramn, seems in general to follow those who think that the body and blood of Christ are not truly present in the eucharist, but arc merely represented by the bread and wine : and yet he has passages which appear to depart widely from that sentiment ; and hence it is not without apparent reason, that he has been understood and explained diversely. (32) John Scotus only, as being a (28) See Mabillon, Annalcs Bened., torn, and his book which has caused so much dis- ii., p. 539. The treatise of Paschasius was cussion, see Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Biblioth. published in a more accurate manner than Lat. rned. aevi, torn, i., p. 661, anus wrote a long letter to Notkingus, and another to count Eberalil, loading the sentiments of Godcs- ehalcus with reproaches. Godcsc/uilr.uslhere- fore set out immediately for Germany, in order to vindicate his assailed principles. On his arrival at Mentz, he presented to Ra banus his tract on a twofold predestination. Rabanus laid this before a synod, which con demned the sentiments it contained, but did not venture to punish Godcschalcus, because he did not belong to their jurisdiction but to that of Khenns. They however exacted from him an oath, riot to return again to the ter ritories of King Lewis ; and transmitted him as a prisoner to Hincmar, the archbishop of Rheims. The synodal epistle of Rabanus accompanying the prisoner, contained this statement : " Be it known to your goodness, that a certain vagabond monk, named Go- thescalc, who says he was ordained priest in your diocese, came from Italy to Mentz, introducing new superstitions and pernicious doctrine concerning the predestination of God, and leading the people into error; af firming that the predestination of God re lated to evil as well as to food, and that there are some in the world, who cannot reclaim themselves from their errors and sins, on account of the predestination of God, which compels them on to destruc tion ; as if God had, from the beginning, made them incorrigible and obnoxious to perdition. Hearing this opinion therefore, in a synod lately held at Mentz, and finding the man irreclaimable, with the consent and direction of our most pious king Hludovicus, we determined to transmit him, together .vith his pernicious doctrine, to you, under condemnation ; that you may put him in confinement in your diocese, from which he has irregularly strolled ; and that you may not suffer him any more to teach error, and seduce Christian people : for we have learn ed, that he has already seduced many, who are negligent of their salvation, and who say : What will it profit me to exert myself in the service of God 1 Because, if I am predestinated to death, I can never escape it ; but if predestinated to life, although I do wickedly, I shall undoubtedly obtain eter nal rest. In these few words, we have writ ten to you, describing what we found his doctrine to be," &c. See Harduin's Con cilia, torn, v., p. 15, 16. — Tr.} (35) [The sentence upon Godcschalcus, passed by the synod of Chiersey, was thus worded : " Brother Gotcscalc, know thou that the holy office of the sacerdotal minis try, which thou hast irregularly usurped," (because, in a vacancy of the see of Rheims, he obtained ordination of the sub-bishop of Rheims), " and hast not feared hitherto to abuse, by wicked manners and acts, and by corrupt doctrines, is now, by the decision of the Holy Spirit, (of whose grace the sacer- dot^l office is the administration by virtue of the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ), taken from thee, if thou ever receivedst it ; and thou art utterly prohibited from ever pre suming again to exercise it. Moreover, be cause thou hast presumed, contrary to the design and the name of a monk, and despi sing ecclesiastical law, to unite and confound the civil and ecclesiastical vocations, we, by our episcopal authority, decree that thou be whipped with very severe stripes (durissirnis verberibus), and, according to ecclesiastical rules, be shut up in prison. And that thou no more presume to exercise the functions of a teacher, we, by virtue of the eternal Word, impose perpetual silence upon thy lips." See Harduin, ubi supra, p. 20. This sentence was executed, without mitigation. — 7V.1 92 BOOK III.— CENTURY IX.-PART II.— CHAP. III. men, such as Ratramn of Corbey, Prudenlius of Troyes, Lupus of Ferri. eres, Florus a deacon of Lyons, and Remigius bishop of Lyons, together with his whole church, and many others, defended with energy, both oral- ly and in writing, either the person or the sentiments of the monk. On the other hand, Hincmar his judge, Amalarius, John Scotus the celebrated philosopher, and others, by their writings, contended that both he and his opinions were justly dealt with. As the spirit of controversy waxed hotter continually, Charles the Bald, in the year 853, ordered another convention or council to be held at Chiersey ; in which through the influence of Hinc mar, the decision of the former council was confirmed, and Godeschakus was again condemned as a heretic.(36) But in the year 855, the three provinces of Lyons, Vicnne, and Aries, assembled in council at Valence, Re- migius presiding, and set forth other decisions in opposition to those of Chi- ersey, and defended the cause of Godeschakus. (37) With the decisions of (36) [In this council, the opposers of Go- dcschalcus set forth their creed in respect to ihe contested doctrines, in the four following articles : viz., I. Almighty God created man without sin, upright, endued with free will ; and placed him in Paradise ; and purposed his contin uance in the holiness of uprightness. Man, abusing free will, sinned and fell, and the whole human race became a mass of cor ruption. But the good and righteous God elected out of that mass of perdition, accord ing to his foreknowledge, those whom he predestinated unto life through grace, and foreordained eternal life for them : but the others, whom in his righteous judgment he left in the mass of perdition, he foresaw would perish, but did not foreordain, that they should perish : yet being just, he fore