THE COLAVAMSA 1

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CtJLAVAMSA

BEING THE MORE RECENT I’ART OF THE

MAHAVAMSA

TAKT I.

IR.\NSL.M KD BY

WILHELM GRI(;RR

AJil) KK'IM IHi: liERMAS INTO KXC.I.IMI IlY

Mrs. C MABliL RICKMERS (nte Duff)

Al'TMOIt nt' ■■rllK CIlRONOUNiV U»' IXUI*"

PUBLISHED FOR THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY

ny

HUMPHREY MILFORD

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE
WARWICK SQUARE, E.C.

1929

Printed by Acndemy Printer F. Straub. Munich.

’wroTe.

T.iTS-

To

Mrs. C. A. F. Rhvs Davids

in sincere veneration
and friendship

W. G.

'.K^TTDTE.

th:.>:. .. - ■ ■■t-te.

FOUEWOIil)

On completing the first volume of my translation of the
Culuvaipsa, I feel it to be my duty above all to tender my
most hearty thanks to the Government of Ceylon for the
opportunity it gave me of visiting the Island before beginn-
ing my work. In Colombo Mr. M. A. Yoiwo, at that time
First Assistant Colonial Secretary, arranged matters for me in
the kindest manner.

My thanks are no less due to my esteemed colleagues in
England whose friendly advocacy and recommendation did so
much towards furthering affairs.

Without the journey which took me into all parts of the
Island, 1 should have been without that vivid idea of the
country and the people which is necessary for the understand*
ing of their history. Without it too, I should have lost that
mass of information and the stimulating intercourse which
met me in Ceylon from the most varied quarters.

I mention in the first place with special pleasure and
sincere gratitude the present Archaeological Commissioner,
Mr. A. M. Hot'ART, whose lively and intelligent interest in my
aims and tasks I shall always remember, as well as that of
his temporary representative, Mr. Scdbcrt. In their company
I was able to visit a series of important ruins partly in very
out of the way places, and so familiarize myself with some
of the most pressing questions connected with ancient Sinhalese
architecture.

In the same way I owe warm thanks to Mr. H. W.Codeinqtos.
Himself the greatest authority on the history and mediaeval
topography of Ceylon, he gave me much help and ready en-

ir

couragement, ay a glance at the notes to my translation will
show.-

Mr. P. E. PiERis also smoothed many a path for me and
to his good offices I owe many a valuable connection. Of my
old friends I may mention lastly in this place the indefatigable
Mudaliyar A. M. Gi nasekau.^. I must add however, that
wherever I came, new Sinhalese friends - amongst others
1 may mention Uatemahatmaya Bihilb - gave me willing and
active support.

My principle in working has been to make my translation
approach as closely as possible to the original. We must as
far as is practicable, know exactly what the chroniclers say.
The aesthetic value of the Culavamsa as a literary work is
small. The carrying out of this principle has been made
more difficult by the fact that the German text has Imd to
be re-translated into English. I am however greatly indebted
to my co-worker, Mrs. C. Mabel Bh^kmkbs, for most kindly
making my principle her own, in doing which I believe her
to have achieved full success.

One difficulty met with by every translator of an Indian
text lies in tlie multitude of the synonyms. It is impossible
for us to imitate them. Consider for a moment the many
terms for “King”. In order to be as fair as possible to the
conditions of the original, we have reserved, though with
occasional exceptions, the translation “King” for rojan. Com-
binations with pati (like dharanlpad etc.) we have rendered
by “ruler”, those with pa or pala (like hhumipa etc.) by “mo-
narch”, other terms by “.sovereign”. That proper names with
variants such as Pamkkamahdhu and -hhuja have been unified
will probably meet with approval.

The second volume will contain a detailed chronological
introduction with a list of the kings, as well as a full index.
As the German text is almost finished and the English render-
ing already in progres.s, we should not now have to wait long
for the completion of the whole work.

The last ten chapters it is true, are not an unmixed joy
for the translator. The langu^e is faulty, the style clumsy,

in

often very stilted. Instead of the long-winded, stereotyped
descriptions of festivals and bounties, one would like to hear
more of those outward events which just in the 16 th, 17 th
and 18 th centuries shook the old Sinhalese kingdom to its
foundations. To make good the omissions of the Chronicle
here would mean writing a new history of Ceylon. This has
already been done by more competent scholars and where it
seemed desirable, I have referred to their works in my notes.

Lastly I would ask the reader before using the book, to
be kind enough to consult the appendices and to take note
of corrections and also of emendations in the original text.

Muni ch'Xeu hi berg
November 1928

WILll.GEIGEU.

INTRODUCTION

I

As to the credibility of the Culavamsa: the history of
Parakkamabahu’s youth

The question of the credibility of tlie Culavamsa cannot
be answered with a simple yes or no. It is somewhat more
complicated than that of the more ancient Mahavarjisa wliose
author kept more closely and I mi^'Iit say, more naively to
liis source. One thin^r is certain: the compiler of the lirst
part of the Culavainsa (chaps. 37-79) with which I am at
present dealing, did not consciously relate what was false.
What he tells us is drawn from bis own knowledge, as derived
from his sources and his personal conviction. That much
valuable material is contained therein is shown by the way
in which various statements are contirmeJ by inscriptions. In
the notes to my translation 1 liave repeatedly referred to these
corroborations of tbe Culavaipsa. Moreover statements in one
]mrt of the work are frequently confirmed by passages in
another part. How remarkably for instance, do the geo-
graphical data in chaps. 65-67 regarding the flight of Prince
Parakkamabahu from Sahkhattliali in Dakkhioadesa correspond
with those in chaps. 70 and 72 in the description of the cam-
paign against Ilajaratlha. (.'nnKiNOTUK has shown that plainly
enough.

But two points must be borne in mind. The compiler —
let us call him Dhammakitti — was after all a bhikkhu and
the .sources of which he made use were written by bhikkbiis,

- V 5-^

the recoi'cls I'orniing the foundation were Hritteii down in the
spirit and in tlie interests of the Buddhist Church. They were
in the main apparently pniiiiapoitluihmi (cf. Miivs. 32. 25)
that is registers of meritorious works by which the prince
hud furthered the Church {stisam) and the laity QoIm). About
such things therefore we are i)articuliirly well informed. We
hear of the viharas built by the king, of the repairs he had
had undertaken on the more ancient building.s, of his bounty
,to the needy, the poor and the sick and above all to the
priesthood. Of much however, equally interesting if not more
interesting to the historian we hear nothing at all. It is these
gaps of which one lias a growing consciousness without being
able to lay one’s finger with certainty on them, which con-
stitute the chief lack in the narrative of the Culavaipsa. Not
what is said but what is lell unsaid is the besetting diffi-
culty of Sinhalese history.

To take but one example - how explain the fact that of
so mighty a work as the fortress of Sigiri not a single detail
is described? Kven the name is only mentioned in four places.
And yet this is perhaps the most magnificent building of which
Ceylon can boast. It is not impossible that the personality
of Kassapa I. might appear in a different light if a layman
and not a priest had been the author of the chronicle.

I must repeat here that not the least doubt is thrown on
Dhammakitti’s good faith by such criticisms. They merely
point out the range of ideas by which his work was condition-
ed and restricted.

It is of course clear that it was not solely of such pHiiiumi
that Dhammakitti's sources and tradition had to tell. Wc hear
also of secular proceedings' with which often enough the
“meritorious works’’ of the jirinces were connected. But it is
indisputable that what the Culavamsa had above all in mind
was the relation of the king to the church, This relation
fills so large a space in the narrative that if we follow it

' That the Sinhalese kings lind rccooU kept of tiio events of their
reigns ia cleat from r>tl. 7-9.

3 VI

alone the liistory of Ceylon takes ou a hue not quite in keep-
ing with fact. Unfortunately we are not in a position to fill
up satisfactorily the gaps in the historical tradition. Later
Sinhalese writings are not essentially different in character
and the inscriptions which would undoubtedly be our best
source, are unfortunately occupied almost entirely with ec-
clesiastical matters. Nevertheless certain of these give much
desired confirmation of purely secular events mentioned in the
Culavainsa. Their importance for its chronology will be dealt
with later.

A further point. Already MahSnama the author of the
older Mahavaipsa, was fain to create a Mvya, an artificial
poem, and he was no stranger to the rules of ala7nkiira. But
this is true in a still higher degree of Dhammakitti. lie
was a man of literary culture. I believe I have proved in the
notes to my tran-slation of 6C. 129 ff. that he must have been
acquainted with Indian Niti literature, perliap.s with its cliief
work, the Arbha^astra of Kau(alya. These literary reminiscences
were of course not without influence on his attitude towards
historical events and persons.

Above all is this true of the personality of I’arakkamabShu.
I should like to elaborate this point further. For Bishop
CoPLBSTOs is perfectly right in regarding the history of Fara-
kkama as the real kernel, the main subject of the Ciilavnipsa,
especially of the first part which was the work of Dhamma-
kitti, and iu speaking of a Farakkama epic*.

Now if we look closely at the figure of Parakkamahahu
as it meets us in the Culavaipsa, especially at the period before
he achieved universal sovereignty, we find ourselves faced by
a series of contradictions and improbabilities. We are con-
vinced that things did not happen historically in that way.
Nor is it possible to form a harmonious and credible picture
of the single acts attributed to the youthful Farakkama.

The explanation lies in Dbammakitti's conception of the
way in which his task was to be achieved. From literary

* JR.\S. C. B. nr. 44, 1893, p. 60 ff.

-H3 VII

sources, from what be bad read he drew an ideal picture of
an Indian king. The man whose glorilication was his aim
must correspond to this picture. He must have all the quali-
ties belonging to an Indian king and employ all the methods
of statecraft which political science prescribes or recommends.
All these individual traits the compiler combines with the data
furnished by tradition, without question as to probability or
improbability of these.

According to the Culavamsa the youth of Parakkama was
passed somewhat as follows:

Parakkamabaliu is the son of the eldest of the three
brothers ManabliaraQa, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha who
rule over Dakkhiyadesa and llohatja in opposition to Vikkama-
b^u who holds the royal dignity in virtue of liis po.ssession
of Rajarnllha with its capital Pulattbinagara. Parakkama's
father Manabharaoa has retained as his share the important
province of Dakkliipadesa, Hohapa is divided between the two
younger brothers.

Tlie birth of tlie prince is accom])anied by all kinds of
miraculous phenomena. Vikkamabahu is informed of it and
wishes to bring the boy up at his court in order to make
him his heir instead of his own son. Maiiabharapa, liuwever,
refuses and dies soon after of a disease. Thereupon liis next
brother, Kittisirimegha takes over Dakkbipadesa and leaves
the whole of Hohapa tq the youngest, Sirivallabha who brings
Manabharapa’s widow Uataiiavali, her two daughters Mittn
and Pabhavati and the youthful Parakkama to take up their
abode in his capital of Mabiinagahula. Meanwhile Vikkama-
bahu also dies and is succeeded iu Rajarattha by his son
Gajabahu who maintains himself against Kittisirimegha and
Sirivallabha.

The youthful Parakkama finds no scope in Hohapa, so* he
betakes himself to his uncle in Dakkbipadesa who receives
him joyfully. He lives with him in the chief locality of the
country Saiikhatthali. lie finishes his education and his com-
ing of age is celebrated with festivities. The Senapati Sahkha
who was stationed in Badalatthall, is entrusted with the

VIII n--

preparations for the festival. Sirivallabha dies in llvhapa and
is succeeded by his son, the younger Manabliarapa.

Parakkaina's ambition finds no satisfaction in Dakkbioadesa.
He hankers after the royal dignity in Rajarattba and deter-
mines to go thither and discover conditions for himself. Of
dissensions between the prince and his uncle there is never
any word. On the contrary, the fiction is constantly upheld
that Kittisirimegha is tenderly attached to liis nephew, and
that it is only fear of the dangers involved which makes him
discourage the visit to Hajarattha.

So the prince leaves Saiikhatthali secretly and comes first
to Badalatthali where he has the Senapati Sahkha killed be-
cause he had informed' the king of Parakkama's tiight. He
then goes northwards to Buddhag^ma not far from the borders
of Rajarattba. The inhabitants of the country make repeated
efi'orts to check the prince’s advance but be repulses all such
attempts by force of arms.

Parakkama’s uncle meanwhile, alarmed at his nephew’s
disappearance, consults with liis ministers (66. 57 IT.) and sends
a strong force to fetch him back. But it is ambuslied by tbe
prince and completely routed. He even pursues the pursuers
(66. 82 ff.) and surprises them by a night assault in Kbiravapi.
After repulsing a countre attack he proceeds to cross the
frontiers of Kajarattha.

Qajababu is apparently greatly alapmed but puts a good
face on tbe matter and greets the guest througli messengers
with gifts, marches to meet him in jierson and fetch him to
the capital.

During his sojourn in Pulatthinagara Parakkamabaliu en-
meshes the town and its surroundings in a net of espionage

' The compiler is obviously at a loss to account for Parakkama's
action. In 65. 85 if. the affair is so described as if circumstances hail
driven tbe prince to it, but he had already (v. 21 ff.) declared bis in-
tention of committing an extraordinary deed -- the allusion can only
be to the removal of Sahkha — by which his courage and determination
would be proved. Thus even Dhammakitti admits that the action wa.s
deliberately planned.

(66. 129 ft'.). He goes the length of wedding his sister
Bhaddavati to King Gajabalm in order to lull his suspicions.
He himself keeps her dowrj, or at least the greater part of
it, in his own liands.

Eventually however, the prince has fears that Gajabahu
may see through his intentions and he leaves the town se-
cretly at night to return to Dakkhipadesa (67. 32 if.). During
this flight he meets with all kinds of advetitures in whicli
his personal courage is put to the test. Kittisirimegha is
delighted at tlie return of his nephew and sends messengers
to Saraggiima to meet him. The prince however, hesitates —
the reason is not given — to enter the capital Sahkhatthali.
His mother comes from Kohaua and persuades him to do so.
He is joyfully received by Kittisirimegha who dies shortly
afterwards when I’arakkamabiihu takes over the sovereignty
of the province.

What then is the character of Farakkamabahu if wc follow
tradition? Here I go beyond the chapter whose contents i
have just sketched, the question is what kind of ])ersonnlity
had Dhammakitti in mind when he gave a poetical picture
of his hero. Of course he i.s extraordinarily fearless and
courageous. High-sounding words arc put into his mouth.
With his weapon alone for which he calls, will he strike
terror into the foe (66. 31). He is capable alone of facing
all his enemies, os the lion needs no allies when be tears
elephants in pieces (72. 88). No one, not even the king of
the gods can cross the frontiers of his realm, so long ns he
is in life (72. 154). Were he fain to seize the sovereignty in
Pulatthinagaia, the wrinkling of his brows were sufficient
thereto (67. 12).

What then of Hu* deeds? An action reminiscent of a feat
of Alexander the Great is described 66. 87 ff. during the attack
on Kbiravapi. Parakkamabahu's peo]>le are unable to break
through the barricade of thorns which surrounds the place.
Thereupon he pierces it alone and announces his name with
resounding voice. That sufHces to scatter the enemy in all
directions. The scene described 66. 104 may also be mentioned

here. But the narratives of the courage displayed by the
prince against a she-bear that attacked him in the wilderness
(67. 41) and against a boar (67. 44), savour rather of an in-
vention of the author for elaborating the events and adorning
the poem. In contrast to these we have in the miraculous
story of the male elk (70. 33 £f.) which attacks Parakkama-
bahu during the chase and shedding bis antlers directly in
front of him, falls to the ground, possibly a piece of ancient
tradition. Are we not told that the antlers with an inscrip-
tion describing the occurrence “are even now” preserved in
the royal treasury?

In the great military engagements against Gajabahu and
.still later against the revolt in liohai.ia Parakkamababu keeps
completely in the background. It is his generals who carry
out his plans. Without doubt this tallies with the actual
conditions of the time. The heroic age of a Du((liagamai:ir
belongs to the past and where Parakkamababu is depicted as
a hero of tiiis stamp we have, at least its a rule, to do witli
the creations of poetic imagination, with literary ornamentation.
Highly characteristic is the episode described 72. 95 ff. where
it looks as if Parakkamababu at a critical moment intended
to save the situation. He calls for his Sihala sword. But it
is not he who wields it but two of his oldcers whose efforts
at saving the position were only partially successful.

To place Parakkamabahu’s courage in the best possible
light Dhaniniakitti makes use of two purely literary devices.
In his youth he is a harmless, almost childlike nature. He
takes pleasure in music, games and dancing (70. 30 -31), even
on serious occasions where it seems to us almost inappropriate.
When he is attacked in Navagirisa by the pursuers sent by
his uncle, he is playing a game to which he had been
accustomed from childhood (66. 101), and when he has crossed
the frontiers of the “King’s Province”, Kajarattha, he devotes
himself for days to the local games (66. 111). When his
position is apparently most critical and his attendants take
flight he proudly conscious of his personal worth, has nothing
but a cheerful smile (66. 30, 72. 99) even when as after the

XI

deatli of the AdliihariQ Itakkha (72. 87), it seems to us hardly
appropriate.

Again, what a brilliant contrast is Farakkainababu's heroism
to the almost grotesque cowardice of his own people as also
of the enemy. When the inhabitants of Buddhagaraa prepare
to attack the prince, his own people flee in all directions
(66. 28). At the mere sound of his voice Kittisirimeglia’s
soldiers in Kbiravapi take flight leaving behind their clothes
and weapons (66. 90). When attacked in Navagirisa his own
people flee to tite wilderness without striking a blow (66. 105)
and only meet again when they hear their ruler's voice. Be-
fore the she-bear and tlie elk the people take to their heels
leaving their prince in the lurch'.

Here Dhammakitti manifestly does his countrymen an in*
justice. The Sinhalese arc perhaps not naturally a warlike
race, but they can hardly be so cowardly, so senselessly co-
wardly ft they are here depicted. Against the Portuguese they at
times gave proof of u death-despising courage. In Parakkama-
bahu's times they were certainly not mere cravens. If the
poet paints thorn as such he does it so that the figure of his
hero should stand forth the more brilliantly against such a
background. The methods employed by Dhammakitti for
attaining this end, seem naive and clumsy enough, but we
must remember that he himself as a bhikkhu would have but
little idea or understanding of military matters.

The following is typical of Dhammakitti's standpoint,
During all the events described in 64 and the following
paricchedas it is deliberately stated that the relation between
Parakkaniabiihu and bis uncle Kittisiriinegha was always one
of fatherly love on the one .side and of deep gratitude on the
otlier. The prince himself stresses this with zeal 66. 12 ff.
And according to 67. 56 ff., 84 IF. the uncle welcomes the
return of his nephew from Pulatthinagara with heartfelt joy.

' For us the description in 66. 47 IT. of how the Nagaragiri Gokai.ii.ia
was seized with terror as the resnlt of a dream sounds comical, almost
ludicrous. Dreams however, had at that time for the Sinhalese a quite
peculiar significance, as indeed they still have.

^-<3 XII

The reason why the compiler holds so firmly to this fiction
is clear. The ideal figure of Parakkania mu.st be protected
against the possible reproach of ingratitude. The facts however,
will not tally with the fiction. Already the words put into
the uncle’s mouth 66. 58 ff. throw a ditferent light on their
relations. Then comes the brutal murder of the Senapati Sena
who was obviously a particularly loyal vassal of Kittisirimegha
to whom his death must have been a painful loss. Further
the fact that the prince had to fight his way through the
various provinces whose inhabitants obviously looked upon him
as somewhat of a rebel and traitor. Kittisirimegha himself
sends troops after the fugitive who scatters them in a series
of skirmishes. Without doubt the description of these fights
is accompanied by a great many exaggerations. I’arnkkania-
biihu cannot possibly come to Pulatthinagara at the head of
a whole army. But the spirit in which the accounts of these
conflicts are conceived is irreconcilable with the fiction of
untroubled relations between uncle and nephew.

Then finally the return of the prince to Dakkliipadesa
after Pulatthinagara had obviously become too hot to hold
him. We are forced to ask what made him delay so long ut
the frontier (67. 59 II'.). The reason must have been his un-
certainty as to the reception he was likely to get from the
monarch. Tliis explains too the part played hero by Para-
kkamabaliu’s mother. She feels it to be her task to reconcile
the two or rather to induce the uncle to give his nepliew a
favorable reception. She plays the part of mediator.

If now we consider dispassionately the facts as set forth
by the chronicle, leaving aside all the inaccuracies due to the
character and tendencies of the author, we get I believe a
quite intelligible picture of the youthful Parakkaniababu,

The most striking characteristic of the prince is his am-
bition and hi.s activity. In Malianagahula life with his mother
and sisters is too restricted. He dreams of great enterprises.
The union of the whole of Ceylon in his hand is the ideal
before him at this period. It is possible that lii-s mother, the
proud Ratanavall (cf. 68. II IF.) inspired him with these plans

^ XIII e-"

and fed them. At any rate it is the idea of greater possi-
bilities for his own activity which makes him leave Mahana-
gahula and betake himself to Dakkhivadesa to the court of
bis uncle Kittisirimegha. That this province was politically
of more consequence than that of Koha^a is clear from the
way in which the provinces were divided among the three
brothers, as I have shown above p. vti. Kittisirimegha has
no eligible son as his successor, he receives tlie young prince
therefore with open arms and the relation between uncle and
nephew was plainly for some time a friendly one. But it
changed, Owing to the bias of the chronicle, we have neither
knowledge nor means of judging of the details. The main
cause at any rate lay in the restless activity of the young
prince. It may be that Kittisirimegha himself felt uncertain
of him or that he feared being drawn by him into difficulties
with Gajabahu 11., the king of KajaratOia. I’arakkamabnhu
will have realised himself that his position iit the court of
Sankhattlialf had become untenable. Accompanied by his
devoted attendant-s he flees from the town at night to betake
himself to King Gajabahu. Now we see that Parakkamabahu
is by no means the innocent youth described in the chronicle.
He .shrinks from no deed of blood if it is in the interests of
his plans and of his own safety.

The murder of the Senapati Sankha seems hardly intelli-
gible if we accept tlic motive alleged for it by the chronicle.
Tlie reality was certainly otherwise. VV'e may assume that at
first the prince hoped to bring Kittisirimegha's powerful vassal
over to his own side. But Saiikhs remained true to his master.
The prince has now rea-son to fear that Saiikha may seize
and deliver him up to the monarch. The danger for him is
great, for Kittisirimegha would doubtless look upon him as
a rebel and punish liim as such. Thus he determines on ex-
tremes and has Saiikha slain. What was thought of this
deed is proved by the way it again and again later on throws:
its shadow on the actions of Parakkamabahu.

Gajabahu seems (cf. 66. 112) to have received the news of
Parakkamabaliu's approach with decidedly mixed feelings, lie

XIV

knew of course enough of his dangerous temperament. On
the other hand it is certain that eyen then the prince was
looked upon as an exceptional personality gifted with extra-
ordinary qualities. The king must hare regarded Kittisiri-
megha as his most serious rival. He may have hoped to gain
the prince as ally against this rival. In any case however,
it was politically short-sighted to receive him with such honour
and to place more trust in him than prudence warranted.

Parakkamabahu probably employed his sojourn in Pulatthina-
gara to find out the conditions obtaining in Rajara(tha. We
may be sure however, that this was not done in the way
described 66. 129 ff. Here Dhaminakitti as I hope I have
shown in my notes to the whole passage, conforms to the
whole scheme of the Indian Niti Literature, exhibiting his
knowledge of it with great complacency. At any rate the
prince by his whole conduct arouses more and more the
suspicions of Gajabahu and bis counsellors so that in the same
way as he fled from Sahkhattbali, he leaves the capital at
night convinced that he has been detected. But there is one
remarkable difference. Gajabahu seemingly sends no armed
messengers out to fetch back the fugitive. He was probably
glad to be rid of a guest who was becoming so dangerous.

Parakkamabahu's mother, as I assume, reconciles him with
his uncle whose death shortly afterwards solves all difficulties.

My remarks are an attempt to remove the facts of a
circumscribed period of Sinhalese history from the light in
which the compiler of the Oulavatpsa saw and was forced by
his mentality to see them and to place them in the light of
historical consideration, i repeat that this is merely an at-
tempt. But the employment of this or similar methods may
possibly prove fruitful in the interpretation of native tradition.

XV

II

Kingship and the Law of Succession in mediaeval Ceylon

The form of government in mediaeval Ceylon was to all
appearance of course despotic. The king is head and crown
of the state. The state does not exist for itself but for the
king. All attributes of power and greatness are heaped on
the king. Yet in his decisions and actions he is by no means
so free as one might imagine. In these he is strongly in-
fluenced and also restricted by custom which has assumed the
force of law, by the piilbacoriftain — use and « ont. Again and
again it is said in praise of the best princes that in their
actions they followed former kings, that they did not stray
from the path of tradition. This conservative trait forms
without doubt a strong counterbalance to the ideas of unlimit-
ed power which the popular mind associates with the idea of
sovereignty.

There exist a number of names and titles for “king".
With no term is the Indian love of synonyms so marked as
with thi.s one. It is unnecessary to enumerate the many and
varied terms for “king”. They arc the crux of every translator.
The expression “king” I have reserved for rAjan. Then there come
in addition mahartija, rtijadliirnja, used 75. 203 of Parakkama-
habu 1. which last however is an ancient title. It is used
already in the Taittiriya aranyaka 1. 31. 6. For the ruler of
a small island like Ceylon the titles strike us at times as
somewhat grandiose: mahlpati, ma/ilpdla, dharampati, bhupali,
hhupala, jagatipati, narapati, narddhipa, narddbimtha etc. One
must bear in mind that tliese titles have by frequent and
arbitrary use — very often it is the metre that decides the
matter — become worn down and defaced. It would not be
in keeping with the mentality of the compiler of the Cula-
vaqisa if we were to translate these expressions always by
“ruler of the earth” and the like.

--3 XVI p,--

Nest to the king comes the queen, the mahesl, his chief
consort in contrast to the unrestricted number of concubines,
the harem {orodha, antepiira). In the case of the mahesl
equality of birth is strictly enforced and only her sons have
a right to the succession. Herr Hocakt expressed to me the
opinion that there were two mahesTs and pointed out the
mention of the queens Anuladevi and Somadevi in Mhvs. 33.
45-46. He is certainly right. It is also expressly stated of
Vijayabahu I. (59. 25 and 30) that he raised two princesses
to the dignity of mahe«, first Lilavati and then Tilokasundari
(mahesifte ahhisecayi, -sinci) and a diUiyd devi of Manabharai;)a
of Rohapa is mentioned in 64. 24. The mention of the title
aggamahesl (54. 10; 70. 33) inclines uc to believe that there
was a difference in rank between the two mahesis. This as-
sumption however receives no support from the inscription of
Fotgul-vehera in Folonnaruva in which Queen CandavatT is
described as dtitiyain ngyatam gatd, that she was the second
aggamahcHl of Parakkamabahu together with the first, Lilavati*.

Special titles also exist for the sons and daughters of the
reigning king, for the princes and princesses {rdjainiUa, raja-
puttl), for the sons the title iidipdda, for the daughters that
of riijini. The fact that rajini is not merely a general term
for “queen”, but also a particular title with a particular rank
corresponding to the title Pdiptida for princes is clear from
49. 3. Udaya I. makes his eldest son yuvaraja, the other sons
Sdipadas, the daughters rajiiiTs. In the same way Sena I.
according to 50. 58 raises his daughters to the rnnk of rnjinis
(^rtijinifhane) and Mahinda 1\^. according to 54. 11 makes his
sons adipadas and his daughter rajini*.

* See now A. M. HocAst, Duplication of Office in Indian State, A:
The Two Queens (CJSc. G, I, p. 207 If.). I may add, that Nissaiika
Mallu in the Galpota InscriptioD (B, line 2; EZ. II. 106) also mentions
two niahesTs, Subhadra and Kaljaiia.

2 The correction of copireijinim into c«pi riiji)iim is doubtless pre-
ferable to the copurajinim of S. and B. An iipnrdjini certainly never
existed. The reading rdjinikald too in 60. 8t which I have adopted in
the text, shows that Vijayabahu I mised his daughter Yasodhara to the

XVII

As to the title ndiptida, we first meet with it in 41. 34.
Here it is stated that Silskala bestowed it on his eldest son
Moggallana (later King M. II). Two passages dealing with
the granting of the title by the king to his sons are just
quoted (49.3; 54. 11). Dappula II. does not make the son
of his eldest brother Mahinda adipada, because, contrary to
the existing law (see below), he wishes to leave the crown
to his own sons. Thus it seems that with the title is bound
up the acknowledgment of the right of succession. Thus it is
legally borne (50. 8 and 25) by Udaya and Kassapa as younger
brothers and presumptive he(rs of Sena I. Likewise by
Dappula (afterwards D. IV.) 53. 1 as brother of Dappula III.,
and 53. 4 by Udaya (afterwards U. III.) as nephew and heir
of Dappula IV. Vijayabahu I. grants his youngest brother
Jayabahu the rank of adipada {ndipadajxidaiH 59. 12), while
his brother next in age Virubahu receives the dignity of an
uparija. Later on after the death of Virabahu (60. 86-88)
Jayabahu becomes uparaja and VikkamabShu, Vijayabahu's
son, becomes adipada.

It is self understood that with the ascent of the throne
or more strictly speaking with the ahhiseka, the consecration
of the king, the title of adipada lap.ses. Mahinda I. who
repudiates this ceremony is called iidipada throughout the
whole of his reign (48. 31, 68).

The granting of the title seems to have some connection
with the coming of age. It is said at least of Kitti afterwards
Vijayabahu I. in 57. 61, that he attained the “rank of an
adipada" in his fifteenth year. Here the political conditions
of the time preclude the idea of an act on the part of the
reigning king. At first sight it may strike one as strange
that the title of itdipada should be a.scribed to Dappula, the
sister's son of Aggabodhi VI. 48. 90, 93 and also to his two
nephews 48. 116 who were otherwise (48. 110) designated
simply as “princes". According to the prevailing law Dappula

dignity of a rajini and that she then had the building erected which
is mentioned in the verse.

xvni 3-=

has no claim to the succession, but as we shall see, he was
an ardent champion of another law. Thus he must have
claimed the title advisedly, as did his two relatives who on
their side declared themselves his legitimate heirs.

The eldest adipada, the one nearest the throne bears the
title of mahaadipada, mahodipdda “grand adipada''. Mahinda
as the eldest of the three younger brothers of Sena I. is so
named 50. 10, the two others, Udaya and Kassapa (see above),
are adipadas. Thus the title of mahddipada is closely allied
with the term i/uvarilja. It is expressly said of this Mahinda
(50. 6) that he was yuvaraja. TJdaya II. confers the dignity
of a mahadipada (mahfidijxtdal/mnamJu Ikapi 51. 91) on bis
brother Kassapa who in the sequel becomes his successor
(52. 1). For lack of an heir male Ag^bodhi I. appoints his
sister's son of the same name ma/uidipuda (42. 38), and is
eventually succeeded by him on the throne. Kitti-Vijaya-
bahu I. is in KohaQa after the subjugation of his foes. But
henceforth he has the position of yuvaraja (j(ucai <^japade 58. 1)
until bis consecration as king and bears the title of a mahadi-
pada (58. 7). The mahadipada of the usurper Dathopatissa
was according to 44. 136, his nephew Katanadatha. But at
the same time Kassapa (afterwards K. II.) is described as
yuvaraja (44.137) since as younger brother of the legitimate
king Aggabodbi ill. Sirisamghabodhi he iiad the right to
the succession. The granting of the title mahadipada seems
from 67. 91 to have been a festive act, the prince receiving
a tillet which was obviously his special badge.

It may be mentioned that the two titles adipoda and
mdhiidipdda frequently occur* in inscriptions in the forms
'ipit and mahapii.

1 See WicKREHAsmcnE, EZ. I, Index s. vv. That nmftnyd also (see
1. c. p. 26, n. 4 ; p. 98, n. 5 ; p. 187, n. 6 ; p. 225, n. 3) should stand for
mahdftipdila raises doubts. The disappearance of j> in the joint of the
compound is surprising. In favour of the identiGcation, meanwhile, is
the fact that the frequently occurring phrase dfia niahftt/d siri riiiild
(EZ. I. 25, 91, 221) is replaced in the inscription of the Jetavanaramn
(EZ. I. 234) by ayipayt mahapaya niri riiuld. Coorixotos has every

XIX

The heir to the throne has as we have seen, the title
yuvaraja. This brings us to the question of the right of
sugcession obtaining in mediaeval Ceylon. But first a remark
on the relation of the term yuvaraja to that of uparaja.

In the first place I must point out that the investiture of
the uparaja was a solemn ceremony. The uparaja is “con-
sec-rated” like the king or the mabesi {^Manam oparajje
’bhisihf.iya 44. 84; oparajje htmaratn ca abhisihciifka 48. 42,
cf. 48. 69; Mtihintlain . . . oparajje hhisecayi 51. 7; cf. 51. 12).
So far as I can see, the expre.ssion “consecrate” is never used
of the yuvaraja. One is yuvaraja either in virtue of the right
of succession or if necessary or desirable, the position of yu-
varSja is conferred like an office or a title {adosi yuvarii-
jattam 49. 8; yuvarZijapadam ad& 52.42, 53.4, 54. 1 and 58);
one is nominated yuvaraja [yuvarajam aha 53. 28), appoint*
ed to the position (fhupeiva yurarojaitc 45. 23). It is self
understood that these expressions of a more general kind are
also used for the appointment of an uparaja (ex. 41. 93,
42. 6, 48. 32). The main point is that where a “consecration”
is spoken of {ahhi-^c) this has never reference to a yuvaraja
but always and without exception to an upariija.

A yuvaraja i.s found in every reign along with the king.
Of a more limited number of rulers it is related that they
appointed an uparaja. Frequently the yuvaraja is invested
with this dignity. We can almo-st say that this was the rule,
so that the announcement of the appointment of an uparaja
contains the information that the individual in question was
at the same time the heir to the throne. Aggabodlii III.
consecrates his younger brother Maiia (44. 84) uparaja, his
heir to the throne according to the law, and described later
(44.123) as yuvaraja. .^fterMana's premature death his next
youngest brother Kassapa becomes uparaja and yuvaraja (44.
124, 137). In the same way Mahinda is the uparaja of his
father Aggabodhi VII. and is called in the sequel yuvaraja

right to point to this pas.sage whon ho explains MnyaraUha as MahCidi-
P&da^attha.

--fi XX a--

(48. 69, 75). The same is the case with an unnamed son of
Mahinda II. who however dies before him. It is related of
Vijayabahu I. that he first made his next youngest brother
uparaja (59. 11), thus acknowledging him as his heir, his
yuvsraja. On liis death he transfers the dignity of uparaja
to the youngest brother Jajabahu (60. 86, 87), who is then
(61. 3) called yuvaraja.

In view of these instances the appointment of another
individual than the yuvaraja to be uparaja would seem to be
a rare exception due to very special circumstances. Agga-
bodhi I. for instance, appoints as uparaja his maternal uncle,
but the yuvaraja is his younger brother (42. 6) who is not
even named and presumably died before the king. Sena II.
consecrates as uparaja his younger brother Mahinda who was
also yuvaraja (51.7,13). After his quarrel with Mahinda he
transfers the dignity of uparaja to his own .son Kassapa
(51. 12). In his disappointment at his experiences he probably
wished to exclude his brothers altogether from the succession
but this be fails to do. Mahinda remains nevertheless yuvaraja
and at his death his place is taken by the next youngest
brother of the king, Udaya (51.63).

The matter, I think, is clear and just what one has from
the first expected. Yuvaraja is the legitimate heir to the
throne. The dignity of uparaja on the other hand, is ii
position of trust carrying with is certain rights, apparently
a share in the business of government. It seems to have been
a matter of the king's pleasure whether to have such a support
in his royal office or not.

As to the right of succession, the rule was that the next
youngest brother of the king succeeded him on the throne.
Only when no other brother existed did the crown pass to
the next generation, and here again to the eldest son of the
eldest brother of the preceding generation. There are fre-
quent instances of such a sequence.

Aggabodhi V. is succeeded by his younger brother Kassapa III.
he being followed by the third brother Mahinda I. Then the
succession passes to the next generation and as Aggabodhi

XXI

apparently left no son of equal rank, to Kassapa’s son Agga-
bodhi VI. If he had had brothers capable of succeeding him,
they would have been his heirs. As this was not the case,
Aggabodhi VJI. the son of Mahiuds becomes king after him
(4«. 1, 20, 26, 42. 68).

Sena I[. has three brothers. Mahtnda the eldest of them
is yuvaraja (51. 13). He dies however, before the king
Hereupon the nest brother TIdaya II. becomes heir and suc-
cessor of Sena II. (51. 63, 90) and after him the youngest
brother Kassupa IV. (51, 91; 52. I). Hereupon it is the turn
of the next generation and in the first instance the sons ot
Sena II. - Kassapa V., Dappula III. and Dappula IV., then
those of Mahinda — Udaya III., Sena III. and Udaya IV. Of
Kassapa V. it is expressly stated that ho came to the throne
in regular succession, that is according to the existing law
(kamagato 52. 37). Udaya II. and Kaasapa IV. seem to have
left no legitimate heirs. Thus after the death of Mahinda’s
youngest .son the sons of Kassapa V., Sena IV. (53. 39;
Lankdbhisekam kamogatam 54. 1) and Mahinda IV. (54. 1, 7)
come to the throne.

After the three brothers — Mahinda III., Aggabodhi Vlli.
and Dappula II. - had reigned in regular succession (49. 38,
43, 65) the crown went by rights to the like-named son of
the eldest of them. But Dappula desires to reserve it for his
own son. Hence he does not make the younger Mahinda (8)
Sdipada. That this was a breach nf the law is clear from
49. 84. Mahinda betakes himself full of resentment to India.

An important point is the custom of bestowing on the
yuvaraja, the SouUiern Province — Dakkhioadesa — that is
the region west of the central mountains as far as the sea-
coast (45.23; 50.49; 51.19; 52. 1). This was after Ra-
jarat^ha economically and politically the most important pro-
vince in the kingdom, even more so than Rohapa which
always maintained a more independent and special po.sition.
Dakkhinadesa is in consequence directly de.scribed as yuvara-
3<Mrattha 67. 26 and 79. 60. According to Codeisoton, as al-
Wady mentioned above (p. xvirt note), the name of Mayara^fha

^ XXII 9

which appears later (81. 15, 18, 62; 87. 24) would mean the
same, being derived, as he explains, from MahudipadaraUka.

Without doubt the Sinhalese right of succession rests on
patriarchy. Nevertheless in Ceylon as elsewhere in India,
remnants of an older matriarchy have been preserved. This
is particularly noticeable in the part played by the sister’s
son, the bhdgineyi/a. The fact of this relationship being de-
signated by a special term is in itself significant {SVr.bhuginei/a).
For a brother’s sons no such term exists. They are merely
called sumvo. Thus Parahkamabahu is called (63. 51) the
son (sunu) of his uncle Kittisirimegha who again is called his
father (pitii 63. 53). Their relationship to one another is
always described as that between father and son. The three
brothers Manabharapa, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha are
even described as the “three fathers’’ of the youthful Parakkama-
bahu (64. 33, 55). One is reminded of the conditions of
ancient polyandry.

If a distinction is to be made between the uncle who is
the father’s elder brother, and between the father’s younger
brother, the first is called the makapilA and the second the
ctdlapUu. Thus Sena I. is the malidpUh of Sena II. (51. 24).
The cousins who are the sons of two brothers call themselves
quite consistently brothers, as for instance, Aggabodhi VI.
and Aggabodhi VII. (48. 61), the sons of the brothers Kas-
sapa III. and Mahinda I. Thus Buddhaghosa calls Ananda
the brother of the Buddha because he was the son of his
uncle (Tat/iagatassa bhatii cidlapiUi-putto D('o. T. 4).

It is undoubtedly the case that the sister's son enjoyed a
certain preference: the last remnant of that special position
accorded to him under matriarchy. Dhatusena’s sister’s son
holds the important office of senapati and receives the king’s
daughter in marriage (38. 81). In the same way Dappula II
marries his daughter Deva to his sister’s son Kittaggabodbi
(49. 71).

This remnant of an earlier matriarchy can at times be a
furthering or a disturbing factor in the right of succession.
Aggabodhi I, makes his brother yuvardja and appoints his

- XXIIl

sister's son malayaraja. Later on be gives him his daughter
in marriage and confers on him the dignity of mahadipadu.
This sister's son afterwards ascends the throne as successor
of his uncle under the name of Aggabodhi II. (42. 6, 10,

40). It is not necessary to assume a breach of the law
here. VVe may suppose that the younger brother of Agga-
bodhi 1., the original yuvaraju, had died before him. As no
male heir existed, the crown might legally go to the relative
in the female lino*.

The matter is somewhat different in the case of Kassapa II.
He had it is true, no younger brother but lie had sons of
whom the eldest Manaka was his legal successor. As these
sons however were minors, he summons bis sister's son Mana
from Rohapa and entrusts him with bis sons and with the
kingdom. Here we have a regency carried on however, after
Kassapa's death, not by Mana but by his father Dappula,
Kiissapa’s brother-in-law. The whole affair causes serious
disturbances in the kingdom (45. 6 ff.).

A zealous champion of matriarchy and of his claims to
the throne ba.sed on it was Dappula, the hhagiucyya of King
Aggabodhi VI. Silaincgha. He waged a long and obstinate
fight with Mabinda II., Aggabodhi's son who was the legal
heir, no younger brother existing. He was supported in his
struggle by two sister’s sons in Rohanu who in their turn
hoped to become his heirs (48. 90, 98 ff.). Here we have
obviously matriarchy against patriarchy.

Of special interest is what is related as to the settlement
of the succession after the death of Vijayabahu I. (61. 1 ff.).
The yuvarSja is his youngest brother Jayabahu. If he ascend-
ed the throne then Vijayabahu’s son Vikkamabahu who is
sojourning in Robai.ia, would be bis heir and successor. But
now begin the intrigues of Mitta, the sister of Vijayabahu
and Jayabahu, who taking her stand on matriarchy seeks to
divert the crown to her line. In agreement with the highest
court officials she decides that Jayabahu shall indeed be con-

* Parakkaiiiabahu I. is also succeeded by his bhayincyya Vijayabahu
(60. 1), since the male line is extinct.

— : XXIV

secrated king over Lanka, but that the dignity of uparaja and
therewith the succession (see above p. iiicf.) shall be conferred
on her eldest son Msnabharaiia to the exclusion of Vikkama-
bahu. That was a coup d'Etat and the chronicle too says
expressly that here was a distinct breach with old established
custom (puhhacurittamagga).

By way of supplement a brief remark on the dignity of
the malayaraja. It is not clear whether this was conferred
only on members of the royal family. Malaya is the name
of the central mountain region of Ceylon which however,
according to the testimony of the Culavaipsa (70. 3 ff.) wa.s
in Parakkamabahu’s time, that is in the 12 th century, still
a wilderness. Nevertheless the title “Malaya King” must
have denoted some kind of dominion, if only a nominal one,
over that province.

SilakSla makes his second son D3}hapabbuti malayaraja
(41. 35). The yuvaraja according to law was his cider son
Moggallana (afterwards Moggallana II.). But it was not he
but the malayaraja who got the province of Dakkhipadesa.
Perhaps the custom of bestowing Dakkhioadesa on the yuvaraja
had not at that time taken root, or else Dathupabhuti was
to be specially favoured. After bis father's death he seized
the government by force from Moggallana.