ordained eternal punishment to be their por tion. And thus we affirm but one predes tination of God, in relation either to the gift of grace or to the retributions of justice. II. We lost freedom of will in the first man : which we recover by Christ, our Lord : and we have free will to good, when prevent ed and aided by grace ; and have free will to evil, when forsaken of grace. That we have free will, is because we are made free by grace, and are healed of corruption by it. III. Almighty God wills, that all men without exception should be saved ; and yet all men will not be saved. And that some are saved, arises from the gratuity of him who saves ; but that some perish, arises from their desert of perdition. IV. As there never was, is, or will be, a man whose nature was not assumed by our Lord Jesus Christ ; so there never was, is, or will be, a man for whom Christ has not died ; and this, notwithstanding all are not redeemed by rhe mystery of his passion. That all are not redeemed by the mystery of his passion, is not owing to the [limited] magnitude and value of the price ; but is the fault of unbelievers, or of them who do not believe with the faith that works by love. For the cup of human salvation, which is provided for our weakness and has divine efficacy, contains what might benefit all ; but if it be not drunken, it will not produce healing. These doctrinal articles were agreed on in the council of Chiersey, A .D. 853 ; though sometimes attributed to the council of Chier sey in the year 849, and printed as such, in Harduin, Concilia, torn, v., p. 18, 19 ; com pare p. 57. — Tr.] (37) [The council of Valence published twenty-three canons ; five of which contain the doctrinal views of the friends and de fenders of Godeschalcus. See Harduin, Concilia, torn, v., p. 87, &c. These five canons are too long to be inserted here, without some abridgment. The substance of them is as follows : viz.. Can. II. " That God foresees, and eter nally foresaw, both the good which the righteous will perform, and the evil which the wicked will do." — Dan. ii., 29. " We hold faithfully, and judge it should be held, that he foresaw that the righteous would certainly become righteous, through his grace ; and by the same grace, would ob tain eternal blessedness : and he foresaw that the wicked would be wicked, through their own perverseness ; and would be such as must be condemned by his justice to eter nal punishment." According to Ps Ixii., 12, and Rom. ii., 7-9, and 2 Thrss. i.. 7-10. "Nor has the prescience of God imposed upon any bad man a necessity, that he can not be other than bad ; but, what he would become by his own free volition, God, as one who knows all things before they come to pass, foresaw, by his omnipotent and un changeable majesty. Nor do we believe, that any one is condemned by a divine pro- RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. the council of Valence, coincided those of the council of Langres A.D. 859 composed of the same provinces ; and likewise those of the council of Toul A.D. 860, composed of the bishops of fourteen provinces.(38) But on the death of Godeschalcus, the author of the contest, this vehement controversy subsided.(39) & 24. The cause of Godeschalcus is involved in some obscurity ; and many and eminent men have appeared both as his patrons, and as his ac cusers. He taught, unquestionably, that there is a twofold predestination, the one to eternal life, and the other to eternal death ; that God does not will the salvation of all men, but only of the elect ; and that Christ suffered death, not for the whole human race, but only for that portion of it to which indication, hut only according to the deserts of his own wickedness. Nor do the wicked perish, because they could not become good ; but because they would not become good, and through their own fault remained in the RptM of condemnation, or in their original and their actual sin." Can. III. "As to the predestination of God, we decide, and faithfully decide, ac cord IIILJ to the authority of the apostle ;" Rom. ix., '21-23. " We confidently profess ;i |ir< 'destination of the elect unto life, and a predestination of the wicked unto death. But in the election of those to be saved, the mercy of God precedes their good deserts ; and in the condemnation of those who are to perish, their ill deserts precede the right eous judgment of God. In his predestina tion, God only determined what he himself would do, either in his gratuitous mercy or in his righteous judgment." — " In the wick ed, he foresaw their wickedness, because it is from themselves ; he did not predestine it, because it is not from him. The punish ment indeed, consequent upon their ill de sert, he foresaw, being a God who foresees all things : and also predestined, because he is a pist God, with whom as St. Augustine says, there is both a fixed purpose, and a certain foreknowledge, in regard to all things whatever." — " But that some are predesti nated to vrickednett, by a Divine power, so that they cannot be of another character, we not only do not believe ; but if there are those who will believe so great a wrong, we, as well as the council of Orange, with all detestation declare them anathema.'1'' Can. IV. In this canon they disapproved the sentiments of some, who held " that the blood of Christ was shed, even for those ungodly ones who had been punished with eternal damnation, from the beginning of the world to the time of Christ's passion." And they held, " that this price was paid (only) for those of whom our Lord has said : 'As Moses lifted up the serpent,' &c., ' that eve ry one that belicveth in him,"1 &c. — John iii., 14-16. "And the apostle says: Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many.'1 — " Moreover, the four articles adopted with out due consideration by the synod of our brethren, (at Chiersey, A.D. 853), on ac count of their inutility, and indeed their in jurious tendency, and error, contrary to the truth ; as also those other, (of John Scotvs), unfitly set forth in 19 syllogisms; and in which, notwithstanding the boast that they are not the result