Under KassapaY. his .younger son Siddhattha is malayaraja
(52. 68), and this would seem to be the normal condition as
against the granting of Dakkliioadesa to the eldest son. Under
Aggabodhi lY. there is mention of a Malayaraja Bodfaitissa
(46. 29), but nothing is said as to the relation in which be
stood to the king. The dignity is conferred by Moggallana III.
on the traitorous senapati of his predecessor Sainghatissa (44.
43, 53). No conclusion can however be drawn from this.
Moggallana III. was apparently himself a usurper. He was
coramander-in-chief of Aggabodhi II. (44, 2), as Samghatissa
before him had been asiggaha. Here it was the case ol
founding a new dynasty.

A later form of the title showing Dravidian influence, is
malayaruyaro (70. 62, 155).

XXV .-=

Ill

Offices, Dignities and Titles in mediaeval Ceylon

It is interesting to note how the organisation of oflicialdoni
and the system of titles became more and more complex,
reaching a climax in the middle ages about the time oi
Parakkamabahu. Tbe difference between the Culavamsa and
the older Mahavaipsa is here u very considerable one. In the
first we meet with an imposing array of expressions and de-
signations which are absent from the other.

Nor is it easy at times to determine whether a word is
merely a general term for an official or whether it is a-ssociat-
ed with a strictly defined sphere of action. This is tbe case
for instance witli ad/ukarin and adhinai/aka (adhinril/ia)^.
These terms almost certainly represent a difference in degree:
for according to 70. 278 Parukkamabafiu conferred on the
AdhinStha Miiyageha as a reward for his military services,
the dignity of an udhikarin (ad/iikuripadatn). The title I)a-
mijidhikariii may be mentioned hero. It is borne by one of
the two Rakkhas, tlic generals of Parakkamabahu (75. 20, 69 ff.),
further by a </anakumacca named .\dicca (76. 39 fl'.).

The word amacca (Skr. amUli/a) is certainly one of general
meaning. It is used alike of civil and military officials. To
translate it always by “minister” I believe is wrong. By
comparison with what we now understand by that word it
gets a shade of meaning foreign to it. iSdfnanta 1 believe to
be a purely military title. It has the same meaning as our
word “officer”, corpscommanders of various ranks subject to
the commander-in-chief (cf. for ex. 09. 16; 70. 57, 67, 173,
814-6, 319). Even when it stands next to man^alika it pro-

’ Cf. notes to 70, 278 and 72. 10. The word adhikilra has also in
the Kautaliya the meaning “sphere of action”, proper authority, office.
Cf. J, J. Meter, Dus altindiscbe Bui'h vom Welt- und Staatsleben, das
Artha95stra des Kautilya, p. 291, n. 1; p. 480, n. 2 .

■5 XXVI J.

bably means a military official alongside of the civilian, the
governor of a man^la, of a larger or of a smaller district
(46. 31; 69. 5, 15) by which is apparently meant the smallest
division within a province, a raffita.

iVSf/afta would also seem to be a general term. It about
corresponds to the English “Colonel’’. Sirinaga the uncle of
Jettbatissa III., bears this title 44. 70. Vajiragga is the nayaka
of Udaya II. (51. 105, 118) and Rukkha that of Kassapa IV.
(52. 31). Not infrequently nayaka is found in compounds
thus in kahcukinayaka (.see note to 72. 58) “Head or chief of
the chamberlains”, or in sankhanayaka (70. 278; 72. 31, 41;
75. 75), or in samvaccharikantii/aka “chief of the astrologers”
(57. 48). Kesadhatun&yaka (see below) also perhaps denotes
a higher rank among the members of the Order of the
Kesadimtus. The function of the kammanayaka or kummanatha
(72. 58, 206; 74. 168) is not clear nor the meaning of the
title disanjayanayoka.

On the other hand it is probably certain that dai}4(^nayaka
(dayd^^nothd) denotes an officer of high rank''. Our rendering
of it by "Oeneral” probably meets the case. Amongst the
commanders of Parakkamabahu the two brothers Kitti and
Saipkhadhatu bear the title (70. 279 If.) as also the Nagaragiri
Gokaoua (70. 68) and others (see note to 70. 5).

Head of the whole army is however the senapati^. His
position was without doubt one of extreme importance and
the king only granted it to a man in whom lie had the fullest
confidence. Dhatusena appoints bis sister’s son senapati (38.81).
In the same way Parakkamabahu II. in the war against the

1 Danda must be taken in the meaning of “army”. According to
J. J. Meyeb (loc. cit. p. 398, n. 3; cP. also p. 834) the expro-ieion danda-
nay\ should also be inserted in the EautalTya, the same as the neUi
Aandaxya of Kamandaka. Here also a corps-commander is meant.

^ In dhajinlpati we have nothing but a synonym for senripati. In
the translation I have always therefore inserted “senapati”. In the
Kautaliya (10. 6) the senapati has not a commanding position. He is
here commander of 10 p<idikas{?) and there are 10 senapatis under one
nayaka. Cf. J. J. Metek, 1. c. p. 586. Siiamasastkv diflers somewhat,
Kautilya's Artbasaatra, p. 452.

— t* XXVII

Javakas, entrusts the highest command in the army* to his
sister’s son Virabahu (83. 41). I do not think however, that the
conclusion is warranted that this position was reserved for the
bhagineijya. He could indeed become senapati if he had the
necessary qualifications and if he possessed the confidence of
the monarch, but the king wa.s not bound in his choice by
conditions of relationship. Udaya who had distinguished him-
self by his courage, was made senapati by his father Mahinda II.
(48. 154). just as Mahinda, afterwards Mahinda II., was made
senapati by his father Aggabodhi VI. Our chronicle mentions
a whole series of senapatis by name without saying whether and
how they were related to the king (48. 78). Migara is the sena-
pati of Kassapa I. (39. 6), Uttara that of Moggallana I. (39. 58),
Vajira of Dappula II. (49. 80), Bhadda of Sena I. (50. 82),
Ku^^haka of Sena II. (51. 88), Rakkhaka Ilahga of Dappula IV.
(53. 11), the nayaka Viduragga of Udaya IV. (53. 46), Sena
of Mahinda IV. (54. 13), Deva of Parakkainabahu I. (70. 123),
Mitta of Vijayabahu IV. (90. 2). Of Sena Ilahga, the sena-
pati of Kassapa IV. it is merely said that he belonged to tiio
royal family (52. 16). It would be very remarkable if in all
these cases or even in the majority of them the hk&yinoyi/a
should be meant and the chronicler not mention the fact.

A special title is that of sakkascnapati^. Ka.ssapa V. ap-
points as such his own son {sakkascnajialifijidnam datva 52. 52;
cf. 52. 61, 64, 72, 74). After his death the dignity is trans-
ferred to his son, thus to Kassapa's grandson (52. 79). I believe
we have the same title in the saksenevi of the Bilibeva
inscription (EZ. II. 40 ff.). A synonym of sakkasetUipati is
Sakkasmdnl (54. 53). Difficult of explanation is the term
andhasenapati which occurs but once (41. 87). 1 am inclined
to think that Andha here is the Skr. and/ira, the name of a
people which occurs along with such as pulinda and Sahara.

* The title senapati is, however, not u»e<l here.

* The word means “senapati of Sakka" (the King of the gods],
denotes therefore very high rank. We may infer from its meaning
that it was merely a title and not the name of an office witli special
funotiona.

XXVIII --

Like the.se two names Andha might then have reference to
the Viiddas and andhasenapati would be a title with its
counterpart in damUadhiharin. This last title is borne by one
of the generals Kakkha (7b. 20, 69, 74 &c), as well as by the
Gaoakamacca .\dicca (76. 39, 63, 64).

Amongst the oflicials in personal contact with the king
are the umbrella-bearer (chattagabaka) and the sword-
bearer (asiggdbahi). The umbrella is the symbol of the
royal dignity. Satpgha, the daughter of Mahaimma is married
to the king's umbrella-bearer — a proof of the high rank
hold by this official — and obtains for him the crown by
murdering her brother of inferior rank (38. 1-3). Under
\'ijaynbahu I. three brothers revolt against the king, one of
whom is the “chief of the umbrella-bearers” {chattagababandlha),
the second dhamwagehakanagaka, the third netthhultba (59. 16).
Tho.se two last names of offices do not occur elsewhere in
tlie Culavamsa. The first of the two (lit. “chief of the House
of the Law”) is probably the highest judicial official, the
second the “Preisident of the Guild of Merchants”,

The title asiggdha wa.s like that of the umbrella-bearer
without doubt one of high rank. Mog^llana I. gives his
.sister in marriage to his sword-bearer Silakiila and entrusts
him with the guardianship of the Hair Relic {kcsadhdtu 39.
54, 55). ferliaps we have here the beginnings of the Order
of the Kesadhatu. Aggabodhi 11. appoints a relative of his
mahesi as asiggaha (42.42). Moggallana 111. appoints as sword-
bearer the son of the senapati of his predecessor Samgbatissa
to whom he feels under obligations for helping him to obtain
the sovereignty (44. 43), Later on this same sword-bearer him-
self gains the crown and reigns under the name of Silameghiv-
vaijoa (44. 64-65), ju.st as Samghatissa had been asiggdha
before his ascent of the throne (44. 1).

Of great importance was the office of the Government
Scribe {mabnlckha). We may assume in Ceylon the same or
similar conditions as the Kautaliya describes* them for the

* Arthasastra 2. iO (28 tli subject): J- J- Mkykr, p. 100 ff., in Jiiiiu.i-
sASTKv’s translation p. 80 ff.

XXIX g«.

India of the period of which it writes. The Government Scribe
is called here likewise Ickluiha. His task is the drafting of
the royal edicts (sv/sana) to whose content and form the
greatest importance is attached. The rules laid down by the
Kautaliya are extraordinarily minute. The mahalekha of
Kassapa IV. was called Sena and I have pointed out (note
to 52. 33) that this official is also mentioned in inscriptions,
The Government Scribe of the younger Mauabharapa was
Mahinda (72. 1, 4, 166). He had it seems at the same time
military rank. The same holds good of Rakkha the maha-
lekha of Parakkamabahu I. (72. 161, 170, 182).

Several official titles are formed with the word poHhakin,
namely: bhnndnra-y adi-, mfda- and jivUa-potfhdkin. We shall
see that it is probably a case here of various synonymous
designations for one and the same office. According to its
origin pcHhdkin ha.s reference to an official who in some
sphere or other has to do witli book-keeping, the making of
lists and inventories. Now bhauddrapottliakhi is of itself
intelligible. It probably corre-sponds' to kosthui/Sradliyfiksa
"overseer of the provision house" in the Kautaliya. The title
is borne (72. 1H2) by an officer of Parakkamabahu I., Kitti“
by name. But the same Kitti is also de.scribe(I (72. 27, 207)
as (tdipoUhakin. This therefore is probably a synonym of
bhaifdarapotthakin and means .simply “first or higliest potthakin".
But the same meaning is also attached to mulapoithakin whicli
is the title of Mana (75. 139, 140) another oflicer of Parakkama.
I may point to mulatjjiana (57. 38) “the first, the highest and
most influential position", the foremost office in the state. My
impression is that jlvitapotthakin has the same meaning. This
title is also applied to Kitti (74. 90) as well as to another
official of Parakkaniabahu's Mandin by name (70. 818; 72. 161).
It should be remembered that the Skr.jivita means “livelihood,
food”. By bhanddra was meant the necessary food-stuffs whicli
were under the supervision and control of the potthakin.

' Arthanastra 2. 15 (33r<I subject). In J. J. Mbyer p. 188 tf. In
Shamisastht, p. 112 fl.

* Besides Kitti also Bhiita in 72. 196, another officer of Parakkama.

XXX

Only once is mention made of a ganakamacca (76. 39).
This as the etymology shows, was apparently an official whose
business was finance or accounts. In the Mahabharata the
ganaJca (BR. s. t.) is placed side by side with the lekhdka. It
is difficult to say what xaVhapati^ (67. 64, 70) or sabhdntlyaka
(thus 67. 61, 80) stands for. The context shows almost cer-
tainly that it denoted an officer of very high rank.

In conclusion I mention some terms which are manifestly
nothing but honorary titles, bestowed by the king for public
services such as those in war. In the first rank of these is
the title kcsadhotu. I have noticed it in the note to 57. 65.
It is a distinction corresponding to our orders. It may have
originated in the members of the Order being entrusted with
the care of the Hair Relic. See above p. xxvi. Later on this
became a mere formality. It is doubtful whether hesadhalu
in the meaning of “member of the K. Order” is an abbrevia-
tion for kesadhiitunoyaha or whether this last term denotes n
higher rank within the Order.

Several of the titles are joined with the word giri (Skr.
gin) or galla (Sinh. gala). It is not impossible that in such
titles names of localities are meant as in the family names of
our nobility. Very frequent is the title nagaragiri or nagara-
galla (see note to 66. 35). Again we have nuiraglri (note to
72. 11), lankagiri (note to 72. 27), nilagiri (note to 70. 137),
lokagalla (note to 72. 222) and the uncertain jilagiri. All these
are verifiable as place names: Nagaragalla (48. 36), Maragalla
(55.26) or Marapabbata (48.129), Lankagiri (70.88) or -pabbata
(66. 80), NUagiri (70. 20; 72. 12) or -galla (70. 14, 16, 83)
and Lokagalla (74. 79, 81, 83, 166).

In addition lankapura seems to have been a title (see note
to 70. 218) and such are most certainly the terms laiikanatha,
lankddkin&tha, lankddhindgaka (see note to 70. 24), as also
lahk&dhikdrin (see note to 70. 278). The last, it is worth
noting, denotes a higher degree in rank.

* P. sahhd means “ball, assembly room". In Sanskrit tbe word is
also used for a “law court". Sabhapati might therefore denote a high
legal ofScial.

^ XXXI 3-'

Contents of Chapters 37—72

Chap. 37

Sirimeghavaooa atones for the wrongs done to the
bhikkhus of the Mahavihara by his father Mahasena (51-63).—
Buildings erected by the king (64-5). Erection of a golden
image of Mahinda (66-86). --- Further works (87-91). The
Tooth Relic comes to Ceylon (92-7). Further meritorious
works of the king (98-9). King Jetthatissa I., a skilled
carver in ivory (100-4). Buddhadasa's meritorious works
(lOo -ll). Marvellous healing of men and animals (112-44).

Further meritorious works, propitiation of one who had been
his foe in a former life (145-74). — The them Mabadhammn-
kathin (175). Eighty sons of the king named after the
disciples of the Buddha (176-8). - Upatissa I. His meri-

torious works (179-88). Save.s the land from drought
(189-98). Clemency of the king, also towards criminals
(199-208). Mahanama and his architectural works (209
-14). History of Buddhagbosa (215-48).

Chap. 38

Sotthisena murdered by his sister who places her hus-
band, the king’s umbrella-bearer, on the throne in his stead
(1-3). Mittasena (4-10). The Damila Paudu (11-3). - -
History of Dhatusena’s youth (14-28). Successors of Faijdu:
Parinda, Khuddaparinda, Tlritara, Dathiya, Pithiya
(29-34). Dhatusena, his architectural works, construction
of the Kalavipi and other meritorious deeds (35-79). --
His sons Eassapa and Moggallana, flight of Moggallana to
Jambudipa (80-6). — Dhatusena dethroned and slain by
Kassapa; his fate the consequence of a wrong done to a
bbikkhu (87-115).

o— <=3 XXXII 3^—®

Chap. 39

Kassapa I. founds Sihagiri; he seeks to expiate his parro-
cide by pious actions (1-19). Moggallana comes from
Jambudipa; Kassapa defeated in battle dies by his own hand
(20-8). Moggallana I. performs meritorious works, punishes
the adherents of Kassapa, builds viharas (29-43). - History
of Silakala; he brings the Hair Relic to Ceylon (44-56).
End of Moggallana (57-9).

Chap. 41

Kumaradhatusena, Kittisena, Stva reign meritoriously
(1-5). XJpatissa II. makes Silakala bis son-in-law; bis
son is Kassapa (6-9). - Revolt of Silakala; Kassapa losing
the battle commits suicide. Death of Upatissa (10-25).
Silakala; his meritorious works (26-32). His three sons
(33-6). The Dharomadliatu comes to Ceylon (37-41).
Silakala's second son Da^bapabhuti seizes the sovereignty;
murders his younger brother and is attacked by his elder
brother Moggallana. Duel of the brothers. Dathapabhuti
takes his own life (42-53). — Moggallana II.; his reverence
for the teaching of the Buddha, his meritorious works (54-63).

His son Kittisirimegha. Disturbances in the kingdom
(64-8). — History of Mahanfiga (69-90). — Mahanaga slays
the king and seizes the throne (91-3). — Meritorious works
of Mahanaga (94-103).

Chap. 42

Aggabodhi I.; liis character and his meritorious works
(1-34). — The thera Jotipala and the adipada Dafbapabhuti
(35-9). -- Aggabodhi II. The Kalinga King comes with
his consort to Ceylon and is received into the Order by Joti-
pala (40-50). The Thuparaina damaged: the king erects
a temple for the Collar bone Relic (51-60). Further meri-
torious works (61-69).

^ XXXIII c.

Chap. 44

Samghatissa becomes king. Moggallana the senapati of
Aggabodhi II. revolts against him and gains the upper band
through the treachery of Samghatissa’s general (1-21). —
Moggallana III. as king has a young son of Saipghatissa's
mutilated (22-7). — Another son Je(thatissa escapes to Malaya.
Saipghatissa himself with a third son and his minister are
caught during flight and beheaded (28-43). Meritorious
works of Moggallana III. (44-52). - The king quarrels with
the treacherous general and has him mutilated. The general’s
son joins Je(thatissa, defeats Moggallana and while Jetthatissa
remains in Malaya, ascends the throne under the name of
Silanieghavauoa (53-64). His meritorious works (65-9).

- Sirinaga an uncle of Jelthatissa comes with a Damija army
but is defeated (70-3). — Divisions in the Abhayagiri-vihSra,
purification of the Church (74-81). The king's death (82). —
Succeeded hy his son Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi. Revolt
of Jctfhatissa; Aggabodhi flees to Jambudipa (83-94). — Reign
of Jetthatissa II. (95-102). - Aggabodhi comes from Jam-
budipa, Jetthatissa is defeated and takes his life (103-12). --
His minister does likewise; the queen also dies (113-7).
Second reign of Aggabodhi 111.; his meritorious works (118-22).

- After the murder of Mana the king’s younger brother
Kassapa is appointed yuvaraja (123-4). Dathopatissa I.
revolts and drives out the king (125-9). The wars of the
two kings damage the country; violent actions of I)a(bopatissa
and Kassapa; death of Aggabodhi III. (130-44). — Kassapa II.
becomes king after defeating Dathopatissa and makes good
his former misdeeds (145-51). --- Last attempt of Dathopatissa
to regain the throne and his death (152-5).

Chap. 45

Meritoriou.s works of Kassapa II ; the thera Mahadhamma-
kathin (1-5). — The king entrusts kingdom and sons to his
nephew Mana and dies (6-10). - - Revolt of the Damilas.
While Mana raises liis father Dappula I. to the throne,

XXXIV s—

Hatfchadatha a nephew of Dathopstissa I. comes from Jam-
budipa and seizes the sorereignt; (11-21). - He reigns as

Da^hopatissa II. His conflict with the bhikkhus of the
Mahavihara: his death (22-37). - Early history of Dappula I.;

his meritorious works in Kohaiia (38-82).

Chap. 46

Aggabodhi IV. Sirisanighabodhi becomes king; his cha-
racter; meritorious works of himself and bis officials (1-33). --
His death (34-8). - The Damija Potthakuttha raises at first

Datta and later Hatthadatha to the throne while carrying
on the gorernment himself (39-47).

Chap. 47

History of Manavamma. He goes to Jambudipa, enters
the service of Narasiha and become.s his friend (1-14). He
supports him in his war with Valiabha (15-27). — Out of
gratitude Narasiha gives him an army with which to gain
the sovereignty in Ceylon. The army however leaves him in
the lurch and he has again to seek refuge in Jambudipa
(28-41). He returns with a freshly equipped army to Ceylon
and gains the victory. Hatthadatha is slain by the populace,
Potthakuttha kills himself (42-61). -- Manavamma as king
(62-66).

Chap. 48

Aggabodhi V. and his works (1-19). - - Reign of Kassapa
III. (20-5). — Mahinda I. rules as adipada without adopting
the royal title (26-38). Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha. he
quarrels with a cousin of the same name; war and reconciliation
of the two (39-54). Conflict with a third Aggabodhi
(55-63). -- Meritorious works of the king (64-7). — Agga-
bodhi VII. and his deeds (68-75). Mahinda II. reigns at
first in the name of the widowed queen (76-89). -- He twice
defeats Dappula the sister's son of his father (90-112). — The
king marries the queen dowager and begets with her a son
whom he makes uparaja (113-5). — A renewed struggle with
Dappula ends with a treaty (116-32). — Meritorious works

O— e5 XXXV 3*— O

of the king (133-48). - - After the death of the uparaja
the king transfers the dignity to an elder son of the period
of his regency (149-60).

Chap. 49

The uparaja, probably TIdaya I. becomes king; he crushes
a rebellion ; weds his daughter Deva to a prince Mahinda of
Kohapa (1-13). Meritorious works of the king and his
consort (14-37). — His son Mahinda III. becomes king
(38-42). — Aggabodhi VIII.; his meritorious works (43-50).

- His reverence for his mother (51-61). - Further proofs

of his noble character (62-4). Dappula II, supports
Kittaggabodhi in gaining possession of Kohapa (65-73). —
Meritorious works of the king and of the Senapati Vajira
(74-82). Aggabodlii IX.; Mahinda, son of Mahinda III.
who would have been the rightful successor flees to Jambudipa
(83-6). — Meritorious works of the king (37-93).

Chap. 50

Sena I. His meritorious works, llemoval of Mahinda.
Younger brothers of the king (1-7). — Revolt of Udaya and
reconciliation (8-11). — lucursion of the Papiju king. Is
successful in battle. Sena flees to Malaya. The Yuvaraja
Mahinda kills himself, his brother Kassapa wins through. The
capital occupied and plundered by the Damijas (12-37). —
After making a treaty with Sena the Pap<.lu king retires with
great booty. Sena returns to the capital and settles the suc-
cession (38-49). — Dynastic strife in Rohapa, intermarriage
with the Rohapa line (50-60). — Meritorious works of the
royal couple and of their minister (61-87).

Chap. 51

Sena II., his character, his family (1-21). — Conceives
the plan of a war of retaliation against the Damilas (22-6).
— Supporting a Fapdu prince in his claims to the throne,
he sends his senapati with an army to the Continent. Madhura
is taken and plundered and the captured treasures brought

XXXVI g--

back to Ceylon (27-51). — The Pamsukulika bhikkhus of the
Abhayagiri found a special sect (52). — Meritorious works of
the Yuvaraja Mahinda ; his death (53-62). — Meritorious works
of the king, of his consort and of his senapati (63-89). —
Udaya II. Intermarriages in the royal family (90-3). —
Kittaggabodhi revolts and seizes KohaQa. The king sends a
great nephew against him. Conquest of Robaoa (94-125). —
Punishment of the rebels; meritorious works of the king
(126-36).

Chap. 52

Kassapa IV. and his family (1-3). — Revolt of Prince
Mahinda in Rohaqa and reconciliation with him (4-9). —
Purification of the Church (10). — Meritorious works of the
king and of his dignitaries (11-36). — Kassapa V. Meri-
torious works of the king, honouring of the sacred scriptures.
Meritorious works of relatives of the royal family (37-69). —
Kassapa supports the Pao4u king in war against the Cola
king: his army obliged to return in consequence of a pestilence
(70-82).

Chap. 53

Dappula III. dies after a short reign (1-3). — Dappula IV.
harbours the Paodu hing who flees to him; meritorious works
of the king and of his senapati (4-12). — Udaya III. The
Uparaja Sena abuses the right of asylum of the Tapovana;
the bhikkhus betake themselves to Kobapa (13-5). — The
Uparaja with his friend forced to flee thither from the enrag-
ed populace. Reconciliation with the priests and return to
the capital (16-27). — Sena III. Meritorious works (28-38).
— Udaya IV. Invasion of the Colas, flight of the king to
Rohapa. Retreat of the Colas after an unsuccessful attack on
Rohapa (89-45). — The senapati of the king, Viduragga
undertakes a campaign in the Cola country (46-7). — Meri-
torious works of Udaya (48-52).

Chap. 54

Sena IV. His character and his works (1-6). — Ma-
hinda IV. marries a Kalinga princess. His war with the Cola

^ XXXVII

prince Yallabha ended by a treaty (7-16). — Honour shown
by him to distinguished ther&s and many other meritorious
works of the king, as of the Queen Kitti and of her son and
of the Sakkasenapati (17-56). — Sena V. Conflict with the
senapati Sena because the king makes Udaya senapati instead
of him (57-61). — The king forced to flee to Rohaija. Sena
favours the Damilas on whose support he relies. The king
dismisses Udaya, makes friends with Sena and returns to the
capital (62-9). — Drinks himself to death (70-3).

Chap. 55

Mahinda V. reigns in Anuradhapura. Mutiny of the
Kerala mercenaries. The king flees to Kohaqa. The other
provinces ravaged by the licentious soldiery (1-12). — The
Cola king exploits these disturbances. He invades the country,
plunders it and seizes the king, his consort and all valuables
(13-22). — The geuerab Kitti and Buddha organize success-
ful resistance in Rohapa in favour of Prince Eassapa (23-32).
— Mahinda dies after a twelve years’ captivity in the Coja
country (33-4).

Chap. 56

Kassapa VI. VikkamabSbu prepares a campaign against
the Cojas, but dies before accomplishing it (1-6). — He is
succeeded by the usurpers Kitti, Mahalanakitti, Vikkama-
paodu, Jagatipala and Parakkama. They are restricted
to Rohaua, the Colas are masters of the country (7-17).

Chap. 57

General Loka prince in Rohaqa (1-2). -- Early history
of Kitti, the later Vijayahahu: Kassapa and his sons Mana-
vamma and Mana (3-26). — Kassapa husband of Lokita,
father of Moggallana and Loka (27-30). — A grandson of
Da(hopatissa becomes a bbikkhu and gains a high reputation
(31-9). — Kitti, son of Moggallana and Lokita, the daughter
of Bodhi gives early proofs of his heroism. Becomes chief
opponent of Loka (40-64). — After Loka’s death he conquers

^ xxxvm ft—

and slays Kassapa who was about to seize the sovereignty and
becomes Limselt' lord of Rohapa (65-76).

Chap. 58

Kitti rules in Rohapa under the name of Vijayabahu.
Evades an attack by the Cojas (1-0). Prepares for war

(7-10). Defeats a .second Co|a army sent against him.
Advances on Pulatthinagara but has again to abandon it
(11-32). — After suppressing a revolt in Rohapa he fights
a decisive action (33-39). Ably supported by his generals
he takes Anuradhapura and Pulatthinagara, the Colas give up
the fight (40-59).

Chap. 59

The kingdom made secure, preparations for the coronation,
suppression of the revolt of Adimalaya (1-6). - After his

consecration as king in Anuradhapura Vijayabiihu returns to
Pulatthinagara. Adopts the name of Sirisaipghabodhi (7-10).

Granting of titles to his brothers and of offices to his
followers (11-4). Suppression of a rebellion in Rohapa,
Malaya and Dukkhipade.sa (15-22). — Wives and children of
the king (23 -33). — Perceives signs in his daughter Ratana-
vall that she will become the mother of a famous son (34-9).

. Marries his daughters, Ratanavali and Lokanatha, to the
sons of his sister. Further marriages of a dynastic character
(40-51).

Cbap. 60

Vijayabahu's architectural works. Cares for the Church by
fetching bliikklius from Ramanna. Further meritorious works
(1-23). - The Cola king ill-treats envoy.s of King Vijaya-

bahu. The latter arms for war. A revolt of the Velakkaras
is bloodily suppressed (24-44). At the coast he awaits in
vain the arrival of the Colas (45-7). Tanks repaired by
the king, ecclesiastical buildings erected, condign punishment
of the mabesi who had disturbed the peace of the viharas
(48-62). — The road to Samantakuta rendered safe, meri-
torious works for the good of the priesthood, encouragement
of the art of poetry, support of the poor (63-82) Works

^ XXXIX

of the king’s followers (83-5). -- Death of Vijayabahu after
settling the succession (86-91).

Chap. 61

Manabharapa and bis two brothers make Jsyabahu king
to the exclusion of Vikkamabahu. Vikkamabahu conquers
them and seized Pulatthinagara (1-20). - The brothers divide
Kohaua and Dakkhipadesa between them, renew the war but
are again beaten (21-35). — Invasion of Viradeva who ad-
vances as far as Pulatthinagara but is finally defeated by
Vikkamabahu (36-47). — Anarchy in the country, many
bhikkhus taking with them the tooth and alms-bowl relics
seek refuge along with members of noble houses in Rohapa
(48-73).

Chap. 62

Jayabahu’s death, children of Vallabha and Manabharaoa
(1). — Dreams of Manabharapa and his consort presage the
birth of a distinguished son (2-29). — Good works of Mana-
bliaraQa; pregnancy of Ratanavall; birth of a boy who re-
ceives the name of Parakkamabahu (30-52). At the news
of this Vikkamabaliu de.sires to bring up the child at his
court; refusal of the father (53-66). — Death of ManabharaQa
VirabShu (67).

Cliap. 63

Kittisirimegha, the second brother take-s over the province
ruled by Manabharapa, Dakkhipadesa; the third, Sirivallabha
takes over Rohapa with the capital Mahanagaliula together
with the upbringing of Parakkama. Marries Manabharaoa’s
daughters to his son (1-17). — In Pulatthinagara Gajabahu
ascends the throne; succes.sfuUy repulses attacks by Kitti-
sirimegba and Sirivallabha (18-37). — Parakkamabahu’s youth.
The prince leaves the court of Sirivallabha and betakes him-
self to his uncle Kittisirimegha in Sankhanayakatthali (38-53).

Chap. 64

Kittisirimegha and his nephew Parakkamabahu visit the
general Sankha in Badalatthali ; celebration of the upanayana

XL

festival for the prince (1-17). — Death of Sirivallabha. Is
succeeded in Rohana by his son, the younger Manabharapa.
Each of M.’s two wives bears him a son (18-24). — Parakkaroa-
bahu’s ambition aroused by the history of the heroes of
antiquity. To gather information as to tlie political condi-
tions in Kajarattha be decides to go thither in person and
leaves the town by night (25-64).

Chap. 65

The prince meets his followers at the appointed trysting-
place and comes to Badalatthali (1-26). — Qeneral Sahkha
is surprised, receives the prince nevertheless with due honours.
As Parakkama however fears betrayal by him he has him
slain (27-37). — Great consternation at the deed. A soldier
desirous of avenging Sahkha is hewn down (37-44).

Chap. 66

Parakkama proceeds farther to Buddhagama (1-19). —
Subdues the resistance of the inhabitants (20-34). — The
commander of Kalavapi, Gokapoa, visits the prince. Frighten-
ed however, by a dream he flees by night to Ealavapi. His
people follow him (35-56). Kittisirimegba determines to
fetch the Prince back by force but Parakkama ambushes the
troops sent to seize him and cuts them up (57-77). - There
follows a series of further skirmishes until the Prince at Jana-
pada reaches the territory of Gajabahu (78-111). - Gajabahu
receives him with honour. Parakkama now seeks by syste-
matic espionage to discover the temper of the king's subjects
and does the same in the society in which he moves (112-45).
— He fetches his sister Bbaddavati from Rohapa. Marries her
to the king thus gaining his confidence and makes himself
everywhere popular (146-58).

Chap. 67

By his determination the prince subdues a mad buffalo.
His courage universally admired (1-8). — He decides to return
to Dakkhipadesa in order to seize the kingdom from there.

^ XLI s—

Gajabahu has no inkling of his plans (9-31). Flight from
Pulatthinagara. All kinds of adventures on the way give the
prince the opportunity of showing his courage (32-54).
Kittisirimegha sends people to receive him, his mother Ratana-
vall fetches him in person (55-82). - - Death of Kittisirimegha;
Parakkamabahu in the dignity of the mahadipada (83-95).

Chap. 68

Parakkama furthers culture in Dakkhipadesa; builds dams
on the Jajjnra river and widens the Pa)ji]avapi tank (1-42).
Erection of further dams and constructions for increasing the
productive power of the country (43-59).

Chap. 69

Military preparations in particular by organisation of re-
cruiting in the various districts of the country (1-38).

Chap. 70

Parakkama through his generals eitends his dominion over
Malaya. First encounter with Gajabahu (1-29). Adventure
with an elk during the chase (30-52). Parakkamabahu
opens the campaign against Rajarattha. His generals fight
those of Gajabahu along the frontier from the pearl districts
in the west as far as Ajisara in the east (53- 172). Parakkama
determines to attack Pulatthinagara. Manabharapa of Robapa
supports him. The town taken after severe fighting, the king
captured and generously treated (173-250). - Embittered at
the looting of their town the iuhabitants summon Manabharaqa.
He comes, seizes all Gajabahu’s powers, takes him prisoner
and plans to remove him. Gajabahu begs for Parakkama’s
protection, wbo.se generals take Pulatthinagara a second time
and set Gajabahu free. Mauabharapa escapes to Kohapa
(251-310). — Gajabahu tries once more to recover the so-
vereignty. Once more vanquished, he seeks the bhikkhus as
mediators (311-36).

XLII >-f
Chap. 71

Death of Gajabahu, Parakkamabahu king (1-5).
Gajabahu’s followers summon Manabhara^a to their support;
Parakkama secures the frontier along the Mahavalukagaiiga
against him (6-18). Parakkama undergoes consecration at
tlie express wish of his ministers (19-32).

Chap. 72

Combats at the different fords of the Mahavalukagaiiga
(1-54). Parakkama sends his generals against RohaQa also
from the Pancayojana province (55-64). - Revolt of Narayapa
in Anuradhapura quickly crushed by Parakkama (65-9). -
Manabharapa succeeds in crossing the Mahavalukagaiiga and
there follows a series of chequered combats. Parakkama
forced eventually to give up Pulatthinagara (70-147). • Forced
back to the frontiers of Dakkhioadesa, Parakkama opens a
new attack on the capital. His generals fight numerous
battles (148-204). — Munabharapa at bay. Decisive action
at Mihiranabibbila; a fortification erected by General Rakkba.
Manabharana flees secretly to Kohaoa, triumphant entry of
Parakkamabahu into Pulatthinagara (205-300). — Death of
Manabharaoa. Before dying he advises bis relatives to give
up the resistance to Parakkama (301-10).— Parakkamabahu
celebrates his second coronation (311-29).

Mill WBMS imW,

trich;

■: . , :-T;\Tc.

. ^ij,r;B35

TO THE EXALTED ONE, TlJE PERFECT ONE
THE FULLY ENIJGHTENED ONE
REVERENCE!

CHAPTKR XXXVil

(Continaation)

THE SIX KINGS

So after the Ruler Mabasena* bad in consequence of bis 51
association with impious people, done good and evil all his
life, he went according to his doing*. Therefore should the 62
wise man shunning from afar as a poisonous serpent, the
company of the impious, do speedily that which tends to his
own salration. Thereupon his son Sirimegharappa* he- 68

^ There is not the slightest doubt that with v. 61 the work of tb(
contimiatov of the old Mahavamsa begins. We must assume that ori'
ginallj an oroate strophe followed 37. 60 as conclusion of MahSnama'i
work. The continuator like bis successors (cf. 79. 8i; 90. 102), veilec
the gap. The content of the lost strophe is apparent from v. 51—52
as also from the last verse of the DTpavamsa (22. 76), which Dhamma
kitti seems to have taken as his starting-point.

^ P. gato yathakammam “be went according to his kamma" a fre
quent enpreseion (cf. JiCo. I 109*', 153'*, 178®; II. 313** etc.) with re
ference to the five gaii or forms of rebirth ... 1. in Hell, 2. as animal
8. us peta “ghost", 4. os man, 6. as deva „god". Here one must bear ii
mind that kamma “doing" is for Buddhist readers or bearers a technica
term, the conception for the sum of all our good and evil deeds in thi
latest as in the former existences. Our rebirth, our whole fate i:
determined by which is distinctly held to be something concrete

* King Siri Mekavana Aba is mentioned in the inscription o
Debel-gala (20 miles E. N. E. of Anuradhapura) which is dated in th'
first year of his reign. Eo. MCi.leb (AlC., p. 80) attributes the inscrip

2

Sirintegkarantia

37, 64

came king, bestowing like Mandhatar* all kinds of blessings

64 on the world. In the Muhavihara which Maliasena fallen un-
der the influence of eyil people, had destroyed, be gathered

56 together the whole of the bhikkhus, went thither himself,
greeted them respectfully, seated himself and asked them full
of reverence: “What then has been destroyed by my father

66 in company with Samghamitta?” The bhikkhus answered the
Lord of men : “Although thy father strove to bring about the

57 removal of the boundary*, he was unable to do so, as there
were still bhikkhus within the boundary. Seven bhikkhus

58 namely, were hidden here in an underground room. The mi-
nister Sooa and the still worse Saipghamitta* influenced the

tion to the king Gothabhaya (Mbva. 36. 98). There are however, not
far from Debel-gala at Timbiriveva two further inscriptions in which
our Sirimeghavaooa is undoubtedly mentioned. Bsi.t, ASC. VII th Rep.
1881 — SP. .XIIE. 1896, p. 60. Sirimeghnvaoga is further mentioned in
a Chinese source, in the Hing'Tcboan of Wang Hiuen-tse under the
name of Chi'mi-kia<po-me (“cloud of merit"). lie is said to have sent
two Bhikkhus to India to the King San-maon-to-Io-kiU'to, that is Sa-
mudragupta (who reigned according to V. A. Smith approximately bet-
ween 846 and 380 A. D.), asking him to provide shelter there for the
Sinhalese monks who were on a pilgrimage to the sacred tree at Bo-
gaya. Cf. Stlvais Lkvi, JAe. 1900. p. 316 «qq.; J. M. Skmxvkratss,
JRAS. C. B. XXIV, Nr. 68. 1, p. 75; H. W. Coorisotok, Short History of
Ceylon, p. 29.

^ A legendary king of the dynasty of Mahasammatii, son of Upo-
satbn. His story is told in the Mandhalii-Jataka (Nr- 258 = JaCo. II.
310 ff.), which is again quoted in DbCo. 111. 240^ The name Mandha-
tar occurs already in the Rigveda. In the Aiiguttara-Nikaya (A. II. 17)
Mandbatar is described as aggo kiimnblioginam.

* P. sitndy’ uggliOlamim. What is meant here is the boundary of
the enclosure of the Mahax ibara. The verb ugghdleti means "to put on
one side, to set aside”, as for instance, ghalikam, the door holt, Vin. 11.
207'®, III, 119“'; then “to open, to undo”, for instance, kavdlakam
Mhvs. 36. 26; sihapanjaram JiCo. 1- 124>7, II. 31’’’; thkpam Thvs. 39**;
lastly "to make known, to rexeal”, eg. alitabhace DhCo. IV. 51*. The
removal of the boundaries would only have been legal, if the bhikkhus
themselves had given up the vibara.

* The Thera Samghamitta belonged to the Vetulla sect and worked
together with his lay disciple Sona for the advantage of the Abhayagiri-
vibara against the bhikkhus of the Mabavihara. See Mhvs. 36. 1 10 if., 37. 1 ff

37.62

S(nm«9Aat’annn

3

king and determined bim to do evil. They destroyed the splen- 69
did seven-storeyed Lobapasada* as well as various other buiU
dings and carried off (the material) to the Abhayagiri (-vihara)*.

In the court of the Cetiya* where four Buddhas had sojourned, 60
the deluded ones had mungo beans planted; behold (in its
consequences) the intercourse with fools.” When the King 61
heard of these doings of bis father, he being averse himself
from all association with fools, had everything which bis father
had destroyed, restored in its original form. To begin with, 62
he set up the Lohapasada, making visible as it were, the
magnificent palace of Mahapanada* on (the island of) Sihala.

> The Ixihaiiiisada «iis laid out by Kin^ Devanampiyatissa as dwel-
ling for the inmates of the Miihavihora (Mhvs. 27. 4 ff.). There are
1600 monolithic atone columns still standing which formed the frame-
work of the lowest storey. As the inmost pillars are the strongest, and
had thus I'vidently the heaviest weight to bear, W(‘ may suppose thi-
building to have been a stepped pyramid. The upper storeys were ap-
parently of wood and were covered with plates of copper. Hence the
name "Brazen Palace". The word pfisdda is applied to all larger buil-
dings of several storeys. The meaning "palace" though not always
appropriate, is of course so whenever, as below v. 62, the pdidda of a
prince is meant. That the Lohapasada was in the main built of perish-
able material is proved by the fact that under Saddhatissa (77—69 B. C.)
it was destroyed by fire and had to be rebuilt.

> Abkayayiri is without doubt the northern of the three large thQpas
in Anurddliapura, Jetavana the eastern, not conversly. The question
was admirably treated recently by A. M. UocanT (Mem. A^C. 1. 10 ff.).
A reference might still be made to Mhvs. 37. 33 where it reads: Mnhd-
x'iharasimante uyyune Jotindmakt Jetacanaviharam so vdriyanto pi karayi.
This of course is applicable only to the eastern not to the northern thSpa.

^ Regarding the untranslated lermini (here cetiya] see Mhvs. trsl.,
Appendix D, p. 292 ff. Celiya and fhuiHi are used synonymously for the
hell-shaped structures designed to hold relics. The fundamental form
was without doubt the burial mound.

' A legendary king of the Mahasammata dynasty (Mhvs. 2. 4). An
account of his splendid palace (yupa) is given in the verses Thag. 163-4
= Ja. II. 334 (.Mabipanidajataka). It was sunk in the Ganges at Pa-
yaga. A legend relates of the Thera Bbaddaji that to prove his mira-
culous strength, he raised the palace with his toes out of the bed of
the stream and shoi/ed it to the astonished people. (Ja. II. 333; Mhvs-
31. 7 ff.)

4

Sirimeghacanna

37 . 63

63 He built up all tbe demolished parivepas* and fixed the re-

64 venues of the helpers of the monastery* a-s heretofore. The
wise (Sirimeghavaupa) refilled the vihara which had become
sparsely inhabited through bis unwise father having stinted it

65 of necessaries. In the vihara begun by his father in Jotivaiia*

66 the monarch had all unfinished work completed. Now when
the Ruler of men had heard from the beginning the whole
history of the Thera Mabinda, the (spiritual) son of the Ruler

67 of the Samaras (Buddha), he felt a believing joy in his merit
in having brought the island to the faith and thought: “Of

68 a truth the Thera is lord over the island”. He then had an
image of gold made corresponding with the .size of Mahinda

6d and brought it to the Ambatthala-cctiya*, so called after the
mango tree of the Them*. There he left it on the eighth

70 day. But on the ninth day he took a great host like to an
army of the gods, os also the women of the harem and the

71 inhabitants of the town, save the watchmen, gathered together
also all the bhikkbus in Lankadipa, and freed the people who

* Pariretia (Sink, pim-rau) denotes now % building intended for the
instruction of the bhikkbus. That pariretja originally, or at any rate
in early times, must have denoted more than the single cell inhabited
by a bhikkbu is clear from 37. 172.

* P. (iramikanam. The drrlmiivi had to do work for the monastery
and to keep it in order. See Vin. I. 206 ff. — Cf. Vin. 11. 211*^ ff. the
grades hhikkhu— Sumatra—

* What is meant here is the Jetavann-vihara which was built ac-
cording to Mhvs. 37. 33, by Mahasena in the Jotivana which lies outside
the southern gate of the town of Aniiradhapura (Mhvs. 15. 202. See the
note on 37. 69.) A special Jotivana-vihiira did not exist. Cf. also below
52. 69 with note.

* Cetiyambathal/' (so also v. 69, 74). Probably a mere inversion for
Ambatthatacetiye metri causa. Tbe Ambattbalacetiyu stands on a terrace
of the Missaka hill, now Miliintale (8 miles east of Aniiradhapura) below
the highest summit, on the spot where according to the legend, the
emissary Mahinda converted King Devanampiyatis''a to the doctrine of
the Buddha.

* By the riddle of the mango tree (iMhvs. 14, 17 ff.) tbe Thera Mahinda
put the King’s discernment to the proof. Even now there are mango
trees planted near the Ambatthalacetiya in memory of the event.

37.81

Sirimeghai'iinHa

5

were in prison in the town. Then he instituted a great alms- 72
giving for all living beings, and celebrating with all oflferings
a matchless sacrifice, he went forth to greet the master of 78
the island, the best son of the Master (Buddha), as the King
of the gods (Sakka) had aforetime (greeted) the Master*. He 74
had the street from the Ambattbala-cetiya to the town put in
order even as the road from Vesali to the town Savatthf, and 75
by the spending of a whole fortune on this occasion, as the
King (Asoka), the father of the Thera (had done) on the arri-
val of the Thera Moggaliputta*, he satisfied the poor, travellers 76
and beggars by instituting a great almsgiving and the bhik-
khus by (the gift of) the four necessaries*. Then the Illustrious 77
One with the wish: the people shall see the arrival of the
Thera, lifted up the image amid great reverence, descended 78
from the mountain (Missaka), (and) while he placed himseli
at the head (of the processionX made the bhikkhus surround
it on all sides — the golden image of the Thera shone as 79
the golden Mount Mcru* rising out of the milky sea (shines)
when irradiated by the evening glow — and showed it to 80
the people with the thought: Even thus the Leader of the
World went forth to Vesali to preach the Sutta*. Thus paying 81

1 On the occasion of Biiddka'e visit to tbe Tavatimaa-bea en. Cf.
Divyilvadana, ed. E. B. Cowell and R. A. Neil, 401; Rockhill, Life oi
tbe Buddha, p.SOf.; Bioakuet, Life or Legend ofGaudama the Buddha,

1, p. ' 22 f > ff. ; Tu. Kerk, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 83.

^ The fetching of the Mahinda ima^ by Sirimeghavaopa is com-
pared with that of Moggaliputtatissa by Ring Aeoka, as it is described
in Mhvs. 5. 245 ff. Tbe Thera dwells in a hermitage on the upper Gan-
ges. He is wanted to settle the disputee whii'h have arisen in the Buddha
Order. Only after many vain attempts does Asokta'e emissary succeed
in persuading him to take the journey to Pataliputta where the King
receives him with tbe highest honours. There follows the holding of
the Third Council.

^ P. paccayehi cnluhi, namely: clothing (cieuro), food (pm^pdfo),
dwelling (scnd.yu/ia) and medicine {bhesajja),

* Mcru or Sumeru is the mythical world mountain which rises in
the centre of tbe earth, on whose summit lies tbe heaven of the Tava-
tiipsa, of the 33 Gods. S. Kibpbl, Kosmographie der Inder, p. 16, 187 etc.

* Verses 66 — 80 form one sentence. The aubj. is manujindo in 66

6

Sirimeghavanna

37. 82

reyerence and homage (to the image) the Lord of men set out
in the eyening for the vihara SotthiySkara* which he had him-
82 self erected near the eastern gate, and there also he let the
image of the (spiritual) son of the Conqueror (Buddha) tarry
88 three days. Then after he had on the 12th day put the town
well in order, even as the town of Rajagaha at the first entry
84 of the Master*, he fetched the im^e from the Sotthiyakara-
vihara and brought it, while the town had the semblance of
86 the ocean by reason of the great festival, to the Mahavihaia,

taken up again by rfiju in 67, *o in 70 and ayam in 72, verb. fin.
dossed in 60, obj. in 68 (taken up again by tatii in 77).

The construction of the sentence is disturbed by the verb. fin. sobhaiiia
in 79. I believe either that the whole of verse 79 was inserted later
or perhaps better still that it is to be regarded as a parenthesis. The
Sutta preached by the Buddha in Vesall is tbe Katanasulta (No. 6 of
the Khuddakapatha = v. 222 If. or COlavogga 1 in the Suttanipata).
Its previous history is related by Buddbaghosa (Kb. A. p. 168 ff.). appears
also in the Mahavastu (I. 253 ff.) In Vesali, the capital of the Licchavi
clan (T, W. Rurs Divius, Buddhist India, p. 25 f.) bad plagues caused
by evil spirits are rife. Tbe terrified inhabitants appeal to the Buddha
who is sojourning in Rajagaha. Be conics, drives off the evil spirits
and pronounces over Vesali the verses of blessing {Hi-astyayanagiilha in
tbe Mahavastu) of the Ratanasutta. It is now expressly insisted on that
tbe street from Rajagaha to tbe Ganges and again on tbe territory of
the Licchavi from Vesali to the Ganges was put in the most perfect
order and decorated. 1 should therefore refer v. 74 also to the journey
of the Buddha to Vesali, though in that case Savatthi would be er-
roneously substituted for Rajagaha. That there was a tendency to make
Savatthi a dwelling place of the Buddha is shown by Mrs. Rhys Davidb’s
acute observations on the Sarnyutta-Hikaya. (The Book of the Kindred
Sayings trsl. by F. C. Woodwabd, III, p. XI f.)

* From the description of the position Ihe name would best til that
collection of buildings east of Anuridhapura now called Puliyankulam.
The foundation of this vihara would then have to be placed in the
4 th century A. D., as Sirimeghavapna built it himself (snyawfcafam).
The fact of the present ruins belonging in style to a later period is no
argument against the identification, as all these monasteries were repea-
tedly enlarged and renewed.

* On the Buddha's first visit to Raj^aha on which occasion King
Bimbisara presented him with the Velnvana [>ark see Vin. I. 35 ff, ;
JaCo. I. 82*® ff.; Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p. 43.

37. 92

SirimegharanMn

7

left it three months in the court of the Bodhi tree, brought it
then in the same (solemn) manner to the inner town and had 86
a handsome shelter built for the image near the royal palace
at its south-eastern corner. The wise, discerning (King) had 87
images of I(thiya and of the others* made and put them in
the same spot. He set a watch there and spent a sum of money 88
as an offering and gave orders to proceed year by year in
like manner. In obedience to his order the kings of his race 89
keep up the custom here (in Ceylon) to this day and do not
neglect it. On the day of Pavarana* he brought the image 90
from the town to the vihara and ordered that every year an
offering be made on the 13th day. Beside the Bodhi tree 91
Tissavasabba in the Abhaya-vibara* be bad a stone terrace
and a handsome wall built.

In the ninth 3'enr of this (King) a Brahman woman brought 92
hither (to Anuradhapura*) from the Kalinga country the Tooth

* Th<> Iheras Ittbiyu, littiya, Saiiibala iind Bhaddasala (Mhvii. 12. 7),
tbi! euniacra Suinana and tlic lay-brother Bbai,i(Juka (Mhva. 18. 18, 14. 8S)
were companions of Muhinda on bis fligpht to Ceylon.

i I'ai'uragii is the ceremoDy obterved by tbe bhikkbug at tbe r1oae
of tbe three months' rasM, that is the rainy season spent in the vihara.

The i'flgsn begins ac-cording to tbe directions of the Vinaya (I. 137'®;
ef. with this Vin.-A. 111. 293* the <'Ommentary of Buddbaghosa) on the
day after the day of full moon of tbe month .\sajha (May-June) or u
month later and lasts three months. As the Pavarana festival takes
place on the 14 tb and 15 th days of the final month, the 13 th day
mentioned in v. 90 is the day immc<liatcly preceding it for which the
King ordains a yearly festival of offering. (See Th. Kkhn, Manual ol
Indian Buddhism, p. 100.)

® Differently rendered by Tubnoob-Wijbsinka: “and he built stone
corniues and beautiful walls also at the Abbaya and Tissa-Vasabha vi-
bdras, as well as at the bodhi tri^e." I think, however, that silaveilim
can only belong to bodhiiHidapr. The sacred fig trees (jPVcus reiigioia)
are as a rule sourrounded by a stone terrace. Vihdre Ahhaye refers
without doubt the Abhayagiri-vihdra in the north of the town. I am
inclined to look upon Tissavasabba as the name of the Bodhi tree,
named perhaps after the name of the man who planted it and who
came from the village of Vasabhii. There was a village of this name
near Anuradhapni'a its revenues (see 41. 97) being later made over to
the Jetavana by Mahanaga.

* A more detailed account of this event by which tbe most famous

8

Sirimegkacanna

37. 93

93 R«Iic of the great Sage (Buddha). In the manner set forth in
the Chronicle of the Tooth Relic the Ruler received it with

94 reverence, paid it the highest honours, laid it in an urn of pure

95 crystal, and brought it to the building called Dhammacakka
built by Devanainpiyatissa on the royal territory. Henceforth

96 this building was the Temple of the Tooth Relic^. The King
his heart swelling with joy, spent 900000 (kabapapas) and ar-

97 ranged therewith a great festival for the Tooth Relic. lie de-
creed that it should be brought every year to the Abhayuttara-
vihara*, and that the same sacrificial ceremonial should be ob-

98 served. The Ruler had eighteen viharas built and (he con-
structed) tanks which always contained water, because of his

99 pity for all living creatures. After performing innumerably
many meritorious works such as offerings for the Bodlii Tree
and the like, he went in the 28th year (of his reign) thither
whither his merit took him*.

relic of the Buddha came to Ceylon, is to be found in the Rajavaliya
(see p. 63 of B. (ivsiSKKARA’s translation); in the Rajitratnakarayii
(ed. Sadi»iasasua, Colombo, 1887, p. :29) and in the ru.javaHyn (Con-
tribution to the History of Ceylon, extra<'t«<l from the Pujavaliyii, cd.
D. GvNASKaARA. p. 23-4). The country of Kalinga eorrcspoiids roiih'lily
to the present Orissa on the mainland of India. V. 93 refers to the
Da(hldhatuvarnsa written in 1211 by Dhammakitti, an oltliir
namesake of the author of the first (uirt of the Ciilavamsa, or to thu
copy of it written in the Sinhaloxv tongue. The Pali Dalbadbatuvarnsa
has been edited by T. W. Riiys Davius, .IPTS. 1884, p. loss'.

' One must look for the remains of the building in Iho so-ealled
Dalada-Maligara in the south-eastern part of the eity of Anuradhapura,
not in the ruin of the same name at the Thilparaina. See E. R. Ayktun,
Ceylon Notes and Queries 111, Apr. 1914. p. XII tf.

* I, The Northern Vihara of Abhaya", the same as the Abhayagiri-
vihSra. We often meet with the name IfUara ifahti-CeUi in inseriptions.
Thus in that of King Malu-Tissa, WieaRKMASiKcut:, KZ. i, p. 256, cf. also
ib. p. 221, 236; as well as A. M. Hocart, Mem. ASC. I, p. 12. In the
older Mabivamsa (36. 119) we also find the name AbhnijuUarannVtdthuim.

^ Literally; "he went there where was (he way to rebirth (gati)".
Means the same as gato (see above note 2 to v. 61), here

of coarse in a good sense. According to PiTjavaliya and Rajavaliya the
king reigned fully 28 years.

S7. 107 Jeljhatiiisa. TSmlilkadtvn 9

The youthful Jetthatissa, the youngest son ofhis brother*, 100
then raised the umbrella of dominion in Lanka, (he being) ex-
perienced in the art of ivory carving. Extraordinarily skilful, 101
he carried out many* difficult works and taught the practice of
his art to many people. At his father’s* request he made a 102
beautiful, charming figure representing the Bodhisatta, as beau-
tiful as if it had been produced by miraculous power, as well 103
as a chair of state with a back, an umbrella, a mapijapa* with
jewels; Here and there* (were) all kinds of work by him in
splendid ivory. After ruling the island of LaiikS for nine years* 104
and doing numerous meritorious works, he passed away in ac-
cordance with his deeds.

Thereupon his son Buddbadasa* became king, a mine of 106
virtues, us the sea (is such) of all jewels. Creating happiness 106
by every means for the inhabitants of the island, protecting the
town*, as the wealthy Vessavapa protects the town of .Alaka-
luanda®, gifted with wisdom and virtue, a refuge of pure pity 107

' A( C0nling to the rending hlinlu tamiii kaiiittkalo »» iiRainst
t. l\ I'f, Ciilnva. ed., Introd. p. XVII. Nevi-rthel.-ss I havis scruples in
iidoptinR this leading, sinee in the historical literature of Ceylon .Iclthii-
tiasa is distinctly called the brother, not the nephew of his priidcci'ssur.

* P, citrrnii. I do not believe that this word Tcdoi's to painting. It
is always a question of Jelthati^sa'a ivory carving only.

^ The .ifatlicr" may be king Sirimeghavai.iya, the paternal unelo
being always called p/for.

' By nKindapii is undiTStood a liglit, open, aiboiir-liki! structure
whose roof is supporte<l on pillani, often put up for mcn ly temporary
purposes.

* The con.striiclion of the sentence is not ‘piite clear. I think
V. 103 c (1 is a sonitnary of what has gone before.

c Pnjavaliya has the same; but according to the Iliijavaliya, 10 years.

t The Sinhalese sources (Pujav., Ilajav.. Hajaratn.) call him Bujas-
ruja. Also Nikayn-sanigraha cd. Wickkkmasisoiik. 16*.

* lliikkham is to be supplemented from d by tin- object /mrem, while
on the other hand puram must bi‘ supplemented by the participle yakkhttiii
from c.

^ fcv.vnraria — Skr. Pui.v'rncrtnrt, patronymic of Kuvera the god of
wealth. His capital is called in Skr. Aliiku (K- W- HoPKtss, Epic Mytho-
logy, p. 142 ff). Ill I). II. 147*, 170" -Makauianda is railed the capital
of the Devas.

10

Biiddhaiidsa

37. lOS

108 endowed with the ten qualities of kings', while avoiding the
four wrong patlis*, practising justice, he won over his subjects

109 by tbe four heart-winning qualities*. The Ruler lived openly
before the people the life that bodhisattas lead and bad pity

110 for Call) beings as a father (has pity for) his children. He ful-
filled the wishes of the poor by gifts of money, those of the

111 rich by protecting their property and their life. Great in dis-
cernment he treated the good with winning friendliness, the
wicked with sternness, the sick with remedies.

112 Now one day as the King riding on the back of bis ele-
phant was on his way, in the principal street, to bathe in the

113 Tissa-tank, he beheld a large snake smitten with belly disease,
lying not far from the Puttabhaga-vibara outstretched on its

114 back on a white ant-heap to display its disease of the belly,

115 called a tumour. He thought: the snake is certainly ill*. There-
upon he got down from the great elephant and approaching the
great snake, thus spake the hero, the Spotless One, to the great

116 snake*: “I understand, great Snake, the reason of thy coming.

117 But ye (snakes) are very fiery* and easily fly into a rage^ There-

' On the rajadhawmii M. and W. Gkiokr, Pali Dhamiua,

p. 17. Thoy are enumerated J. 111. 274': d<'ina “giving of iilms", iiila
“leading a moral life”, pariccdga “liberality", ajjava “fair dealing",
mtttWai'u “gentleness”, tapas “self-discipline”, akkodha "without wrath",
avdiimsd "not wounding", khatUi "patience”, ncirodAano “peaceableness".

* P. Cdfosso ngu(f kilcd. The four agati are chaiiila "desirB”, dosa
“hate", mnha "illusion”, bhaga “fear”.

* The cattdri saingahavnllhuni are ildiia “the giving of alius, libera-

lity”, 2>eyyavajja “friendly, winning speech", atthactiriya “bonelirent
action”, “sociability". Cf. 41. 66,

' One must read “niigo TOgi ti nicehayain”. The li is, os often, placed
in the oratio recln. Cf. 44, 16; 45, 20; 48, 30.

^ The verse contains a play npun words impossible I'or ua to render,
ndga being used in the threefold meaning of “snake" e.specially cobra,
"elephant” and "great man. hero”. Add to this the similarity in sound
with andgai'd {Skt. rigas “guilt, sin").

^ P. mahdteja. Ti-bnoor’s translation “highly gifted" is wrong.

^ Literally: “You are quickly such who bear the character of being
wriithful". See Culavs. ed., vol. II, Index 2, s. v. kuppana.

37. ISI

BHddhadnsa

11

fore it is impossible for me to touch thee and so to accomplish
my work; but without touching thee it is also not possible.
What then is to be done?” At these words the prince of the 118
snakes stuck his whole neck‘ into the cavity (of the white ant-
heap) and remained lying motionless. He stepped up to it, took 119
the knife that he wore at his side and slit open the belly of the
snake. After he had taken out the diseased parts and applied 120
an excellent remedy, he at once cured the reptile. Then he 121
gloried thus: “Even the beasts have known my great charity:
in the right way have I ruled.” When the snake saw that it 122
was cured, it gave the Monarch as a mark of esteem, its own
precious jewel*. The King placed the jewel as eye in the stone 123
image of the Perfectly Enlightened One in the Abhayuttara-
vihara.

A bhikkhu on his mendicant round in the village of Thusn- 124
vatthika had been given only dry mendicant’s food. When then
he went begging for milk be got milk with worms in it which 125
he drank. In his belly the worms multiplied and fed on his
bowels. Then he went and told the King. The King asked: 126
“At what meal did this pain arise and of what kind is it?"

The other answered: “At the meal that 1 took with milk in 127

the village of Thusava^hi”. The King recognised that it had
been milk with worms in it. Now just at that time a horse 128

had to be cured by bleeding. The King himself bled it, took

the blood, gave it tho the samaoa to drink and spake, waiting 129
a moment*: “That was horse’s blood.” When the .samapa*
heard that he vomited. The worms came up with the blood, ISU
the bhikkhu was cured, but the King showed his joy: “By » 131

> P. phana, the hood of the cobra which it inflates when irritutei.
Pim with phaninda "princo of the hooded snakes".

' In allusion to the widespread popular belief that snakes or jiarti-
cular snakes have a jewel in their head. Cf. for instance, Chakesadhittu-
varpsa, JPTS. 1885, p. 14“’.

* I now prefer to read ritiHiimayam with the MSS. S 3 or., S, or
('ttSHaintyn with the Colombo edition.

■' On the term snmaya ef. R. 0. Feaukk, D. trsl. p. 304 fi'. In tho
Mahavamsa the word is used in the same sense as bhilhhu.

12

Jiutldhiidasa

37.132

single stroke of tbe knife worms, samara and horse hare been
cured: excellent of a truth are my actirities as healer.”

182 A man in drinking water swallowed the egg of a water

133 snake^; out of it there came a water snake. It sucked itself
fast* in his inside. Tortured by the pain caused by this he

134 sought the King. The latter asked him as to the cause*. He
recognised that a reptile was within him, made him fast a
week and had him, after being bathed and rubbed with oil,

135 laid on a well prepared bed. Now as he lay there in deep

136 slumber with open mouth, he placed before bis mouth a piece
of meat with a string attached. (Lured) by tbe smell the rep-
tile came out of him, bit fast at it and wanted to crawl in

137 (again). Thereupon tbe King held it fast by means of the
string, drew it out, threw it in a jug into water and spake

138 these words: “As is well known tbe physician of the Perfectly
Enlightened One was Jivaka*. Can the world show a work of

139 his harder (than this)? Certainly he also would accomplish a
work like this — of that there can be no doubt — if he
did it* with the utmost care. Behold the consequences of my
good deeds!*”

1 fUddiihlui. Cf. mlatadeddubha J. I. 3Gl«. III. I.i J. VI. 1!)4‘“
the! Comm, explains the word d. by luiaka.iapiM. In .Sinh. also deduba
means a water snukc. Tbe rlosely allied skr. word diinduMin is a kind
of lizard without feet Hrin^ in the water (Bohtmkok-Roth, s. v.).

^ 1’. anto tuilitlha lit. “it stuck (or bored) its mouth in".

* P. niddna is like skr. niddim a inedieal term ; “the theory of the
causes of diseases and of their nature: Aetiology, Pathology” PTSPD.
a. V. Cf. Milp, 272'*; rojifp/inttim ca nuldiinm ca.

* For this famous physician, JIvaka Komarabhacca. see namely Vin.
I. 260 ff.

* ToRMucit has misunderstood the ]Hiasage. W. has got nearer to the
sense, but he has mi.sinterijreted mbbadarena kubbanto (“in all loving-
kindness''). The meaning is this: Bnddhadasa has no intention of pla-
cing himself above JiMtka, but his achievementa arc equal to the highest
of those of JIvaka. The latter also had to use all his skill to achieve
such cures as Buddhadasa can boast of having accomplished.

® P. punnodnya, lit. “ascent of acquired merit'’, a tec'hnical expression
denoting tbe moment, in which the effects of former good deeds make
themselves felt. See 53. 23.

37. 148

Buddhadasa

13

In the same way in Helloli^ma he sayed a CaQilala woman 140
the fruit of whose womb bad taken a wrong position*, seven
times with the child. A bhikkhu was disturbed* in his exer- 141
cises by the writhing disease*; as he had become (bent) like
a roof-tree* the wise (King) freed him from his ailment. A 142
young man was drinking a little water in which were frog’s
eggs. An egg penetrating by the nostril entered his skull. It 143
opened and was a frog; it grew and dwelt* there. At the
approach of the rainy season the young man was greatly tor-
tured by it. The King split the skull, took out the frog, put 144
the parts of the skull together again and cured the young man
at once*. For the good of the inhabitants of the Island the 145
ruler had refuges for the sick set up in every village and placed
physicians in them. He made a summary of the essential con- 140
tent of all the medical text-books and charged one physician
with (the care of) twice five villages'* and gave the physicians 147
the produce of ten fields as livelihood. He also appointed phy-
sicians for elephants, horses and soldiers. For cripples* and 148

* One must join mBlha'iahbhiniifi jdtam. On mOdlKifiurl/ha cf. Jolly,
Medizin (der Indcr), |i. 64 f. Satla tdrcuu bolonf^s to mBlIidnahhliinim as
well as to sukhilam akil “cured, saved”.

* P. eutihdpito. The verb (r)Hlthd is the term for dwakinfj from the
i-tate of abson'tion in meditation (xomadhi). Thus Vin. 1. 2“*', 3** etc.

D. 11. 166* ff.; M. I. 302*~’v etc. Also the substantive {ijuttAitiin M. 1.

296^ etc. Manifestly our passage means that the pnin awakened the
bhikkhu out of his sleep of meditation.

* P. vAtdhMhfnn. See Jolly loc. ciU p. 118 f. The disense con.sists in
contraction of the joints, cramp, lairalysis etc.

^ P. popdnasl a roof bc^m in gable form A- The expression
fjopdnnMi'ahka "bent like a p.” is used of people bent by age.

* P. tattha gacchdti iu the more general meaning "was there” (cf. skr.
tniragata), the present exjrressiDg the permanent condition.

* Lit. made him (ns he bnd been) originally.

’ 1 do not take sdratihiuomgnhtim as does Tcusouii, for the title of
a medical work. In this case the construction of the preceding genitive
sahbesam vejjaiatthilnam would be quite unintelligible. Cf. also the
note to V. 171.

” P. /dtha^appinam, who moved about with tbe help of a chair-like
frame. PTSPD. s. v.

14

Buddhadam

37. 149

for the blind he built refuges in various places and refuges

149 with maintenance in the principal street'. He hearkened con-
stantly to the good doctrine, showing reverence to the preachers
of the doctrine*. He also fixed the salaries of the preachers

150 in different places. Of his great pity be had a pocket for his
knife* made in the inside of bis mantle and whereever be met
them he freed the afflicted from their pains.

151 Now one day the King royally adorned came forth with his

162 army like Vasava* with the Gods. Now when a leper who in
a former existence had been bis enemy, beheld the Ruler at
the very summit of his glory and good fortune* shining in royal

163 splendour, he was filled with fury; he struck the earth with
his hand and smiting the ground again and again with his staff,

154 he reviled him with many abusive words. As the discerning
(King) witnessed this curious behaviour* from afar, be thought:

155 ”1 cannot remember having done evil to any being; he is cer-
tainly my enemy from former times. I will appease this (his

* Evidently for travollera; bknya means hen- “fc'edin"". In Turnodh’s
translation the double uildyo is disreK'irded.

* P. ilhaminabhanttka (below in v, 173 the synonym dhammajhonaln).
The word ilhamma inranx here the tcarbing of Buddha as formulated
in the sacred tests. Recitations from such texts (Suttas) by the bhikkhus
are even now frequent in Ceylon. They often last the wholes nif^ht
through and pious laymen listen with intense devotion, although they
understand not a single word of the recital (Sinh. bana). P. Tuxsn is
undoubtedly right in regarding this as “in the first place a kind of
spiritual adjustment", thus "a sort of Yoga", facilitated by the musical
effect of the recital, by the rhythm which is peculiar to the Pali texts,
The feeling for rhythm is as I have frequently noticed, extraordinarily
developed amongst the Sinhalese. P. Tcxex, Einige Bemerkungen fiber
die Eonstniktion der Paliteite, Festschrift Hermann Jacobi, p. 98 if.

^ P. sflttftoroHim, The word saltha is used here for the surgical
knife. So already above v. 119. For the expression “cover” “receptacle"
for cf. mflricneotti = pepper pod.

' A name for the King of the Gods, Sakka or Indra.

* Here we must either regard the m in sirisobhagga-m-aggappattani
as neutralising the hiatus, or we must separate sirisobhaggam agrjappeittam
so that the first word is dependent as ace. on the second.

® P. vippakaram, lit. change, demeanour deviating from the normal.

37. 170

BuiMhadttsa

15

enmity),’’ and he said to a man who stood near: “Go and find 15(1
out the feelings of the leper yonder.’’ He went. Like a good 157
friend he seated himself hy the leper and asked him why he
was so angry. The leper told him everything; "This Buddhadasa 15H
here was (once upon a time) my slave; for his meritorious deeds
he has become monarch. To slight me he rides past me there
on his elephant. He shall learn to know me in a few days!' 15*J
If he puts himself in my power (again), I .shall make him par-
take of the full chastisement of slaves. If he does not fall into ICO
my hands, I shall slay him and drink his throat's blood. Of
that there is no doubt. Thou shalt see it shortly.’’ The man 10 1
went and related the matter to the prince. The discerning
(King) (now) felt certain that that (leper) was his enemy of
old. He thought; “It is meet to put an end by (some) means 162
(or other) to the enmity of a foe’’, and (thus) directed the man:

“win him in the right way.” He went to the leper and spoke 1C3
to him like a good friend; “For a long time I have harboured
the thought of destroying the King; but as I found no accom- 1C4
plices for his murder, I could not (carry it out). But now that
I have found thee, I can fulfil my wish. Come to my bouse, 166
dwell with me and be my helper, in a few days I shall destroy
his life.” After these words he took the leper to his house 166
and having had him bathed and oiled, clad with a choice gar-
ment, well fed with dainty food and served by youthful women, 167
he had him laid on a splendid, well-prepared bed. In the same ifiS
fashion he sheltered him for several days and when he saw
that he had grown trustful and that he was happy and con-
tented, he gave him food and drink with the words: “This is 169
a gift from the King.” Twice and thrice he refused it, then
begged (by the other) he took it. Gradually he learned to put 170
full trust in the Monarch and when he heard (later) that the
Monarch was dead his heart broke in twain.

• Lit. “I will make him know oiygclf. Erroneous by W. "I will
make him know himself”. The acc. nltdnaiii can only be related re-
flectively to the subject contained in jundptxsiimi. The gerund kdreliO
in V. 159 belongs to jdndpessdmi, the ger. mdreltd in v. ICO to picissdiui.

The sense is: if he voluntarily becomes again my slave {hattkam me
i‘t» I shall chastise him as such, if he does it not, 1 will slay him.

16

BuddhadSna

37. 171

171 Thus the King healed physical and spiritual disease and he
installed physicians in the island to provide for the cure (of
the sick) in the future’.

172 In the Mahavihara the King had the Moraparivepa* built
which was beautified by a p^ada five and twenty cubits * high.

178 He made over to it the two villages of Samana(giima) and
Golapanu(gama) and to the bhikkhus who held forth on the

174 doctrine (he assigned) revenues and servants*. He built viharas
and parivepas which were fitted up with the four necessaries,

175 and (he built) tanks and alms-halls, and (erected) images. In
the reign of the same king the ascetic Mahadhammakathin*

176 translated the Suttas into the Sihala tongue. The King pos-
sessed eighty heroic, vigorously grown sons of winning mien
who bore the names of the eighty disciples (of the Buddha*).

’ The Col. ed. takes out the second half of this verse “and he in-
stalled" etc. which all MSS. known to me have in this place, and adds
it above to v. 146 v. 96 of the ed.) after “summary of the essential
content of the medical books". On grounds of method I cannot accept
this. Besides which the verse is quite appropriate here. The compiler
siimmarixes what the king had done for the furtherance of medical lore
not only in his own day but also for the future.

* i*. Moraparive^a or Moyartipariremi means “Peacock-P." The tra-
ditional name MayOra-Pirivega is applied even to-day to a very ruinous
building lying not far from the south-west corner of the present Maha-
vihara on the road leading to Kurunegala. H. C. P. Bbli. ASC., Ann,
Rep. 1894 (= SP. XXXIX, 1904), p. 5.

’ P. AallJjrt. As the hallha according to Flbkt, JRAS. 1906, p. 1011
was not smaller than 17. 75 inches (= 46.08 cm.) and certainly not
larger than 18. 25 inches (= 46. 35 cm.), the height of the pasada of the
Morapariveija must have been roughly 37 to 38 ft. (= 11. 28 to 11. 68 m.)

* P. bhoge kappiyakiirnke. By bhoijd is meant the produce taxes of
certain lands. The kappiyakdraka (lit. who do what is meet) are pro-
bably no other than the drdmikd (note to 37, 63).

* Without doubt the same as the one named as his contemporary
by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hian, I'lt-mo-kiu-ti (Bkal, Buddhist Records
of the Western World I, p. XXVI. As Fa-hian stayed in Ceylon about
411-12 we have here a valuable confirmation of Buddhadaaa's time.
E. R. Atbtof, JRAS. 1911, p, 1142.

* The asitMacnld are mentioned for instance in the Chakesadhatu-
vaensa, JPTS. 1885 p. 16*; the ludtimahdlhera DhCo. I. 14*, 19’*. Cf.
below 85. 102.

37. 182

Upalixiiu II.

17

Sorrounded by these (his) sons who were named Sariputta and 177
so forth, Buddhadasa shone like the Perfectly Enlightened One.
After he had thus wrought blessings for the dwellers in the 178
Island the Lord of men, Buddhadasa, went to the world of the
gods^ in the twenty-ninth year* (of his reign).

Hereupon his eldest son Upatissa became king: endowed 179
with all royal virtues, ever leading a moral life, great in pity.
Shunning the ten sinful actions, he practised the ten merito- 180
rious works; the King fulfilled the ten royal duties and the
ten paramit5.s*. By the four heart-winning qualities* he won 181
over the four regions of the world. In the Mahapali Hall* be
had the remains of the royal table* distributed. For cripples, 182

^ P. tu/i'v-a = Hoijgit (Skr. Iruliea = soargo) designation of the Tu-
Viititpsii-heaven, the heaven of the 38 gods at the head of whom stands
Sakka (Indra).

* The POjSvaliya gives Buddhadasa a reign of full 29 years, the
R^'avaliya one of eighty years!

® The ten “meritorious works" {iiuihakirig/i) are dana “giving of
alms'', slla “leading a moral life", hlidvand '‘spiritual discipline", apaciti
“reverence", cegyaracca “diligence", pattianuppadiim “transference of
one's own merits to another", “gratitude", desnnrt "in-
struction", nacana "hearkening (to sermons)", “right

views" (see PTSPD. s. v. pujiflu). — On the rfnsa r/tjadhammfl see above
note to V, 107. — The ten p«r<n«<J« (“perfections") which must bo
attained by each future Buddha (hodbuiatta) are ddna, nVn, nekkhamma
“renunciation", “knowledge", rin'yn "manliness", khanti “pa-

tience", sacca "uprightness", tiilkiWidiia “will power", mettd “lovo",
upekkhd "serenity".

* See above note to v. 108.

* Moat probably the building whose remains lie S. K. of the Maha-
thupa (Ruvanveli-Dagoba) close to the present post-of6ce. That this
building served for the distribution of alms is proved by the stone canoe
44 ft. long (= 13.1 m.) lying near. This was obviously a receptacle for
gifts of rice which were then portioned out. According to 42, 67 this
stone canoe was presented by King Aggabodhi II. The erection of the
hall is ascribed. Mhvs. 20. 23, to Devanampiyatissa, 247-207 B. C. Cf. on
the building H, C. 1’. Bbli. ASC., Ann. Rep. 1902 (= SP. LXVJI, 1907),
p. 1-3.

* The reading of the MSS. rdjdnubfuijanam is certainly right. Cf.
CQlavs. II, Index 2, List of Words, s. v. aimbhojana.

18

Vpotisxa II.

37. 1«3

women in travail, for the blind and the sick be erected great

188 nursing .shelters and alms-halls. In a northerly direction from
the Mahgalacetiya he erected a thupa, an image house' and

184 an image. In carrying this out he with the thought: my sub-
jects must not be estranged* (from me) had (the work) done

185 by boys to whom he distributed sugar and rice. He had built
at various places innumerable and meritorious works, (such
a.s) the Rajuppala (tank), the Gijjhakuta, Pokkburapa.saya, V'ala-

186 hassa and Ambutthi (tank.s) and the tank of QuQdigan)a, the
Khapdaraja-vihara and (further) tanks always tilled with waters

187 (Once) when rain poured (into the house) he passed the night
nevertheless lying on his bed, thinking: it would be a trouble

188 to the people (if I were to call anyone). When the Minister
noticed this he took him into the garden and liad the house
(meantime) covered in*. Thas never for his own sake did he
cause trouble to living beings.

189 In the time of this (King) the Island was vexed by the ills
of a famine and a plague. The benevolent (King) who wa.s as

190 a light for the darknes.s of sin, asked the bfaikkhus: “Did not
the great Sage (Buddha) when the world was visited by sucli
evils as famine and the like, provide some kind of help for

191 the world?” They pointed to the origin of the QahgaroLapa-

* The piitimaneha is an essential part of every monastic cata.blishmont,
It is known by its having besides the main entrance on the cast side,
an extra entrance from the north.

* The ingenious correction khijjaulu “shall (not) be wearied" (in.steiid
of bhiiianlu) of the Colombo edition is tempting. Nevertheless I feel
unable to accept it. It will be argued that if the work is weari-
some for adults it must be so in a far greater degree for boys. The
idea is rather this; the King will not make enemies of his subjects by
giving them tasks which keep them from mure im|>ortant work. Boys
have free time and consider such work when rewarded by sweetmeats,
as play.

® The construction of vv. 185-6 is difficult, the translation uncertain.
It is worth noting that in the Pujarali}^] and (he Kajilvaliya the con-
struction of the Topaveva, the lake of I’olonDaruva, is ascribed to
Upatissa.

* Here too the construction is brief and obscure. But W. has grasped
the meaning properly.

37. 198

Upatissa II.

19

Sutta’ on such an occasion. When lie heard this he made an
image wholly of gold of the departed Buddha*, laid the stone 192
alms bowl of the Master* (filled) with water in the hollow of
its hands and placed this his figure on a great chariot. He 193
took upon himself the duties of a moral life and made the
people also take them on themselves, he instituted a great
almsgiving and established security (of life) for all living crea-
tures. Then after he had adorned the town (so that it was) 194
comely as the world of the gods, he descended surrounded by
all the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island, to the principal street^. 195
Then the bhikkhus who had gathered there reciting the Ratana-
Sutta and pouring out water*, walked about the street, not far 196
from the royal palace, near the wall, round which they walked
with their right side towards it* in the three watches of the
night. When morning dawned a great cloud poured rain on 197
the earth and all who hud suffered from disease, held refreshed
high festival. Hut the Lord of men decreed: “When there 198
shall be on the Island an evil such as famine, plague or the
like, thus shall it be done.”

* Must be A name for the Kutana-Sutta mentioned in v. 195. On this
see above note to v. 80.

* P. inmliuddhttdhdluiio, lit: ofthe relic of the Perfectly Enlightened
One. As Buddha himself has entei-ed Nirvana, an image of bis outward
appearance us he was in life, can only be a “relic” of him. Turkocr's
translation : “for the tooth relic" is wrong.

® The bowl relic {i>alliulliutu] was next to the sacred tooth the relic
most revered on the Island. See below 61. 61, 74. 100 ff. It was ori-
ginally kept in Patalipulta by King Asoka (Mhvs. 17. 20). The Samapera
Sunian:i, one of Mabinda's companions, brought it so Ceylon, and King
Devdnampiyatissa deposited it in his palace (Mhvs. 20. I'J).

^ What is me:knt here is the sacred street which starting from the
city of Ariuviidhapura in the N., nins southwai-da to the Mahavihara.

* A fine example of popular rain magic adopted by the official
religion. For the filled water vessels and tbe pouring out of water in
Indian rain magic see Oi.dexbbrc, die Religion des Veda*, p. 505.
Furtber analogies in L. von ScubOdbr, Arisebe Religion II, p. 253 ff.

* P. kiirumiind jiadakkhinam. The walking round a sacred object
or a holy person with the right side towards it or him, thus to the left
is a ceremony of reverence. As we were informed in the Subhadrarama

20

Upalissa II.

37. 199

199 When he having ascended to the Cetiya, perceived ants and
other (insects) he with the words: walk slowly in the forest,

200 was wont to sweep the earth with a peacock's feather and to
use for the cleaning of a seat a shell filled with water’. In

201 the south-west corner of the royal palace he had a house built
for the Uposatha festival*, and a house with an image of Bud-

202 dha as well as a pleasant garden surrounded by a wall. On the
fourteenth, on the fifteenth, a.s well as on the eighth day of
the half of the month and on extraordinary festivals* he stayed

203 there acce.ssible to instruction*, taking upon himself the eight-
fold Upo.satha vow. His whole life long lie ate of the food

204 (served) in the Mahapali Hall*. When he took a walk in the

in liulapitiya the person Hhowinir reverence must {i<i t'l the. right. A
yoiin^ bhikkhu performed the ceremony in our presence hot'ore the thfl]ia
of the monastery. This however must he an innovation. This we learn
from the Borobudiir in Java. In the ease of the reliefs of the tirst
terrace, the pilfrrira can only follow the i-in^lc events in the life of the
Buddha in their proper onler if necemliiigf the terrace from tlic uxst
side, he walks round it to the left.

’ The piissaKe ie difficult. A tolerable cunetriiutiun is only possible
if wo regard cnrati a.<i a periphrastic formation. As n rule cer-

tn.iiily car is joined with tlie pres. part. Rut alroivly in Skr. when aiiiii-
larly usoil, it is found occasionally also joined witli the •'•■rutid. d. Bit. s, v.

* Uposatha is the Buddhist sabbath which is kept four times in
till! lunar month, on the day of the new moon (c«<H/Wasi|, on that of
the full moon (pojieadost). and on the 8th day I'lHh'iiiii) of each hiilf of
the month. On the first two days the confession festival {iialimokl'IimhUxa}
of the bhikkbiis took place. Bpecial buildings or halls were erected fur
this ceremony. Mhvs. trsl., p. 298, nr. 29; Bvckck Usaor, Kasteni Moiia-
chism p- 237 S’.; Tii. Eekn. Indian Buddhism p. 99 f.

* P. gxilihiirii/a/iftkkhii "an extra holiday, an iincLent festiviil, not now
kept" (PTSPI). s. V.) Cf. Sn. 402. The two lines of verse 202 are also
found with slight variation S, 1. 20d^®, Vv. 1"). 6, 19. 9; DhCo. IV, p. 21.
With the help of the^se |iarallel imssages we should read ciilwlilttsim
paheadasim yd ca pakkliimsii atthuun.

■* P. edpadanam is an adverb, = x<i-<ip. The word upuddna moans
"instruction". Thus Th 1, 47 where the Co. renders it by orOda. The
opposite ot sapaddna is aiiapadaiia “accessible tone iuatiuetion" which
in Vin. II. 4*® stand? next to bdia, acyatta and iiiMittihahula. What is
meant is of course instruction by the sermon.

* He lived thus as simply, as the poor who are dependent on charity.

37. 210

Mnhdiiama

21

garden, having set up a feeding-place for the Kalanda birds',
ho had his own food served to them, and this is a custom to
this day. (Once) seeing a criminal who wa.s to be executed being 206
led forth, he was deeply moved and had a corpse fetched from
the burying ground and thrown into a copper barrel. He then 20C
gave the criminal money and let him escape by night, but after
sunrise, full of wrath, he had the corpse burnt as if it had
been the criminal, lie instituted a great festival for all the 207
cetiyas in the Island and (presented) a gold casing for the
crowning ornament on the Thupa in the Tiiuparania*. After 20b
he had for forty and two years* performed meritorious works
without leaving even a moment unemployed, he entered into
the company of the King of the gods.

The queen-consort of this King who had an intrigue* with 209
his younger brother Malianaina, murdered him by stabbing
him ill a lonely s|)Ot. This younger brother who during his 210
brother's lifetime had undergone* the ceremony of renunciation
of the world, returned after the murder of tlie King, to the

* Ai^ooolin;; to tlic northern triulilioii the Skr. k«’a'(iu{l;it} denotes
a bit'll. C’f. liocKMM.i.. The Life of the Uuililha, p. 43, the legend of the
V’euuvaiui park (!’. rvhiraiuii and of tlie Kuliinliikimivapa (P, ka-'imhika-
iiiraiw). Ill my opinion we must assume (he same meaning for P. ka-
hiinlii{kii), although Sinh. kiilada is said to stand for "squirrel". Tliiit
we have to do with u kimi of bird seems dear from Milp. 368'-. Here
till' expression iiiihriutlji'im I’li I'liliiilrt rO is used of the kiilniiittihi; JaCo.

II. 1B3*“ we have imkkhi’ i^a/'iiDllu'tra. said also of a. bird.

- The Thiipariluia lies near tlie southern gale of the city of Aiinruillm-
I'lira oil the we.st side of the sacred street (see note to 37. Ibt). It was
liuilf by Devaniimpiyatissa ('247-207 B.C.) See Mhvs. trsl.. Note to 17. 50.

Cf. now with my translation of 17. 41 A. M. lloeAiiT, Ceylon Journal of
Science, Sect. G. I, 2, p. 44, note 4. The relic preserves! in the Cctiya
of tin; Thuparilina was Ihe right collar-bone of the Bii’Idlia (see 12. 5JI.

Its histor)' is related Mhvs. 17. 9 If.

^ Po.juvaliya and Kajdvaliya give the .same length of reign,

' Also W: “His consort who was intimate with his younger brother
Miihananiii , . ." Nevertheless the union of ralhhlia with the inatr. ia
surpriaing, as also the use of the word to denote a criminal relationahi)).

■' The pa'ikiajja, while the actual admission into the Oriler ia earned
out by the iipasnmi'mhl which follows later. See Mlivs. tml. p. 2‘J4,
nr. 15 and p. 2‘J6, nr. 28.

22

37 . 211

211 lower life* and became monarch. He took as liis Maiiesi the
Mahesi* who had murdered his brother. He built refuges for

212 the sick and enlarged the Mahapali Hall. He erected three
viharas, Lohadvara, Ralaggama and Kotipassafiina’ and pre-

218 seated them to the bbikkhus of the Abhayuttara-vihiira. After
having built a viiiara on the Dhumarakkha mountain*, be besto-
wed it at the Mahesi’s instigation, on the bbikkhus of the

214 Theravadn School*. He had renovation-s made in ruined viharas.
He was always one who rejoiced in the almsgiving and in the
leading of a moral life and one who reverenced the (three
sacred) objects*.