of philosophy, there appears to be rather the fabrication of the devil, than an exhibition of the faith ; we wholly ex plode, as not to be listened to by the faith ful ; and we enjoin, by the authority of the Holy Spirit, that such, and all similar state ments, be looked upon as dangerous, and to be avoided. And the introducers of (such) novelties, we judge, ought to be censured." Can. V. This canon maintains the neces sity of a saint's persevering in holiness, in order to his salvation. Can. VI. In regard to saving grace, " and free will, which was impaired by sin, in the first man ; but is recovered and made whole again, by Jesus Christ, in all believers in him," this council held with various councils and pontiffs ; and they reject the trash vend ed by various persons. — TV.] (38) [The five doctrinal canons of the council of Valence were adopted, without alteration, by the councils of Langres and of Toul. See Harduin, Concilia, torn, v., p. 481, f , p. xlvii. ; in the Histoire Litters ire de la France, torn, v., p. 352 ; by Jac. Usher, Historia Godeschal- ci, Hanov., 1662, 8vo. and Dublin, 1631, 4to ; and by Gerh. Jo. Vossius, Historia Pelagiana, lib. vii., cap. iv. Add Jo. Alb. Fabncius, Biblioth. Lat. medii aevi, torn, iii., p. 210. &c., [and Gicseler's Text-book of Eccl. Hist., trans, oy Cunningham, vol. ii.. p. 50-54.— 7V.] 94 BOOK III.— CENTURY IX.— PART II.— CHAP. III. God decreed eternal salvation. His friends put a favourable construction upon these propositions ; and they deny, that he held those whom God pre destinated to eternal punishment, to be also predestinated to sin and guilt. On the contrary, they maintain that he taught only this, that God from eternity condemned those who, he foresaw, would become sinners ; and con. demned them, on account of their sins voluntarily committed ; and decreed, that the fruits of God's love and of Christ's sufferings, should extend only to the elect ; notwithstanding the love of God and the sufferings of Christ, in themselves considered, have reference to all men. But his adversaries fiercely contend, that he concealed gross errors under ambiguous phraseol ogy ; and in particular, that he wished to have it believed, that God has predestinated the persons who will be damned, not only to suffer punish, ment, but likewise to commit the sins by which they incur that punish. ment.(40) This at least, seems to be incontrovertible, that the true cause of this whole controversy, and of all the sufferings endured by the unhap py Godeschalcus, may be traced to the private enmity, existing between him and Rabanus Maurus who was his abbot.(41) § 25. With this great controversy, another smaller one was interwoven. relative to the trine God. In the churches over which he presided, Hinc- mar forbid the singing of the last words of a very ancient hymn : Te trina Deitas, unaque poschnus [Of thee, trine Deity, yet one, we ask, &c.], on the ground, that this phraseology subverted the simplicity of the divine nature, and implied the existence of three Gods. The Benedictine monks would not obey this mandate of Hincmar ; and one of their number, Ra~ tramn, wrote a considerable volume, made up according to the custom of the age of quotations from the ancient doctors, in defence of a trine Deity. Godeschalcus, receiving information of this dissension while in prison, sent forth a paper, in which he defended the cause of his fellow-monks. For this, he was accused by Hincmar of Trilhcism, and was confuted in a book written expressly for that purpose. But this controversy soon sub sided ; and in spite of Hincmar's efforts, those words retained their place in the hymn. (42) § 26. About the same time another controversy found its way from (40) The cause of Godcsr.Jia.kus is learn- most righteously condemned. [Natalis Ai- edly treated, in an appropriate work, by cxandcr. Hist. Eccles.. saecul. ix , x., Diss. William Maugvin ; who published all the v., torn, xii., p. 302-354, follows Mauguin writings on both sides of this controversy for the most part. — 7V.] which have reached us, Paris, 1650, 2 vols. (41) Godcschalcus, who was committed 4to, under the title : Veterum auctorum, to the monastery of Fulda by his parents qui nono saeculo de prcdestinatione et gratia while an infant, agreeably to the custom of scripserunt, opera et fragmenta, cum histo- the age, when he became adult wished to ria et gemii.a prafatione. A more concise abandon a monastic life But Rabanus re- account of it, is given by Henry Noris. Sy- tained him contrary to his w ishes. This nopsis historic Godeschalcanse ; in his Opp.. produced a great contest between them, torn, iv., p. 677, &c. But he more strenu- which was terminated only by the interpo- ously defends Godeschalcus, than Mauguin sition of Lewis the Meek. Hence those does. All the Benedictines, Augustinians, conflicts and sufferings. See the Centurite and Jansenists maintain, that Godeschalcus Magdeb., century ix., c. x., p. 543, 546. and was most unjustly oppressed and persecuted Mabillon, Annales Bened., torn, ii., ann. 829, by Rabanus and Hmcmar. The Jesuits take p. 523. opposite ground ; and one of them, Lewis (42) See the writers of the history of Go- Cellot, in his Historia Godeschalci praedes- dcschalcus, who also touch upon this CT)- tinatiani, splendidly printed, Paris, 1655, troversy. (ol.« labours to show, that Godeschalcus was RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 95 Germany into France, relative to the manner in which the blessed Saviour issued from the womb of his mother. Some of the Germans maintained, that Jesus Christ did not proceed from the womb of Mary, according to the laws of nature in the case of other persons, but in a singular and ex traordinary manner. When this opinion reached France, Ratranm oppo sed it, and maintained that Christ came into the world, in the way which rvature has provided. Paschasius Radbert came forth in defence of the Germans, maintaining in a distinct treatise, that Christ was born with no expansion of his mother's body ; and charging those who thought other wise, with denying the virginity of Mary. But this also was a short con troversy, and gave way to greater oncs.(43) § 27. Of all the controversies that disturbed this century, the most famous and the most unhappy was that which severed the Greek and Latin churches. The bishops of Rome and Constantinople had long in dulged, and sometimes also manifested, great jealousies of each other. Their mutual animosity became violent, from the times of Leo the {sau rian, [A.D. 710-741], when the bishops of Constantinople, supported by the authority and patronage of the [Greek] emperors, withdrew many prov inces from subjection to the see of Rome. (44) But in the 9th century the smothered fire which had been burning in secret, broke out into an open flame, upon occasion of the elevation of Photius, the most learned Greek of the age, to succeed the deposed Ignatius in the see of Constan tinople, by the emperor Michael, A.D. 852, [rather A.D. 858], and the con. (tarnation of that elevation as regular and correct, by the council of Con stantinople in the year 801. (45) For the Roman pontiff Nicolans I., whose aid had been solicited by Ignatius, in a council at Rome A.D. 802, pro nounced Photius, (whose election he maintained was uncanonical), together with his adherents, -to be unworthy of Christian communion. This thun der was so far from terrifying Phntius, that he gave back the same meas ure he had received, and in return excommunicated Nicolaus, in the council of Constantinople of the year 800. (43; See Lucas de Achery, Spicilcg. ve- fied with their answer, wrote a tract to prove terurn Scriptorum, torn, i., p. 396. Jo. Ma- that Christ received all the gifts of the Spirit, billon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened. [torn, vi.], at once, and in porpctuum, without change, saecul. iv., pt. ii., Prapf , p. li., &c. [After increase, or diminution ; but that believers giving account of this controversy, Maliillon did not so receive them, though they might proceeds to the history of another, between in some degree enjoy the temporary posses- Ratramn and Fasrhasms Radbert, respect- sion of them all. See WaJcfi'i Programm, ing the unity of human souls. The contro- de Gratia septiformis Spiritus, A.D. 1755. versy was of short continuance, and seems — TV.] to have arisen from a misunderstanding of (44) See Giannone, Histoire de Naples, each other, in consequence of their not clear- tome i., p. 535, R4G. Peter de Marca, de ly discriminating between numerical unity Concordia sacerd.• 372. Cerulariiis, [patriarch in the middle of the (47) See an epistle of Photius himself, eleventh century]. — Certain it is, that in the which is the second of his Epistles, as pub- Epistle of Photius, from which alone the hshed by Montague, p. 47. &C. Some enu- first controversy is to be judged of, there morale ten allegations of charge by Photius. are only the five heads of disagreement. But they undoubtedly blend the first con- which we have staled. RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 97 the other Gallic bishops, in the year 867 ; that they might deliberate ui councils respecting the proper answer to it. Hence Odo of Beauvais, J\a- trajnn, Ado of Vienne, JEneas of Paris, and perhaps others likewise, entered the lists against the Greeks, and very warmly defended the cause of the Latins in written vindications. (48) §31. Ignatius died in the year 878, and Photius was again raised by the favour of the emperor, to the patriarchate of the Greek church. The Roman pontiff John VIII. gave his assent; but it was on condition, that Pliotius would allow the Bulgarians to come under the Roman jurisdic tion. Photius promised the whole ; nor did the emperor seem opposed to the wishes of the pontifF.(49) Therefore in the year 879, the legates of John VIII. were present at the council of Constantinople, and gavetheir sanction to all its decrees. (50) But after the council broke up, the emper or (doubtless with the consent of Photius) would not permit the Bulgari- ans to be transferred over to the Roman pontiff; and it must be acknowl edged there were very strong motives for such a determination. Hence the pontiff sent Marinas his legate to Constantinople, and signified that he should persevere in the former sentence passed upon Photius. The legate was thrown into prison by the emperor, but was again liberated ; and af terwards on the death of John VIII. being created Roman pontiff, he was mindful of the ill usage he had received, and issued a second condemnation of Photius. § 32. Six years afterwards, or A.D. 886, Leo, surnamed the philoso pher, the son of the emperor Basil, again deposed the patriarch PJiotius, and exiled him to a monastery in Armenia called Bardi ; where he died in the year 891. (51) Thus the author of the contest being removed, if there had been due moderation and equity at Rome, the whole strife might have been quieted and harmony between the Greeks and Latins have been (48) Mabillon, ActaSanctor. ord. Bened., decrees of the second Nicene council re- (torn, vi.), saecul. iv., pt. ii., Pr»f.,p. Iv. specting image-worship. The council was (49) See Mich, le Quicn, Oriens Christia- closed by a eulogy of Procopius of Caesa- nus, torn, i., p. 103, &c. rea on Pholius, and by a solemn declaration (50) [The entire acts of this council are on the part of the Roman legates, that who- m Harduin's collection, torn, vi., pt. i., p. ever would not acknowledge the holy patri- 207-342. The council was called by order arch Photius and hold ecclesiastical com- of the emperor Riisil ; and by all the Greeks munion with him, ought to be accounted an it has been accounted a general council ; associate of the traitor Judas and no Chris- but the Latins do not so regard it. The tian ; and this was assented to by the whole number of bishops present was 383 ; and council. See Walch's Kirchenversamml., the legates of ihe Roman pontiff, and also p. 575, &c. — TV.] representatives of the three Oriental patri- (51) [Photius had ordained one Theo- archs, attended it. Photius presided ; and dorus a bishop, who was falsely accused the principal objects were obtained without of treason. This circumstance brought