215 A young Hrithmacia born near Rodbimapda*, who understood
science, the arts and acconijdishments and was perfectly versed

216 in the three Vedas, who knew the (various) sy.stems of doctrine
thoroughly, who was skilled in disputation and also fond of con-
troversy, wandering about Jambudipa*. sought out the various

217 masters of controversy. Thus he came (once) to a viliarn and

* The Iny life is Tegar()<‘il as inferior (AtmO (o the inuiikiah.

s Mahrxt (jilir. wnftM) is the title of the Hrst wife of the King. See
the Introduction II.

* A Koti]ias»Xva-ribav!i is mentioned Sd. 46. but here as founded by
Dhatusena. The two other names do not occur otherwise, neither are
they, as far as I know, to be found in Sinhalese historical litcniture.

‘ The mountain ix inentioneil. Mhvg. 10. 46 ff.. in the history of
Paudukiibhaya. It lies on the left bank of the Mahaveliganini hy the
Kacchaka ford (now Mabagantota), K. of I’olonnaruva.

* That is to the bhikkhus of the Mahtivibara in which the Therava-
dina had their seat.

* P. cntthuiiUi<il.'i. These are the ttni rntthiiiii, (he rnllliHtta'/ai"
(Buddha, the Doctrine and the Order). Tcksook's translation is too
general.

’ Bodliimand-i “Place of Enlighlcnmenf, the .spot not far fioa: the
present Bo-Gaya in Southern Bihar where, according to trailition, the
Bodhisatta meditating under a /■Veu* religpisn. by attainment of the
highest knowledge became the Bmldiia. Por the history of Buddhaghoaa
cf. Bimala Cbabas Law, The Life and Work of Buddhaghosa, Calcutta
and Simla ia23.

* Name for the continental India.

S7. 324

Mah/iHama

' 1'6

elucidated during the night the ideas of Patanjali* word for
word and quite exhaustively’. Hereupon the Grand Thera* (of 218
the vihara) named Revata realised: “This is a being of the
highest wisdom; he must be won over,” and he said: “Who 219
then is he who cries there with the cry of an ass?” The
(Brahmaija) said to him: “Dost thou then understand (at
all) the meaning of the cry of asses?” and on the reply: “I 220
understand it” he expounded his ideas. Revata answered each
single thesis and pointed out the (logical) contradictions. On 221
the request: “Explain then thy own system of doctrine,” he
held forth to him on the text and content of the Abhidhamma.

The (Brahmaya) did not understand it. He asked: “Whose 222
sayings* are these?” “These are the sayings of the Buddha,”
answered the other. To the request (of the Brahmaya): “make
them known to mo,” Revata answered: “Thou shall receive
them when thou hast undergone the ceremony of world-renun-
ciation.” As the BrShmapa craved for the sayings he under- 223
went the ceremony of world-renunciation and learnt the Tipi-
taka*. He recognised; this path leads alone to the goal*, and
accepted it thereafter*. As his speech was profound like that 224

' The author of the YoGasatraiji (SiBicss, Indisohe Philosophie,
p. 178 ff.l who munt aceoi-dinffly, if our notice is credible, have lived be-
fore middle of the 5tli century A. D.

* Lit.: with comprehensive words and well rounded off.

3 P. thfra (= Skr. slltarira) and wnhallittra are titles of older
bbikkhus in leading positions, something like presbyter.

* P. mania, skr. mantra. What is meant by this word are the
sayings of the Veda. Here the word has a wider meaning, something
like “s.iared text”.

* That is the whole of the canonical books oxinsisting of the three
parts Vinaya-, Sutta-, AbhiUhammapitaka. See Mhvs. tral. p. 296, nr. 27.

** The sentence ekayano ayam maygn is an allusion to a passage in
the Saniyutta. Here (S. V. 167 * ff.) the Buddha says; ekaynno 'yam (sic!)
magya sallannig rinuddhiyd . . . nibhilniixsa sacebikiriydya yad idam
cattnro mtipatlhdnd. We see at once from the passage that ekdyana
is an adjective something like “alone accessible”. In the Chandogya-
Upanishad 7. 1. 2 the word is used substantively to denote a branch of
science. Sankara explains it by vitisdstra.

* That is: he now entered the Order witli the ceremony of the
tipaxampadd. making its duties and principles his own.

24

Miihuitomn

37. 225

of the Buddha he was called Buddliaghosa: for his speecit (re-

225 sounded) through the earth like (that of the) Buddha*. After
he had written a book Napodaya yonder (in .Jambudipa), he
also wrote the Atthasaliiil*, an interpretation of the Dhainma-

226 sabgapi. The sage (Buddhaghosa) also began to compose n
commentary to the Baritta^. When the Thera Bevala saw that,

227 he spake the following words: “The text alone has been banded
down here (in Jambudipa), there is no commentary here. Nei-

228 ther have we the deviating systems of the teachers*. The com-
mentary in the Sihala tongue^ is faultless. The wise Mnhinda
who tested the tradition'^ laid before the three Councils’ as it

229 was preached by the Perfectly Enlightened one and taught by
Siiriputta and the others, wrote it in the Sihala tongue and it

230 is spread among the Silial.as. Go thither, learn it* and render
it into the tongue of the Magadltas*. It will bring blessing

231 to the whole world." Thus addresstnl, the wise (Buddhaghosa)
sallied forth .joyful in the faith and entered the Island just in

232 the time of this King (Malmn.ainiL). Me came to the Maliii-
vihiira, the abode of all pious (|)eoplp), went into tlie great

233 practising-house*", learned from Sanighapfila the commentary

’ “Spcecli" ill I’. flleiaM. The secotiil lime TuiiS'.i ii translates it bj
“lame'', scarcel.v right, in this raw the motivation with hi would nol
apply. Tcrmouk avoids the •lidlcult.v by translating "an d lUroughoul etc. '

* The DhaniniasahgaoT is one of the books of the Abhidlianniin
(uf. note to 44. lOP). It and its eummentary the .Attliasiilinl won- pu-
blished by E. MOi.i.kii (PTS. 1885, and" 1887). On l'a‘'chn, “elucidntion"
see Cniavg, ed. 11. Index 2 «. v.

^ For the Paritta see Gkiobii. Pali, p. 10 f. Cf. note to 46. 5,

* P. iicariyataih'i. In the Mhvs. (5. 2) all these later sehools me
placisl in opposition to thenu Atta. the original sihool re|>reseiilej in
the Pali Canon.

^ P. nkalaltliahilliri. For this see Geiokk. I’nli. p. 17.

® P. kalhumagiiii. concrete: the traditional text ns liandcl down to.
ilay, just as in JaCo. 1. 2’.” the word nienns "tmilitional history".

For the history of the three Councils (samjj/ij see Mhvs. S. 4. 5,

* Lit. “hearken to it”, all le!U?hing being oral.

^ That is from the Old Sinhalese into the Pali (onifiie.

P. mahiipmUuiiDiiihtir'i. By pod/io./ti is meant the practices in
which the zealous hhikkhn engages in order to attain through llu-

37.241

Maluniima

in the Sihala tongue and the doctrinal system of the Theras
perfectly, reached the conclusion: it is just this system which
interprets the intentions of the Master of Truth; gathered 234
together there the community^ and .said: “give me all the
books that I may compose a commentary”. To test him the 235
community gave him two verses with the words: “Show here
thy qualihcntioii! Once we have seen it, whe shall give thee
all the books.” Briefly summing up the three Pitakas* together 236
with the commentary he wrote the work called Visuddhi-
magga’. Then calling together the community who was versed 237
in the thoughts of the Enlightened One. he began to read the
work in the vicinity of the great Bodhi Tree. But the devatas* 238
to convince the people of his greatne'^s, caused the book to
vanish; hut twice and thrice be reproduced it. When the liook 239
was brought forth a third time to be read the gods then pro-
duced the two other books. Then the bhikklias read out all 240
the three hooks together. Neither in composition and content,
nor also as regards the .sequence (of the subjects*), in tlie 241
teaching of the Theras, in the quotations*, in words and sen-

Mii'ioiiH griiile'i of .■(••tntio iiieililution to llic ilignifv of llie Arnlmnt, of
tlie '‘iiei'fi’cteil ".

' The siiiH'ihn, tliat is the lololit.v of the lihikkhiis l>eii>n;.'iilg t<>
the' vihava,

* See Note to 37. 223.

“ Visiiihlhimj^jra (erl. I>j Mi-s. Rmvh Davihs. 2 voln. ITS. 19JU 211
iilhnles to tlie x'erse :

sllr p'ttUthiiya nuro Kii/iniiuo rillam 1‘iiiiuiim ni UUiirntiruii
otiilii nipahn hhilkhn, xn imam rijalnii'- jalam
svliiili Waiikes iBuiiilhisin in Transl.ilions. Hiirvard Oriental Serie- vol.

Ill, |i. 236) has reiidoo'd thus:

“What man his conduct Kuardetli, and hath udsdoiii.

And tbou;;bts and wisdom traineth well,

The strenuous and the able priest.

He disentangles all this snarl."

' On those spiritual beings common to the, popular belief called tle-
I'ntCi see, Zeitsebr. fur Buddhisnius VII. |>. 28. In Ihe following verse
they are calleil Alaru "gods".

•' J.it: regarding the earlier and the later.

P. ii'llihi refers to fiassages <{uolc<l from the canoiiic.al texta. (he

26

MahUyiama

37. 242

242 teiices was there any kind of de7istioD in all three books. Then
the community .satisfied and exceedingly well pleased, cried

243 again and again: ‘‘without doubt this is Metteyya!*” and handed
over to him the books of the three Pitakas together with the
commentary. Then dwelling in the Ganthakara-vihara^ which

244 lies fur from all unquiet intercourse, he rendered the whole
of the Sihala commentaries into the tongue of the Magadhas,

245 the original speech of all. For beings of all tongues this
(rendering) became a blessing and all the teachers of the Thera-

246 vada^ accepted it as the original text. Then having accom-
plished what he had to do, he set out for Jambudipa to adore
the sacred Bodhi Tree*.

247 When Mahanama had enjoyed the (dominion of the) earth
twenty and two years’ and done many meritorious works, he
jiassed away in accordance with his doing.

248 For all the power they had amassed and for all the glorious
splendours they bad enjoyed all the rulers of the earth were
nt the end unable to c.scape death. With the thought; thus
all beings are subject to the law of decay, the wise man should
forever entirely forsake the desire for wealth and even for life.

Here ends the thirty-seventh chapter, called 'The Six Kings',
in the Mahavarnsa. compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

I'oiegoinK thcmri'ulehi, on tbe other hand, means quotations from tlic
commentaries.

' Thu next expeuted Buddha. Uc is now tiviiiK ns a Hudliisatta in
the Tiisita heaven according to Mhvs. 32. 73. Cf. Th. Kf.rn, Manual o<'
Indian Buddhism, p. 01. 05, Oa.

* Cf. 52. 57 with note.

^ See note to 37. 227.

' The sacred tree of Bo-UayS (see note to 37. 215), of which ac-
cording to the legend, the Bodbi Tree in the Mahavifaaru at Anurihlha-
puva is a cutting.

' So also the Pujavaliya; only 20 years according to the Rajavaliya.
According to Chinese sources the King Mo-bo-nan |— Mahanama) sent
a letter to the court of the Chinese emperor in the year which cor-
responds to 42S A. D. This however does not agree with the Sinhalese
chronology ns it is gener.illy accepted. See JRAS. C. Br. xxiv, nr. 68, p. 83.

Solthiseiiii lo Millmetm

27

CHAPTKU XXXYlll
TUB TEN KINGS

Mnhaiiania's son Sotthisena* was sprung from tbe womb 1
of a Dami|a woman, but bis daughter Saipgha was the (daugb*
ter) of the Uahesl. Now after Sotthisena had begun to reign 2
he was killed by Saipgha. The selfsame day she had the drum
beaten* and ceded (the sovereignty) to her husband, the um- 3
brella bearer’ {of the king). The latter built the Chattaggii-
haka-tank and died in the course of the year.

Now a wise minister, a friend of this (umbrella bearer) 4
had the dead (prince) burnt in the (royal) demesne and secretly
made Mittasena a powerful rice thief, king in the belief 5
that he was suited for the sovereignty, lie kept him in the
interior (of the palace) and under the pretext that the King
was ill, he liiimsolf wielded the sceptre. Now (on one occasion) C
when there was a feast the people cried: "If a king is there,
let him come with us.” When the Lord of men heard that, 7
he, arrayed in all his ornaments, said to those who led fortli
the royal elephant: “this befits me not”, and indicated the 8

‘ l’iijavali;a, n^avaliya and Ilajnratnukarayii call thiii prince Sen^^ot.
The t wo first sources agree that he wiw miirtteriMl in the aftesnoon of
the day he succeeded to the throne.

’ (iovernment decrees were made public by beat of drum.

^ P, challagftdhtikiijiiiilHHo. The “umbrella bearer" who has to bold
the umbrella, the symbol of sovereignty, over the prince is a high court
official. We have all erred however (Tumour, Wijesinha and 1 myself
in my edition of the Ciilavs.) iu regni'ding jaiitu as the iidMic of the
official, The w'ord means simply “individual, person" and stands almost
pleonastically at the end of the compound, similarly to pw/fa. In none
of the other sources is the name Janlu met with. Kijavaliya takes
Chattoggahaka (Siiih. Snlydlioka) itself for a proper name. In the Puja.

28 Pnnrfij 38. 9

elephant made of stucco at the temple of the Tooth Relic*.
At the words: “it is the King’s command”, the elephant began
9 to move. The (King) mounted it, rode round the town with
his right side toward.s it and when he reached the eastern gate
by the Fatliainacetiya*, he restored it to the Relic Temple*.

10 At the elephant wall* of the three great cetiyas* he had a
gateway® constructed. After doing many meritorious works
Mittasena died in a year'*.

11 The Damija named Paodu had slain Mittasena in battle
and now having come over from the opposite coast®, held sway

12 in Lankil. All the kinsmen of the noble families betook them-

valiyn and the H^ar.ilniikiir.iya the King is called bamiini-Tis tLainbii-
kayna-Tinss). They agree in giving the diitntion of hia reign ns one year.

> Tuhnock and W. have miaunderetood the passage, translating
xiiilhiinonain as "the white elephant", as if the text liad suthlliaiHi^ftm.
Tlie miraculous story as related here, thus differs in no way from tlie
version found in the Pfijavaliya (Rajavaliya and Riyaratnakuraya).

On this cetiya see Mlivs. 14. 44 f.; Gkiokk. Mhvs. trsl., p. 95, ii. 2;
I’akkkk, Ancient Ceylon, p. 276. Remains of the tbiipa have been dis-
I'uvered, as is shown by the newest plan of Aniiradhapiira.

* 'I'he reading of the MSS. kiilnm nnfjaram upp»;il is certainly wrong.
I have not, however, ventured to alter it. My translation gives the
move likely sense. This would be in Pali something like dhnhtghnre
turn oppayr. The edition has <lh<Uinulgani samajipnyi. Aoeordingly W.
taking pot/iamnccttynttAroie as the more distant object of I'amiippayi,
translates “and commanded that he should (in future) be stationed at
the Pathama Cetiya outside the eastern gate-" This is certainly wrong
both as to sense and construction-

* The hnlthip<il:dra is the supporting wall of the tenaoc on which
the stupa stands. It takes its name from the row of brick and stucco
elephants which project from it and appear to bear the platform. See
below 39. 30 and 41. 05, us also DTpavs. 20. 6.

® Where three large cetiyas or thnpas are named together, Ruvanveli
(mnhdthiipa), Jetavana (Cistern Stupa) and Abhayagiri (Northern Stupa)
are meant.

P. tor<i«a, probably at the stairs which lead at the four sides to
tlie terrace.

’ Pfljavaliya also gives Mittasena one year lltaruruddak).

® That is from Southern India.

38. 19 Paiidu 29

selves to Kohiii.ia, on ibi.s .'ide of the stream' the Damilas ruled.
Those of the Moriya* clan who had fled through fear of the 13
door-keeper Subha* dwelt here and there (scattered about
the country). Amongst these wa.s a house-owner in Nandivil- 14
pigania* named Dhatusena. His son Dathanama who lived in 15
the village Anibilaysgu, had two sons, Dhatusena and Sila-
tissabodhi. (both) by (a mother of) the same caste. Their mother’s 10
brother had in faith undergone the ceremony of renunciation
of the world and lived in the dwelling built by Digliasanda*.
Tlio young Dhatu.sena underwent with him likewise the core- 17
inony of world-renunciation. Now once as the latter was reciting
(sacred texts) at the foot of a tree a cloud began to rain. A
sriuk<^ seeing this, encircled him in her folds and covered the 18
book and the boy with her hood. The uncle saw that. Another
time another penitent in bis wrath threw dung at his head lb
but failed therewith to disturb* his spirit. The uncle beheld

' On the left iMink of the MiihiiVidipiiiKu which whk always rCKavilnil
as the houmiury between Noith Ceylon with Anuriulhapiim and lali-r
Pohinnavnva as centre and the south-esisti'm province Rohai.tn.

* Tho orKaiiisaiion of society wib' throughout toteinistic. Five clan
iiaiin'8 known to me: Tuniceha. I.aiiihakai.ica, Balibliojakil. Moriyii, Ku-
liiigii (and prohaldy (tukuin.iii), are one and all names of beasts (hyenas,
tigers or hares, crows, iwarocks. fork-tailed .shrikes). A sixth natim
MoniiBihiika (90. 7) coiitaiiiH in its second iKirt a bciiet name. To those
must be added the name of the Silisilu tbenisvlvcs, the "I. ion-men" so-
called after Vijaya who heloiige<l to the Lion clan. Ilis father was
Kihabdbu, his grandfather a lion. Fables according to which the ineiii-
l>ers of a clan arc descended from the animal whose name they hear
are very frequent. Tvi.or, Anfangc der Cultur, II. 235; Kuvskh, Toteinism,
p. 3 IT.'

Mhvs. 35. 51 fl. Subha i-eigned 118-124 A. I).

' A NandigSma-vibar.i wius built by that same Subha fiangantc, thaf
is on the bank, near the Mabavatukaganga (Mhvs. 35. 58). Nandigaina
was not far from Kacehakatittha. See 37. 213, note.

DTghasandana was the senapati of King Uevananijiiyatissa. lb-
built (Mhvs. 15. 212 f.) a parivepa in the Maliavihara which was called
after him.

We have to imagine that Dhatusena was sunk in nieditatiou which
even the inconsiderate conduct of the penitent could not disturb. He

30

Piindu

38. liO

20 that too and thinking: “that is iu very truth a most excellent
being, without doubt he will become king, he must be pro-

21 tected”, he went along with him into a vihara and in-
structed him in the Gonisa-vihara with the object: ‘‘he must

22 be made a master in state-craft'''. Pauduka heard this and
sent people to seize him. In the night the Thera had a dream

23 about it and fetched the boy away. Scarcely had he departed
when the people surrounded (the hou.se) but did not find him
in the parive^a. The twain (uncle and nephew) departed thence

24 and when, farther south*, they reached the great river called
6ova* then just in flood, they were obliged to halt, much

26 as they wished to press forward. The Thera spake: “even a.s
this river holds us back, so do thou (in future time) hold back

26 its course by collecting its waters in a tank,"* and he descended
with the boy into the stream. A snake king saw the twain

27 and ofi'ered its back. With its aid he reached the bank and
brought the boy to the frontier, and (once) while staying there

wua not niovt’d to inJigniitioii by it. It iinist be noted thi<i the same
breach of conduct as that of the penitent is ascribed (38. 113 f.) to
Dbatuxona himself and that his fearful end wax rep.irded as expiation
of it.

' The passajtc is somewhat dubious, hi the first place I believe that
the words (Vlriyn him I'ihdrnm niidijain mean: be fetched him out of
the DTgbasanda-purivooa. As that lay in Aniiradh-ipiirn. the youthful
Dhatuseua was here not safe enough from posaible tiiacbinations of the
king. His uncle tiwk him to the (lonisji monastery (ijoiiisdflii'ihdra means
the monastery whose name hegina with yoiiisit). We do not know where
this monastery wa.s ns it is not otherwise mentioned — po.ssibly iu the
south of the capital. For the rest I follow the conjectural iiHimd of
M. Geioeb which makes the sense far more pregnant. As his uncle
regards Dhatusena as the future king, his task is to ae<|uaint him with
i- e. statecraft. W. turns GonisadiTibara into the oriitio redo:
'[ must render this youth accomplished at the Gonisoda (sic!) vihAra" —
a meaning to my mind less probable.

* Or perhaps “near the Dakkliinndesa". See 41. 35, note.

3 Now the Kala-oya flowing into Dutch Bay.

' An allusion to the Ealavapi afterwards constructed by King
Dhatusena. See 38. 42.

38. 37

Parinila to Tfhalusena

31

he got milk broth (as alms); he ate thereof and put what was
over into the alms-howl* of his nephew. The latter out of 28
reverence for the Thera poured the rice on the ground. Then
the Thera perceived that he would enjoy the earth*.

After reigning, King Papdu died in the d'fth year, likewise 20
his son Parin da in the third year*. Parinda's youngest brother, 30
K huddaparinda, then ruled the wide earth and peiseculed all
those who attached themselves to Dhatuseua. Dhatusena wun 31
over the people for himself and fought against the King. The
latter after accomplishing works both meritoriou.s and evil,
died at the end of sixteen years. Hereupon Tiritara became 32
King; two months later he was destroyed by Dbiitusena who
fought a great battle with him. After this prince had been 33
killed, the Damija Dathiya became king, but was slain at
the end of three years by Dhatu.sena. Hereupon there followed 31
the Damija Pithiya who after seven months went to his de-
struction. The race of the Damijas was annihilated in battle
with Dhatusena.

Now the Lord of men Dhatusena bccunie king in Lni'ika. 3o
Together with bis brother he waged on the Island by every
nioans unceasing warfare with the ravagers of the Island, the 36
Damilas, building* fortresses, twenty-one in number. And having
thus thoroughly cleared the country and made its inhabitants 37

' i’. Not “Kith the refection Jiah". as (r.insliited byTcHKonK.

^ P, OhuRjale mafutn is n fiKiirative expression for “rulieg".

^ I should MOW prefer the rradinjr /itilto Pariiulo in Inlii/e, InKsn
lihAtukii etc. (with the Colombo edition and Wijbbikha), Rdjaratnakaraya
uiimily, speak.s of six Damija princes who had reigned togetber ilT years
before Dhatusena ascended the throne. The same number is I'uuud in
the Rajavaliya and the sum of the single numbers in the Culavanisa
gives the same figure, in so far a.s we allot Pnrinda a reign of not quite
three years.

' Turnoub's translation "he entirely extirpated the Damilas” ete. i.s
inexact. That is not there. The ace. Ih'iiiil<; in 35 can only be go-
verned by A'n(c<i yitddhavi in 36, which is treateil (see also 76. 1001 n.s
a transitive verb: after be building fortresses had fought the Damilas,
and after he bad cleared the country and had made . . be restored . . .

32

DhiUmeiiii

88. 38

happy, he restored to its Cormer place the Order* which

38 had been destroyed by the foe. But wroth with those belon-
ging to noble clans or to kinship villages^ who had atta-
ched themselves to the Damijas and protected neither himself

3!) nor the sacred doctrine, he deprived them of their villages and
loft their villages defencele.ss. But to all the people of noble

40 clans who had come to Hohapa and supported him he showed
fitting honour and (gave) marks of esteem, and to his ministers,
the companions of his misfortunes, he brought contentment.

41 By damming up the great stream* ho created fields which were
permanently watered. In the Mahilpali Hall he distributed rice

42 fare to the bhikkhus. As dwelling-place for cripples and for
such as .sufi'ered from a disease the wise (prince) built a.sylnms.
By building the Kalavapi* he dammed up the mighty Gopa river.

43 After he had provided the peaceful Mahiivibara with bands
of ornament* he had a house, worthy to behold, eroded lor

44 the Bodlii Tree*. He provided the bhikkhus plentifully with

' r. xtix'imim "the dortriiie" is usol in wucily the sainc sense as
we speak of ''iliiireh". He roNtured the Diulclhist chnreb.

* Tb>’ eontruift is between sins'll individuiil.-^ {Liilhn') and clan union.'
{/.uliifliim'i with shoiteninar of the final vovre! nictri caUiiiJ. 'V.'» trans-
latioi) “iioliles and landlords" ia hiesiiut.

* The Mahavaliika^h^a tMiibaveli^anga).

’ Now Kala-vevii. 25 iiiiles 1= 40 km.) 8- 8. K. of .Vniiradhapuni.

'' W, tiunslates the passage thus: "he improved the inahavihara b.v
lidding regular walks thereto". It U ((uile right that here as one might
expect. iHiiitiyiillam and iniakulam are closely associated, hut I do not
know how /miili cun be inailc to mean "walk". In the Mhvs. the word
is chiefly ii.Hcd of the decorative pictures done in relief or i)iiinted on
the walls of the i)uildings: 8ce 27. 37: 30. 63: 32. 4 etc. 1 should be
inclined to use the word iu this sense in our passage and in v. 60.

* P. bodhiijhniii. Mr. Hucart writes (18-9-26I that by hnt/e (P. IhiiIIii-
gebu) is understood now, in Danibadeniya for instance, a small chapel
erected beside the bodhi tree. At the same time he points out that the
picture of a tree with a superstructure occurs in the Hanchi reliefs.
I believe in fact that in the first instance bodhighant or -gehu denotes
a building or a wooden roof, erected orcr the bodbi tree, of course only
over the trunk which in the rase of the /‘Veits r<7i^iog,( is always very
short, while the straggling branches .spread away over it. Cf. with this

88.51

DliiUtuseiia

33

the four necessaries and like Uliuminasoka' he hrouj'ht about
a redaction of the three Pitakas. He had eighteen viharas built 45
and provided with revenues for the adherents of the Thera
School and (lie erected) eighteen tanks on the Island*. Kala- 4 0
vapi-vihara, the (vihara) called Kolipassava, the (vihara) called
Dakkhipagiri and the vihara called Vaddha; the Patjtjavalla- 47
kabliuta and the (vihara) called Bhalliitaka and in the district
I’S'Si.iasinna the vihara Dhatusenapabbata; the Mahgana(-viha- 48
la), the Thupavilthi(-vihara) and the Dhatiisena(-vihara) in the
north, the Paciiiakambavillhi(-vihaia) and the Antaramegiri
(-vihara); the (viharas) Allalhidhatuseiiu and Kassipilthika- 49
dhatiisena. in liohai.ia the (viharas) Dayagania, Salavana, Viblii-
sana and the vihara Uhiliivana: these eighteen viharas are 50
mentioned®. Thi.s best of men built the tanks Piidulaka, llam-
batthi, Muhadatta and others*, and also eighteen smaller viharas 51

51. 54. 1 had the ii«prcs>iion on the spot in the MabaviliSru, that it
would have been an easy nmtlcr to shut olf the terr.ice built roiiml
the sacred tree by means of a roof. For the analogous IhiijmgiKiia sec;
note to 4S. cc.

* Alluding to the Third Council at Paialiputta under Asokii (iC9.227

B. C.) See Mbvs. trsi. p. bVI tf.

* The sami- is rclatetl of Dhatiisena by the I’iijavaliy.s, the HajiS*
valiyii and the Rajariilnakaraya. In these later sources the form of the
name is iJascnkSliya.

* Of these eighteen vihiiras only four arc also mentioned in other
parts of the Crilavi.riisa. namely Kalava]ii, Dakkbicugiri, RhaIJiitnka and
Salavana. The Kalavapi-vibuia is |>erhnps the nioniistery wliieh now
bears the name of Aukuna-vihani. If the Kot'p.assava-vihara is the same
as the Ko!i|iiVssavuDa nienfioiiod .47. 212, then if was not founded by
Dhatusena but merely I'esfored. The same is the ease with the Dakkhiija-
giri-vihara which ncroidiiig (o Mhvs. 33. 7. was founded by Saddlialissm
the brother of Dufthagamai.ii- I am inclined (see D. Fkriiuson, JRAS.

C. B. 1911. XXII. Nr til. p. 197 IT) to identify this with the .Malkiiigala-
vihara N- E. from Matuta. Instead of ctlinio fii^dhandmah) the Col. ed.
reads contrary to the MSS. v. I'tiddhumtlttaku, probably because a bodlii
tree of this name occurs twice tl4. 5 and 49. 15),

Pujavaliya names the following tanks as Dhaluseita's work: Kala.
Balaiu, Kelavasa. Badulu, Kiihinirarn. Danavalla. Odnnviti, I’atiagamu,
Manamatu, Kitniini. Mahadabaia. Suingamii, Surulit, Malasii, Mahainidcl,
Mahaeli. The two first are the Kala- and Balaluvcva which are connected

34

Shatusena

88. 52

and likewise (many small) tanks which be made over to them.

52 He removed the Mayura-parivena' which was five and twenty
cubits high, and replaced it by a pasada twenty-one cubits in

53 height. To Kumarasena (his brother) he made over his former
revenues and fixed them exactly*: (namely) one half to the

54 Katavapi and two hundred fields. He renovated the ruined
Lohapasada and he restored the dilapidated umbrellas* on the

55 three great tbnpas. For the Bodhi Tree of him (the Buddha)
to whom was vouchsafed the highest enlightenment, he insti-
tuted a bathing festival like the Bodhi Tree festival instituted

5G by Oevanaippiyatissa. He set up there sixteen bath maidens
of bronze* and arranged for the adornment and consecration

57 of the Prince of the wise*. Since the planting of the great
Bodhi Tree* the rulers of Lanka have instituted in every twelfth

58 year (of their reign) a festival for the Bodhi Tree. After having
an image made of the great Thera Mahinda he brought it to
the spot where the Thera’s body had been burnt*, to organise

with each other, 'ihe R^aratnakarayn mentions Kalahiillu (Kala-RnInluV)
and Rndiilii.

* The same as Mora-parivenn 37. 172. See note to the passage. The
new building was 0 R. (roughly 1.80 metres) lower than the former pasoda.

* i*. ujificltu risodhiipi. Cf. skr. visodlKtynli meaning “to make clear,
to determine, to fix" (HR the word iudh with r»).

Vhalla in P. denotes the sharp cone forming the top of a thiipa.
It is a conventionalized umbrella ns symbol of dominion, of the spiritual
world dominion uf the Buddha. For the three th(i|Kis see note to 8.‘<. 10.

* All MSS. have dhimindlolnilannuyo. In spite of 42 33 I do not
venture to alter the traditional text into -naidyo. What the “bath
maidens" were, whether perhaps bronze figures with water vessels, we
do not know.

* We must imagine a ceremony in which the image of the Hiiddha
is clad in royal garments and solemnly consecrated just as a king at
bis coronation.

* By Devanampiyatissa in the Mabavibura according to Mhv. 18. 1 ff.
The Bo tree here was according to (be legend, a cutting of the tree at
Bo-Gaya.

* Local tradition regards the remains on (he north side of tbe Thfi-
paiaina as those of the cetiya built fur Mahinda. To the east of the
Thuparama lies the grave of his sister Sanigharoitta For the death
and burial of the two see Mhvs. 20. 30 ff.

38. 65

Dhalttxena

85

there at great cost a sacrificial festival. He gave orders with 59
the ootlay of a thousand gold pieces*, for the interpretation of
the Di|)avanisa* and commanded sugar to be distributed among
the bhikkhus dwelling there. Remembering how once a bhikkhu 60
had thrown dung at bis bead, he gave to the pariveua where he
himself had dwelt no gifts of any kind®. He undertook buildings 61
for the enlargement of the Abhuyuttara-vihara and for the
stone image of the Master (Buddha)* he had a shrine erected
with a mapclapa*. As tlie eye* placed by Buddhadasa (in the 62
image) hud been lost, he made a pair of costly jewels into eyes
for the Master. Further he wrought a gleaming diadem of 63
rays and out of dark blue gems a shining coil of hair, like-
wise u bandolier of gold and a tuft of down (between the brows)
and a golden garment, a mandorla of gold, a lotus flower and 64
a magnificent lamp. There also he presented countless robes of
divers colours*. In the image house of the Bahumahgala-ceti- 65

* Where only figures are given in the mention of values the uni-
fonii eurreney, the hilid/xinti should be added. On this see Kiirs Davius,
buddtaist India p, 10’ f.

® P. rUjielutii JH/iiirimtom. Fi.kkt has translated this ingeniously
as: ‘'to writo u dTpikii on the Dlpavaip**^'’ (JfiAS. 1909, p. 5, n. 1). In
this df/Jt'A'rt he recognises the iolder) Mahavumsn for whose composition
an appruzimate date might thus be found. I was myself (Mlivs. trsl.
p. XI f.j inclined to follow him. But I have since hud scruples. Verses
66 — 69 belong in construction most closely together. Consctpiently
Jjfintvtiniitiui must refer to an action which took place within
the framework of a festival. That however, can only have been a
reading of the DTpavarnsa, perhaps with historical and legendary
explanations, but not the composition of so voluminous a work a.s the
Mahavamsa.

® See above 38. 19- I believe we must read lUhint} instead of ->io:

“the parivena inhabited by Dbatusena himself”, an iDstrumental case
being absolutely necessary in connection with the Partic. Praet.

* This stone image was a celebrated statue of the Buddha manifestly

held peculiarly sacred and which is repeatedly mentioned under various
names; here Silaiallhor, S9.7 .‘>1.77,87 SiWimaiiiiiiiumii-

da, probably also 38. 65 ktilaKflasatlluir (see note to the i>as8sge).

* See note to 37. 103. * See above 37. 128.

* Verses 62-04 show us how ueonle were accustomed to adorn the

36

Vholutena

36.60

ya* be erected Bodhisalta figures and in the same (image house)

66 he had a diadem of rays made for the image of the Master
in black stone* and for the world teacher named Upasumbha.

67 Also he had the ornament described above made for the Buddha
image known as Abbiseka and a Bodhisatta temple on the left

68 side of the Bodhi Tree. For the (Bodhisatta) Metteyya* he had
the complete equipment of a king prepared and ordained a

69 guard for him within the radius of a yojana*. He had the
vihiiras adorned with bands of ornament called dhaturaji and

buddha statues and decorate thorn witli jewels. The rujimculdmani
(often only CK?UHmi»i) Beeins to he the bundle of rays or flames above
the bead which distinguishes the figures of the Uiiddba from those of
his disciples (cf. also below v, C6 and Mhvs. 52. 65; 53. 49). by keea-
we must understand the knot or tuff of hair on the top of
the bead, so often found in Buddha images. To imitate the blue-black
colour of the hair it is here made of dark sapphires. The bemuea(1dhit
(cf. aiuiavaddhitka Vin. I. 201’®) is probably the carrying band for the
alius bowl. On a bronze figure of the Buddha in my possession there
is a band over the left shoulder. The tuft of hair obovo the nose
(iiftnnlotiin) is a well known physical feature of the MabavTra. The golden
garment (sorntmnefrarn) is the yellow robe of the Order of Buddha and
of his disciples, the lotus Hower {poilauia) the throne on which the
figure sits or stands. The pddajnl» (cf. also Mhv. 52. 65. 58. 50, ns well
as the inscriptionul padadiila , Wickbkmasikuiik, KZ. I 221'^) is the
niandos'la behind the figure as is frequently seen in bronzes and in the
Buddha pictures of Central Asia (cf. A. von be Coq, Die Buddhistische
Spiltantike Mittclasicns V, plate 7. 18). Amongst the votive gifts there
must of course be a lamp (dfpo). The robes of divers colours are pro-
bably draped about the image at various festivals, accoi'ding to the
character of these.

' Probably the Mangala-cetiya mentioned 37. 183.

'■* 1 suggest reading: bodhisatle cn lallluipi /nillhuiio with

slight alteration of latlhOsi which is certainly corrupt- What follows
shows that the different Buddha images hsul their special names. The
Kalasela was obviously so cjilleil because the statue was made of black
atone (amphibolic gneiss?). It is very likely the siime as the SUdsim-
baddha, -satlhar (see above v. 61, note). The Abbiseka is named again
39. 6, 40.

» See 37. 242, note.

* Flebt (JRAS. 1906 p. 1011 f.) calculates the Buddhist yoJu)ia as
being 4.54 miles = roughly 8 km.

88. 77

Dhatuxemi

87

(he erected) for a hundred thousand (gold pieces) a large and
splendid house for the Bodhi Tree. In the Thuparaina (he in- 70
stituted) as offering to the thupa a restoration of what was
ruined (in the thupa). Likewise in the Temple of the Tooth
Relic he repaired what was dilapidated, and to the Tooth Relic 7t
he dedicated a casket for the tooth relic, a halo made of clo-
sely fitting mosaic thickly set with precious stones' and golden 72
lotus flowers, and he instituted offerings without number. To
the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he distributed robes and
other (gifts). Having undertaken renovations in the viharas 73
here and there, he had some line .stucco work executed for tlie
wall of the (Relic) house. (In the same way) he had valuable 74
stucco work made for the three big cetiyas and put up a golden
umbrella* as well as a ring for protection against lightning’.
Dhammarucika bhikkhus* dwelt (at that time) in the Maliii- 75
vihara which had been destroyed by the rutiili‘.ss MaliSsenu.
After Dhiitusena had built the Ambatttiala-vihara on theOvtiya- 7G
pabbata’ he wished to hand it over to the adherents of the
Thera School. But being entreated by the Dhammarucihas the
monarch accordingly made it also over to them. For the pro- 77

’ W. here mistakenly eonnecU rnnhati^himmihomkititinm wifli lutil ■
nitini instead of with raniiim :ih(iitahilliiiinm. For tihaiiak-uUiiii'i cC.
Cnlavg, ed. II. bi*l of Wonls s. v, tuilima; further Mliva. 51. 69.

^ Cf. above note to 88. 54. The exincs of the thitpas were jriblcil.

Cf. with verses 71 and 76 also 41.95.

* I’, rajiracumhalnm. It is related Mhvs. 30. C6 of -Sainghatissa tliiit
he i>laced iv riijiracumhuOm on the top of the Mnh5tbii)ja. On this the
'fika has the following interesting notice (p. 487, 19): I'lthern ^flllldlh^i•
pa^ya mwldhuni mlaxahnssagghanakant mahumunihca piititthOpelrd liiy'a
hellhd ayaniuppailihii'ariildhamsanalthauiadhdraraUigiihca kati-nmagfihnm
vajivacnmbatakancn piije^^ili atllio. It is thus a ease of an appliiinee
against lightning placed at the top of the cone of the thup:v. What is
doubtful is whether vojira mean.* here “diamond" or "lightning''.

* A sect which according to Mhvs. 5. 13, branched off in Ceylon. For
the history of this sect see A. M. Hocart. ASC. Mem. I. 15 ff.

* Name of the Missaka mountain (now Mihintale). Cf. above, note
to 37. G9. The Dhaimnarucikas, therefore, got possession of both viharas,
the Mabavihira and the .AmiKitthula-viliara.

38

l)t>at»»ena

38. 78

cession of the Relic he had a boat* made of copper and in-
stituted a regular alms with the produce of twice five ammapas

78 (field)*. Within and without the city this incomparable (prince)
like Dhammasoka* built temples to the Victor (Buddha) and

79 raised images. What man would be capable of enumerating
one after another his meritorious works? Thus these have been
but superficially noted.

80 Dhatusena hud two sons: Ka.ssapa by a mother of unequal
birth and the mighty Moggallana by a mother of equal caste,

81 also a charming daughter who was dear to him as his life.
On his sister's son he bestowed the dignity of senapati* and

82 gave him his daughter {to wife). Without blame (on her part)
he struck her with his whip on the thigh. When the King

811 saw the blood-stained garment of bis daughter aud beard (of
the affair) he in his wrath had his nephew’s mother* burnt
nuked. From that time onward (bi.s nephew) nursed hatred

84 (against the king), joined Kassapa, awoke in him the desire
for the royal dignity, estranged him from liis father, won over
his subjects and took the ruler (Dhatusena) prisoner alive.

85 Thereupon Ka-ssapa raised the umbrella of dominion and des-
troyed the people who sided with his father, having every

8C scoundrel us his comrade. Moggallana whose intention it was
to fight him, betook himself, as he could raise no forces, to

87 .Tambudipa to find troops there. Kow to torment still farther
the Lord of men (Dhatusena) sorely smitten as he already was

' The use of barks or boats for carrying tho itnages or symbols of
the Deity (here the relics) in festive processions is widciprend. Germany
offers numerous examples (Mak.siiakdt, Wald- und Keidkulte, 1. 583 ff.,
V. .SciiHc'iuKR, Arische Religion II. GGI Anm.): but we meet with the
custom also among tbe Rgyptiaii^ (Tiki.k, Religion im Altertum I. 67)
and among other peoples.

^ i’. ammamt is a <lry uieusure for measuring corn, then also the
measure for a field, as much as one can .sow with an aumnnn. In Sinb.
an aniuna (see Ci.ouoii. Sinhalese Dictionary) represents as field measure
about 2 to acres (roughly o. 8 to 1 hector).

^ Cf. above Sb. 44 with note.

* l’.se!idjDrtcC(», the dignity of comma ndcr-in-cliief of the army (seni/pnti).

* Thus his own sister.

38. 99

JJhalutena

ay

by loss of his kingdom, separation from his son (Moggallana)
and by life in a dungeon, the deluded (Senapati) spake thus 88
to King Kassapa; “There are treasures lying in the King’s
palace, 0 King, has thy father told it to thee?” On the answer 89
“no” he said: “Knowest thou not his intention, 0 Monarch?
for Moggallana he keeps his wealth”. When he heard that, 90
this most wicked of men grew furious and sent messengers
to his father with the command to make known the place
where the treasure lay. The latter thought: this is a pretext 91
of the villain to kill us, and he kept silence. The messengers
went and told the King. He became very wroth and sent 92
(messengers) again and again. Dhatusena thought: it is well,

I will visit my friend', bathe in the Kalavapi and then die, 93
and (he) spake to the messengers: “if he lets me go to the
Kalavapi he shall learn it.” The messengers went and told 94
the King and the King joyful in bi.s thirst for gold, sent mes-
sengers to whom he gave a chariot with a damaged axle’. As 95
the Monarch drove thither, the driver who guided the chariot,
ate roasted corn and gave him also a little of it. He ate of 96
it, had joy over the man and gave him a leaf for Moggallana
asking him to make him gate-keeper as a reward’. Thus is 97
good fortune fleeting as the lightning. How then can the sen-
sible man be intoxicated by it? When the Thera beard: the 98
King comes, he put aside the bean soup and chicken* be had
received remembering: the King likes that, and took his seat 99

* He means the Thera who had been bia teacher. Cf. 33. 16 ff.

* V.jinHtiiH-Hi-akkhiiiCi. \V. translates “with his eyes sunk in Krief”.
but akkhi is here not “eye", but ,.axle". The word I'or “axle" is other-
wise akkka = Skr. nksa. The form nkkUi which is borne out by our
passage, is important as it is nearer to the I.atin axis. lit. nsr>s. In
jinnenamdkkkinO the consonant «i is as often usisl to remove a liialns.

See GEiosti, Pali S 73. 2. It would also be possible to read jinu-i a
c’nkkkiud.

’ The int. kdlnm is in u sense to be taken twice, first with the
obj. siimjnham, then with the obj. dcdrandifakam.

* P. wnrpsnm fukuntim for siikidam according to the perfectly cor-
rect conjecture of .Si;ma’(oai..v ami B.xTi:wAXTi*nAw.», primarily “llesh
of birds".

40

DhtitusfiKi

38. 100

(awaiting the guest). The King came, greeted him respectfully

100 and took a place at his side. Thus the twain sat side by side
(joyful) as if they had gained a kingdom, and their mutual

101 converse cliased their cares away. After the Thera had enter-
tained the King, he admonished him in many ways and en-
couraged him to strive ceaselessly, showing him how the world

102 is subject to the law (of impernianency). Then Dhatusena betook
himself to the tank, plunged as he liked therein, bathed and

103 drank and spake to the King’s henchmen: “This here, my friends,
is niy whole wealth'”. When the King’s henchmen heard tliat
they took him with them to the town and informed the King.

104 The Lord of men thought: he is keeping bis trea-sure for his
•son and as long as he lives he will estrange the people ol
the Island from me. He was filled with fury and commanded

lO.'j the Senapati thus: “Slay my father." He (the Senapati) rejoiced
(saying): now I have seen the back of my foe*. Full of bitter-

lOC ness, adorned with nil his ornaments, he betook himself to the
King (Dhatusena) and strutted up and down before liim. When

107 the King saw that he thought: thi,s villain wants to ruin my
.soul even as my body and bring it to Iiell. Shall I fulfil his

108 wish by letting anger rise within me? Awaking loving thoughts
within himself, he spake to the Senapati : “1 have the same

109 feelings for thee as for Moggallana.". The other laughing shook
his head. When the ruler saw this he realised: to-day even

110 he will slay me. Thereupon the brutal (Senapati) stripped the
king naked, bound him with chains and fetters in a niche in

Ml the wall* witli his face outwards* and closed it up with clay.
What wise man seeing this would still hanker after pleasuies

' With these wools Dhiliisena points at the Kiliivapi ronstrneteil
by him.

* That is : I am the victor, 1 have won the game.

* Lit; in the inside of the wall.

^ P. iwallheV’himiiliiiim. W. translates this "witli the face to the
east". This is of course jiossible, but one sees no iwrticular reason why
he should face the east. According to my conception of the passage,
the idea is that Dhatusena’s torture should be iiicreii.scd by liis lifting
a witness of the whole process of being iimnureil.

88.115

Dhalusena

41

or life or fame? The Lord of men Dhatusena went thus after 112
18 years', murdered by his son, to the King of the gods. When
this king was building the KSlavapi tank he saw a bhikkhu 113
sunk in meditation and as he could not rouse him out of his
absorption, he had a clod of earth flung at the bhikkhu's head. 1 1 i
The consequence of this deed experienced in his lifetime has
been described (in the story of his violent deatli).

These ten excellent kings also with all their treasures have 115
fallen into the jaws of death, robbed of their treasures. Can
a wise man when he sees the fleeting nature of the rich and
of wealth* crave for earthly joys*?

Here ends the thirty-eighth chapter, called ‘The Ten Kings’,
in the Maliiivamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

’ Piijav, Rajiiv. and Rajaratn. all give the same number.

* P. hhniinrnto rlhnne ea. The loe. ilham stands, as frequently, for
the genitive 'U‘ana$iia.

* W. doee not translate this indispensable strophe- It occurs in all
the MSS. known to me.

Kas$apa I.

CHAPTER XXXIX

THE HISTORY OP THE TWO KINGS

1 Thereupon the wicked ruler called Kassapa sent forth his

2 groom and his cook. But as he was unable (through these)
to slay bis brother, be betook himself through fear to Sihn-

3 giri' which is difficult of ascent for human beings. He cleared
(the land) round about, surrounded it with a wall and built
a staircase* in the form of a lion. Thence it took its name

4 (of SihSgiri). He collected treasures and kept them there
well protected and for the (riches) kept by him be set guards

b in different places. Then he built there a fine palace, worthy

' Now Si^riri, about 38 miles S. E. of Anurudbapura and tcin miles
N. E). of Dambulla in the Central Province.

* P. ituseniffehiini. The word cannot refer, as \V. assumes, to the
galleries which partly cut into the rock, lead halfway up the face of
the Sigiri rock, as sViSkdrena is inapplicable to these. It ia far more
likely that what is meant is the staircase built on the north terrace of
the rock at the end of the giilleries where the second half of the ascent
begins. This structure bad in fact the form of a recumbent Hon, per-
haps of the fore jart of the body. It was made of brick. The clawH
of the outstretch)^ right {>aw of the lion still exist. Their dimen-
sions — they reach to the breast of a man standing upright — give
some idea of the gigantic proportions of the lion's figure. It appears
there was a door between the two paws into the breast of the lion
whence steps led through its body to the beginning of the staircase
leading to the heights of the Sigiri rock. 1 am inclined to think that
this staircase was of wood. There were no galleries on this part of the
rock on its northern side. The ascent is made now by means of a steep
iron ladder. The use of the plural nixaenigehffni is due to the fact that
the structure consists of a series of seiKirate parts.

39. 12

Kaimapa I.

43

to behold, like another Alakamanda* and dwelt there like (the
god) Ruvera. The Senapati by name Migara, built a pari- 6
veija called after himself and a house for the victor Abhiseka*.

He sought (permission to hold) a consecration festival* for it 7
even greater than that for the stone image of the Buddlia*.

As leave was not granted him, he refrained with the resolve;

I shall seek for it (again) under the sovereignty of the right-
ful ruler.

Kassapa began to rue the deed he had done and with the 8
thought: how can I he saved? he performed many meritorious
works, lie planted gardens about the gates of the city and 0
mango groves over the Island at a yojana's distance from each
other. He restored the Is-sarasamaijarama* so that it was 10
larger than the former ground*, bought villages for its sup-
port and granted them to it. He had two daughters, Bodhi 11
and XJppaiavupvia ; he gave their names and his own to this
viliara^. Wlieii he handed it over to the saniapas of the 12

* 8ce !l)iovi> note to 97. IOC.

^ A s to this and other iiiiaj^es of the BudUha see S8. 65-67 with note.

■* W. (note to the iKissnge); “The nhhhtka of an inmge i« the setting
or painting of its eyes, a ccremoDy generally performed with great
splendour. It is the Nftra-piiikama of the Sinhalese Buddhists". The
iiiuiio of the Abhiseka festival suggests however, that it had a still marc
comprehensive meaning.

^ The festival instituted by Dhatusena for the Sila-Buddhn is deseri-
bed 38. 02 ff. See the notes.

^ Now the Isuruniuni-viharii. in the south of Aniiradhapm-a situated
not far from the Tissavcvsi tank. It is first mentioned under Devanani-
piyatissa (Mhvs. 20. 14).

^ ! join adhikum directly with kiiirlrii "he made . . . larger than . . .

See the following note.

' Our chronicle hero gets valuable ronfirmation from inscriptions. In
an inscription of Maliinda IV. found in Vesxagiri, it is stated that the
King had taken care that the Isurameiiu-Bo-Upulvan-Kasubgiri-vihani
should be constantly supplied with water from the Tissavcv.a (W/ckrkm.i-
siNoHK, KZ. I, p. 3ilF.). The Vessagiri-vihara lies only about ’/* a mile
routb of the lssara»:iniana-vibara at the south-east corner of the Tissaveva.
From the agreement of the in.scription and Ihe expression karetvd
I'uhhfd'atthulo ndhikiim in v. 10 it is clear that Kassapa I. made a great

44

Ktismipa I.

39. 13

Thera School they were loth to take it, fearing the reproach

18 of the people', because it was the work of a parricide. As
however, the King wished to give it to them, he presented it
to the image of the Supreme Buddha. Then the bhikkhus

14 agreed, thinking: it belong.s to the Master*. In tlie .same way
he built a vihara in the Niyyanti-garden near the mountuin,

15 which then bore their name*. He granted this vihara equip-
ped with the four necessaries, to the Dhaminarucis* and in

IG addition a garden lying to the north of it. Now once when
eating a tasty dish of rice prepared with saiinira* fruit, cooked
with butter and exquisite spices which a woman had offered

17 him, he thought: this is delicious, I will treat the brethren®
to it, and he had the like dish of rice given to the bhikkhus

18 along with a robe. He kept the Uposatlia festival’ and culti-
vated the appamafina*, he took on himself the pious du-

moniistic eatabli.’hnient out of the Vmsiigiri and Iwuiriisaitui.ia vihara.u
and tliat this l■ntnvgcd moiuLStery was named after Ihii two iliniKhters
and after Ku:<sa|>n himself. Wkkrkuasi.somk's ussnin|itiun toe. cit. is
thus confirmed. Veuiigiri is first mentioned Mhvs. 20. 15 in close
connRCtion with Issarasumai.m.

' Iiit. "somewhat fearing what the world finds blaniable",

* P, Wiojyo «o KnUhuno, thus something that benefits not the niona-
xlcry or its inmates, but the lluddbn himself.

* Uncertain. I take Niyi/aiili for the name of the garden. The
mountain near which it lies is very likely tlio Slbagiri. Tusnmix'nini
means the names of the King and of his daughters.

' See above note to 38. 75.

* 1’. sannira occurs besides here three times: 74. 204 ns tree along
with hidali, piii/a, niilikfrn; as fruit along with many other fruits 100. 5,
and as blossom 100. 26. It is pretty certain that what is nic-ant is the
royal coco-nut.

® P. nyydnam according to the happy conjecture of S. and H. Ai/i/d
used of the bhikkhus in general is found for instance Vin.l. 101"', it
is frequently used with a proper name as avV" Amtudii Vin. II. 290-”,
ayyo Mahdkas$ai>o S. II. 215*' etc.

’ That is he kept on the Uposatha days the five or eight Buddhist
moral commands (sf/rini, see Ciuldrrs s. v-)

” By oppoJWrtnRd certain virtues are understood which the believing
Buddhist practises and which regulate his relations with the outside
world. There are four of these, D. III. 223 f: melld ‘‘a loving sjiivii”,
karund “pity"; madild “joyous symjwt.by". iipckkn "serenity".

39. 27

Kati^apa I.

•45

ties* and had books copied. He made images, built alms-balls ly
and the like in great numbers: always be lived in fear of the
other world and of Moggallana.

Now in the eighteenth year the royal hero Moggallana 20
came hither at the information of the Niga^^bas* with twelve
distinguished friends from Jambudipa and collected troops at 21
the Kuthari-vihara in the Ambatthakola district. When the 22
King lieard of it he thought: I will seize and devour* him,
and though the soothsayer declared it to be impossible, he
went forth with an array of forces. Moggallana likewise (set 23
forth) with an army ready for battle, accompanied by his
heroic friends, like to the god Sujaippati* who fares forth'^
to light with the demons. When the two hosts fell on each 24
other like two seas that have burst their bounds, they fought
a mighty battle. Kassapa espying a great stretch of swamp 25
in front of him, turned his elephant to .seek another road.
When his troops seeing that, with theory: Friends, our com- 2C
innnder here flee.s! broke up in disorder, the troops of Mog-
gallana cried: “Wo see their back.s’'*! But the King with his 27
dagger cut liis throat, raised the knife on high and stuck it

* Tile ilhutaHi/u are certain ascetic observances of an outward kind
thirteen in number. It is not expected that these should be kept si-
niultanenusly, but it is meritorious to observe one or other of them,
They are meant primarily for the bhikkhus not for laymen.

* Name for the adherents of the Jaina sect.

* Aa a ferocious beast seizes bis prey and devours it.

* According to the Abhidhdn:i|ipadipika 18 name of the god Sakka
or India ‘conaort of Suja".

* Moiiijiilldni) pi must bc supplemented by the verb iiikkhaiiii from
the preceding verse. The part, gi'cchaiito belongs to Sojaipiiati. It must
not he regarded as representing a finite verb, aa we have to deal here
not with the description of a condition but with the narration of a fact.

'' Cf. lor this phrase 38. 105 with the note. The construction of the
sentence is difficult. The Col. Kd. changes baliikdgd into balnkdyn and
reads with the inferior MSS. piihbtjjinha. It is possible to retain the
reading of the better MSS. if we assume for this passage the freer
use of the gerund in the sense of an absolute participle, as it frequently
occurs in the later chapters. See Culavs. ed., Introd. p. XVI; .-u also
48. 78—79.

46

Moggnllana I.

39.28

28 in the sheath*. Moggallana carried out the ceremonies of
burning, glad at his brother’s deed*. He took the whole of

29 the (royal) treasure* and came to the capital*, When the
bhikkhus heard of this event, decently clad in their upper
and nether robes, and having cleansed the vihara, they ran-

30 ged themselves according to rank. When Moggallana came
to the Mahameghavana*, as the King of the gods to the
Naiidana (grove), he made his great army turn back outside

31 the elephant wall®. He approached the community, greeted
it respectfully and pleased with this community, he as a mark
of distinction, presented it with his umbrella’. The community

32 returned it to him. They called the. spot the CbattavaiJdhi®,

* W. has disousxeil the pamge aixl the |iarallcl |>a8mge!i 41. 24 f.,
41. 52 f., 44, 112 siml U6. DO. 23 in detail p. 6 If. All ohjection^t
vanish if one takes cAnn'itftm ns the object of ukkhii'ii/a and not nlufim.
It is also the object of lialthiuiM ai'petva in 44. 112. In 44. 116 wu
have only khipitrd churikom and in 41. 24 instead of it kdtiv; hwyam
tisipiittakam. As to si<am cAiWuti VV. himself has seen tbnt it must
not be translated too literally by “he cuts his head", bnt by “he cuts
his throat". This clearly follows from 41. 62 f. where we first have
cA/uditum iixaui <iltaiio and then ehindi kuiulhardin. The meaning of
our passage (39. 27) is: Kossapa dying swings his dagger in the air to
cal) his brother's attention to his own suicide. — Kassapa's date is
approximately fixed hy Chinese sources where we are told that a letter
of the king was received at the Chinese court in the year 527 A. D.
See JRAS. C. Br. xxiv, Nr. 66. p. b6; H. W. Courino iom, H. C., p. 30,

* Because he bad thereby spared bim the necessity of meting out
justice himself.

* P, tdtlhaua denotes the Regalia. Cf. rtijiuadliana 41. 20.

■' Thus 1 translate nrtjjurnw rnraui.

* The park in the south of Anur^lhapura in which the Mabavihura lay.

® The halthipdkdnt is by no means the town wall as W. thinks

(the elephant mmpart of the cily) but the wall supporting the terrace
of the MabStbupa. The passage deals not with the march into the
town, but with the entry into the domain of the monastery. The
bhikkhus are assembled on the terrace- Moggallana lets his troops turn
back and goes up alone to greet them. Cf. above 38. 10 with note.

' “In token of submission to the Church” (W.). The umbrella is the
symbol of the ruler.

* That is; “increase, flourishing of the umbrella". Its value has

89. 42

Moggalldna I.

47

and a pariveoa built there received this name. After he had
entered the city he visited the two other viharas', honoured 33
also the community there and having attained to the great
kingdom, he protected the world in justice. But at the thought: 34
high dignitaries have attached themselves to my father’s
murderer, he gnashed bis teeth* with rage — therefore he
received the name Rakkhasa* — and had more than a thou- 35
sand of these dignitaries put to death. He cut off their ears
and their noses and sent many into banishment. When he 36
heard the (sermon about) the pious doctrine he became peace-
ful in spirit and well minded and instituted a great almsgiving,
as a rain-cloud (pours a shower of rain) over the earth. On 37
the day of the full moon of the month Phussa* he ordained
a yearly alms and since then this alms is customary in the
Island to this day. And the charioteer* who bad given his 38
father roasted corn, brought his father's letter and showed
it to Moggallana. When the latter saw it he wept, praised 39
the love he had borne to his father and he, the powerful one,
appointed him to the office of gate-keeper. And the Senapati 40
Migara who had sent him reports in a fitting manner, instituted
a dedication festival for the Abliiseka-Buddha according to hi.s
desire*. The viharas Dajba and DalhSkondafifia by name on 41
the Sihagiri Moggallana granted to the adherents of the
Dhammaruci and Sagali Schools^ The Pabhata-vibara which 42

been increased by the King receiving it again out of the hand of tlio
bhikkhuB.

‘ Namely Jetavana and Abhayagiri.

* P. r.lAnn ddtham, lit. he revealed his eye-tooth, let it be seen,
bared it. The alteration into ddyam in the Col. Ed. is certainly wrong.

It deprives the following rahkhasaiiamacd of all sense.

’ That is “devil”. Characteristic of all representations of RakkhasiiH
(Skr. rdksami) are the powerful eye-teeth protruding from the mouth
like the tusks of a boar.

* December to January. Sec calendar Mhvs. trsl. p. 2, n. 3.

» Cf. above 88. 95 f. « See 39. 6 f.

’’ The Sagalikas are like the Dhammarueikas a sect only found in Ceylon.
Mhv. 5. IS; 38. 73. The Dhammarueikaa bad their seat in the Abhaya-
giri-vihlra. See also 52. 17.

48

Mogiialliina I.

89. 43

he had built be granted to the Thera called Mahanama in

43 the Digbasana vibara*. Having built a shelter for bbikkhuiiis’
called RsjinI, the wise (king) made it over to the bhikkhunis
of the Sagalika School.

44 A man of the clan of the LambakaQO)^^ named Datha-
pabliiiti, who had been in the service of Kassapa, had in ill-

46 humour betaken himself to the Mereliya di-strict und dwelt

46 there, lie had a son known by the name of Silakala. He too
out of fear of Kassapa had betaken himself with his kinsman

47 Moggallana from here* to Jumbudipa and had undergone the
ceremony of world-renunciation in the Bodhiniaij(]a-vihaia\
Fulfilling his duties to the community with zeal and great

43 skill he had (once) presented a mango fruit to the community.
Thu community pleased thereat, gave him the name of Ain-

49 basSiiiaoera®. Therefore he bore that name. Later on as
described in the Ke.sadhStuvnipsa^ he got possession of the

60 Hair Relic and brought it hither from that laud. Moggallana
honoured him, accepted the Hair Relic, preserved it in a pre-

61 cious casket of crystal, housed it in a beautiful building with
a picture of Dipaipkara’s* city and instituted with pomp u

' It is veiy probable that what is meant here is thif vibara built by
Dlgliasanda (see 30. 16). Hut whether with the Col- Ed. we are at
liberty to alter the name seems to me doubtful. Mahanama is the
author of the older Mabavaipsa.

s I’. bluH-liiimipnnsayoni. This is the usual name for viharas inteiuled
for I'emalc members of the order.

^ One of the most famous clans in Ceylon from which sjirang a whole
scries of Sinhalese kings.

‘ The author lives in Ceylon und Aniiradhapiini. The former is fur
liim ii'iiiiH di/ 10 , “(his our island". Anuradliapura idow nnijnrim '‘this
our riipitiil'’; "here, hither, from here” ineiin.s "in, to, from Ceylon (or
also: Anuradhapura)" etc. * Cf. 37.^16 with note.

That means; the novice with the mango fruit. After the piibliaijn
and until the npusampmlii one is not lihiki'hu, but sowoncra that is a
liitiire samaaa. one in the making.

’ The work is unknown to us. Neither as regards period or content
has itnnytbing to do with the Cbakesadhatuvamsa published by MiKAvur)',
JPTS. 1835, p. 5 If.

^ Diparnkara is the first of the 24 legendary forerunners of the hi-

39.67

Moggallaiia I

49

great sacrificial festival. He had statues made of bis maternal 52
uncle and of his wife and placed them there, as well as the
beautiful figure of a horee'. Further he had constructed a 63
casket for the Hair Relic, an umbrella, a maptjapa studded with
jewels, portraits of the two eminent disciples and a fan of
hair*. The King also made provision for the relic greater 54
than his own, and the Ruler entrusted Silakala with the
keeping of the relic appointing him sword-bearer* — hence 66
he was known by the name of Asiggahasiltikala — and gave
him his sister (to wife) together with (the necessary) revenues.
Here we give but a short extract ; an intelligent man can find 6C
a full account in every respect in the Kesadbatuvaipsa. By 57
instituting a guard for the sea-coast he freed the island from
danger*. Bv a regulative act* he purified the good doctrine,

storiual Builclhti He worked in ihe town of Banimavatj or Ramraana-
jjui'a, Buddhaviiin.ta 'i. 207 ff.; JaCo 1. 11'' IF. The cotyectiire Di/mmfraro'Sa
of the Col. Kd. inetead of IhpKmknmnagaraKsa ie teini>ting.

I have however, not accepted it, heenuxe it is difficult to see bow the
first perfectly elenr and simple rcadioK could be turned into the second.

It seems to me that we have to deal here with a picture with which
the house was decorated.

' W. has not ))roi)erly understood the construction of the sentence.
Then; can he no question of its being "other images also". The literal
translation would he a,s follows; "having fashioned his uncle and his
wife of gold, he placed the images there and a licautiful image of a
horse”. Thexc! two individuals had obviously played an important part
in the bringing over of the relic, the horse too, very likely. It is im-
possible to say more in the ahsenec of tlie quoted text (Kesadhatiivamsa).

* The ussortmeiit seems at first curious, W'e have to imagine the
reliquary resting under a pillar-supported canopy, the ratnnamnndapa.
on a royal throne. Umbrella and fun made of a yak's tail ('•tVuvljanl),
are attributes of the royal dignity. The portraits of the two fiOTUSdcatv?

— Sariputta and Moggallana — stand at (he side of the relic, as the
highest dignitaries at the side of the throne.

^ The aaiytjdha is like the chultaggdha (see 38. 3 with note), a high
court oflicial. Cf. 42. 42; 44. 43 ff. .Sec the Introduction 111.

* Of a hostile attack from India.

1*. ilhaiiiinakammemi. This is an .act which the priesthood carries
out according to the formalities laid down in the Viiiaya. The King
orders its carrying out. Cf. with this especially 44. 7ti, 52. 44. It is

50

39 . 58

58 the <iMer of the Victor (Buddha). The SeoSpsti Uttara
founded a practisiog-house’ which was called after him. After
Mogg»ll3na had carried out meritorious works he went to his
death in the eighteenth year (of his reign*).

59 Thus even he though better far than the ferocious Kassaps*,
was not able once his merit was exhausted, to conquer ap-
proaching death as if be were but its slave. Therefore the wise
when they have conquered the fear of death, will be happy.
Nirvana the highest eternal state of bliss is attainable (only)
by him who knows the (nature of the) ego.

Here ends the thirty-ninth chapter, called “The History
of The Two Kings”, in the Mahavaipsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

always concerned with the removal of abuses which have crept into tlic
Order aqd with the punishment of guilty Ithikkbus.

> 8ee 37. 282 with note.

* Pi^av. and R^av. also give him 18 years.

3 K»s$apakojnuo is a transposiUon of A'o/)iirtss(jjMJssn, Cf. 37. C9, n.
The whole strophe it very corrupt in the MSS. I have attempteil to
reconstruct it in lets arbitrary foshioii than has been done in the Col. Kd.

KumarSdhatusena to Siva

51

urn

6'ih

CHAPTER XLI

THE NINE KINGS

After his death his vigourous sod of god-like form, called 1
KuQi3radhStuseoa‘ became king. In the vihara built by 2
his father he had repairs carried out, he had a revision made
of the sacred texts and he reformed the Order. He supplied 3
the great community abundantly with the four necessaries and
after accomplishing many meritorious works, he passed away
in the ninth year* (of his reign). Hereupon his son Kitti- 4
sena became king. Alter he bad in divers ways done meri-
torious works he was forced to quit the throne in the ninth
month*. His mother’s brother, Siva killed him and became 5
(himself) king; he did several meritorious deeds and was slain*
on the fiva-aiid-twentieth day by Upatissa.

^ POjav. and R^av. — in the first of these the Kinff is called
Ktimdraddaa — tell of his friendship with Kalidasa. Eumantdasa flung
himself into the fiames of the pyre on which his dead friend whs burnt
and died with him. Popular tradition places this event in Matarn. Here
as we observed for ourselves on the spot, the people are well acquainted
with the names of the two hiends and their tragic fate. Tradition
makes Kalidasa the son of the first minister of Kumaradasa's father and
the youthful comrade of Kumiradasa. The grave of the latter in Matara
is still pointed out.

* FQjav. also gives him 9 years. Likewise Rajav. (the translation
gives erroneously 18 years).

* R^av. gives the length of reign as 9 years, Pnjav. in accordance
with Mhvs. as 9 months.

* Pfljav., Rajav,, Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. call the prince M^disiTraja.
He reigned according to the Pujav. 26 days. K^av. has erroneously 25 years.

52

Upatissa IJI

41.6

6 Then Upatissa*, husband of the sister of Moggallana and

7 his general, having slain Siva, became king. After the king
by granting offices and the like, had won over the people for
himself, he gave his daughter (in marriage) to Silakala to-

8 gether with (the necessary) revenues. King Upatissa had a
son, Kassapa. lie was a hero associated with sixteen heroic

9 comrades of the same breed. He lived by bis manliiie.ss in
pious fa.shion, showing reverence to the aged*.

10 Silakala whose heart was deluded by lust for power,
hereupon betook himself to southern Malaya*, collected a

11 mighty force and plundering the frontier, arrived near the city
(Anuradhapura). When Kassapa the eldest (son of the King)

12 heard that, he mounted his favourite elephant, comforted his
father, took his companions with him and fared forth to meet

13 Silakala. After the latter had been routed seven or eight times
and his courage had ebbed, ho brought the districts east and

14 west by a ruse into his power and advanced to the Piicfna-
tissapabbata* to renew the combat. Kassapa with his comrades

ir> mounted his elephant, came thither, sent the rebels tlying and
drove his elephant to the summit of the mountain. Hence they

l(! called him Girikassapa. Silakala remaining obdurate, made
the kingdom still more rebellious and brought it entirely into

17 liis power. He advanced with an invincible army and train
of followers ujion the town and be.sieged it. For -seven days

* Sinhalese sources tall this Luiiiitijiiiinitissa. lie sjiriin;'

thus from the r.itinliakai.iMa clan.

* I’. jcHhitpiicityaka does not mean “honoured liis parents greatly”,
the term is found in kiite JetUi<ip<tciiyikit pv. 2. 7. 18 beside wilttyiiii
and priteyyn. Cf. furtlier kulajyeMhiiiuic,iijnka Mahiivastu i. 198®. It
i-s a uiiilter of Hie reverence shown lo the oldest and noblest meml.eis
of tlie clan.

® Name of the Central Province, the mountain country of Ceylon.

’ One of the mountains east of Anuradliajiura. King Jellhatissa 1.
(iiesrinnin;; of 4l1i century A. D.) had founded a monastery there and had
lu'ought the stone image of tlic Buddlia from the Tliiiparaiiia to the
new vihara (Mhvs. 36. 127 tf). His successor Mahasena then triinsfeired
it to the Abliayiigiri-vihara (37. 14). It was at tlie l‘aelnatissa|mblmta
lliat according to 44. 14 If., the decisive lattle was fought lielween
Sanighatissa and Moggallana III.

41.28

Siltiktilu

53

the King’s people fought, then they weakened. Thereupon 18
Kassapa thought: “All living creatures here are perishing be-
cause of the siege of the town, the troops are enfeebled, the
King is old and blind. I will take my father and mother 19
(for safety) to Merukandara*, collect the troops and then
punish the rebels*.” In the night he took his comrades and 20
the royal treasure® and set off for Malaya. But as the guides 21
did not know the way, they lost themselves and wandered
hither and thither uear the town. Hearing of thi.s SilSkala 23
hastened out and surrounded them. A terrible fight ensued.

As the battle went off like the battle of the gods and the 22
demons, when his comrades had fallen and the royal elephant
had succumbed, Kassapa handed him over to bis driver, cut 24
his throat, wiped the blood from his dagger and stuck it in
the sheath. Then supporting both hands on the temples of 35
the elephant he sank down. Upatissa when he heard this,
died also, pierced hy the arrow of grief.

Wlien after a year and a half* (of his reign) Upatissa had en- 2G
tered Heaven Silakala became king. Together with his former
name he was called AmbasSmanerasilakala*. Living for thir- 27
teen years (longer) he protected the Island in justice®. He had 28
delicious meats (prepared in the same way as) for the King,
distributed in the MabapSli hall and concerned for the wel-

‘ A district in Maluya wliich often servetl a.s place of rcTusc (ef.

44. 28, 47. 58 Ac.).

* Here me stands for muyti and belongs to "by ine is . . .

to be punished". Tlie gerunds i'rttra and samgaheUa arc then to be
taken in conjunction with me.

® For rdjastidhana sec note to 39. 28. Cf. also 48. 89.

* Pajav, the same, Bajav. however, one year and ten months.

® See above 89. 48 -50.

® Piijur. and Nik.-s. call the King L&m&oi-Ambaheraoa-Salii-
mevan {■= Silameghavappa). likewise Rajaratii.; In Rajav. he is called
LAm^Qi-Akbo (— Aggobodhi). I’Sjav. and Rajav. give him in agree-
ment with our chronicle, a reign of 13 years. Rijaratn. contains a
chronological statement. It says that bis reign began 1088 years after
Buddha's Nirvana and 862 years after the introduction of the Buddhist
doctrine into Ceylon.

54

SSabSla

41.29

fare of his people, he increased the revenues of the hospitals.

29 Daily he sacrificed to the Bodhi Tree, he had image.s made and
to all bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he distributed the three

30 garments*. He decreed throughout the Island preservation of
life for all creatures. In most fitting manner he sacrificed to

St the Hair Relic brought (hither) by himself. The Rahera canal
he made over to the Abhayuttara-vihara. Here beside the

32 Monarch of trees* he set up the throne called Kunta which
he had fetched away from the eastern vihara of the adherents
of the Thera School. All his life long he performed meri-
torious deeds without number.

33 The King had three sons: Moggalliina, Dathapabhuti and
TJpatissa. To the eldest (Moggallana) he handed over the

34 Eastern Province and after conferring on him the dignity of
the title of Adipada, he dismissed him with the words: “Go

35 and dwell there”. He went and took up his abode there. On
the second son (DS(hapabbuti) he conferred the post of Ma-
laynrSja* and the province of Dakkhioadesa and entru-sted him

36 with the care of the sea-coast*. But Upatissa, a young man

* Namely robe (»am^kan), under-^mnneDt and sliirt

{antaravaeaka).

* That ia, beside the Bodhi Tree in the Abhayagiri-vihara {latthnU

* I believe that Ihanam Malayarajofigain means the same as th.
Malaynriijadim or in composition MalayarojoJillhi'f-'im. But this is
a circumlocution for Malayardjaltkdnnm, as so often happens, for in-
stance Kumaradidhattuena (= KumdradluUiiiieiin} 41. 1. .See followinf?
note for the title Malayardja.

^ Here appears for the first time the title ndipdda which in course
of time becomes the title for the princes of the royal house. The heir
to the throne is MabadipSda. The title ilalayardja, so frequent later,
is here mentioned for the first time. Apparently the owner of it was
entrusted with the administration of the province Malaya, the central
mountain country. I regard the province called desa Piiratlhimn as
the one oiherwise called ‘‘Eastern Province”. DaHhii}adesa

as H. W. CoDBiBOTOs (Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth cen-
tury, JRA8 C- B. XXIX, Nr. 75, 1922, p. 62 ff.) rightly saw, is not a
general term for the south of the island iRobana) but a special province,
the territory in the west of the mountains up to the sea. The two
provinces get their names from their position in relation to Anuradha-

41. 43 Dafh<ti>abhufi 55

of good looks he took to live with himself for he was parti-
cularly fond of him.

In the twelfth year (of bis reign) a young merchant who 37
had betaken himself from here to Kasipura' brought hither
from tlicre the (book) Dharamadhatu*. The King as incapable 38
of distingui.shing truth from &Isehood as the moth which
flies to the lamp it takes for gold, when he saw it, believing 39
it to be the true doctrine of the Buddha received it with
ceremony. lie showed it reverence and honour and placed
it in a house not far from the royal palace. Every year he 40
was wont to take it over to the Jetiivana-vibara and there to
arrange a festival which he made into a permanent institution^,
regarding this as a blessing for all beings. After Silakala had 41
thus performed numerous meritorious deeds he pas.sed away
on reaching the thirteenth year of his reign, according to
his deeds.

After Dathapubhuti had seized the throne the deluded 42
one had his brother (Upatisss) murdered, because he sought
to hinder him, it not being his turn. When Moggallann heard 43
that, he spake full of fierce wrath: ‘‘lie hath usurped the
government though he had no right to it, without cause he

l>iii’ii, it is worOiy of note here that Dakkhinndesii ia not yet, na regu-
larly later, the province of the heir to the Throne, hut ia haniied over
to Uio second son, l>eing iipparentty united with Malaya. Or does Sila-
kala wish for some reason or other that Uathapabhuti and not MoggallSnii
should be hia .successor'?

’ The town (in the land) of the Eaeis, that is baraijiasT i. e. benarus.

^ According to the wording of the Pali lest, one ia inclined to assume
that (lhamniadhiitu is meant for some relic of the Buddha, perhaps his
ditammalariikii. his water' vessr'l. and that this relic turned out to be
a fake. The NikSyasaingraha however, which treats the subject in
greater detail (p. 16*'— 17®), says distinctly that it is a book containing
the heretical doctrines of the Vaitulya School (see note to 4'2. 35). The
King was not able to distingnish these teachings from the true Buddha
doctrine. kVc must therefore assume that Dkimmadha/.u was the title
of the book. The Nik.-s. gives the name of the merchant’s son (re-
lahdaimlrayd) who brought the book as Punpa.

^ P. kdresi cdrillam; the iuhn. kdlum governs the acc. mahatii.

56

Diiljuipalihuti

tl. ii

44 hath slain my youngest brother who spake the truth. I will
see that he has a merry reign He took a strong army

45 and advanced to the Kahera mountain. When the King heard
it, he erected an armed camp with troops ready for battle on

46 the Karinda mountain. Hearing of this Moggallana sent tlie
King this message: “The people living on the Island have
never failed in their duty to thee or me and if one (of us) is

47 dead, the government need not be divided between us*. Others
shall not fight therefore, we two alone will fight a combat

48 here on elephants". The other declared that he was willing
and armed with the fire weapons*, be mounted his elephant
and prepared at once* for battle, like Mara* against the Sage

49 (Buddha). Moggallana also mounted his favourite elephant
and took his place. The huge elephants rammed each other.

60 A crash was heard at their onslaught like the roar of thunder
and sparks like lightning flew at the striking of their tusks.

61 The blood-stained elephants were as evening clouds. Wounded
by Moggalltlna’s elephant the King’s elephant began to give

62 way. When the King saw that he made as if to cut his
throat. But Moggallana greeting him with reverence, besought

63 him: “Forbear to do that!” Despite the rcque.st, he persisted
in his defiance and cut his neck. Thus after six niontlis and
(six) days* he lost the kingdom.

* P. kardpeisami majjartiijam, lit. “I shall see that his reifjn is an
intoxicating draught". That meuDs either a reign the pleasure of which
is as short as that of an intoxicating drink, or in scorn a reign that
will make as merry as an intoxicating drink.

* This seems to me the sense of this not quite easy passage ; the
people who are loyal to us both are then not obliged (o choose be-
tween us.

* According to Clouob. Sinhalese Dictionary, s. r. the weapons were:
sword, spear, bow, battle-axe and shield.

* P. otthari ‘'descended (into the arena, to the place of combat)".

* Mara, the tempter, who with his army of demons fights against
Buddha in the night of enlightenment and is routed by him, is a favourite
subject for artistic representation. Tlius at Borobiidur, relief nr- 94
(1. gallery, main wall, upper row). Cf. N. J. Kbum, the T.ife of Buddha
on the Stnpa of Barabudur, p. 102 ff.

6 According to Pnjav. and Rajav. he reigned six months.

41.63

Uloggallana If

57

Hereupon tlie mighty Moggallana became king on the 54
Island. On account of his mother’s brother* they called him
Cula(moggallana). lie had poetic gifts without equal, as 55
highest (good) he held the three (sacred) objects*. He was an
abode of virtues like generosity, self-control, purity, goodness.

By largess, friendly speech, by working for the good (of others) 56
and by his natural feelings for others*, he won over the mass
of his subjects. By almsgiving and the (founding of) viharas, 57

(S'fts of) medicine and garments he won the community
of the bhikkhus and by just protection. While distinguishing 68
the preachers of the doctrine by abundant gifts of honour, he
had the three Pitakas together with the Atthakatha* recited.
Boys he lured with sweetmeats which delighted them and had 59
them constantly instructed in the good doctrine, he, the sage
who was a shining light of the good doctrine. He also com- 60
posed u poem in praise of the good doctrine which he, the
l)e.st of men, from the height of his elephant*, recited at the
do.se of the sermon, in the town. He dammed up the Ka- 61
dainba river* among the mountains forming thereby the
Pattapasaijavapi, Dhanavapi and Garitara tanks. With the 62
thought: this is a work that ensures long life, he, full of zeal,
had the sacred texts written down and a solemn festival held
for the (three sacred) objects. While full of pity for the world 63
as a mother for the son of her womb, he died, having given
and enjoyed according to desire, in the twentieth year (of
his reign)’.

' i’. ai/i/aknm = Moggallana I. who was liia iiiiiluln, since according
to 39. 65, his father Silakala had married Moggallana's I. sister.

* The I'atihuUai/a are the Buddha, his doctrine {dhamma) and liia
Order

* I’, namdiialtmmhhfnenu. By this the eattdri samgahavatthilni arc
meant. See note to 37. 108.

* That is the sacred texts together with the commentaries.

* P. kuNjariixekhare iiixa. Here iiisd stands for iiissd metri causa
and the latter for nussdga as expressing a local relation.

® The river flowing past the east side of Anuradhapura, now called
Malvatu-oya.

’ PajSv. and Itajav.: 90 years. In both works and in the Rajaratn.
the king is called Dala-Mogalan. See below note to 44. 63.

58

Kittisirimef/ha

41. 64

64 His Mahest )iad killed his kiudred with poison. She then
made her son king and carried on the government herself.

65 Lord of men Kittisirimegha thus made king, at once had
the house of the Monarch of trees* covered with tin plates.

6G For the poor, for travellers and beggars he instituted a great
almsgiving. As protector of the road in such manner he could

67 be useful to alP. But in all enterprise.s the Mahesi took the
lead, thus everything in his kingdom was turned upside down.

68 The royal officials and the high diguitaries thought only of
bribery, and the powerful in the land terrorized the weak.

66 At the time of Siiakala there lived in a village called
Sahgilla, a man called Bhayasiva, a scion of the Moriya clan.

70 Siva had a son by name Aggabodhi and also n sister's son

71 known by the name of Mahanaga. llis sister's son was of
tall stature, Aggabodhi was liundsomel On account of his

72 high-soaring plans, the vigorous Mahaniiga gave up field la-
bour and led a robber's life in tho forest. Once when he

73 caught an iguana* he sent it to his aunt*. When she saw

’ Till) Bodhi Tree in the Miihaviliam.

^ The conjectural mntn/nmi'ilo “i-Oitd-hall’' (piTbaiw = rext-liousc) of the
Col. Kd. for-po/o is without douht lemptiiit;. According to it W. ti'iinslates
as follows: '‘Yes, he was like unto a public hall of charity wherein all
men were uiile to imrtakc freely of according to their necessities." 1 have
however, scrople.H almut taking such liberties with tho MS. reading,
more especially as it gives tolcrnblc sense. In the foregoing tmrellers
and wandering heggars have been mentioned. Here the compiler of
our chronicle adds tlie remark: the king would have been a signpost
and a guide to all these (4<(M'opnMuii/iyo, lit. ^ one who must or can
he enjoyed by all), bud not the ifueen prevented him. -She iiiturfered
everywhere and thereby brought the kingdom to cbao.s.

•' An alteration of the test is certainly necessary if the M8S. have
bhatiinetiyo mahanfiyo agiiahoilhi cii xundaro. 'I'he wiiter of 8. 6 has felt
that, when he has change*) siiitdnro into -rd. But it seems to me that
in this verse a contrast, not a resemblance, between the two cousins
h.aa to be emphasised, to make the future conduct of Mahanaga intelli-
gible. I should incline therefore, to read mahOhiyo instead of Mahihingo.
and refer the reader to the critical note in my edition.

* P. (/oiihd, Sinh. ffoyu. Two species are distinguished: talagoya
“land-iguana” (Varanun draeaenn) and kabaruyoyu "speckled iguana"
{IlyilrontiuruH salvalor). The flesh of ignanas is eaten.

* P. mdtuldHt, the wife of the mother's brother, lienee the wife of
Bhayasiva,

41.81

Kilttsirimegha

5y

tbo iguana abe understood (what he wanted) and ordered to
send him a basket of com^ He also sent to the blacksmith
a hare and he did the same (as the aunt). From his sister* 74
he begged seed corn and a bringer of the seed corn*; she
handed him over a slave and provided him secretly with food
and drink.

Now during a famine a certain man, skilled in magic spells, 75
in order to get alms, was wont to beg food from everybody
clad in the robe of a bfaikkhu. Ho had betaken himself to 7(i
the village (of Sahgilla) but as he got no food, overcome
with hunger, he sat down trembling. When the merciful 77
Mahaniiga saw biro, ho had pity on him, took the alms-bowl,
but although he traversed the village in all directions, he got 78
not even rice .soup. But when he gave up his upper-garment,
he got food. The other ate, was content and thought: I will 79
make him worthy of the kingdom on the Island. He took him
with him and came in a moment to the Gokaw'i* Sen- 80
ting himself there and murmuring in the usual way the for-
mula of incantation, he conjured up the NSga King in the 81
night of the full muon of the month Hbussa*. “Touch the
great Naga*'”, he commanded Malian^a. In the first watch

' I', pnKttmsngi must not he corrected. The root Mins is intimately
connected with sun. Just as in Skr. mmn nnd HiU iiicvgc in each otlior;
paeams means here "to determine, to direct". The aunt understands^
that by sending the iguana her nephew wishes to indicate that while
he has the tiesh of game in abundance, he lacks bread.

* The son of this sister is (42. I) the future king Aggabodhi I.

3 P. blinguliu. purposely formed like asigdha, challagohn.

* Ooliaif'^uilui) is also 67. 6 the theatre of a similar scene of magic
its the one here described. In 71. 18 it is the farthest spot down the
Mahaveliganga ("from Sarogamatittha as far as Gokaiiija”). which must
be protected from the enemy in Hohapa. As in our passage it is
described as viahanniira "ocean”, it can be no other than the mouth
of the Mahaveliganga, the Koddiynr Bay, the Bay of Trincomalee.

* December to January.

® The Nagas are semi-divine beings in the form of snakes. They are
always held to be zealous worshippers of the Buddha and of his teaching.
They are represented in human fonn with a snake’s bead growing from
between the shoulder blades over the head.

60

KUlisirimeghii

41. 82

of the night, through fear, he did not touch the Xaga who

82 had appeared. It was even so in the middle watch of the
night. But in the last watch he caught him hy the tail and
(immediately) let go of him. (Only) with three fingers had

83 lie touched him*. When the magician saw that he foretold:
“My effort succeeds: After thou ha.st had war with three kings

84 and slain the fourth, thou shalt be king in thy old age and
live yet three years; and three people out of thy clan will be

85 kings (after thee). Go thither, serve the King; later thou
shalt witne.ss rny power.” With these words he sent him forth.

80 Mahsnaga went, sought the monarch* and entered his service.
The King made him collector of revenue in Kohaua and he

87 collected many goods which were produced there. The King
was pleased with him and gave him the rank of an andhasena-
pati* and commanded him to betake himself thither (to liohaQit)

88 again. He took the son of Bbayasiva and his sister's .son*
with him, went thither and raised rebellion in the whole pro-

89 vince. He made of Kohaga a territory whose products fell
exclusively to himself and took up his abode tliere^ In order
to wage war with Dathapabhuti be advanced with a great

90 array of forces, but from fear of Moggallana*, he returned to

* W. transliites; “he raised it by tlie tail with three of his fingers
iiiid Ji' 0 |>|ied if. hut thill does not mean “to raise'' norchii;) “to di'ni>''.
Ill my edition the punctuation of the text is also wrong. One ninsl
place the semi-colon after khipi and take tih' emm angiilihi sn tiini chiiju
us a connected sentence.