the difficulty, in seven sessions. Photius was patriarch under some temporary suspicion, unanimously acknowledged the regular pa- Besides, the new ernperor wished to raise triarch of Constantinople ; and all that had his brothe, Stephen to the patriarchal chair, been decreed against him at Rome and at He therefore deposed Photius, and gave the Constantinople, was annulled and declared office to his brother. Yet, when he learned void. Such as should not acknowledge the innocence of Photius, he seems to have Photius, were to be excommunicated. The felt some relentings ; for he made his exile council proceeded to establish the true faith, comfortable, and in a letter to the pope, spoke by confirming the creed of the first Nicene of him as having roluntarily resigned his and the first Constantinopolitan councils, re- office, and gone into retirement. — Tr. from jecting all interpolation? • (that is, merely ScA/.], the addition JUioque) : and re-enacting the VOL. II.— N 98 BOOK II1.-CENTURY IX.-PART H.-CHAP. IV. restored. But the Roman pontiffs required that all the bishops and priests whom Photius had consecrated, should be deprived of their offices. And as the Greeks would by no means submit to this, all the contentions re- specting points of religion as well as other things, were renewed with in creased bitterness, and being augmented by new grounds of controversy, continued till the unhappy separation between the Greek and Latin churches became absolute and perpetual. CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF EITES AND CEREMONIES. $ 1. Writers who explained the Sacred Rites. — § 2. The Rites themselves.— $ 3. Su perstitions in Civil and Private Life. § 1. THAT the public rites and ceremonies were gradually multiplied very considerably, is evinced by the writers who in this century began to compose and to publish explanations of them for the instruction of the com- mon people ; namely, Amalarius, (whose numerous explanations, however, are confuted by Agobard and Florus), John Scotus, Angelome, Remigius of Auxerre, Walafrid Strabo, and others. These treatises are entitled de Divinis Officiis : for in the style of this age, a divine office is a religious cer emony. Though these works were undoubtedly drawn up with good in- tentions, yet it is difficult to say whether they benefited, more than they in jured, the Christian cause. They contained indeed some spiritual aliment for those who attended on public worship, but it was for the most part crude and unwholesome. For the alleged grounds and reasons of the various rites, are to a great degree far fetched, false, constrained, nay, ridiculous and puerile. Besides, excessive regard for external rites was increased and strengthened, by this elaborate explanation of them, to the detriment of real piety. For how could any one withhold respect and reverence, from that which he understood to be most wisely ordained, and full of mystery ? § 2. To describe severally all the new rites adopted, either by Christians generally or by particular churches, would not comport with the designed brevity of this work. We therefore despatch the extensive subject in a few words. The corpses of holy men, either brought from distant coun tries or discovered by the industry of the priests, required the appointment of new feast days, and some variation in the ceremonies observed on those days. And as the prosperity of the clergy depended on the impressions of the people respecting the merits and the power of those saints whom they were invited to worship, it was necessary that their eyes and their ears should be fascinated with various ceremonies and exhibitions. Hence the splendid furniture of the temples, the numerous wax candles burning at midday, the multitude of pictures and statues, the decorations of the al tars, the frequent processions, the splendid dresses of the priests, and masses appropriate to the honour of saints.(l) The festival of All Saints was 1) See the Tract of Jo. Fecht, de Missis in honorem Sanctorum. RITES AND CEREMONIES. added by Gregory IV. to the public holy days of the Latins. (2) And the feast of St. Michael, which had been long observed with much reverence by both the Greeks and the Latins, now began to be more frequented. (3) § 3. In the civil and private life of Christians, especially among the Lat ins, there existed many customs derived from ancient paganism. For the barbarous nations that embraced Christianity, would not allow the customs and laws of their ancestors to be wrested from them, though very alien from the rules of Christianity ; nay, by their example they drew over other nations among whom they lived commingled, into the same absurdities. We have examples in the well-known methods of demonstrating right and innocence, in civil and criminal causes, by cold water,(4) by single com- (2) See Jo. Mabillon, de re diplomatica, p. 537. [This is true only of Germany and France. For as to England, Beda mentioned this feast in the preceding century ; and at Rome, it had been established by pope Bon iface IV. Sec vol. i. of this work, p. 449, note (3).— SchL] (3) The Latins had but few feast days even in this century, as appears fwm the poem of Floras extant in Martcne's The saurus, torn, v., p 595, &c. [The council of Mcntz A.D. 813, determined precisely the number of both fasts and feasts to be observed. Cano/i34, designates the fasts ; namely, the first week in March, the second week in June, the third week in September, and the last full week preceding Christmas eve. On these weeks, all were to fast, and they were to attend church on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, at 3 o'clock P. M. — Canon 36, thus enumerates and sanctions the festivals : "We ordain the celebration of the feast days of the year. That is, East er Sunday is to be observed with all honour and sobriety ; and the whole of Easter week, we decree shall be observed in like manner. on day must be celebrated with full worship. Likewise Pentecost, in the same manner as Easter. In the nativity [martyr dom] of Peter and Paul, one day ; the na tivity of St. John Baptist ; the assumption of St. Mary ; the dedication of St. Michael ; the nativity of St. Remigius, St. Martin, St. Andrew ; at Christinas, four days, the oc taves of our Lord, the epiphany of our Lord, the purification of St. Mary. And we de cree the observance of the festivals of those martyrs or confessors, whose sacred bodies repose in each diocese : and in like manner, the dedication of each church." — The 37th canon adds : "We ordain the observance of all the Lord's days [Sundays], with all rev erence and with abstinence from servile work ; and that no traffic take place on those days ; nor do we approve, that any one be sentenced to death, or to punishment," on those days. — See Harduin's Concilia, torn, iv., p. 1015.