- The event takes place, as is apparent from v. 69 and from what
follows, in the time of King Silakala.

' This title only occurs here. See Introd. III.

* The former was called Aggabodhi (41. 70). Uy I’lulf/iiiei/yn we
have probably to understand the nephew of Mahanaga who according
to V. 93 died prematurely.

* The present part. I'nsnm is used here instead of a finite verb to
express a permanent state.

^ Before it came to a tight, the reign of Uathapabliuti had come to
an end, after lasting six months.

41. 9S

Mahnn&ga

61

Rohaija. While he dwelt there he heard of the confusion’ in
King Kittsirimegha’s kingdom. Mahanaga thought it was 91
now time to seize the government, set out hastily from Ro-
haua, slew the Ruler on the nineteenth day*, took over the 92
government himself and reestablished order. Then he sent a
letter to his sister's son bidding him come. The latter coming 93
turned back because of an (unlucky) omen and died. There-
upon Mahanaga out of gratitude, made the son of his mother’s
brother (Aggabodhi) Uparaja*. After building an irrigation 94
trench round the Monarch of trees he had a roof put over
its golden house and set up images of the King of Sages. He 9ri
decorated the three great cetiyas with stucco work and (put
up) a protecting ring (against lightning). He also repaired
the elephant terrace and the paintings*. The weavers’ village 9C
Jambelambaya* he affiliated to the Uttara-viliara* and the
village called Tintipika to the MahSvihara. The village of 97
Vnsabha in Uddhagama he granted to the Jetavana, he also
instituted a giving of garments for the three fraternities’.
After granting three hundred fields to the Jeta(vana)- 98
vihara he instituted there a permanent (gift of) rice soup for

' P. ammnitjaKa. lit. “uneven road" a figunitivc expresgion for tlie
idea of ilUni'dcr and confusion.

V Pnjav., Rujav,, Nik.-s.. {tajanitn. call the kin;^ Kin.lakitsiviuiuvan to
distint^uish him from Sirimegliavaeeu, the lirst prince of the CrilavamK;i
line. The two first chronicles ntlribulc to him ii reign of 19 years.

^ For the U|>aiuja, the co-regcnt of the reigning king and his rela-
tion to the Yuvar^a. the beir-a|)|«irent, gee Introduction II.

* Cf. for the works mentioned here S8. 10 and 74 with the notes.

The stucco work is of course the masonry of the tbfipa; cumhuta is short,
for enjiruCHmbala\ htillhimli is the same as hatlhiiiukfira.

^ Or ‘'the weavers' village callwl Jamlielii” according to the reading
jaiiihduchnyiim preferred by S. and B.

® P, Uttare. This doubtless stands here for AhhayuHorc, is there-
fore the Abhayagiri-vihara. Cf. note to 37. 97.

’ The tayn Ntlvlyii are the communities of the Mahii-, Jetavana- and
Abhayagiri-vihunis. Hut in a Sinhalese work, <|uotuU by Wickiikmasinoiik,

KZ. II. 275, note I, it is pointed out that they are (he three sects of tlie
Dhammarucis, S^alikas, and Vctullas. Soinetimes, as 40, 15 f. “two
fraternities” are mentioned along with the three.

62

itfitAfUiapa

41. 99

99 the bhikkbus. He hauded over to the Ascetics’ a tbousaad
fields (watered by the tank) called Duratissa. For the inmates
of the Mahavibara he instituted a permanent (dole of) rice

100 soup. The Ciramatikavara (canal) he granted thither, rejoicing
at virtuous dealing. In the Majura*parivepa* he undertook

101 renovations and in the Mahadevarattakurava-vibara in (the di-
strict of) Kasikhapda he restored the dilapidated Anurarama.

102 After be had performed in this and in other ways works which
lead to Heaven he joined after three years ^ the company of
the gods.

103 These eight kings who were all contented in spirit*, whose
wealth was endless as that of the King of Kings*, who gloried
in their troops, their elephants, their chargers and in the
chariots of their heroic army®, they had finally to surrender
all and forsaken by their followers, mount the pyre. The wise

’ I do not think that we ran connect rajxufsiNum directly with
The I'onner bclonffM to the first, the latter to the
second half of the verse. Thu ascetics do not livu in the vibSni but in
the nrtin!iii, I'lobiibty the uscc-tics of lhi‘ Ta|«jvana 62. 22, 53. 1 1. 54. 2U
arc meant, the settlement in the. wilderness west of Aiuiradhapuru, re-
cently morn accurately invcitiguted by AvaTos and Hucaii-t. See Memoirs
Arcliaeol. Survey Ceylon 1. 1924, p. 18 tf.

* See 37. 172 and 38. 52 with the notes.

® IMjav. and R«(jav. call the prince Senevi or Senevi-Mana. The
duration of his reign is given as 3 years. In Rojaratn. and Nik.-s. hu
is also called Senevi. After him all four chronicles insert a king
whose name is missing in the CDlavainsa. Pfljav.: Lumki.ii-Siiigaii-
Saladalabona (8 years), ll^jiiv.: Idimai.ii-Sirnha-Saludalabonu
(9 ycai-s), Rajaratn. and Nik.-x.: hainiitji-Singanaya.

* llccaiisc they bad attained the highest human go.^l, the dignity
of kingshiji.

* The word nijaraja denotes also in Skr. Kuvera, the god of
wealth.

® The two first lines of the strophe offend repeatedly again.nt the
law of style. They can only be translated according to their sense.
Jifijartijem J'fij'w and nnraknriturfigd xSrasendrathehi ai-e disintc'gnibid
roni[iounds They stand instead of rOjuriijariiiid (^ritpa = "like", as
in bhagaviintarii^Hi, D. 1. 51*®) and narakaTiturag(V!urn>’fiidrathehi.

41. 103

3fah<inaga

68

man when he remembers this should, if he seeks his salTation,
harbour the wish to fling away from him the happiness of
existence.

Here ends the forty-first chapter, called ‘The Nine Kings’^
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

* The MSS. have it is true, nlthart^jako “the eifflit kings". Cf. the
note to the signatm-e of the following paricclieda.

64

Aggabodhi I

CHAPTKU XLU
THE TWO KINGS

1 Aggabodhi the highly favoured of fortune, sister's son
of King Mahanaga’, now became king whose aspiration was

2 the attainment of the highest enlightenment. In splendour
imitating the sun, in charm the moon with full disk, in stead-

3 fastness the Sunieru mountain*, in depth the ocean, in firm*
ness the earth, in impartiality* the wind, in insight the ma*

4 gician among the gods*, in purity the autumn lieavens, in the
enjoyment of wishes fulfilled the King of the gods, in wealth

* Here S. and B., and W. obviuiisly dependent on their rendering,

translate ikhili Mah('i»aga-tiarnnin<luhu mngUiyit, W; “the son of Ma-
hanaga’s mother’s brother." In itself that would be quite simple.
Aggabodhi would then be the son of Bhayuslva mentioned 41. 70 whutii
Mahan^a according to 41. 03, appointed u^mraja. But there is one
diflicalty about the matter It absolutely contradicts tlic text. Agga-
bodhi is here perfectly plainly described as lihiigiitfggn of Miihdnaga.
The I’iijav. also calls him and likewise (he Kiljav. We

mast stick to this if wo wish to keep firm ground under our feet. Wc
must thus assume that the Cillavamsa says notbiiig'about the after fate
of UhayasTva's son, .just ns it is so often silent where we should like
to boar more, and that the Aggabodhi named in 42. 1 has nothing but
the name in common with him. Still's genealogical tree (in bis very
valuable Index to the Mahawansa) which rests on the translations, needs
correction accordingly.

^ Sumeru is the s.'ime as Meru or Ilemauieru. Cf. 37. 79 with note.

* P. xamariilli refers to the imiiartial demeanour towards others,

none being favoured, none being disadvantaged, as the wind IjIows
equally for all beings without distinction. It is interesting to find quite
similar phrases as those in v. 2 and 3 in an inscription of Maliinda IV.
(WicKBEuAsiNaiiE, EZ. I. 225). * That is Brhaspati.

42. 12

Aggabodhi I

65

the commander of treasures’, in justice the upright Vasettha*,
in courage the king of beasts, in royal rirtues a ruler of the 5
world, in generosity a Vessantara*, it was thus his people
knew him. On his mother’s brother he conferred the dignity 6
of uparaja, on his brother that of yuvaraja, on his sister’s son
that of king of Malaya*. To the most distinguished officials 7
also he gave positions according to their merits. He won over
his subjects by the heartwinning qualities and by the royal
virtues*. The province of Dakkhitisdesa with the appropriate 8
retinue* he made over to the Yuvaraja. The latter while he
dwelt there, built the Sirivaddhamana tank. After the wise 9
(prince) had erected the Giri-vihara intended for the com-
munity (of the bhikkbus) he granted it two hundred fields
for the support of the community. To the Malayaraja he gave 10
his daughter Dafha by name (to wife); he abo built the pari-
veoa which bears the name Sirisaqighabodhi. For MahSsiva 11
he built a parive^a’ which was called after him. His com-
panions also were chiefly intent on meritorious works. Thus 12
by a pious mode of life* he followed the good old custom

* The term amaramantar applied to ilrhaspati here bear* out his
close asaoniation with the Atharvavuda given him in the Indian epics.
Hopkins, Epic. Mythology, p. 181. — The King of the Gods is Indra,
the Lord of treasure Kuvera.

* A fM, a primeval sage (Skr. Veui'^lha).

* Vessantara was the last human incarnation of the Buddha. His
history is told in the Jataka bearing his oaiiie (Nr. 547) F&dboull's
edition, VI. p. 479 ff.

* Cf. for these titles the notes to 41. 33-36.

* See notes to 37. 107 and 106.

* P. sayoggam. the adj. yogga i.s made into a substantive by supple-
menting it with a nominal term like “accessories, equipment, retinue".
Sayoggabalavuhana in 44. 64 is nsed in the same connection. Here for
the first time we have the Southern Province, the dakkhinadesa as
territory reserved for the heir to the throne, as is thencieforward the
rnle. Cf. also the note to 41. 35.

’ Note to 37. 63.

* P. $ddhupacurena. W. translates this: “by continually keeping the
company of good men”, which is also possible.

66

Affgabodhi I

42. 13

and t« remove hindrances, he restored* it where it had fallen

13 into decay. During his reign poets wrote numerous poems
in the Sihala tongue which were distinguished by various

14 useful doctrines*. In the DakkhiQa-vibara* he erected a splen-
did pasada* and in the course of nine years be cleared the

16 island of all briers*. After building the vihara called Ku-
runda destined for the whole Order (of bhikkbus) and a tank of
the same name* and (alter planting) a cocopalm garden three yo-

' Refers directly to "the good old custom" {poriinam dhammiyain
tidltiiH) which is figuratively likened to a building that has fallen into
decay and must be restored. The “hindrances" are things, actions,
circumstances which obstruct the path to delivrancxi.

^ So I translate *>aya which is chiefly used of prudent policy. The
names of the twelve poete said to have flourished under Aggabodbi I.
are enumerated in the Pujav., the R^av., and the Nik.-s.

Piijav: 1. Dkbiimi Kt(jSv; Dahanet Nik.-s.: DamTya

2 Tcmal

Pusu

Suriyababuya

8. Bhbiri

Bari

Babiriya

4. Bisodala

Miyo

Dalabiaoya

0. Anunit

Kuma

Anurutkumaruya

6. Dalagot

1>a)agot

Da)agotkuniaruya

7. Puravadn

Puravd

Puravatjukumaruya

8. Dalasalakumani

Daeala

najasalakutnaruya

9. Eitsiri

Kitsiri

Kitsirikumaruya

10. Kasub

KAsubu

Kasupkotaapaya

11. Eota

Kota

Sakdamalaya (?= 2)

12. Apa

Xpaya

Asakdaraalaya

In addition it is stated in the POjav. and Rajav. that the Thera Dbamma-
kitti (sinh. ns^ini, D&h&mikit) held offlee under King Aggabodhi.

’ That is: the “Southern Monastery". According to Mhvs. 33. 88 its
builder was Uttiya, one of the warriors of Vatt-ei?amaQi. It lay nagnraniha
(Inkkhinalo. In the latest plan of Anuradhapura the Dakkhiija-Tihara
IB identified with the cetiya known in local tradition as “Elam's tomb”
(Cf. Mhvs. 26. 72-73). As regards this monument, 1 should prefer keeping
to the local tradition. The Dakkhii;ia-vihara lias thus still to be identified.

* See note to 37. 59.

* Said figuratively; “thorn" is used of all enemies of the

throne and the church, of all pests of the organism of the State.

* The building of the Kurunda tank is also narrated in Piijav, Rajav,
and Rajaratn. H. W. Coukisoton (H. C., p. 86) identifies it with the Giant’s
tank near Mannar.

42. 23

AggtAodhi 1

67

janas ia length, he granted it to Mahasira as his dwelling' 16
and in addition to it revenues, honours and distinctions and
a hundred monastery attendants*. Near to it be built the 17
Ambilapassava-vihara and granted the village of this name to
the Ascetics of the Thera School*. To the Unnavalli-vihara 18
he granted the far>famed village of Ratana* and placed (in
the vibara) a stone image of the Master. In Kelivata he built 19
the (vihara) called Sumanapabbata and beside the Bodhi temple
a stone terrace with a large oil pit*. After he had restored 20
the Lohapasada, he distributed at the dedication festival of
the pasiida to six and thirty thousand bhikkhus the three gar-
ments*. He assigned to it a village and ordered that it should 21
be guarded. In the Hatthikuccbi-vibSra^ the enlightened
(prince) likewise erected a pasada which bore the name of his
daughter. He kept piously to the instruction of the bhikkhu 22
Dathasira and living according to the law, he looked after
him heedfully*. Further he built the great vihara Mugasena- 23

' The Col. Ed. differs greatly here from the MSS. It rends ma-
hSuVnadcaganctfa lassam kiirayitum add, but itiejuatthe first syllables
moAcistra which arc well preserved in all the MSS. It seems to mo very
doubtful for the rest, that mahdeiaadcagam should mean "two liirgc
tracts of defined land” as translated by W. For stmd 1 know only the
meaning “boundary”, but not “defined territory".

* See note to 87. 63.

* See notes to 41. 99 and 87. 227.

* Is Ratanagunia not the present Ratnapura? The epithet dfghn-
vanpita would then point to its having been famous then as a mine of
precious stones. Here attention may also be called to the district Ra*
tanSkara-rattba (69. 31) which lies in the Southern Province.

* The Rodhi temple in the Mahavihara is meant here (note to 88. 48).

The “oil pit” was probably a cup-like hollow intended for the reception
of the oil presented for festive illumination.

* See note to 41. 29.

* Is also mentioned 48. 66 in the reign of Aggabodhi VI and 49. 76
in that of Dappula II.

* Apparently Dathasiva took a post at court corresponding to that
of the purohila in the Indian courts. This is the beginning of the
political influence of the bhikkhus. Cf. 57. 38 f. and note.

68

Aggabodhi I

42.24

pati and assigned it* the village Lajjika for the (necessary)

24 maintenance of the slaves. For the merit of King Mabanaga
King Aggabodhi built a (vihara) called by bis name* and as-
signed it to the Grand Thera who was versed in the three

26 Pitakas*. But he who no longer posseted wishes, handed
over the vihara to sixty-four bbikkhus of bis kind who practis-

26 ed yoga*. After building the BhinROrudipa(-vihara) for the
same (thera) who dwelt in the Mahaparivepa*, and granting*

27 it (revenues) from YaHSkarapi^hi, he erected halls for the
Uposatha festival* in the vihara called Dakkhioagiridajha, in

28 Mahanagapabbata and in the Kalavapi-vihara. In the Abhaya
(giri)-vihara be constructed a large bathing tank and on the
Cetiyapabbata he provided a permanent water supply for the

29 Nagasoodi tank*. After having the Mahindatafa tank* con-
structed in the proper way, he decided to set up (the image

* Tlie reading tkassa which W. uccepU. is certainly wrong. It can
only be a question of a foundation for the benefit of the viham men-
tioned in the first half of the verse and which is alluded to by rtnssu.

< Vihdrtm must be inserted from v. 2.1. We might transbite “he
gave it (i. e. the Magasenapali-vihara) the name Mahanaga-vihura".
The building of this vihata by Aggabodhi [Miltu'triidiipirive^a) is also
mentioned in PSjav. and Rijaraln.

^ See note to 37. 223. Who the Grand Thera was is not said, pro-
bably Dathasiva.

* I. e. who gave themselves to ascetic and meditative practices.
H. Beckh, Buddhisinus II, Sff., was the first to show the significance of
Yoga in Buddhism in its true light.

* According to 50. 67 a building in the Jetavana-vihara. Mentioned
again 48. 65.

* The translation is not quite certain on account of the brevity of
the original. W. has however, disregarded the gerund kalrd in his
rendering.

’’ See note to 37. 201.

* I think what is meant here is the bathing tank now called
Nagapokuija, situated just under the summit of the Mihiutate moun-
tain (see 38. 75 note) where hewn in the rock face the heads of a robra
(ndjo) seem to rise out of the water. Not “Elephant's Pool" as W.
translates. See Mhvs. trsl. p. 94. note 1.

* The tank at the foot of the Missaka mountain by which the pre-
sent fields of the village Mihintale are irrigated.

42. 37

Ai/gabodhi I

69

of) the Thera (Kfahinda) on its dike and he decreed that when 30
the Grand Thera Mahinda should be brought to the place,
people from the Taraccha* clan should carry him. He plac- 31
ed a golden umbrella* on the (thupas of the) three fra-
ternities, seven- eight- and nine-fold* and (set) with pre-
cious stones. He presented the' Mahathupa with a golden 32
umbrella weighing four and twenty bhiras* and here and there
(he offered) a superb jewel of great value. Haring decorated 33
the temple of the Tooth Relic with brightly gleaming precious
stones he made a golden reliquary (for the relic) and in the
Pali Hall a canoe of bronze*. He built the Mahamekhala 34
bund and conducted a great canal from the Mapihira tank*.

At that time a Grand Thera called Jotipala had beaten in 35
controversy the adherents of the Vetulla School* on the Is-
land. The Adipada called D5|h3pabhuti, ashamed (at the 86
defeat), raised his hand to strike him (the tbera). At the self-
same moment an ulcer appeared (on his hand). But the King 37
who was pleased with Jotipala, assigned him a dwelling in
that very vihara*. In his pride DStbSpabhuti went not to

1 P. taracchA. See note lo 36. 13. W. ie not at all clear about this
liauage. The TaracchS are already mentioned Mhva. 19. 2 along with
tho Kulihga.

* See note to 36. 54, as also to 41. 97.

* Fas reference to the single storeys of the chatta which apparently
differed in the three tha|>as (MahathSpa, Jetavana and Abhayagiri) in
the way indicated.

4 A bhdra {= 20 Tula « 2000 Pala) is according to HR. (Sanskrit
Wtb. », r.), equal to about 140 lbs. That would give a total weight of
88 to 34 cwt. According to the Sinhalese weight (1 pula = 4 karsn —
a little more than 72. 6 gr.) we should get double that quantity. The
umbrella was of course of stone and gilded.

* See note to 37. IBI.

4 Now Minneri-veva, N.W. of Polonnaruva.

7 The Mahavamsa regards the Ifetulla School as a heretical sect.
They were the representatives of the Mahay^a in Ceylon and are first
mentioned Mhvs. tO. 41 in the. reign oC Ifoharaka-Tissa (2nd half of
the 3rd c. A. D.). They had their seat in' the Abhayagiri-vihara accor-
ding to ilhvs. 86. 111. Cf. Hhvs. trsl., p. 269. n. 2.

* Presumably in the vihara where the controversy had taken place.
(Abhayagiri?)

70

Jggaboilki II

42. S8

38 him* and so died. The King conferred the dignity of nia-

bSdipada* on his sister's son Aggabodhi and charged him to

39 take the Thera under his protection, which he did. After
building the Nilageha cell* the King gave it to that same
Thera. Thus he wrought many meritorious works and died
in the thirty-fourth year (of his reign)*.

40 Hereupon Aggabodhi became king. As the former king
was the elder he was distinguished by the name Kbudda*.

41 Versed in the former customs he protected the Island and he
made Sainghabbadda the daughter of his mother’s brother

42 niahesl*. As sword-bearer he appointed a kinsman of the

Mahesi. He distributed posts according to worth, without

43 preference’. The Ve|uTana(-Tihara) which the king had built he
made over to the adherents of the Sagali School*. He also built
the Jaroburantaragalla(-vibara) and the Matikapi(thi(-vihara).

44 During the reign of this (king) the prince of the Kalinga
country whose mind was disturbed when he saw the death of

45 living beings in war, came hither to our Island with the re-
solve of world renunciation*. He underwent the ceremony of
world renunciation under Jotipala and the King maintained

46 him honourably for a long time. He built him a prac-

' He was too proud to go to Joti|>ala and ask his forgiveness.

The title mahldipada is usually borne by tbe heir to the throne.

* What a pariceheia was in a monastic establishment is difficult to say.
I suppose it to have been single cells for the inmates. Cf. 48. 2, 60.77.

* Pajav; 34 years, H^av: SO years.

* I. e. the little, the younger. In the Sinhalese sources he is also

called Kiiijij-Akbii. e See note to 37, 211.

7 W.’s translation of aniilayo by “as he envied not to give power
into the hands of others" is certainly not right. Al«yn means “wish,
affection”. Whut is meant is merely that the king was not influenced
by personal wishes but by objective considerations. Cf. also 46. 4.

* See note to 38, 41. The Sagaliya had their seat in Jetavana, as
the Dbammarueika in Abbayagiri (A. M. Uocast, Memoirs ASC. I
p. 16 ff.}. For tbe Veluvana-vibara see note to 44. 29.

* It seems that he was driven from his country by Pulakesin I., the
fouuder of the Cbalukya dynasty who conquered the Kaliiiga kingdom.
According to Jouvssu-DcnREuii. this took place 609 A.D. See H. W.
CoDRIKGTOR, H. C., p. 39, 51.

43. 54

Aggabodhi II

71

tising-bouse* in tbe Mattapabbata-vibara. The Katiuga
prince’s minister and his Mahesi betook themselves to the same
(Jotipala) and under him they (likewise) underwent the cere-
mony of world renunciation. When the Mahesi of the King 47
(Aggabodhi) heard of her splendid renunciation of the world,
she supported her honourably and had the Ratana(-yihara)
built (for her). To the minister the King granted the Vetta- 48
vasa-vihara in PacinakapOaraji*, but the ascetic handed it over
to the community*. The royal Thera died; the King (Agga- 49
bodhi) mourned for him and wept for him and after that
built a practising-house in the Culagalla-vihara* as well as
one in the Pataiunagara-vihara*. Thus in his place and for 50
him* the ruler performed many meritorious works.

Once while the Thera Jotipala was performing his devo- 51
tioDs in front of the cetiya in the ThupSrSma a piece of
(masonry) got loosened and fell in front of him. The troubled 62
Thera called the King and showed it to him. When the King
saw it be was horrified and had the work at once taken in
hand. He housed the Relic of the Right Collar-bone^, care- 53
fully guarded, in an inner room of the Lohapasada and
honoured it day and night. As the repairs in the TliOparama 54
were delayed, the devatas® dwelling there appeared to the

* See notes to 37. 332.

* The name occurs in what is probably the right form PScIna*
kbapdaruji also in Mhvs. 28. 4. I believe it to be the name of a vil-
lage near the Citta mountain.

* 1. e. he refused personal possession and banded over the vihara to
tbe community of the bhikkhus.

* Mentioned also Mhvs. 35. 13. The vihara was built by CQlabhaya
at the end of tbe Ist c. A. D. on the bank of tbe Gopanadl (Kala-
oya), south of Anurudhapnra.

* In I'alamnag<xraga the •<;« means “found in". It is thus not part
of the name, as W. supposes.

* This is a palli, that is an action whose merits are transferred to
another person who has died. The reward for the pious foundations
made by Aggabodhi are to fall to the royal thera from Kalinga.

• ^ See above note to 37. 207.

* Ihupdrdmamhi belongs to narnAamme as well as to decata. Ac-
cording to popular belief devatas are everywhere, in every field, every
tree, every building, even in tbe single parts of a house.

72

AggaboMi II

42. 66

55 King in a dream as attendants of the monastery. “If the King
hesitates to rebuild the shrine of the relic we shall take the
relic and go where it pleaseth us”, said they. At that mo-

56 ment the King awoke and greatly perturbed, he had the work
on the shrine finished in a short time, including the paintings

57 and the like. Further (he had) four images and thrones of
stone, a golden umbrella and work in stone and ivory (made)

58 for the shrine. His dignitaries and others (of high rank) made
nine hundred reliquaries and renewed ^ the whole work of

59 Devanampiyatissa*. When with immense pains he had got
together the offering in fitting manner he with the greatest

60 reverence, brought the relic from the Lohapasada hither. He
bad the relic surrounded by the Grand Thera Jotipala together
with the community, carried in festive procession* in a reli-

61 quary. To the relic-shrine he dedicated the island of Lanka
together with his own person* and banded over to its guar-
dians the village the proceeds of which bad belonged to the

62 Mahesi. In NSgadipa (be presented) the UoQalomaghara temple
to the Hajayatanadhatu(-vih5ra), as well as an umbrella for

63 the Anialacetiya*. He granted to the vibara there a village
for the provision of rice soup. To the Abhaya(giri)-vihara

64 he granted the village of Angauasalaka. Giving it his own
name and that of the MahesT, he erected in the Abbayuttara*

65 the D3(haggabodhi bouse. The Queen piously built the
Kapalanaga-vihSra and handed it over provided with the four

' In V. 67 tbe v. hiragi must be supplemented to the accusatives
from V. 56. Nnvam in v. 58 d must have the v, alfdsum added

from 68 a.

^ He is the builder of the Tbiipurama-cetiya according to Mhvs.
17. Iff., 62.

^ P. parihdrena. The word has obviously here already the meaning
of its Sinhalese equivalent iierahwa “procession".

* See above 33. 31 for a case of similar homage to the Church.

* The verb is missing in the sentence. We must probably supple-
ment it with an add from the foregoing. My interpretation differs
greatly from that of W. I take Rajayatanadhatu for the name of a
vihara. Nagadipa means the most northerly part of Ceylon.

® See note to 37. 97.

43.69

Aggoboilhi II

73

necessaries, to the same monastery. In the Jetavana the King 66
erected a building with a glittering crowning ornament' and
near the house of the Bodhi Tree he had a well dug. He also 67
built the dahgatata, Valahassa and Giritafa tanks’. He enlarged
the Mahapali Hall and set up a canoe for the gifts of rice’.

For the bhikkhunis the Mahesi ordered permanent gifts of rice*. 68
Thus after King Aggabodhi had performed meritorious works,
he went to Heaven in the tenth year (of his reign)’.

Thus (both) these Lords of men, who rejoiced in meritorious 69
works, who were blessed with riches, felt into the clutches of
death. Then should the wise man when he beholds rightly
the course of existence, shunning according to precept, all
connection with existence, (his face) turned towards Nirvana,
live discerningly, surrendering himself to the renunciation of
the world.

Here ends the forty-second chapter, called “The Two Kings®”,
in the MahSvatpsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

' There U no reason to cbanRe the reading of the MSS. rfljanacumha~
torn into r/ijatacumbaltim as do S. and B. There is nothing strange in
the archaic participial form in -dna in the eclectic style of the Ciilavaipaa.

’ Ki(jav. and PQjav. relate that in all be built IS tanks. The Ganga-
tala, Giritala, Hovatu, Neralu, Matombu, 8iravalask&(iya. Eoderahaju,
Kalunnaru, Mabaudalu, E&ngomu, Mad&ta and Kalamv&ru are named
in the PSjav, In addition both chronicles ascribe to him the building
of the Velunna-vebera.

3 p. bhaltanarom. Cf. note to S7. 181.

* P. tAattoramsom. The regular recurrence of the gifts is compared
with the succession of the generations in a family.

® Rajav. and Pujav. likewise give the duration of the reign as ten years.

® The -MSS. have Tirojako “the three kings" and having regard to
the signature of the foregoing pariccheda, it would have been more
consistent to have retained this reading. As in our signature one king
more, in the foregoing one less is given than actually occurs in the
pariccheda, we may perhaps assume that the difference is traceable to
a copy in which the last king of the series of the 41st chapter, Ma-
banaga, is treated not with bis predecessors but with his successors,
the two Aggabodbis.

74

Sa$^halissa

CHAPTER XLIV
THE SIX KINGS

1 Hereupon the Sword-bearer Sam^hatissa' became ruler.
With the wish to further religion as well as tlie kingdom he

2 rejoiced in righteous action. Bestowing office according to
merit, lie won his subjects for himself. But when the general

3 of the younger king (Aggabodhi), Hoggallana, who dwelt in
Koliana, learnt tliat Sarpghatissa had become king, in order
to begin war he occupied a fortified camp in Maliagalla*.

4 When Sarpgliatissa heard this he sent troops to fight liim,

5 but tlie mighty MoggallSna routed them. Thereupon he be-
took himself with elephants and horses to Rattivihara, collec-

6 ted his troops there and took up a position. At news of this
tlie King returned, gave him battle at Kadalmivata^ and

‘ Pnjav. and R^ilv. describe bim as younger brother {mnl) of Agga-
bodhi II. Rut is seems to be more probable that he is the asiggaha
mentioned in 42. 42 as a kinsman of Aggabodhi's 11. mahesT.

^ Mabagalla is mentioned in three places. According to 68. 42—43
iq. V.) it was situated in Dakkbinadcsa. Tbe eequence Tilagulla, Maha-
galla, Magdugalla, Anuradbapura, Mahatiltba in a successful campaign
of Vijayabahu 1. allows of our determining the situation. It is evidently
the present Mnijallegamn N. W. of Kurunegala halfway on the road to
Puttalam not far from Nikaveratiya (Census of Ceylon 1921, II. 282-3,
nr. 62), So also H. W. Codbikotok in a letter dated 19. X. 2G. Maha-
gallakavapi is likewise mentioned three times, namely 68. 34 and 43
among the water works built by Parakkaraabiihu I, to further culti-
vation in Dakkhipadesa. Tbe passage 79. 66 is either a repetition of
what is related in Chap. 68 or it refers to the restoration of the tank.

® Not Kadalladi-Nivata. The adi serves only, as so frequently, for
jiaraphrase “beginning with Kadali". Cf. Kadalyadinivata 48. 60; Maha-
panadidTpa 44. 122; Sirisamghadibodhiko 46. I.

44. 16

StxfaghatUsa

75

defeated him. Then he sent his troops (after liim), but re- 7
turned himself to the town. Moggallana restored his van-
quished army* to its former state and marched to Raliera^.
The King’s Senapati sent his son against the rebels, he him- 8
self feigned (sickness) as if suffering and distressed like one 8
very sick, he kept liis bed. When the King heard of it he
at once .sought liim out and admonished him: “Be not troubled. 10
Only set the Prince* his tasks here (in Anuradhapura) and
protect the city; it is impossible for thee to accompany me 11
to the seat of war as tliou art sick”. Because all the people
had left* the city and the King's food was thereby curtailed,
they placed before the King food that had been prepared in 12
the Mahapali Hall. Wlien the King saw that, he was much
perturbed and thinking: (it must be) before he becomes weaker 18
thiin (he is*) now, he went forth in haste to war. With his
son he mounted his elephant at the head of an army in figh-
ting trim and marched witli a small force to PScinatissapabbata*. 14
When botli sides* were engaged in battle the treacherous 15
Senapati opened the attack from behind. Wlien the Ruler's

' It is utineuessary to change snvahatiam into savdhinim. Viihaua
(priiuii.rily: baggagctrain, camp-followers) is several times used in just
this Ncction as "anny". Thus vv. IS and 22.

* The Raliera mountain is already mentioned 41. 44 on the occasion
of the battles between Dathd])abbuti I. and bis brother Moggatlana.

The Col. Ed. reads, it is true, Ktirehtnm updgami.

^ Jetthatissa is presumably meant by the "Prince". According to
V. 28 he had remained in the town, probably as Regent under the Mi-
nister's guidance, while his father was in the field.

* P. tibbasiU, lit. “caused to depart". The people had left the town
from fear of the enemy. It does not mean that they were in the field.

The loc. sfibbe is one of the incorrest forms peculiar to the language
of the Culavamsa. Cf similarly sabbe Jambudipe 75. 26 and also
Lahkiilale sabbe 44. 4).

^ The idea is this: The King feels that he cannot do without the
advice and help of his Senapati in the city while he himself is absent.

He wants therefore to haeten the decision in the field so that the sick
man does not die before it. Ydca na means "until — before"; mnmla
stands for the comparative and the ablative etto belongs to this.

^ See note to 41. 14. 1. e. Samghatissa and Moggallana.

76

Sioggdllana III

44. 16

16 son saw that, he said: “I will slay him”. But the King re-
strained him: “Think not of such a thing; our army is unable

17 to stand this, it is certainly* mucli too weak.” The King was
in the centre between the two hostile armies, therefore his
forces had to be divided against the rebel (Moggallana) and

18 the Senapati. The King's elephant sought the shade of a
madhuka tree* whereupon the umbrella fell to the ground

19 because it knocked against a branch. The rebel'-s army saw
that, took possession of it and handed it over to their com-
mander. He raised the umbrella, standing on the summit of

20 the mountain. Thereupon the King’s troops thinking he was
now king, came and surrounded him. But King Saipghatissa

21 was alone. He dismounted from the back of his elephant and
fled with his son and a faithful minister* to the Merumajjara
forest near by.

22 The victorious Moggallana* look the host, the treacherous

28 Senapati and his ruthless son, came to the capital and was

king as sovereign of the Lanka country. Then he thought:

24 “As long as the foe is in life there is no good luck.” When
he lieard that a son of the former king was here (in Anuradha-
pura) he was wroth and at once commanded tliat his hands

25 and feet be cut off. The man charged by the King, went
thither immediately to cut off his hands and feet. The boy

26 wept in distress: “If my hands which I have for eating cake,
are cut off with wliat shall I then eat the cakes?” When the

> P, Itesjatt. Tlie future in the sense of a mitigated statement where
otherwise the potential is used. The ti, os so frequentl;, is inserted in
the oratio recta. Cf. note to 37. 114; further 48. 116; 77. 98,

^ Bassia latifolia. Slcr. madhUka, BR. s. r. This is the mi-gaha of
the Sinhalese which Clouoh deiinea as Bassia longifolia.

^ The governing verb of puttom ’maecam ea soluKlam is wanting.
Hence the writer of MS. S. 6 recorred tlie text to pititani dridi/a sohadam.
It seems to me probable that sohadam was a gloss to distinguish the
amacca from the faithless Senapati and that this gloss displaced an
ddiya in the text. The gerund iidiya which is found already in Mbvs,
1. 74 is found again in v. 22.

* Fujav. calls him Lftmani-Bo-na-Mugalan, Rajav. M&di.Bo-
Mugalan, Nik.-s. and Rajaratn. Lam&ni-Bb-naya.

44. 36

MoggaRana III

yy

King’s servant heard that he wept and wailed, sorely grieved 27
at the King’s command. Nevertheless he cut off his left hand
and his left foot, the wretch. Je(thatissa another son of the 28
King, fled and betook himself unrecognised to Malaya in the
Merukandara* district. Meanwhile the King (Samghatissa) 29
with his son and his minister had secretly reached Veluvana*.

At the instigation of the bhikkhus there he donned the yellow
robe. He had the intention of betaking himself in the dis- 30
guise of a bhikkhu to Rohapa and got as far as Maijihira*.
Here the servants of the King who were there, recognised 31
the three, put fetters on their feet and told Moggallana. When
the King heard that, he rejoiced exceedingly and gave the 32
command: "Go with all haste, take the three to the secure
and safe Sihagiri*. There cut the King's head off and that 38
of his son, but bring the minister to me alive”. Thus charged, 84
the people took the three, brought them to Sihagiri and set
about to do what had been commanded tliem. Then spake 85
the King’s .son to the people who carried out the deed : "Do
me the boon of cutting my head off first.” The King's men 36
did so, then they struck off the head of King (Saipghatissa).
Behold ye who know well what righteous action is, the action
of fools! So transitory are (worldly) delights, so uncertain 87
and unstable: how could ye setting your hearts on these,
neglect to seek your eternal salvation ?

They informed the minister of the King’s command, as 38
they had his good at heart^. When he heard that he laughed

* See note to 41. 19.

* Sre above 42. 43. The Veluvana-vibara maat hence be looked for
aomewbere on a line between Anuradhapuia and HanihTra.

^ Now MiDneriya-veva, one of the largest and moat beautiful tanka
in tbe island, about 10 miles W. N.W. of Polonnaruva.

* Sigiri liea about 10 miles W.S.W. from tbe Minneri lake.

^ W. refera hilesino to amacassa “onto the faithful minister”. I be-
lieve though, that it is a nom, plu. belonging to the subject contained
in ahamsu. From what follows it seems that Moggallina'a henchmen
wished to save the minister's life by oBfering him the prospect oC service
with the new King.

78

Moggallana III

44. 39

39 and spake these words: ‘’Wliile I was still in life I saw my
master beheaded; shall I alas! serve another master besides

40 him? After ye have slain liini here will ye also take from
him his shadow? Alas! ignorant are ye, I trow, and deluded.”

41 After he had spoken thus he took hold of his master's feet
and lay thus there. The henchmen (of Moggallana) seeing

42 no means of bringing him away, willy-nilly struck his head
off too. Then they took the three (heads) and showed them
to the King. He struck at them and rejoiced, being rid of

43 his fear. To the treacherous Senapati he granted the dignity
of Malayaiaja and gave his son the office of sword-bearer.

44 Moggallana covered the tluee thupas with new material
and instituted a great thupa festival' throughout the territory

45 of Lanka. With a great offering he celebrated with reverence
the Hair Uelic of the Master, likewise the Tooth Relic and the

46 great Bodhi Tree. In accordance with ancient custom he held
the entire Vesakha* festival and the like. By a regulative

47 act* he reformed the Order of the Perfected One. With a great
festival he instituted a recitation of the (three) Pifakas and
he honoured the learned priests by giving them specially high

48 revenues. To all the bhikkhus dwelling on the Island he pre-
sented a robe and in all their dwellings he had kathina* robes

' The covering over of the thn]>as with white linen cloths wue a
token of festive homage. Cf. 52. 67 and 64. 87. The word sable belongs
moat likely to J.ahk<Uale (see note to 44. 11) and IhUpe umftHssornvi is
the same as thupnssn »i° and takes the place of the compound (h>7-
poniahKS.'iirom.

* The month Vesakha corres|>ond8 to April-May. The birthday of
the Huddhu was celebrated on the day of the full moon of this month.

' See note to 39. 67.

* By kathina we are to understand a gift of clothing to the com-
munity carried out in a specially solemn form at the end of the Pa-
varapii festival (see note to 37. 90). It is considered highly meritorious.
The term is atthatakalkino (lit. “outspreiid raw cotton"), kathinalthdra,
in our passage katlHiiam althardpati. The ceremony consists in the
uninterrupted making of the garments in the course of a day and a
night from raw cotton. The cotton is spun by women, the stuff woven,
dyed and finally made up into giu'ments. Cf. Vinaya I. 253 ff. (= Maha-
vagga VII. 1 ff.).

44. 69

Moggallana III

79

made. He made images and repaired wliat was decayed. He 49
made over to the community more than 300 salt-pans. In 60
Earapitthi he built the Mo^allana-vihara, further the Pitfhi-
gama-vihara and Valagama together with a village (assigned
to it). He also huilt a cetiya temple in the Rakkha-vihara‘ 51
and he granted villages to many viharas for their maintenance.
Thus tlie Monarch performed countless meritorious works in 62
remembreance of the fleeting nature of the fortunes of the
preceding king.

Now it happened that for some offence or other he became 53
displeased with the Malayaraja*. He remembered his sliame-
ful conduct towards the former king. He got him into his 64
power by craft and had his hands and feet cut off. When
the Sword-bearer* heard that he betook himself with his son
to Rohapa. Dwelling there he soon brought the land into 66
his power. He sought out JeUhatissa who kept himself hidden
in Malaya. In league witli him he conquered in a short time 66
the province of Janapada. He then betook iiimself to tiie
Dohajapabbata and took up his position in an armed camp*.
When the King heard all that he (likewise) took up his 67
position near him with an army and a train ready for
battle. Now at that time many of the King’s people suf- 68
fered from fever and died. When the Sword-bearer heard
that he took up the fight with vehemence. The King's army 69
was too weak, it was scattered and fled. The King fled be-

‘ I read Kakhhaviharafce as n^net -kam of the MSS.

* See 44. 43. * The Mala/ar^ja's son (44. 43).

* I believe that we most read rattham Jamipadum and that with
this is meant the country often mentioned later (60. 110 etc.), situated
in northern Malaya towards Dahkhipadesa. The verb ghdtento is curious.

The Dohaja mountain is most likely to be sought in the district of
Jaaapada. The form of the name agrees in all MSS. The alteration
to Dolhapabbala in the Col. Rd. is arbitrary. It cannot be the moun-
tain Dolagalvela. That lies on the right bank of the Mahaveliganga
and occurs in the Mahavamsa (10. 44) under the name Dolapabbata.

The scenes described in our verses took place without doubt somewhere
in the neighbourhood of the present Dambul. In v. 60 Sigiri (Sihapabbata)
is also mentioned in connection with the battle.

80

Sildnteghacatina

44.60

60 hind it. When the Sword-bearer met him alone near Sihagiri

G 1 he slew the Great King togetlier with his attendants. In order
to kilt Jetthatissa also whom he had left behind, he sent him

62 a message : “Come and be King, come.” Jetthatissa saw through
the plan, turned and fled to Malaya (for he said to himself:)
“Would he really liand over to me the royal dignity gained
with so much trouble?”

63 When after six years’ he had slain the Prince Moggallana

64 surnamed Dalla*, the Sword-bearer with army and train entered
splendid Anuradhapura, became king and rolled the wheel of

65 dominion over the earth's circle. He was called Sila-
megharappa^, reverenced the Order and the Bodhi Tree,
sacrificed to the three thupas and enlarged the Mahapali Hall.

66 During a bad famine he dispensed milk rice made with butter
and syrup to the community and (presented it) also with filters.

67 Through sheer generosity he won the hearts of the poor,
of travellers and beggars. To boys the bountiful (Prince) gave

68 money to buy cakes. In the Abhayagiri-vihara he honoured
the stone image of tlie Buddha by an offering. He had its
ruined temple (restored and) brightly decorated with divers

69 precious stones. He dedicated (unto it) the Kolavapi tank
to protect* the Victor and he continually instituted sacrificial
festivals at the greatest cost.

70 While the Monarch thus lived as a vessel* for meritorious
action, a general named Sirinaga, mother’s brother of Jettha-

71 tissa, had betaken himself to the opposite shore*. He returned

’ Tlie game number in PQjav. and Rajav.

* The Sinbaleie chronicles give thU Surname to Mo»;(rallana II. See
note to 41.63.

^ The Sinhalese chronicles do not mention the name of this king.
They merely call him atiggdkaka.

* That is, as wages for the guarding of the image and its temple
he allotted the proceeds of the tank. The words drakkkattham jinassa
belong to dalcdHO, not to the following.

* The word bhdjana is used in Skr. with the saint" figurative sense.
See 13R. s. v., nr. 4.

* I. e. to the mainland of India.