— TV.] (4) See Jo. Mabillon, Analecta veteris aevi, torn, i., p. 47. Roye, de Missis Uom., p. 152. [The ordeal by immersion in cold water, was very common in the ninth and following centuries, especially for criminals of vulgar rank in society. It was sanctioned by public law, in most countries of Europe. And though disapproved by various kings and councils, yet was generally held sacred ; and was supposed to have been invented by pope Eugene. The person to be tried was conducted to the church, and most solemnly adjured to confess the fact, if he was guilty. If he would not confess, he received the sacrament, was sprinkled with holy water, and conducted to a river or lake. The priest then exorcised the water, charging it not to receive the criminal, if he were guilty. The criminal was now stripped naked, and bound ; and a rope was tied to him, by which to draw him out, if he sunk to a certain depth. When cast into the water, if he floated, he was accounted guilty ; but if he sunk to the depth marked on the rope, (sometimes a yard and a half), he was instantly drawn out, and was accounted innocent. See a large and very satisfactory account of this ordeal, in Du Cange, Glossar. Latin., under the ar ticle AQO^E, vel Aqua, fngidoz judiaum, torn, i., p. 308-313, ed. Francf, 1710.— Du Cange proceeds to describe the ordeal by hot water. For this the preparatory re ligious ceremonies were the same as for the ordeal by cold water. Afterwards the priest heated a caldron of water, till it boiled. Then taking it off the fire, he immersed in it a stone, which he held suspended by a string, to the depth of one, two, or three palms ; and the criminal must thrust in his naked hand and arm, and seizing the stone, pull it out. His hand and arm were imme diately wrapped up in linen cloths, and a bag drawn over the whole and sealed. After 3 days, the hand and arm were examined ; and if found not scalded, the man was accounted innocent. This ordeal was nearly as much used as the other ; but was considered rather more suitable for persons of quality. — 7V. ! 00 BOOK III.-CENTURY IX.— PART II -CHAP. IV. bat,(5) by rcd-hot iron,(6) by a cross,(7) and other methods, which were in general use among the Latins in this and the following age. No sober man at the present day entertains a doubt, that these equivocal and uncer tain modes of deciding causes originated from the customs of barbarians, and that they are fallacious and abhorrent to the genius of true reli. gion. Yet in that age, the pontiffs and inferior bishops did not blush to honour and dignify them with prayers, with the eucharist, and with other rites, in order to give them somewhat of a Christian aspect. (5) Jo. Locccnius, Antiquitat. Sueo- Gothicae, lib. ii., cap. vii., viii., p. 144. Even clergymen did riot refuse to terminate controversies by the duellum or single com bat. See Just. Hen. Bochmer's Jus Ec- cles. Protestaiuium, torn, v., p. 88, &c. p. 391. [This was a very common ordeal, and was esteemed more honourable than the ordeals by water. Sometimes the person walked barefoot over nine or twelve red-hot ploughshares, treading on each. But more frequently he carried a hot iron in his naked [The trial by combat originated among the hands, nine times the length of his foot. northern barbarians, was in use before the Christian era, and was brought by the Lom- The religious rites attending this ordeal, were very similar to those of the ordeal by bards into Italy, and by the Germans into hot water. See Du, Cange, Gloss. Lat., ar- Suabia. It was not an ordeal for the trial of public offences, but was a mode of set tling private disputes and quarrels between individuals, when there was not sufficient evidence to make the case clear. The par ticles FERRUM candens, and VOMF.RES ig- niti.— TV.] (7) See Agobard, contra judicium Dei Liber, Opp., torn, i., and contra legem Gun- dobadi, cap. ix., p. 114. Hicr. Bignonius ties deposited with the judge their bonds or ad formulas Marculphi, cap. xii. Stephen [roods to the requisite amount, for paying the forfeiture in case they were cast and for the fees of court. The judge also appointed the time for the combat, and presided over it. Knights fought on horseback, and arm- Baluzius ad Agobardum, p. 104 ; and oth ers. [Du Cange, in Glossar. Latin., article CRUCIS judicium, is not able definitely to state what was the mode of this ordeal. He finds some instances of persons standing ed as for war in complete armour, and with long, with their arms extended horizontally, their horses covered with mail. Common /nen fought on foot, with swords and shields ; covered, except their faces and feet, with linen or cotton, to any extent they pleased. Certain persons, as women, priests, and oth ers, might employ champions to fight in their stead. See the full account, in Du Cange, Glossar. Latin., article Duellum : see also HallanCs View of Europe in the middle ages, vol. i., p. 292, &c., ed. Phila- del., 1821. This mode of trial gradually sunk into disuse ; but it was not abolished so as to present the form of a cross. If they grew weary, fainted, and fell, they were accounted guilty. He also finds other modes of trial by cross. Sometimes it was merely laying the hand on a sacred cross, and then uttering a solemn oath of purga tion. — On all the forms of ordeal, see Rees' Cyclopaedia, article Ordeal. — This mode ol trying difficult and dubious causes, was de