14.82 SUdBieghavanna SI

with many Dami}as and began to take possession of (the nor-
thern province) -Uttaradesa. At the tidings of this, the King ^2
advanced, offered battle at tlie village of Rajamittaka, beat
the Damijas who had accompanied him, captured those who 73
remained over from the slaughter, subjected them to all kinds
of liumiliation and distributed them here and there as slaves
to the viliaras.

When the Monarcli had thus gained the victory, he return- 74
ed to the city and while he, after he had cleared the whole
kingdom and was menaced from no side, dwelt there, a bhikkhu 75
called Bodhi who had seen many undisciplined bhikkhus in
the Abhayuttara-vihara, though reckoned by the ceremony of
world renunciation, he was still young, came to the King and 7G
begged him to proclaim a regulative act*. The King had the
regulative act carried out by him himself in the vihara. Then 77
all the undisciplined bhikkhus who had been expelled from
the Order, took counsel together, murdered Bodhi secretly
and annulled the act. When the King heard that, he was 78
wroth, seized them all togetlier and made them, tlieir liands
cut off and in fetters, guardians of the bathing tanks; anotlier 79
hundred bhikkhus there he expelled to Jambudipa. In remem-
brance of Bodhi’s efforts he thus cleansed the Order. When 80
then he invited the bhikkhus of the Thera School with the
others* to celebrate together the Uposalha festival, he was
refused. He flew into a rage and offending all respect, he 81
abused and reviled them with harsh words. Then he betook
himself without demanding pardon of the bhikkhus, to
DakkhiQadesa. There he was attacked by a fell disease and 82
died suddenly. Thus after nine years* he left the earth.

* See note to 39. 57.

* The other bhikkhus meant here are those of the Abhayegiri-vihara.
As the King has expelled the unworthy members of the Order, he thinks
the time come for a common celebration with the bhikkhus of the
Mahavihiira, which they however reject

* The same length of reign is assigned to Asiggahaka in the Pujav.
and Rajav.

82

Aggnbodhi III SSS.

44. 83

83 His son the young prince, Aggabodhi by name, then

84 became king, known by the name of Sirisamghabodhih He
invested his youngest brother MSna with the dignity of uparaja
and granted him (tlie province of) Dakkhijjadesa with fitting

85 army and train. The King who did no discredit to tiie con-
duct of former kings, protected the kingdom in justice and

8G deeply reverenced the Order. heard all this

in Malaya, betook himself to the Ari^tha mountain* and brought

87 the population over to his side. After he had brought the
southern and eastern districts into his power and made them
his friends*, he began gradually to march with strong forces

88 on the capital. He sent his minister Dathasiva to occupy the
territory in the west* and took up a position himself in the

89 village Siripit(hi. When tlie King heard all that he sent the
Uparaja® (Mana) witli a force into the western territory. He

90 went up and put Dalhasiva to flight. The King thought: one
can kill the fellow like a young bird in tlie nest* and took

> For the firit time Sirigaipgliabodhi occurs lu royal biruda.
WicKRKMAgmouK lia» mode the happy obiervation that in the NOquel this
epithet u used alternately with that of Silameghavatiua, ao that
when a kinfr bears the biruda Sirieamjhabodhi, bia successor calla him-
self Silame^rhavaoua and conversely. EZ. II, p. 9. Aa name Siriaarngha-
bodhi ia firat met with Hbva. 36. 73 ff. (300 A. D.). The title was ob-
viously chosen in bonoar of this pious king of the Lambakaooa clan.
The Sinhalese chronicles only know King Aggabodhi 111. under the
name Siriaangabd.

^ Now Kitigalu, the isolated massif halfway between Anuradhapura
and Polonnarava.

^ X’. ausai»<inase, not -m as in the Col. Ed. Jetthatisaa not only
brings the districts into his power, but also wins over the inhabitants
as adherents {namtiiiasa “being like-minded").

* It seems to me that pacchiaidiH Jisam in v. 68 as also pacchimani
ileaom in v. 89 arc not to be taken as proper names of a district, as
little as pubbadakkhhie in v. 87, but merely as a general geographical
designation.

* See V. 84.

Darakam is i)rol>ably to be taken in the oratio recta as S. and B.
have it in their Sinhalese translation. The word is used contemptuously
of the inexperienced amaeca of prince Jetthatissa.

44. 104 Jelthatiaaa III 88

prisoner the prince’s minister (Da^hasiva) wlio had marched to
Majetti. Then he thought: I will catch Jetthatissa in the 91
same way, and with a few troops the fearless one marched
recklessly against him. But Jetthatissa on the news thereof, 92
fell witli a skilled army and train on the King's army like
a sea that has burst its bounds. The army of the King was 93
scattered; the King mounted his elephant and ded at once
alone and in disguise. In the sixtli month after his accession 94
lie hastily took ship and betook himself to Jambudipa, deser*
ting wealth, country and kinsfolk.

Jetthatissa now became king in the city; he fulfilled 95
all duties as was formerly customary and protected the Order.
Mahiidaragiri he granted to the Abhayuttara-vihara, to the 96
Mahiivihara he made over the Bodhi Tree called Mahametta.

To the Jetavana tlie King granted Goodiguma. To the prac- 97
tising'house in the MahSnaga(-viliara)' he assigned the villages
MStulangapa and OdumbarangaQS and to the Kussapagiri* 98
(-vihara) (the village of) Ambilapika for the (supply of) food.

The village of Kakkhaiavit(hi lie gave to the Veluvapa(>Ti- 99
hara’) and to the Gangamathvihara the village of Keheta; to 100
the (viiiiira) called Antariiganga he gave the village of Culla-
matika and to the (vihSra) MayeltikassapSvasa (the village of)
Saliannanagara. To the KalavSpi>vihara lie assigned the vil- 101
lage called Lada. Tiiis and other (vihSras) lie provided
abundantly with maintenance villages. What was ruinous lie 102
restored (at a cost of) three hundred thousand (kaliapauas);
to the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island he presented the three
garments.

The King (Aggabodhi) who had betaken himself to Jam- 103
budipa had brothers in blood. These hidden here and there,
sought to make the land rebellious. When Jelthatissa heard 104
this, he betook himself to KalavSpi, made war on them and

' For this vihiira see 42. 24. For padhanagham cf. 37. 232.

^ Inscriplional mention is made of this monastery under the name
Easubgiri on a tablet of Mahinda IV. Sec Wickremasikohe EZ. I, p. 216.

It is mentioned again in Culavs. 48. 24 under Kassapa III.

^ See note to 44. 29.

84 JeithotwM lit 44. 106

105 took up a position with his army on the spot. The King
(Aggabodhi) who had gone to the other coast and there hired
Damila troops, came to Ealavapi and began the combat. Jettha-
tissa ready for war with a well equiped force, first letting his mi-

106 nister Dathasiva escape' to Jarobudipa, mounted his armoured

107 elephant, but seeing his troops fall back in the battle, he spake

108 thus to the high dignitary who rode with him on tlie elephant:
“Take my message to the Mahesi, then mayest tliou do what thou

109 wilt: forsake 0 great Queen, the world, recite the sacred texts,
learn the Abliidliamma^ and transfer the merit to the King'."

110 After he had given this order, he hewed down the Damilas
as many of them as met him in the course of the battle. But

111 wlien his strength was failing* he saw a Damila called Veluppa
coming to figlit with him. Then as he was wont to keep a

112 knife in the betel-nut bag in his hand, he quickly drew his
dagger out of tliat and cut his throat. Then leaning upon the

118 elephant, he stuck the knife back in the sheath. Tlie great
army cried aloud. The high dignitary set oft', tliinking ever

114 And only of how the King had cut his throat, and gave fl)e
Queen the message. Togetlier with her he underwent in the
Order the ceremony of world renunciation and after he had

115 mastered the Abhidhamma tc^ether with tlie commentary, he

' P. paldpetva. The translation “he sent" does not give the full
sense of the original. Acconling to v. 90. DalhSsiva had become the
prisouer of Aggabodhi. But as it is expressly stated, v. 93, that Agga-
bodhi escaped alone (cto) in disguise lo JambudTpa, Outhasiva can no
longer be in his power. It is thus not a case of freeing Dathasiva from
ca]>tivity, the latter must be again in Jetthatissa's aervico. The idea is
rather the following: Jetlhatissa sends Dathasiva to Southern India, to
cut off AggaboUhi's rearward communications, thereby unconsciously
letting bis minister escape the disaster overtaking himself.

' The Abhidhamma is the third part of the Buddhist Canon, in
which its philosophical content is systematically summarixed — the
third pilaia. See 87. 22i.

2 P. paltim dehi rdjino. For the term patti see note to 42. 60.

* P. dyumhi khayam agate perhaps “when his lifetime came to an
end" according to bis kamma.

44. 128

Aggabodhi III SSB.

85

came down (once) from the teacher’s chair ^ and seated himself
on the ground. At the Queen’s request: come and show me
how the King died, he seated himself in front of her, cut his 116
throat, stuck the knife (in the sheath) and spake: “Thus died
his Majesty”. When she saw that her heart broke through 117
heavy sorrow and she died. Thus after five months King
Jetthatissa went to Heaven^.

After Aggabodhi had thus victoriously subdued the foe 118
In battle, he restortd his royal dominion and resided in the
capital. To the practising-house’ called Mahallaraja which had 119
been erected* by himself in company with the Uparaja (Mana),
he granted the two villages of Hahkara and Samugama as 120
well as the royal share in (the revenues) of Kehella, and the
whole of the (necessaiy) staff. To the Jetavana(»vihara) he 121
gave (the village) MahSmapikagama and he honoured the
Mayettika-ssapSvasa(-vihara) by the grant of Salaggama. To 122
the Cetiya mountain* he granted Ambillapadara and in Pu>
latthinagara he built the MahapSnadtpa (-vihara)*.

The court officials of the King slew tlie YuvarSja Mana 128
who had committed an offence in the women's apartments,

> IJkammnnaTia is a raised seat in the centre of the assembly-hall
of the hhikkhus on which the priest, who recites the sacred text, takes
his place, his face tamed towards the east. It differs from the (herdstinn
on which the bead of the Chapter has his seat, facing north. See Mhrs.

8. 21-22, 82, 38.

^ PSjav. and R^ar. give I^AmaDi-Katusara-Detatis — so the Ring is
called in these chronicles — likewise a reign of live months.

3 See 37. 232 ; 39. 58.

* In the Col. Kd. the text of the MSS. has been arbitrarily altered.
There is nothing surprising in the use of the loc. karile instead of the
genitive karilasia used with paMduagharakaita. Cf. Culuvs. ed., Introd.
p. XVIlf.

* Celiyagiri — Celigapabbata here of the monastery erected on the
Mibintale mountain. See notes to 38 75 and 42. 28.

* For the form of the name see note to 44. 6. The name of the
later capital of the kingdom, Pulatthinagara (now Polonnaniva) is here
mentioned for the first time in the Culavamsa. It does not occur at
all in the older Mahavamsa.

DSthopatissa I

44. 124

124

125
12C

127

128

129

130

131

132

133

134

8B

although they had promised him absolute safety*. Therefore
the King wishful of securing the succession (for liis family),
invested his youngest brother Kassapa by name with the
dignity of Uparaja. Now when Da^hasiva heard of the death
of Mann he came in haste with Damija troops to the village
called Tintiui^. At the tidings of his advance Aggabodhi
marched out with his army, gave battle and was forced in
the twelftli year (of his reign) to flee to Jambudipa. At bis
flight he left everything behind. He took witli him only the
pearl chain of one string* by which to make himself known,
and departed quite alone. Even without the chain of one
string of pearls Da(hasiva became king, according to custom,
known over the circle of the earth under the name of
Diithopatissa. The other (Aggabodhi) seized the op-
portunity and got hold of the government again by fighting.
So each drove out the otlier in turn. But the whole people
suffering under tlie wars of these two kings, fell into
great misery and lost money and field produce. Dathopatissa
exliausted the whole property of former kings and seized all
objects of value in tlie three fraternities* and in the relic
temples. He broke in pieces the golden images and took the
gold for liimself and plundered all the golden wreaths and
other oflerings. In the Thiiparama likewise lie took away
the golden crowning ornament on the temple and smashed
the umbrella on the cetiya which was studded with costly
precious stones. The canoes in the MahSpali Hall he left to

* I now believe that the conjecture npara,ijhitvd of S. and R. instead
of aparujjhittS must be accepted with regard to 51. 8. The construction
of the sentence is certaiul; irregular. The gerund aparajjhitvii is used
like a Loc. absol. The court officials killed the Yuvaraja because an
oSence in the women's apartments had been committed by him,

* As the yield from taxation of this village according to 41. 96
was assigned to the Mahavihara, it cannot be situated very fur from
Anuradhapura. Thus Datbasiva advances from the coast direct on the
capital.

* Obviously a peculiarly valnable part of the regalia, of the raja-
Ri'idhaHa. Cf. Skr. ekdcali, as well as 46. 17.

* See note to 41. 97.

44. 146

Kaaaapa II

87

the Damijas; (and) ihej burned down the royal palace together
with the Relic Temple'. Later be repented and to acknow- 135
ledge his wrong be founded the Sakavatthu-vihara with the
(necessary) revenues. His sister’s son also, the Mahadipada, 136
known among the people by the name Rataiiada(ha, supported
the King with his income. (Once) when Aggabodhi had by 137
military superiority got hold of the kingdom, the Yuvaraja,
Kassapa^, the deluded one, to provide for his army led by 138
cvil-natured villains, broke open by force the cetiya of the
Thuparama and plundered the valuable treasures given by 139
Devanarppiyatissa, the younger Aggabodhi* and (other) former
kings. He also broke open the cetiya of the Dakkhipa-vihiira 140
and seized the valuable treasures and he bad yet other (cetiyas)
broken open. When he acted thus ted away by evil-natured 141
people, the King was powerless to prevent him — alas !
evil-doers will not be hindered (in their action) — and as 142
be could not hinder him he by the organisation of a festival,
restored the cetiya of the Thuparama shattered by him, at
the cost of a thousand (kahSpapas).

Now the Lord of men Aggabodhi was defeated by Dathopa- 143
tissu and betook himself to Rofaapa to restore his army and
train. While he sojourned there he fell ill and died in the 144
sixteenth year* (of his reign). Thereupon his youngest brother
the Yuvaraja Kassapa, sent King Dathopatissa flying to 145
Jambudlpa and united the country under one dominion; but
the crown he did not wear*. Through intercourse with pious 146
people he repented and with the thought: 1 will make an end

' See note to 37. 95.

^ Younger brother of Aggabodhi III.

* By Aggabodhi 11. Cf. with this, 42. 61 ff.

* The calculation evidently starts from the beginning of the reign
of Aggabodhi ill. Thus the 15-16 years include the first pcrio<l of
Aggahodlii (6 montlis), the interregnum of Jcttl>atissu II, as well as the
reign of Dathopatissa srlio, according to r. 126, scireil the sovereignty
in the twelfth year of AggabodhL Pujav. and Rajav. simply say that
Jetthatissa reigned 5 months, Dathopatissa (Latnini Dalupatis) 12 years
.and Aggabodhi (Sirisangabo) 16 years.

* Evidently Dathopatissa bad secured the Regalia.

88

Eastapn It

44. 147

147 of my evil doings*, he laid out flower gardens, fruit gardens
and tanks and he honoured the three great cetiyas by large

148 offerings. To the Thuparama also he brought an offering
and granted it a village and be had the sacred texts recited

149 by all the foreign bbibkhus*. In the MaricaTatti(-Tihsra) he
erected a very massive pasada and let the Grand Thera live

150 there who had bis seat in N^^asala. While he sojourned there,
he provided him with the four necessaries and had the

151 Abhidhamma with the commentary recited by him. Then after
he had had the Nagasala dwelling put in order* he made it
over to him also, and granted him the village of Mahani^thila
for the supply of the (four) necessaries.

152 Now Dathopatissa came hither from Jsmbudfpa with a

153 great force; but when be offered battle to Kassapa he was
defeated by the latter who bad a well equipped army, and
was slain. Twelve years had passed since he became king*.

154 A sister’s son of Dathopatissa named Hattbadatha fled full of
fear from the great battle to Jumbudipa*.

155 Thus in truth all joys are fleeting, bard to attain is their
delight and lasts hut a moment. Therefore He who seeks his
salvation will give up his joy in these and will turn to the truth.

Here ends the forty-fourth chapter, called “The Six Kings”,
in the Mabavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

* Lit: I will bring aboot the destruction of my evil kamma,

* The agdntiynhhikkhavo are the opposite of the bhikkhaio tiipavdsino,
the bhikkhas settled in the Island. Those are bhikkhua who come from
outside, on a pilgrimage to Ceylon, for instance. Wben W. translates :
"holy monks who lived not among the habitations of men", he was
probably thinking of drahnakd hkikkiutvo.

* We must take kalvd in the sense of “to restore", in which the verb
kar is often used. It would also be possible to translate Ndgnsdlnknm
dcdiain katvd by “after be bad made a habitable dwelling out of N."
In any case the meaning is that the former dwelling of the Mahalhera,
Nagasala, had become dilapidated and that until its restoration the King
assigned him as dwelling the newly built pasada in the Marieavatti-vihara.

4 If we compare this with the calculation in the note to 44. 144, we
find that Dathopatissa’s death falls in the eighth year of Kassapa's reign.

5 See for this passage my edition of the Ciilavamsa, Introd. p. XIX.

Kaatapa II

89

CHAPTER XLV
THE FOUR KINGS

Hereupon Kassapa, the victor in the 6ght, whose aspiration I
was fulfilled, gave a most excellent repast in the Mahapali
Hall to the community. He honoured the ascetic Mahi- 2
dhammakathin who lived in the N%asSl3 by a great offering
and induced him to recite the true doctrine. In honour of 3
the Thera who was a native of Katandhakara, who lived in
the building erected by his brother, he had the sacred text
written down with a short summary*. What was delspidated 4
he restored and bad new works undertaken on the celiyas and
provided sundry revenues for the community in several places.
He bad three diadem jewels* wrought which glittered with 5
different precious stones, and he gladdened a hundred Papcju-
palasas* by an offering of garments.

Kassapa bad many sons, the eldest of them was Manaka. 6
They were not yet in riper years, children without much sense.

* Katandhakaravd$in probably refers to the borne of the thera whoae
name ia not mentioned, jaat aa to-day when a bhikkbu entera the Order
the name of bis native place is prefixed to his adopted one. Hia abode
was evidently the padhanaghara called Maballaraja built according to
44. 119 by Eaaaapa'a brother Aggabodhi III. in company with the Yuva-
raja Mana. With “aamniary" (sa^oAu) of the sacred text one should
compare titles like Abhidbammatthasaingaha, Dbamraaaamgaha, Sad-
dhammasamgaba, Sarasaipgaha.

* Evidently as crowning ornaments for the three great cetiyas
MahathOpa, Jetavana- and Abhayagiri-ThSpa. Does the epithet vdndmani-
lamujjotam indicate that each cetiya had its own particular colour?

* W. (p. 32, note); “A pafid^fpaldoa is a lay candidate for holy orders
living in the vihara ontil he coaid get his robes and alms-bowl made."

90

Dapputa I

46.7

7 Now once when he was seized by a bad illness, he thought:

8 my sons are all still children, incapable of reigning, and he
sent for his very clever sister’s son (Mans) who lived in the
province of Rohaoa and transferred to him the whole govern-

9 ment, together with the care of his sons. After he had
honoured the cetiyas with perfumes, flowers and other oiferings
he made his peace with the bhikkhu community by supplying

10 them with the four necessaries. Thus the Lord of men practis-
ed justice towards friends, officials and subjects and went
after nine years^ according to his doing.

11 Mana having piously fulfilled the prescribed duties towards
his uncle, won over the people and had the Dami]as^ expelled.

12 But the Damijas banded themselves together with the resolve:
we will drive him out, and just while he was away they seized

13 the town. To Hatthadatha who was in Jambudipa, they sent
the message: “It is time for thee to come and take over the

14 government.” Mana also sent a message in haste to his father
to RohaQa. When his father heard it he came hither from

15 Rohaija without delay. The two took counsel together and
made a mock treaty with the Damijas. Thereu]ion they were

IG all in accord. Mana now crowned his father (Dappula^)
king. He when he was consecrated, presented the (three)

17 fraternities with three thousand (kahapauas). Having thus
won over the Order and the kingdom, for himself, he sent all
provisions found in the palace to Rohaua to secure them from

18 the enemy. When Uatthadatba heard the news of the Damijas

19 he came immediately to this Island with a Damila force. All
the despised Damijas who dwelt here, arose and joined him

20 on the way as he approached. And Mana thought when he
heard all that: it is no time to fight now, and sent his father.

^ The same number in Piijav. and Rajuv. where the king has the
name Phsulu-Kasobu. Likewise in R^aratn. and Nik.-s.

^ The mercenaries whom Datbojiatlssa had brought with him from
Southern India and who according to 44. 134 f. had become an un-
disciplined rabble.

^ The King's name is first mentioned in v. 30. The Sinhalese
chronicles agree in calling the successor of I^uju Kasubu Dappulu.

45. SO

Ddlhopatista II

91

the King, with the raluable property to Rohapa. lie betook 21
him.self to the Eastern Province and bringing the people round
to his side, took up his abode there. But Hatthadatha who
had won over the party of the Damilas for himself, occupied
the royal city and publicly took the name of Dathopatissa. 22
After bis mother's brother the people called him by this name.
Having fetched his father’s brother’s son, Aggabodhi by name, 23
he placed him in the position of YuvarSja and granted him
the province of Dakkhipadesa. Upon his supporters he bestow- 24
ed honourable office according to merit and towards the Order
and the people he fulfilled every duly. In the Mahapali Hall 25
be had besides clothing, rice with sour milk, milk and milk
rice distributed and keeping the Uposatha day, he hearkened
to the sermon. As he made all ofierings and had sermons 26
preached, he by tbe.se and other merits made himself happy.

To the Kossapa-vibara* be granted the village of Senamagama 27
and Mahagalla* he gave to the practising-bouse. To the Mora^ 28
parivepa^ he granted (the village of) Kasagama and the cetiya
of the Thuparama he honoured by the grant of Puppeli. In 29
the Abhayuttara(-vihara) he built the Kappura-parivepa* and
he built the vihSra called Tiputthulla and added it to the
same (vihara). As he was about to do this, the bhikkhus of 80
the Thera School wanted to prevent him, because the vihara
was situated within their boundary’. But he treated them
without consideration and carried the thing through by force.

* What is meant is probably the Kaasapagiri-vihura mentioned 44. 08
(see the note) and again 46. 24.

^ Cf. note to 44. 3. The rpractiaing-house” is probably the padhana-
ghara Maballaraja mentioned 44. 119 and which is probably meant
in 45. 3.

3 See note to 87- 172.

* This parivepa is mentioned again twice. Aggabodhi IV. built a
pasada there according to 46. 21 and Sena 1. according to 50. 77 a
pariccheda (s. note to 42. 39).

’ The passage is surprising. As the Abhayuttara (Abhayagiri) is
without doubt the northern thiipa it is difficult to understand how a
boundary dispute can arise between it and the Mahdvihara, the seat of
the Thera Bbikhhus.

92

History of Sohana

45.31

31 Then the bhikkhus of the Thera School were bitter against
the King, .saw in him an unbeliever and applied to him the

32 turning down of the alms-bowlK For the wise Master hath

33 said: “If an unbelieving layman thinks to lessen the income
of the bhikkhus or taunts them, the turning down of the
alms-bowl is to be applied." Hence they carried out this

31 action against him — the laity thought otherwise — and they
made the agreement that when a bhikkhu goes on the mendi-
cant’s round bearing the alms-bowl upright, he shall turn it

35 down at the gate of his house. Now at that time the King

was smitten with a fell disease and died in the ninth year

(of his reign*), since the end of bis lifetime had come.

36 King Dappula had meanwhile betaken himself to bis Uohaoa

and took up his abode there, heaping up a store of ineri-

37 torious works. Now we will relate the history of his house

in due order, because if it is related now it will cause no
disturbance*.

38 There was once a man of the lineage of Okkska*, known
by the name of UahStissa, rich in merit, a mine of heaped-up

39 virtues. He had a wife known by the name of SaipgbasivS
gifted with wealth and virtue, the daughter of the ruler of

* The meaning of patlaoiHujJana is clear from this jiassage. If the
bhikkhus wish a layman to be regarded us expelled from the society,
they make this known by refusing to take alms from him, turning down
the bowl ns it were. V. 33d is a parenthesis: Though the laymen did
not approve it, the bhikkhus carried out the action.

’ PQjav. and RSjav. say also that L&niaoi-Dajupatiasa reigned 0 years.
They make him tlie successor of Dapulu. Nik.-s. mentions two successors
of Dapulu: Lam&pi-Dajuiatissa and Pfisulu-Daluinitissa.

* To judge by the form of the introduction to the following passage
appearing so disconnectedly in the context, it seems to me beyond a
doubt that the author has here made use of another source, apparently
a chronicle of Rohaqa and its dynasty. It must be the same source
which is employed in 57. 3 ff., where just as abruptly as here, a section
from the history of Robapa is inserted. Cf. also note to 47. 1.

* A mythical king (Skr. Iksvaku, HomiMs, Epic Mythology, p. 201)^
through whom (Mbvs. 2. 1 ff.) the Sakya family from which the Buddha
sprang, is derived from HabSsarnmata. See also Rockhill, the Life of
the Buddha, p. 9 ff.

45.50

History of Jl6hw$a

93

Robapa. She had three sons: the first was called Aggabodhi, 40
the second Dappula, the third Mauiakkhika. She also had 41
a daughter who came to the court of the King. The eldest
SOD was the independent ruler ^ of the province called Rohapa.
Rich as he was, he had the Mahapali Hall built in Mahagama* 42
and there also the parivepa called Da(ba^abodhi. In Kapa* 43
gama* (be built) hospitals for the blind and the sick and a
large image house in the Patima-vibara. There the wise (prince) 44
set up a stone image of the Buddha which he had made and
which received the name of “the great”, produced as by a
miracle. Further he built the Satavapa-vihara which bore his 45
name and the Parivepa'vihara as well as that of Kajara-
gama*. He erected new buildings in the Dhatnmasala-vihara 46
and the discerning (prince) himself cleaned out the privies
therein. Once having enjoyed the food left over by the 47
bbikkbu community he (being) pleased, granted the village
of MapijagAma’ to the community. When he after performing 48
these and other meritorious works, had gone to Heaven, his
next brother Dappula by name, became ruler (in the land).

He carried on the government after subduing his enemies, 49
instituted a great almsgiving, (and) made Koliapa secure. His 60
subjects were contented with him and said; he is our great
lord and since then the people called him “Oreat Lord”.

' This passage shows that Robapa about 600 A. D. was not yet in-
corporated with the kingdom with the capital Aiiuradba]jura, but that
it held or at any rate claimed an independent position beside it.

' The name is contuned in that of the jiresent Magama (Census
of Ceylon, 1921, II, 194, on the left hank of the Kirinda-oya not far
from its mouth in the Hambantola district) whose cultivated land is
watered by tbe Magam-Ela diverted from the Yoda-veva in Tisaamabardma.
Mahagama is first mentioned Mbvs. 22.8 as the residence of Devanampiya-
tiasa's younger brother, Mahanaga.

^ The name means “village of the blind”.

* Now Kataragam north of Tissamahaiama, on the Menikganga, on
the old road from Mahagama to Guttas^a (now Rnttala), It is known
by a much visited shrine of Skanda. According to tbe Census of Ceylon
(II. 464) the village bad 103 inhabitants in 1921.

^ A Madugama in the Mabavedirata Korale of the Badulla District
(N. E. of Buttala) is mentioned in the Census of Ceylon II. 460.

94

History of Jlohana

45. 51

61 When the Ruler of men SiladStha^ heard of that he gave
him his daughter (to wife) and delighted at his many good

62 qualities, he granted him the ofhce of Yuvaraja, indicating by
that that he was fitted for the royal dignity. Manavamma and

53 other men of high repute were his sons. When he was with the
Mahathera who dwelt in the P^oadipa(-vihara) and had
heard the sermon of the sacred texts, he experienced believing

54 trust in him and to honour him he built the liohaija-vihara*
and gave it to him. But the Thera made it over for the use

56 of the community in the four quarters of the earth. Dappula
built the Ambamala-vihara and many other viharas; he also

56 erected the Ehadira}i-vihara and offered to the god*. The
discerning (prince) repaired the Anurarama-pasada, the badly
decayed Muttolamba(-pSsada)*, the Siriva4<lha-pasada and a

57 further one (called) Takkambila, and boused thirty-two bbikkhus
therein whom he gladdened by the gift of the four necessaries.

58 The village of KevaHagambhira he granted to the Ksga>
vihara*, to the Haja-vihara he assigned the village of Gonna-

59 gama. In the same way he gave to the Tissa*vihara (the

* The name as name of a king does not occur in this form in the
Ciilavamsa - - another proof of the separate character of the Kobnna
Chronicle. King Silamegbavaoga is meant; for in 45. 6, 11 Mans, the
BOD of Dappula, is described as sister's son |5A%incifyn) of Kassapa II.,
the son of SilameKbavaoqa. Thus Dappula was married to the sister
of Kassapa 11, a daughter of SildmegbavaqQa.

* The Col. Kd. has vihtiram Jiohane and VV. accordingly translates
"a vihira in Roharia”. The MSS. reading meanwhile, is vihiiram Ho-
hanain and it is quite correct, for in the Pujav. and Rajav. also tlie
building of the Riihunuvehera is ascribed to Dapulu. Cf. Culavs. ed.,
Introd. p. XIX.

* Presumably there was at this spot a local Hindu cult, probably
of Skanda, the God of Eajaragdma, a kind of patron saint of Rohai.ia;
and the Ring did not neglect to reverence the deity.

* I take iliUlolambant for the name of a pasada. At any rale W.'s
translation “ornamented it with festoons of pearls" is impossible to re-
concile with the text.- The finite verb would be wanting.

‘ One of the oldest viharas in Robaqa, built by the founder of the
dynasty, Mahanaga, the brother of Devanarnpiyatissa. Mhva. 22. 9.

46. 69

History of Soltana

95

village of) Kattikapabbata and to tbe Ciltalapabbata(-yihat'a)’
the village of Gonnavitthi. Having granted to the Ariyakari 60
(-vihara) the village of Malavatthn, he built in that place a
superb image house. For the (image of) the Victor (Buddha) 61
there he had a valuable tuft of hair (between the brows) made
and a bandolier* of gold and brought it every kind of offering.
Decayed cetiyas he adorned with a new coating of stucco and 62
further he had a statue fifteen cubits* high made of the sa-
viour Metteyya*. These and other meritorious works without 63
number the Prince performed himself and had them also per-
formed in pious fashion by his retinue. Amongst the people 64
surrounding him were many men of meritorious action; nume-
rous vibaras furnished with (all) necessaries were built by them.

Once when Dappula was on the march in a pathless wil- 65
derness, he after finding quarters for his army, pitched his
camp at night. As he lay there, well bathed and oiled and 66
well fed, outstretched on a splendid couch and in a comfor-
table tent, be tried to sleep. Nevertheless he found no .sleep 67
and although with the thought, what then could be the cause,
he pondered over all that he had experienced during the day,
he found no cause in himself*. Thus be thought it must lie 68
outside (of his person) and entrusted people with the task of
seeking it. He spake thus: “Without doubt worthy friends* 69
of mine have tarried during the night at the foot of a tree

' The TiB8a-vibar;i, now the Tissamaharama near Hambantota, and
the Cittalapabbata-vihara were founded by Kakavaunatissa (Mbvs. 22. 23).

The ruins of tbe latter, now called Situlpav-vehera (Nik.-s. 16. 17) lie
fifteen miles N, E. of Tiseamaliarama not far from Katagamuva. See
Jataviudana, Ceylon National Review II, p. 23. For an inscription in
tbe Situlpav-vehera sec E. MC'i.i.er, Anc.In#cr. Ceylon, Nr. 16, p. 29,74, 110;
WlCKaKHABIHOHE, EZ. I, p. 60, 67.

* For tbe unnnloma and the hemapatta (or hemaeaijdha) on tbe
Buddha ima^eB s. note to 36. 64.

3 About 22'/* ft. {= 6.86 m). See note to 37. 172.

* Note to 37. 242.

* The word onto which refers to the person of tbe King, stands in
opposition to baht,

* The word ayyakd refers to bhiklcbus.

96

Hittoiy of SohOM

46. 70

70 and have become wet. Bring them hither!" Numbers of
people with torches in their bands set forth to the search
and found* bhikkhus who came from Maliagama, under a tree.

71 They returned and told the tidings to the King. He hastened
thither, and when be saw the bhikkhus brought them full

72 of joy to his own tent, gave them red garments which he
kept ready for constantly renewed gifts to the bhikkhus, took

78 the wet garments himself and had them dried, practised the
custom of feet-washing and the like, made them all sit on a

74 well covered couch, offered them medicine, handed it to them
himself, did for them also in the morning everything that

75 had to be done, such as feeding and the like, gave them ser-
vants and let them go when they liked. Thus was the be-
ginning of the day* spent by him who had bis pleasure in
doing meritorious works.

76 While thus this most excellent of men directed his life
and also the kingdom, thinking only of meritorious works,

77 keeping all his subjects to meritorious action, Mana tarried
in the Eastern Province and collected troops. Then he

78 brought together his father’s army and resources and marched
to Tisucullasagama* to begin war. DSthopatissa also marched
on hearing the tidings of this, with strong forces to Tambala.

79 When they met they fought a great battle. Dathopatissa's

80 warriors sent Mana to Heaven. When Dappula heard that,
he died also, pierced with the arrow of grief. Seven days
long dwelling in Anuradhapura he had wielded the sceptre*;

‘ Gtitesanla has the meaning of seeking as well aa finding. The
verb governs the acc. MikkAu “when tiuring their search they found
bhikkhus . . . they returned ■ .

* The reading of the MSS. {assadidivasam ffalain (as emendation
instead of poto) is very good and must not be altered as in the Col.
Ed., into lagsdsi dieagnm fftUam. The point lies just in this, that al-
ready in the early moruing the King could satisfy his desire for iiunna,
how much more in the coarse of the day.

3 The greater number of my MSS. have this reading. Only in one
of them is it corrected into Tipuilahepapdmakam. The Col. Ed. reads
Ttpucul/asoffdmai'am.

* Namely immediately after the death of Eassapa II. Then he re-

45.82

History of Bo&a^a

97

in RohaQa he wielded it three years; therefore we have spoken 81
of him in Rohai^a as well as here*

Thus were the joys which a man won toilsomely only by 82
killing his foes in hght, effulgent but for a moment, like the
lightning. What wise man would find his pleasure in them?

Here ends the forty-fifth chapter, called “The Four Kings”,
in the Mahavaipsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

tired to Rohapa, bis son Maoa to tbe Eastern Province. The events
described in v. 78 ff. took place three years later, thus still in the first
half of the reign of Datboiiatissa. According to Pujav. Dappula reigned
3 years and 8 months. According to B^av. 10 years. Both sources
have in mind the reign in Rohapa.

* Namely in Anurodbapura.

98

Aggahodhi I V. SSB.

CHAPTER XLVI
THE THREE KINGS

1 After Hatthadatha’s death the younger brother of the king,
the prince Aggabodbi became (king) under the name of Siri-

2 suipghabodhi He was a just monarch, gifted with right
views; therefore he performed meritorious works without number.

8 He took care of the eating-houses of the inmates of the three
fraternities, enlarged the Mahapali Hall and decreed the kee-

4 ping of the command not to slay, lie bestowed office accor-
ding to worth without preference*, and by showing favour in
accordance with rank, clans and so forth be won over these

5 to himself. Wherever the discerning (prince) saw bhikkhus he
honoured them and made them recite the Paritta* which is

6 contained in the doctrine (of the Buddha). (Once) when he
visited the Thera Datbasiva who dwelt in Nagasalii, rich in

7 knowledge, virtuous, highly learned, he paid him reverence,
heard from him the doctrine of the Perfectly Enlightened One,

‘ From rOjino we must supply the predicative substantive reXjd.

* P. anSiayo. Cf. note to 42. 42.

* Ceremonies at which a Paritta Text is recited are observed on the
most divers occasions, joyful and sad, at the inauj^uration of a new house,
on a journey or at similar undertakings, for warding off sickness, after
cases of death, etc. For such a ceremony at which 1 was present see
Journ. PTS. 1924 — 27, p. 227. The epithet sdsamgadha stresses the ca-
nonical character of the Paritta. The texts of the Paritta arc taken
from the canonical writings and the Khuddaka-Pdtba itself is a kind of
Paritta (s. SrioehstOckkr, Khuddaka Patbo, trsl. p. 2ff.l I am inclined
to believe that it is this book which is meant by the Paritta mentioned
97. 226. The Paritta ceremonies are derived from popular magic. This
is clearly seen in the narrative 61. 80, 62. SO.

46. 19

Aggabodhi I V. SSB.

99

rejoiced feryently over the doctrine since it offers absolute
peace. When then he heard of the many injuries done to the 8
bhikkhus of the Thera School by evil-minded villains, former
relatives of his own kinsfolk, he restored the ruined viharas 9
and pariveuas as they had been originally and granted them
here and there maintenance villages with abundant revenues.
Where the necessaries had been curtailed he brought them now 10
as it were to new growth. Slaves he placed at the disposal of
the community where they were wanted. For the above named 11
Thera be built a practising-house which bore his name; the dis-
cerning (Thera) accepted it and made it over to the commu-
nity. As maintenance villages the King granted it' Bharattala, 12
Kihimbila, Kataka, Tuladbara and Andbanaraka, Andhakara, 13
Antureji, Balava, Dvaranayaka, as well as MahanikkatJdbika
and further Pelahala. Having granted these and other main- 14
tenance villages, the Ruler of men placed at its disposal helpers
for the monastery who were even of his own kindred. Having 15
further seen and heard that necessaries flowed sparingly to the
viharas of the two fraternities*, he granted them also many
maintenance villages. What need (is there) of many words? 10
Also to the three fraternities he gave a thousand villages
with large and assured revenues. Bearing in mind the splendid 17
qualities of the three Jewels*, he took the pearl chain* of
one string and made of it a rosary*. Thus he was in all 18
his dealing.s one to whom the teaching of the Buddha was the
highest (good), and vying with him all the people also fulfilled
the (commands of that) doctrine. The Damija by name Pottha- 19
kuttha, who was in his service, erected the wonderful practising-

' P. tassa; padhanagharassa must be supplied. All the foundations
enumerated in vv. 12—14 had to do cvidcntlv with the "practising-house"
mentioned in v. 11. For the monastery helpers (dramiitu v. 14) see note
to 37. 63.

* Perhaps the Thuparima and the Maricavatti-vihara. See note to 41.97.

* Buddha, Dhamma and Saingha, the Buddha, his doctrine and his
Order are thus called.

* See note to 44. 127.

* P. akJchamatd = skr. ak.mmala with the same meaning.

100 Aggabodhi IV. SSB. 46.20

20 house, called Ma{atnbija^ and assigned it the Ambavapi (tank)
at Bukakalla, the village of Tantavayikacatika, as well as the

21 village of Nitfhilavetthi together with slaves. In the Kappura-
parivepa’, as well as in the Kurundapillaka(-vihara) and (in
the vihara of) Maharijagbara the same (Potthaku(t^a) erected

22 pasadas. In addition he granted, wealthy as he was, three
villages to the viharas. The wise Senapati, Potthasata by

23 name, finished in the vihara called Jeta a parivena that hore
the King’s name. The Damila Mahakanda built the parive^a

24 called after him, another (built) the Cunapantha(-pariveoa)
and Saipghatissa, the Uparaja of the King, (built) the Seha-

25 la-uparajaka. Many people besides erected these and other vi-
haras, emulating the King; for it is the rule with living crea-

26 tures: what he who is master does, evil or good, the same
is done by his subjects; let the wise man take heed of that.

27 The highly virtuous MahesT of the King, Jettha by name, built

2$ the Jettharama as abode for the bhikkhunis and granted it

two villages in the Pattapasapa domain and the village of
BuddhabhelagSma, as well a.s a hundred monastery helpers.

29 The wealthy Malayaraja gave a costly relic-house for the cetiya

30 in the Mapijel^giri'^ihara* and on the LohapasSda he covered
the central pinnacle. The Bodhitissa-vibara was erected by the

31 highly respected Bodhitissa. All the heads of districts in the
Island built here and there according to their means, numerous

32 viharas and parivepas. The time of this Ruler of men con-
sisted as it were, in nothing but meritorious works; for fear

33 of prolixity they have not been fully enumerated*. Even
the foregoing form of the narrative which gives but a sur-

‘ WicKREMAsiNQUE (EZ. II, p. 10. note 5) idcntiries with this building
the Madbigan piricena mentioned in the TimbiriTeva pillar inscription.

* A building in the Abhayagiri-vibara according to 45. 29.

3 Mentioned as MddUigiri in the Medirigiri inscription (Wickbbha-
siNOHE, EZ. II. p. 26). about 46 m. E. S. E. of Anuradhapura in Taman-
kaduva. N. E. of the Minneri lake. The ruins are described in the ASC.,
Ann. Rep. for 1897 (= XLII. 1904), p. 7.

* P. vicarilam. One must start from the meaning “explained sing-
ly (I'i-), analyzed”.

46.41

Aygabodhi IV. SSB., Datla

101

vey of the most important matters’, seems to me too long-
winded*.

At another time he had taken up his abode in Pulatthi- 34
nagara* whither he had betaken himself, amassing a store of
meritorious works. He was attacked by an incurable disease 35
and as he saw that the time for his death had come, he called
his subjects, exhorted them to piety and went to his death. 36
When he was dead his subjects mourned all in deep grief,
performed for him on his pyre all ceremonies without fail, 37
made for themselves medicine* from the ashes of the pyre,
then they took carefully all the royal treasures and the whole 38
army and train under their protection and betook themselves
to the town (AnurSdhapura).

Thus the King went in the sixteenth year (of his reign*) 39
to Heaven, the Dumija Potthakuttha administered his kingdom.

He seized the person of the UparSja Dathasiva, had him 40
thrown into prison and ordered him to be strictly guarded*.

But as he thought; without a king it is impossible to rule the 41
earth, he fetched hither the chief of DhanapiHhi'* Datta by

* bit: A general view {uimlakkhaijaui) of the cases (or examjiles,
hetUnam, cf. the meaning of latin cnusa) according to the degree of
their importance {yathapadkAnatn is used exactly like skr. yof/idpradha-
Ham). W.’a translation: "inasmuch as it has been mixed up with remarks
on the nature and condition of things which lead men to good and e»il”

— a free rendering rather than a translation — misses the point.

* Figurative in the original, the comparison with a road {magga)
which is overcrowded with people (ditufA).

* For the first time here Polonnaruva (cf. 44. 122 with note) is men-
tioned as a royal residence, though only temporarily.

* A very characteristic trait of primitive mentality.

* The Sinhalese chronicles call the king only by his epithet Siri-
xanglm. Pojav. and Rajav. give him a reign of 16 years. Both chronicles
as also Rajaratn. ascribe to him the building of the Piyagal-pirivepa and
of the Devnuvara(-vihara). This is Devanagara, now Dondra at the
southern point of Ceylon.

* The guard {rakkltararana) refers not as W. thinks, to the country,
but to the prisoner, Dathasiva.

' A now uninhabited village, Oanpitigama, lies to the north of Ku-

102

HaUhadaiha

46.42

42 name, wbo belonged to the royal family, and consecrated him

48 king; and in his name' he administered the whole. Datta
erected in Dhanapitthi a vibara which was called after him

44 and heaped up other meritorious works. After living exactly
two years*, he died. But Potthaku^tba after bis death, sum-

45 moned another young man, Uatthadatha wbo was a native
of Uabanagara. Him also he consecrated king and acted as

46 before. Having built the practising-bouse of Kaladigliavika and
performed other meritorious works, Hatthadatha fell after six
months into the power of death*.