nominated Judicium Dei ; and was consid ered as a solemn appeal to God, to show, by his special interposition, whether a person by legislative enactments, either in France were guilty or innocent. It was therefore, or England. Hence, so late as the 19th a presumptuous attempt to call forth a mir- century, the right of challenging to single acle from the hand of God ; and it argued combat, was asserted in an English court, both the ignorance and the superstition of -TV.] those times. And thus it was viewed by (6) Petrus Lambccius, Rerum Hamburg, some of the more discerning ; for instance, lib. ii., p. 39. Jac. Usher, Sylloge Episto- by Agobard bishop of Lyons. (See the iar. Hibernic., p. 81. Johnson's Laws of references at the beginning of this note ) the British church ; and the extracts from But others, as Hincmar archbishop of them, in Mich, dc la Roche, Memoires lit- Rheims, approved and defended botn the '.ttraires de la Grande Bretagne, tome viii., ordeals and the trial by combat. — Tr ] HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 101 CHAPTER V. HISTORY OF SECTS AND HERESIES. $ 1. Ancient Sects. — § 2. The Pauiicians. — $ 3. Persecution of them — 4. Their Con dition under Theodora. — § 5. Whether they were Manichaeans. — § 6. The r religion Opinions. § 1. CONCERNING the ancient Christian sects, there is little new to be said. Nearly all of them that were considerable for numbers, had their resi dence and abettors beyond the boundaries of the Greek and Latin domin ions. The Nestorians in particular, and the Monophysites, who lived securely under the protection of the Arabians, were very attentive to their own interests, and did not cease from efforts for the conversion of the na tions still in pagan ignorance. Some represent that it was in this century, the Abyssinians or Ethiopians were persuaded by the Egyptians to embrace the Monophysite doctrines. But it was undoubtedly from the seventh century, if not earlier, that the Abyssinians who were accustomed to re ceive their bishop from the patriarch of Alexandria, embraced the tenets of the Monophysites : for in that century, the Arabs conquered Egypt, op pressed the Greeks [or Melchites], and protected the advocates of one na ture in Christ, so that tin's sect was able to subject nearly the whole Egyptian church to its jurisdiction.(l) § 2. The Greeks were engaged with various success during nearly this whole century, in cruel wars with the Pauiicians, a sect allied to the Ma nichaeans, and residing especially in Armenia. This sect is said to have been formed in Armenia by two brothers, Paul and John the sons of Cal- linice of Samosata, and to have received its name from them : some how ever think that one Paul, an Armenian who lived in the reign of Justinian II., gave name to the sect. (2) Under Constans in the seventh century, it (1) Nouveau Memoires des Missions de did not prevent their growth. ForonePau/, la Compagnie de Jesus dans le Levant, with his two sons Gcncsius (who was also tome iv., p 283. 284. [Lettres Edifiantes, called Timothy) anil Thcodorus, propagated torn, ii., p. 319, &c. — Tr.] Hcnr. le Grand, the sect in Cappadocia. The first of these Diss. iv. on Jerome Lobo's Voyage histo- was summoned to Constantinople by the rique de 1'Abyssinie, tome ii., p. 18. emperor Leo ; but after a hearing he was (2) Photm.t, contra Manichaeos, lib. i., acquitted, and retired with his adherents p. 74, in Wolf's Anecdota Graeca, torn. i. into the territories of the Mohammedans. [According to the statement of Peter Sicu- He was followed by his son Zachanas, who, lus, the founder of this sect was an Arme- -.vith Joseph bis issistant, again took res;- iiian, named Consfantinc and surnamcd So- dence in Cappadocia ; but when persecution loannes. Complaint was made against him broivo ovt, he fled to Phrypia ; and during to the emperor Const/inline Pogonatus in SOMC time, taught at Antioch in Pisidia. He the seventh century. The emperor sent his was succeeded by Balianzs, under whom commissioner Simeon, to investigate the the sect spread itself mwch in Asia, particu- uibject ; and he put the leader of the sect larly in Annetua, and ato in Thrace. Af- to death, and dispersed his adherents ; but ter Bahanes, tho principal teacher was Scr- some years after, he himself joined the sect gius, called also Tychicus, who opposed im- and became its teacher. Under Justinian age-worship most zealously, under the em- II. they were again complained of, and theil press Irene. They were then likewise cali- u'incipal leader was burned alive. But this ed Athingians or Separates, because t.Vy 102 BOOK HI.— CENTURY IX.-PART II.-CHAP. \ . was in an exhausted and depressed state, in consequence of penal laws and oppressions, when one Constantine resuscitated it. The emperors Constant, Justinian II., and Leo the Isaurian, harassed them in various ways, and laboured to extirpate the sect ; but they were utterly unable to subdue a party so inflexible and which despised all sufferings. In the be- ginning of the ninth century, their condition was more prosperous. Foi the emperor Nicephorus Logotheta, [A.D. 802-811], favoured the Pauli. cians, and gave them free toleration. (3) § 3. But after a few years of repose, the Paulicians were again assailed with increased violence, by the emperors Michael Curopalates and Leo the Armenian, [A.D. 811-820], who commanded them to be carefully search, cd after through all the provinces of the Greek empire, and to be put to death if they would not return to the Greek church. Driven to despera- tion by this cruelty, the Paulicians of Armenia slew the imperial judges, and likewise Thomas the bishop of Neoccesarea ; and then took refuge in the territories of the Saracens, from which they harassed the neighbour- ing Greeks with perpetual incursions. (4) Afterwards, it seems, this wax gradually subsided ; and the Paulicians returned to their former habitations within the Grecian territories. § 4. But far greater calamities were produced by the inconsiderate and rash zeal of the empress Theodora, [A.D. 841-855], In the minority of her son, she governed as regent, and decreed that the Paulicians should be either exterminated by fire and sword, or brought back to the Greek church. The public officers sent into Armenia on this business, executed their commission in the most cruel manner ; for they destroyed by various punishments, about a hundred thousand of this unhappy sect, and confisca ted their property. Such as escaped, took refuge once more among the Saracens. Being there kindly received, the Paulicians built themselves a city called Tibrica ; and choosing Carleas a man of very great valour for their leader, and forming alliance with the Saracens, they waged fierce war with the Greeks. This war continued with various success nearly through the century ; and in it an immense number of persons perished on both sides, and several provinces of the Greeks were ruined. (5) Du- would have no part in the abuses of the Paulicians at Tibrica, in the year 870, sent times, especially in image-worship, and in to negotiate with them an exchange of pris- vencration of the cross and of the hierarchy oners ; and he remained among them nine of the reigning party. — Schl.} months. This fact alone shows how great the (3) See Geo. Cedrcnus, Compendium His- power of the Paulicians was at that period, toriar., torn, ii., p. 480; ed. Paris, or p. 379, From this Peter, it appears, Ccdrenus bor ed. Venice. rowed his account. Histor. Compend., p. (4) Photius, contra Manich., lib. i., p. 431. The moderns who treat of the Pauli- 125, &c. Peter Si'.ulus, Historia Mani- cians, as Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, article chffior., p. 71 . Pauliciens, Jo. Christ. Wolf, Manichaeismus (5) Geo. Ccdrenus, Compendium Histo- ante Manichaeos. p. 247, and others, seem riar., p. 541, 547, ed. Paris, or p. 4C5, 429, to have derived their information chiefly from ed. Venice. Jo. Zonaras, Annal., lib. .xvi., Bossuet, rlistoire des variations des Eglises torn, ii., p. 122. od. Venice. The prihcipal Protest., [livr. xi., sect. 13, &c.], tome ii., historians who '.rear of the Pa-ilicianp, are p. 129, &c But this writer certainly did Photius, contra ManidisEos. Liber primus ; not go to the sources, and being influenced and Peter Siculus, whose Historia Mani- by party zeal, he was willing to make mis- choeorum was published, Gr. and Lat., by takes —[Photius wrote four Books against Matth. Raderus, Ingolstadt, 1604, 4to. This the Manichsans or Paulicians ; of which the Peter Siculus, as he himself informs us, was first Book gives the history of them, to about .he envoy oi Basil the Macedonian to the A.D. 870. The subsequent books are a HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 103 ring these troubles, and near the close of the century, some of the Pauli. cians disseminated their doctrines among the Bulgarians ; and among that people, who were recently converted to Christianity, those doctrines easily took root. (6) § 5. These Paulicians are by the Greeks called Manichaeans ; but as Photius himself states, they declared their abhorrence of Manes, and of his doctrine :(7) and it is certain, that they were not genuine Manichaeans, although they might hold some doctrines bearing a resemblance to those of that sect. There were not among them, as among the Manichaeans. bishops, presbyters, and deacons ; they had no order of clergymen, dis tinguished from laymen by their mode of living, their dress, and other things ; nor had they councils, or any similar institutions. Their teach- ers, whom they denominated Sunecdemi, [Swe/cdT^uoi], fellow-travellers and [Noraptoi] Notaries, were all equals in rank ; and were distinguished from laymen by no rights, or prerogatives, or insignia. (8) But they had this peculiarity, that such as were made teachers among them changed their names, and assumed each the name of some holy man mentioned in the New Testament. They received the whole of the New Testament, except the two epistles of Peter which they rejected for reasons not known ; and they received it unaltered, or in its usual form as received by other Christians ; in which again they differed from the Manichaeans. (9) They moreover would have these holy books to be read, assiduously, and by all ; and were indignant at the Greeks, who required the scriptures to be ex- amined only by the priests. (10) But many parts of the scripture, they construed allegorically ; abandoning the literal sense, lest it should militate with their doctrines :(11) and this construction they undoubtedly put upon the passages relating to the Lord's supper, baptism, the Old Testament, and some other subjects. Besides the New Testament, the epistles of one Sergius, a great doctor of the sect, were in high esteem among them. § 6. The entire creed of this sect, though doubtless consisting of vari- confutation of their doctrines ; and with the phia, convinced them of their errors, and common arguments used against the Mani- converted them to the Romish church. — choeans. The history of Peter Siculus ter- [The history of these Paulicians is of the minates at the same time. The edition of more consequence, as they propagated their it by the Jesuit Rader, is said to need revi- sect in various countries of Europe, in the sion. Photius and Peter agree in the main, tenth and eleventh centuries, and composed in their histories. Which of them wrote a large part of the dissentients from the first, remains a question ; but Photius is Romish church during those times. The deemed the better authority. For the his- Catholics (as Bossuct, Variations, &c., livr. tory of the sect after A.D. 870, we must go xi.) charge the Protestants with being the to the Byzantine writers, Constantine Por- progeny of the Paulicians ; and some Prot- phyrogenitus, lib. iv., c. Ifi, and Ccdrenus, estant writers seem half inclined to regard p. 541, ed. Paris. See Schrocckh, Kirch- them as witnesses for the truth in their engesch., vol. xx ., p. 363, &c., and vol. times. This subject will of course come up- xxiii., p. 318, &c., and Gieselcr's Text- in the following centuries. — TV.] book of Eccl. Hist., trans, by Cunningham, (7) Photius, contra Manichaeos, lib. i., p. vol. ii., p. 7,