When the wise have once realised how baleful are trea-
sures, wealth and power* they will surely give up the desire
for royal dignity and find their whole joy solely in meritorious
works.

Hero ends the forty-sixth chapter, called “The Three
Kings", in the Mabavaip.sa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.

runegala in the Rorale Kntuvana, Ambagoiuc-l’atata (Census of Ceylon,
II. p. 288).

‘ Lit.: putting forth bis (Datta's) name.

^ In the Sinhalese sources the king is called Fo/pifiidsi-rfat. Piijav.
gives him a reign of 2, Rajuv. one of iO years. The place name Valjnta
is often met with in Ceylon.

3 In Sinhalese sources he is called Ilu^annaruriyan-Viila or the like,
The length of reign given him in POjav. and Bajav. is the same os in
the CQIavs. 6 months.

■* P. c^handni “chariot” as emblem of the military power of princes.

Mananamma

103

[CHAPTER XLVH]

After the death of this king, Manavamma' became king. 1
Of what clan was he? Whose son was he? How came he to
reign*?

Now there was belonging to the line of Mahasaipmata and 2
bringing with him (as inheritance) the good qualities of his
clan, a son of Kassapa, the depredator of the Thuparama and
(there was also) a daughter of the hfslayaraja King Saipgha- 3
mana*. lie wedded her and lived with her in retirement in
Uttaradesa (the Northern Province). When this affair had 4
been spied out by the prince Hattbadatba, he betook himself
to Jambudipa and sought out the ruler Narasiha, told him his 5
name and entered his service. He satisfied the Lord of men in
every way. When he felt assured of bis friendly feeling, he 6
let his wife come and took up his abode there, serving (the
King) day and night. But the ruler of Kan<}u'^ethi* who 7

' Sinfaulcae documents call the king Mahala-pano.

* Here it is again probable that the author has taken a new source
for his narrative. Cf. note to 4&. 37.

* I consider the alterations of the text in the Col. Ed. bhedino for
bhojinn in ». 2 and Sarnghii n6m’as$a rajinl instead of Samghamanassa
rajino as inadmissible in view of the complete agreement of the MSS.
They are also unnecessary. The word bhojia has also in Skr. the meaning
of "exploiting" in an unfavourable sense, as we have to take it here.
The verses 2 and 3 a. b. are evidently a kind of title, hence the absence
of the finite verb. The name of the wife Samgba is first mentioned
in V. 8.

* Namely NarasTba. W. says erroneously “another king, Kaqiju-
vethi". The name of the territory Kandueeihi over which Narasiha ruled,
reminds one of Kaoijuvctti in 77. 79 used as tbe name of a vassal prince

104

iVimai'amma

47.8

governed the whole kingdom, well pleased with him, granted

8 him a large income. In wedlock with him his wife, Samgha
by name, bore four daughters and four sons.

9 Kow once as the King was taking an airing for pleasure
on the back of his elephant, together with Maiiavamma, being

10 thirsty, he drank without dismounting', a young coconut, and
passed it then to Manavamma whom he did not regard as his

11 equal*. Manavamma took it and thought: “My friend is mo-
narch here. Is there for such beings such a thing as leavings

12 in the strict sense of the word? It is right therefore if I
drink thereof'. Thus he thought and drank thereof. Such

13 great efforts* are made by those who wish for success. The
King saw that, was alarmed, and in bis turn drank what the
other had left over. This is ever the way of acting of the

14 honourable. From that time onward be made him his equal in
food and dwelling, in equipment and means of conveyance,

15 While the two so lived (together), the Vallabha King*

16 came to make war on Narasiha. Narasiba reflected: “This
(my friend) serves me untiringly night and day in the e:c-
pectatioD that through my service he will gain the royal

17 dignity which belongs to him by right of descent. If he were

in Southern India. It is i>rol>abl; a case of writing the same name in
two ways, Hultsscii, JRAS. 1913, p. 627 has shown that KaeOuveffi or
■vethi is synonymous with Koi.lavao, a designation of the Pullava kings.
Thus Nanisiha was a Palhtva.

' Lit.: being there (namely on the back of his elephant).

* It is contrary to custom to offer an equal the remains of one’s own
uieal. The word anna “not his equal” stsinds in opposition to ealca in
V. 14. NarasTha realises bis error and makes it good by taking the co-
conut from Manavamma and drinking wbat be has left.

^ In this case the effort of self-restraint.

■* The Vallabhas are a South Indian tribe. Their ruler is simply de-
scribed (as also in 54. 12ff.) as the Vallabha. Vallabha as the name of
a people occurs also in Skr. Baiiidu 8 VasKATTi El. III. 277; Hultzsch
(JRAS. 1913, p. 528) has proved (bat NarasTha is identical with the
Pallava king Narasimbavarman I and his enemy the Vallabha with
Pulakeain II. whose capital Vatapi was taken by NarasTha. Fi-bei
(Holtzsch 1, c., p. 529) has calculated the date as A. D. 642. Cf. H. W.
CoDBIHOTOK, H. C., p. 35-6.

47. SI

Manavamma

1U5

now to march out with me and found bis death in battle,
then all that he and I have planned together would be without
result.” Pondering thus, the King let Manavamma return to 1 8
his town (and) he himself began the war against the Vallabha
king. Manavamma thought likewise: “If this king, while I 19
am in life, falls in this war, of what value would my life
then be to me? His trust in me would have been an error 20
if I were to behave so. Why by making me his equal did
he favour me?' Is is therefore meet that I go forth with him 21
to the battle-field; for it is happiness for me to live or die
with him here.” Thus pondering, armed be mounted his fa- 22
vourite elephant, went forth and appeared before the King on
he battle-field. When Narasiba saw him he cried out full of 23
joy: “Truly I have shown him friendship* as I was bound
to show it." Thereupon the army of Mana(vamnia) and the 24
army of the King scattered the army of the Vallabha king
at their encounter. Mauavamma showed his heroism, dUtin- 25
guishing himself by his courage like Karuyaipa* in the battle
of the gods. But Narasiba rejoiced over Mdnavamma's bravery 26
and embraced him lovingly with the words: “It is thou who
bast brought me the victory.” He returned to his town, held 27
a festival of victory and showed all (honour) that was due to
Manavamma’s army. Now the King thought thus: “My friend 28
bus done all that was due on his part; from to-day he is
without obligation towards me. I wilt now also discharge my 29
debt by doing on my part what is due; for grateful people
who remember what has been done for them are very hard
to find.” He assembled the dignitaries and spake these words: 30
“Ye are witnesses of the deeds of this my friend. I also must 31

’ He kas favoured me in the expectation that 1 might help him in
his difficulties.

* The acc. samihnvam is governed by aho. I now see that ho was
worthy of what I have done him.

* As Indra-Sakka is otherwise always considered us the protagonist
of the Gods in the battle against the asuras or demons, we must take
Nardya^a here to be one of his names. In a pasaage of the Samyutta
commentary {ed. Cal. p. 279^-} the strength of the cbaddanta elephants,
elephants with 6 tusks, is described as Ndrdyana-balom.

106

Hldnaeumma

47. 32

now show him all the love and happiness which are his due.
A return service for him who has earlier rendered us a ser-

32 vice is the duty of the pious.” At these words the dignitaries
answered the Ruler; ‘‘Whatsoever the King wishes finds favour

33 with us.” Thereupon the Sovereign gave Manavamma an army
with the attendant train and the whole equipment and all the

34 necessary servants and spake to him: go forth then, and as
he gazed after him as he marched forth with the army, he wept

35 as for a son that gfoes to a far country. Manavamma embarked in
the vessels at the sea>coast and arrived quickly, after he had

30 with speedy voyage crossed the sea* and penetrated into
Laiikadlpa with his army laying waste. At tidings of this

37 King Oalhopatissa fled. Manavamma came into the town
(Anuradhapura) and without taking over the sovereignty*, he

38 arose and pursued closely the fugitive (Dathopatissa). Then
the Damila army heard that its Lord (Narasiba) was smitten

89 with a fell disease. On these tidings it departed. When
Dathopatissa heard that, he marched with a strong force

40 against MSnavumnm and began the fight. MSnavamma thought:
“My whole army has gone; if I fall* then the wish of my

41 foe is fullilled; I shall betake myself therefore to Jambudlpa
to fetch troops there and recover the dominion.” Therefore

42 he did so. He departed, sought again his friend Narasiha,

43 and cleverly satisfying him, he served him heedfully. During
the reigns of four kings* Manavamma stayed there. Then
Narasiha thought: “With pride unbroken, finding in honour

44 his wealth, my friend serves me for the sake of the royal

' The iam in 35 il must be supplemented by jaladhim from jaladht-
iate in b.

* P. ahutvd ra nardtlhipo. Wliat is meant is that he wasted no time
in performing the ceremonies of abhigeta connected with the solemn
ascent of the throne. Cf. 48. 26.

» P. male mama. Here the gen. womn takes the place of the loc.
mayi. See Culars. ed. I, Introd. p. XVI.

* These were the kings Dathopatissa II., his enemy in his unsuccessful
attempt to seize the throne, as described v. 35—41, further Aggabodhi
IV., Datta and Hatthadatha.

47. 59

JUanavamma

10 /

dignity and will become old and grey-headed thereby. Bow
can I when I see this, exercise dominion? If 1 cannot at 45
this time by sending forth my troops, gain the kingdom* for
him of what use is my life to me? Having so pondered, he 46
collected his army, equipped it with what was needful, gave
it (the pay) it demanded, marched himself at its head to the 47
.sea-coast, had numerous strong ships of different shape built
here and spake to the dignitaries: “Go ye with this man 48
here.” But all the people there refused to go on board. Then 49
Narasiha reflected, hid himself, but gave his own armour,
known everywhere as badge of the King, and all his own 50
ornaments to MSnavaroma, told him to embark and said: “Go
thou and when thou art at sea have this drum called Kottha 51
sounded.” He did all this. But the people in the belief it
was their king who was going forth, went on board and left 62
the Ruler of men alone behind. Mana(vamma) began the
voyage with the army. The whole ocean was as a (floating) 53
town. Haring reached the port he landed with his army,
remained there a few days that his troops might rest, took 54
Uttaradesa (the North Province), brought the inhabitants into
his power and began with his invincible great army to march 55
on the town. When Pottbakuttha* heard this he advanced
against him with a large force. The two armies clashed with 66
each other like seas that have burst their bounds. Manavamma
who fully armed had mounted his elephant, separated Pottha- 67
kuttba and the King and put them to flight. When the people
in the country saw Hattbadatha fleeing, they seized his bead 68
and showed it to Manavamma. Potthakuttba fleeing reached
Merukandara®. When the chief (of the district) saw him there 59
he thought: “He has been for long my friend; therefore when

' The words tmasmim pana rdrasmiiii as far as na gahessdnii form
a conditional introductory sentence without a conjunction. Such condi-
tional sentences occur also in Skr. See Speyes, Vediscbe und Sanskrit-
Syntax, § 283- W.’s translation goes to pieces on the negative na.

® He carried on the government for Hatthadatha who was nominally
king, according to 46. 44 ff.

® See note to 41. 19.

108

Malta lamma

47 . 60

he, in his need, takes refuge with me 1 must not desert him.

60 But how can I towards these two, my master and my friend,
remain free from blame?” and he ate poisoned cake and died.

61 Potthakuttha ate of the cake with him and died likewise.
Thus for Manavamma the Island was freed of the briers (of
enemies).

62 From that time Manavamma set up in the Island the urn-
brella (of his dominion) warding off therewith as it were, all

63 harm from the inhabitants of the Island. He performed many
inestimable meritorious works; wbat man would be able to

64 enumerate these in tbeir order? After founding two villages,
he the excellent one erected in the Padhanarakkhs(>vihara)

65 (of the one) the pasada called Sepapui and in the Sirisaipghu'
bodhi(-TihSra) (of the other) the blissgiring (pasada) Siri. He
roofed over the Lohapasada as well as the temple in the Thu-

66 parama. After he had built a pasada in the Thupaiama, he

made it over to the Painsukulins'

< P, pawsiiA'nh'n denoteii ascetic bbikkbus who only wore garments
made of rags [/lamiuJcula) patched together. In Ceylon the word hna
without doubt come to dcaignute a particular sect whose members were
pledged to the observance described above. According to 51. 62 tbe
Parpeukulins belonged up to tbe time of Sena II. to the congregation
of the Abhajagiri-vihara, when however, they seceded and formed a
special group of their own.

The MSS. are here alt badly mutilated. Only the MS- of the Co-
lombo Museum tested by me on tbe spot, gives a text at all capable
of translation (Cf. CQlavs. ed., vol. II. Introd. p. II); “After building
a pasada in tbe Thupurama, he made it over to the FninsukUlius.
What was decayed he restored, after providing that the vihara
could be easily supplied with (tbe fonr) necessaries. He even
restored the umbrella on the decayed temple and he also granted
to the adherents of the Dhammaruci (sect) the Eajinldlpa-vifaara.’'
It seems to me beyond a doubt that we have here an attempt at
emendation on the part of the copyist. The Col. Ed, also tries to
restore at least v. 66. The text should be translated thus; “After

(Jfduaromma)

109

be bad built a paaSda in tbe Tbitparama, he banded it over to tbe
Pamsukiilins. He repaired the decayed umbrella on tbe top of the
cetija; and be aUo restored numerous sbrines which bad fallen into
decay.”

Then too the Sinhalese sources name as successor of Manavamma
(Mahaiapano) an Aggabodhi (Akbb). According to Pujav, and Rajav.
he was the son of Manavamma to whom, it is true, they ascribe
the reign of 35 years, including no doubt the time of bis sejourn
in India, while Akbo is said to have reigned 6 years. Also in Mhvs.
67. 25 an Aggabodhi is named as eldest son of Manavamma.

Now as the signature of our chapter describes it as the 48 th,
a 47 th would therefore be entirely absent. Thus S. and B. have
assumed that there is a gap in our MSS. The missing part should
have contained as conclnsion of chapter 47. the end of the reign of
Manavamma and in the new chapter 48 tbe beginning of the reign
of Aggabodhi V, the further course of which is described in the
19 verses which have been preserved. A gap might be explained by
the loss of a leaf out of the archetype.

I have adoptwl this assumption in luy edition and translation,
must insist however, that the arguments taken singly are not com-
pelling. That the Sinhalese chronicles insert a king who does not
occur in the Colavamsa we have already seen (s. note to 41. 102).
Yet on the other band, tbe mention of Aggabodhi in 67. 26 must be
taken into account. The absence of the chapter number 47 is also
not decisive. Numbers 40 and 43 are also wanting without any gap
being noticeable in the account of events. It is therefore not im-
possible that it is merely a case of the mutilation of single verses.
Ihe assumption of tbe loss of a leaf would in the first instance
only explain a gap, it would not explain the mutilation of the text
after v, 66. It is however, the combination of the two first
arguments which make the assumption of a gap probable and
the probability is perhaps strengthened by the fact that just at the
place where the gap might have to be assumed, the text of the
MSS. is in disorder.

110

{Aggalodhi V)

CHAPTER XLVIII
THE SIX KINGS

1 After he had made thereof a mansion for which the

necessaries could easily be provided, be also presented the
Rajinidipika(-vihara) to the bhikkhus of the Dhammaruci

2 School. After building the Mahanettapadika cells (for dwel-
ling ill), he granted to the same (Dhammarucis) the village

3 of Devatissa in (the district of) Kotthaviita. In Mahathsla lie
built (the vihura) called Kadambagona, further in Devapali

4 the (vihara) called Girinagara, in Antara-sobbha the Deva-rihara,
further he built the RSjamatika monastery and gave it* to

5 the Paipsukulins*. In the GokaQoaku-vibSra’ he erected a
pructising-house and the ruined temple of the Vaddhamana

C Bodhi Tree* ho had restored. In the vihSra called Samghamitta
and elsewhere he, the highly-famed, had here and there new

7 works undertaken on the viharas. At a cost of six and twenty
thousand gold pieces* he restored whatever had fallen into

8 decay on the Cetiyapabbata. Having restored the Talavatthu-

* It is possible that besides drdmam as object n<hl

should receive the names of all the viharas mentioned in v. 3 and 4.

* Of the localities mentioned in v. 2-4 Antarasobbha alone is lucn-
tioned in Mhvs. 25. 11 as a district. Instead of Kotthavata Col. cd.
reads Kokavat.a which occurs 37. 42 and 47 as the name of a village
and of a tank built by Mahaaena (4lh c. A. D.). The MSS. however, give
no authority for this reading. Mahathala is probably the present
Mat ale (north of Kandy) (Thus W. in Index s. v.). For the Pamsiikulins
s. note to 47. 66.

* Built by Mahasena according to Mhvs. 37. 41.

* Cf. below 49. 15, Like tbe images of the Buddha, the Bodhi trees
had their special names.

* P. xuranna. In Skr. surarna is a weight = karsa. This is accor-
ding to BR. = 11.376 gr. This would give an expenditure of'over ^ 40,000
according to tbe present value of gold. >-

48 . 19

(Aggahodhi V)

111

vibara he granted (the village of) Fa^qabhatta to the vibara
called after the Kuler of men Mahasena'. The Goi;>diganiika
tank which had hurst he dammed up as before and to all
living beings he gave as a gift whatever they needed. The
Uposatha day he observed with fasting together with the in-
habitants of the Island, and preached to them the doctrine
in order to procure them spiritual happiness. Everyone in his
kingdom cultivated action which leads to Heaven, for as the
monarch acts so do also his subjects. Therefore should a wise
king ever practise piety; in every place where men dwell*
he will become renowned and finally, surrounded by his com-
panions, he enters Nirvana. Therefore the prudent man should
contemplate that which is for bis good and for that of others.
For if all the subjects attain good discipline through an in-
dividual who himself has good discipline, how could a discerning
man let such an one come to harm?* No means for bringing
to beings happiness in both worlds was left untried by him
who was unflagging day and night The fine garments worn
by himself he gave to the Parpsukulin bhikkhu.s as raiment.
The employment (of officials) in wrong places, undeserved fa-
vour or unlawful .seizure (of property) was unknown with him.
To all creatures he gave the nourishment by which each of
them live, and whatever makes them happy with that he
blessed them. Thus after the Ruler of men had performed
meritorious works for six years* he, the peace-maker went
(to the Heaven of) the King of the gods*.

' As neither Taliivatthu nor Pan ijabhalta are otherwise men-
tioned it is dirBcult to understand rightly the Monse of this passage. It
seems to me that Tdlavatthu w:is an older inonustery which Aggabuillii
restored and to which he granted a village, afterwards giving it the
name of Mabasena by whom perhaps the older stiucture bad boon built.
A Buddba image in the Mabasena monastery is mentioned in 61 . TU.

* P. nicuUhanicullhamhi tliciin', lit. "in each inhabited place” applied
by W. to the King “wheresoever be may dwell”, which is also possible.

* The meaning seems to be this: it lies in his own interest to edu-
cate his people to piety by his own example, as this assures bis own
safety. He will have all the right-minded on his side.

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

13

19

11 ^

Kassapa III, Mahinda I

48.20

20 Now his brother next in age, the prince Kassapa, became
king, well qualified for the royal burden', for taking it OTer

21 according to ancient custom. As a father (wins) his son, so
he won his people by generosity, by friendly speech and by

22 care for their welfare. Offices he bestowed on various people
according to merit and he himself enjoyed, the pleasures of

23 life, free from all sorrow. For laymen, bhikkhus and brah-
maijas the prince encouraged the way of life fitting for each

24 and carried out the command to kill no living creature. The

25 two Macchatitthas*, the mansion Ueligama, the monastery
VaijijagSma, as well as Kassapagiri; further the superb prac-
tising-house called Ambavana, maintenance village* . . . .

20 Amongst them all the youngest wa-s the prince called
Mahinda. When the royal dignity came to him he was yet

27 not king* although he bore the burden of the kingdom. He
had a friend by name Nila, with whom he had for long had
intimate intercourse. But he had died beforehand. In memory

28 of him he would not have it*. Alas! even the dominion over
the Island he deemed not blissful, since bis friend was wan-

29 ting. Friends are so hard to get. Hence the Sage (Buddha)

' I believe that rttjabhuratsa (or r<u/a®j is directly governcl by *n-
niallho. In Skr. in the same way with samartka the thing for which
one ia qualified may stand in the loc. or the dative. Bharasta would
correspond to both. Instead of iiubbavutltm I should prefer to read
pubbavuttito, adverbial ablative.

* Inscriptional .I/«.s<o(a in an inscription of Mahinda IV. Wickbe-
MASIKOUE, EZ. I. 216, 221, 227.

» Here again there is a gap in the recorded test. Of the MSS. with
which I am acquainted one, at least, indicates this by leaving a space
free for about 4*/* slokas. The finite verb is missing for the objects in
YT. 24, 26. The missing verses mast have contained the end of the
reign of Kassapa III. According to Pujav. and Rajav. he reigned 7 years.
Both sources as well as Rajamtn. mention the building of the Helagam-
pariveija. Of the other names which are mentioned above, Kassa-
pagiri alone occurs again (44. 98).

' P. nahoH raja, see note to 47. 37.

* Namely the festivities connected with the nbhiseka.

48. 38

Mahinda I

113

hath said': “All worldly things and all spiritual things which
lead to Kirrana, these ail are the lot of beings who have asso- 30
dated with a staunch friend; therefore must one ever strive after
(gaining) staunch friends." Only as Adipada’ he administered 31
the kingdom to protect as it were, during his life, living
beings on the Island. On Aggabodhi, the son of his brother 32
Kassapa he conferred the dignity of Uparaja and gave him
abundant revenues, He assigned him (the Eastern Province) Pa- 33
claadesa and sent him forth to take up bis abode therein. (The
province of) Dakkhioade.sa the King gave to his own son*.

To the Mahapali Hail be gave an offering of ten cart-loads 34
and beggars he provided with luxuries like his own. He ate 35
nothing without first having given to the beggars, and if
without thinking of it, be had eaten, he used to give them
double of what he had himself enjoyed. For the bhikkhunis 36
be built an abode which was called alter himself and granted
them as convent boundary' (the village of) Kagaragnlla. He 37
built the Mahindata(a monastery*, provided it with the four
necessaries and performed many another meritorious work,
rejoicing at the worth of such works. After the discerning 38
(prince) had reigned in this way for three years®, he seeking
his friend, entered into the world of the gods.

1 Tlie kaiyaHnmith'i are often |>rai8e<l in the Canon. It sei'iiis to
me that this pasgagi! ia an allusion to SamyuUa 8. 18 (= I, p. 88) where
the buddhu after a eulogy of the kidyunamittHtii. says of liiniself:
ffiamnm hi, Anandn, hdyiinamiltam ligamma (cf. v. SOu!) jiilidhummii
latlS jdtxyd jxarimuecanti etc. The passage occurs once again Rainy.

45. 2 (= V. p, 3). * Sec note to 41. 35.

* Who likewise bore the name Aggaluxlhi, (See v. 89). W.’s "the
southern country (only)” gives a wrong shade of meaning to tlic con-
text. The bestowal of Dakkbigudesa was in no sense a slight. It was
just this province wliiuli was reserved for the heir apparent.

' W. takes 4r><ffla>nariy<}rfaA'a as the name of another village.

* The Mahindatata tank h.'id already been built by Aggabotibi T ancl
given this name in honour of the Tliem Mahinda who converted the
Island to Buddhism. See 42. 29.

* The Sinhalese sources call this king Midelpan.a or Midel only.

The name is missing in the Nik.-s.; Piijav. and Kajav. give him a reign
of three years like the Culavs.

lU Aggabodhi VI. SMV. 48.30

39 Now Prince Aggabodhi (son of Mahinda) who dwelt in
Dakkhiijadesa, had for some reason or other come to the ca-

40 pital. While he sojourned there the Adipuda Mahiuda died;

41 thus the kingly power came into his hands. After taking
possession of it and securing it he sent a message' to Agga-

42 bodhi, the Governor of Pacinadesa. He came hither and be-
came king under the name of Silamegha*. The dignity of
Uparaja the monarch conferred on the Prince (.Aggabodhi of

43 Dnkkhiijadesii). The latter entreated the King thus: free
thyself from the burden of cares and enjoy life’s pleasures,

44 and administered the government him.sclf. As was meet, he
treated his subjects with severity and clemency and all un-
disciplined people on the Island the discerning one brought

45 on to the right path. While the twain lived thus, the evil-
minded found no opportunity for interfering, and they thoiiglit:

4C tlie twain must he estranged. They went to the King and
spake slanderously to him in secret: “Thou art King in name,

47 in reality the other is king; the Uparaja will take the royal
dignity for himself; the people lie has already won over; in
a short time he will be king, of that there can be no doubt."

4S When the Monarch heard that he fell out with the Prince
and the Prince when he noticed that, became a rebel against

49 the King. He fled to his province, won over the inliabitants

50 and with mighty forces began the war. At Kadaliniviita* a

' A raOs.'-iiso to the effect that evei-ytliing is ready for him to tiilie
over the government. As Aggabodhi of I'acTmulcea is a son of (he
elder brother Knssap;i. be is according to Sinhalese law, the legal suc-
cessor of Maliinda. Miihinda’s son Aggaliodhi willingly recognises this.

* Svi.VAiN Liivi (.loiirn. Asiatiqiie, May-.Tune, lOOU, ]i. 418; ef. .IRAS.
Ceyl. 13r. XXIV, Nr. 68, 191.5-16, p. 87 IT.) cominunicHtcs u Chinese iic<'Ount
accoi-ding to which an Indian monk, Vajrnbodlii, on (be way to India
touehea at Ceylon where he is invited by the king Clii-li-Chi-lo
(i. e. Siri-Siht). S. Lfcvi idenlilies this king with Munavnmina (see 47. 1 IF.),
but E. R. AvntDN (Ceylon Notes and Queries II. .Ian. I!)U, p. XXVII ff.)
probably more correctly, with Aggabodhi VI. Sihinu-gha.

^ Must be situated according to 44. G. on the line of march from
Dakkliinadesa. (more exiictly from Mahagalla. not fur from the present
Nikaveratiya) to Aniiradhai>iirji.

48. 63

Aggahudki VI. SM V.

115

bitter fight took place. The Prince suffered a defeat and be-
took himself to Malaya. Later the King thought gratefully oi
of his cousin’s support*, of the transference of the royal dignity
and the rest and grieved quite openly. The Prince too on .52
hearing this, became conciliatory. So they let each other
know how they loved one another. The King betook himself 53
quite alone to Malaya, took the prince with him and returned

to his capital * be married him to his daughter 54

Samghii by name. While he lived with her iu intimate inter- 55
course with the King, he (once) angered at some fault or
other, struck her a blow. She went to her father and wept 56
before him bitterly. “Without reason the husband thou
gavest me kills me.’’ Scarcely bad the King heard this than 57
he thought: of a truth 1 have done wrong, sent her at once
to a home for bhikkhunis and made her undergo the ceremony
of world renunciation. Now the son of her maternal uncle, 58
Aggabodhi by name, whose heart had been long filled with
love for her, thought this was a favourable time to ilee with 5!)
her, seized her secretly and betook himself alone (with her)
to Ilohana. The iluler of men Aggahodhi took (his cousin) 60
Aggabodhi with him and betook himself with him to Uohaqa
to slay (the seducer) Aggabodhi. (The Uparaja) Aggabodhi 61
made his cousin (the King) Aggabodhi halt*, and went him-
self to the western mountains* so slay (the seducer) Aggabodhi.
When at the head of a great army he had brought the whole 62
of Rohaqa into his power, he delivered battle and seized him
and his own wife Samgha. From that time onward the three 63

‘ Lit. "of his brother". As the father's brother is ciilleil futher, so
the sons of brothers are brothers.

* The line a b of v. 54 is defective in all the MSS. I iircpose to
complcle it thus: holi tii.-ixamiayaiu tViiro iti liiUho altra so "with the
thoiif'ht: he is no doubt firm, ho. being highly (ileased, gave liini Ac. (fee.

^ The verb nltidilva stands here in a causative sense instead of
nisitldpelcCt. Cf. Cnlavs. ed. Introd. p. XIV.

* The western mountains of Koliaiia are probably the not incon-
siderable mountain range rising soutb-east of Riitna|>ura which reaches
its greatest height (over 3000 ft.) to the south of Kak\'n.na where it is
crossed by the OaluloUk

116

Aggaboilhi VII

46. G4

lived happily and in harmony in mutual intimate intercourse

64: at their ease. The King bailt the Vaparani monastery and
the Managgabodhi monastery, further the Sabhattudesabhoga

65 in the Abbayuttara-vihara as well as pasadas in the viharas
Hatthikucchi* and Punapi(thi, in the Mahapariveva^ and in

66 Vahadipa®. In the Thuparama he restored the damaged doors
of the temple as they were before and transposed the pillars*

67 therein. After performing these and other meritorious works
according to his power, he passed away in the fortieth year
of his reign according to his doing*.

68 Thereupon the Uparaja Aggabodbi, the fortunate, became

69 king, son of the wise Adipada Mahinda. To the Order and
to the laity he .showed favour according to merit. With the

70 dignity of Uparaja he invested bis own son Mahinda. The
ruined temple of the great Bodhi Tree he built anew and so-
lidly; he also built two monasteries: Kalanda and Mallavata.

71 By legal acts he carefully reformed the Order of the Conqueror
(Buddha) and judging according to justice, he rooted out un-

72 just judges. He himself studied the medicinal plants over

’ See note to 42. 21. * See note to 42. 26.

3 Mentioned ajrain 49. 33 onder Udaya I luid 49. 76, iilonu; with the
Halthikucchi-vihara, under Dn|>|>ula U.

* It seems to me that what is meant by the temple (yrho) of the
Thiiimraina is the superstructure of the cetiya. What makes this likely
is the mention of the jiillars which were rc-arrangc«l by the Kin^. The
pillars which surround the tfaiijia in four rows are in the Tbuparuma
(as also in the LankirSma cetiya) still |>artially preserved. They were
intended to support the roof which was of wood. Cf. for plan Smitiiki!
Architectural Kemains, Anurudbapura, p. 4 ff. Such superstructures are
described as cetiya- or lhiii>a-ghanft or -gehdm analogous to the boilki-
glian'l''‘ or -gehuni. Suitiisk doubts it is true, whether the pillai-s at the
Thuparama cetiya could have borne such a structure, while Pauklr
(Ancient Ceylon p. 270) quite admits the possibility. The custom of
building over a cetiya is even to-day not unknown. I myself saw an
interesting example in the Badumutava monastery at Nikaveraliya
which I visited on the 20 th April 19i6 in the company of the Archaeo-
logical Commissioner Mr. A. M. Hucart. The term thiipaghara is in-
separable from that of bodhighara (s. note to 38. 43).

^ Pnjav. and Rajav. also give King Abbo a reign of 40 years.

48.79

Aggitboilhi VII

117

the whole island of Lanka (to find out) whether they were
wholesome or harmful* for the sick. He bad rice by allot- 73
ment* distributed to the inmates of the three fraternities
and delicious foods fitting for himself, to the Paipsuknlins.

The King, having thus with unrestricted royal power, per- 74
formed these and other meritorious works, died after six years
just as he was sojourning in Pulatthinagara’.

Formerly Aggabodhi had a son; he had died as Yuvaraja. 75
Since then no son existed as heir to the throne*. There was 76
however a son of the King Silamcgha* hy name Mahinda,
fitted for the royal dignity, rich in merit, capable of winning
the X)eople for himself. On the day of his birth the King 77
(Silamegha) consulted the astrologers and when he heard their
answer that the boy was fitted for the royal dignity, he gave 78
them plenty of money and kept the matter a secret. But when
he grew up he made him his senapati. He gave the entire 79
government into his hands* and as independent ruler the
discerning (prince) fulfilled the royal duties in a just way I

* W, un entirely ilifTcrent renderiiii;. He aopanitcs mungahm

CicamaHt/al'm from bhesojjitm and translates: “ordained the Ibnn and
manner of huldiiiK festivities and funerals". There is no verb in tho
text corresponding to “ordained". All the accusatives arc governed by
tn’cdrnyi. But if moiigiilam cdvanKiHgalam meant wbat W. assumes, tlie
objects to bo tested by the King would still have been very hetero-
geneous and the combination of m. cta'am. with bhesitjjam very amazing.

* S. Childkrs, Puli Diet. 8. V. sofriAd : “Food belonging to the collec-
tive saiighu of a monastery was sometimes distributed to the monks by
tickets called $aldkii, and consisting of slips of wood, bark, bamboo,
talipot leaf or other similar material. Food so distributed was called
saidkabhaltam “ticket-food” . . . Similar tickets seem to have been issued
by private persons, like our soup-tiekets".

* The same number in I’njav. and imav. Pulaltbinagara is here again
a temporary royal residence as in 40. 34.

* Lit.; The kingdom was sonless. Yuraruja is here used of Mahinda
as uparOja above in v. 69.

* I. e. Aggabodhi VI. Cf. above v. 42.

* This happened evidently at the time when Aggabodhi VI. was in
conflict with his Uparaja, afterwards Ring Aggabodhi Vll. Cf. above r.48ff.

’’ We have here one of these cases where in the course of a sentence
the subject changes the gerund being used in the sense of .a Loc. aba.

118

ilahinda I£

48. eu

80 Therefore when (King Silameglia) died, he as clever statesman *
took not the dignitj of senapati from the hand of his sue*

81 cessor Aggabodhi (VII). (On the contrary) at that time he
betook himself with some kind of commission from the King
to the sca*c<)iist and took up his abode in the seaport of

82 Mahatittha*. Wlien he heard here of the death of his uncle’
he came hither in haste (fearing) rebels might seize the king-
iloin and de.stroy it.

83 Then in (the Northern Province) Uttaradesa the chiefs of
districts together with the dwellers in the province seized the

84 land by force and refused tribute to the King*. At the ti-
dings of this Mabinda advanced with a great army to Uttara-
de.sa, crushed all the chiefs of districts together with tlio

85 dwellers in the province, betook himself then to the spot
where the King had died, sought out the tjueen, we})t (with
her), comforted her according to the circumstances of the time,

80 and spake the following words; “Grieve not. Great t)ueen, that
tiiy Iiusbaiid is dead. 1 will shelter the Island, thou mayust

87 keep the royal dignity.” By her silence she seemed (o assent;
in secret the crafty one took measures to slay him, as she

88 wanted to live in her own way. When the Senapati (Mahiiida)
found thi.s out, he had her watched and put her adherents,

89 a great number of people, to flight in combat. Then he had
the Queen put into fetters and brought in a chariot, took her

(Sec note to 89. 2(>). Aggabodbi is subject of lairn in 78b and kritrtiiiii
in 79a. Witli no in 79c Mabinda is meant- W. gets out of tbo, difli-
culty by ai){>arently wjMirating saynwirniil into .'(lyaiii t'fr.s* and trans.
lating "he lived (without care and anxiety)’’. Hut for this intcr)>rcliitii)ii
there are no uorre-iponding words in the text for those whit li the trans-
lator has put in brackets.

‘ P. nayaii^u. One can perhaps see in such expressions the iiilincnce
of the Indian Nlti-litcmture. Cf. yallidiiayam below in v. 90.

* Now Mantai or Sliinlola not far from Mannar. It is already men-
tioned in Vijaya’s lime (Mhvs. 7. 68) ;is the place where settlers from
the Indian mainland land.

* P. cutapituno, lit.: of bis little father. His grand-father and the
father of Aggabodhi VII. were brothers. Cf. note to 61. 24.

* Lit.; they made the country into one where the King's taxes were cut otf.

48. 100

Maldnila II

119

with him to the capital and seized the royal power together
with the (royal) treasure*.

Now there was also a sister’s sou of King Silamegha called 90
Dappula, ail adipada who had at his disposal a large army
and considerable means. He sojourning in Kalavapi, collected 91
his army and advanced to the neighbourhood of Saiigagama
to begin the war*. At the tidings of these events the Sena- 92
pati marched in haste thither, at the head of his army, taking
the Queen with him. A terrible battle took place there be- 93
tween the two. When the Adip^a saw his army falling back
he took flight and escaped with his army into the mountains*. 94
After the Seuapati had put him to flight there, he lived
happily.

When the district chiefs of Uttaradesa heard that the ca- 95
pital was unoccupied they all came together and took the
town. But the Seniipati, a hero of indomitable courage, chased 9G
them away again, entered the town himself and administered
the government according to the rules of statecraft*. For the 97
bhikkhu community, for the laity, for fishes, game and birds,
for his kinsfolk and for the troops he did everything that was
meet for them. Later on Dappula who was in Malaya, brought 98
together a reserve army. He summoned hi.s two sister's sons
from Uohaua and taking all the inhabitants of tbe province 99
with him, he reached the town with a great army at night
time and broke over it like the ocean. The troops encom- 100

* See S'J. aS; 41. ao.

* An bhiif/iiiei/ya of Afigstbodlii VI, he held that he wiia the legal
heir hetoro Aggahodlii's son Mahinda. The sjitiie view is takeu by
Dappulii’s brothers (sec v. 110) who believe themselves oiitilleil to the
crown after him.

* According to the Col. Rl. one should translate: “he climbed with
his train the Acchascia mountain”. This name does not occur in any
of the MSS. with which I am acquainted. The majority have simply
palayitraiiamuruhiUha gacOhaiio. Two MSS. insert saseno before sni'd-
hano, evidently a gloss to this word. The object of urMtlha is every-
where missing. I have supplied it according to the sense. I’erhaps one
should read Malayam so sac/iluiiio.

* See note to 48. 80.

120

Mahinda II

48. 101

passed the town with clangour on all sides. With the neighing

101 of the steeds, the trumpeting of the elephants, the rattle of
the drums with their rhythmic sound* and the battle cries of
the warriors the firmament was at that time near to bursting.

102 When the Senapati saw the great army he was light- Iiearted
and informed his own troops of the matter with the words:

103 “Three king’s sons liare shut in our town with a great force:

104 what must ye then do?” Thus addressed, these warlike lieroe.s
an.swered: “On a day when they have not served their king

106 there is for his servants no life*. If at such a time as tliis
we were from love of life to flinch, for what then had our
mtkster maintained us for so long a time for our well-being?”

106 At these words Mahinda full of confidence, placed his army
ill readiness at night and at daybreak mounted his tried ele-

107 pliant, broke through a gate like adownrushing thunderbolt,
and began witit his thousand warriors the irresistible combat.

108 After scattering the troops of the Adipada in all directions,
lie gathered (his people) together at one spot and proclaimed

109 a truce*. The Adipada Dappula already vanqui-slied at early
inoriiitig, fled with those who had escaped the slaughter to

I T<il<u-acaraaadd<inam is adjective attribute to kdJiatunam.

^ The manuscript reading dccdaeeddiiic (= deva-aaerd-tline) alone gives
the right sense: onij when their whole life is absorbed in service oi
their king do his servants wholly fulfil their duty. W.'s translation
'Trom the day that your servants entcre<l your service, their lives have
they given unto you” is impossible. It is made so by the loc. dine and
by the negation in sceakdnnm nn jirilam which was simply not taken
into account. In any case one would have to translate “their life be-
longs to his servants no longer". Even then the difficulty with dine
remains, it cannot possibly mean "from the day".

3 P. niyn((iMt snmjiavedayi. The word niyafti is otbervrise unknown.
It is derived from the root pot with ni, which probably means "to unyoke
(the horses), to rest". Also in the single passage in the Rigveda (I.
186. 11), where the verb occurs, it seems to me to have this meaning.
I should be inclined to translate ttf ya deveau ydtate vasSyiir by “that
(namely our supplication) which prays for good enters into (the abode

of) the Gods”. Gei.okes, Rigveda 1. 241: “that aspires to the

Gods”. The idea is that Mahinda to prevent further bloodshed, forbids
the pursuit of the enemy.

48. 120

Mahinda II

121

Koiiava. But the two priDces who had some time before come 110
from Koluipa, Maliinda captured alive and took with him to
t])e capital. The hero who had thus gained the victory, now 111
tliat the Island was at peace, sent his army forth to subdue
(the East Province) Pacinadesa. They marched into the pro- 112
vince and also into (the North Province) Uttaradesa, subdued
them in a short time and brought over a large force to their
side. The King* however, made the Great Queen his consort, 113
as he tlioiight she could neither be set free nor slain*. In 114
consequence of tlieir intercourse she became with cliild and
brought forth a splendid son who bore* on him the signs of
(former) merit. After that she wa.s very dear to the King 115
who granted liis son the dignity of uparaja with the (cor-
responding) revenues.

When tlie two .Adipadas who were in Pacinadesa heard 116
of this they said to each other: that is our undoing. They
raised an army from both their provinces and large sums of 117
money, then summoned their brother (Dappula) from Jlohapa,
made with him a treaty and took up a position with large 116
torccs on the bank of the (Mahavaluka-)Gauga. When the King
heard all that he brought the district chiefs here and there 119
(by kindly speech) over to his side, imprisoned the obdurate
and also had a few executed. He appointed a guard in the
town, decreed exactly what was to be done and with a large 120
army and taking the Mahesi with him, he occupied an armed

‘ It is not by cbaoce that the royal title is here for the lirst time
awarded to Mabinda. At the be^oDing of the campaign against Dappula
<v. 102) he was still called Senapati. Probably he only underwent the
ceremony of consecration {abkiseka) after his marriage with the widow
of his predecessor, as a queen must also take part therein,

* By her marriage with the King this woman who was inclined to
intrigue (v. 87) is kept under his soiiervisioo and influence, without the
necessity of force being used against her. That distrust of the Queen
still existed is shown by v. 120.

* P. jiunnofaHAonasamytimm. The marks on the boy established by
the soothsayers point to a favourable ktxmma, to the boy having accu-
mulated abundant merit in former existences, so that he is called to
greatness in this new existence.

122

Muiiintla II

48. lai

121 camp at the village of Maliuinniara. When the three Adipiiila.s
had knowledge of his advance they began a great battle at

122 Kovilaragiiiua. But the King with his strong army destroyed
their forces. Da}>pula fled, the two Adipadas fell.

123 Here also again victorious, tlie Monarch returned to the
capital; he practised the royal duties and instituted a great

124 almsgiving. For the great Bodhi Tree, that prince of trees,
for the three great cetiyas and for the relics he, full of re-

125 verence, in.stituted a great offering. Dappula who liad betaken
himself to Itoliaija, arriving there, raised troops to fight anew

12G against tlie King. The King (wishing) to bring order into
the land for liis children and Iiis children's cliildrcn assembled

127 in the Thuparama all the bliikbhus and other wise persons
who knew what is seemly and what is unseemly — he who
was versed in all the duties of a king, they who were learned

128 in statecraft. He informed them of the events, and after de-
creeing everywhere what was to be done throughout the Is-

129 land and in tlie capital, ho with their consent set out with
u great army consisting of the four members*, and jirovided
witli all resourcos, and came within a short time to the Mara

130 mountains*. He laid waste the country and immediately tlieru-
ufter a.sceniled the mountains. When they saw that in Uoliana

131 they yielded tliemselves througli fear. Hereupon tlie hauglity*
one made a treaty with Dappula. He received from his hands

132 ele|ilmnts, steeds and jewels, decreed tlie Gajhagaugti* as the

' The (bur of an army are Uic cleplianU. the clianot fijflilers,

the riJei's an<l the infantry.

- A Nfaragala (irrobably = Maragallaka in 65.26) is sitiinled east o)
Madaiiiiie in the Atukalan Korale of the province of Kutnapuni, Mi'da-
jiattu. If wc can associate our Mara|i.\bbata with this, Mahiiidali must
have pushed against Rohan.a from the N. VV. (ftiitaapura— I’clmailulla—
Madaiii|i<'). The mountains be ascended would be the range to the Suutli
of Hakvana with the Uulutota Pass.

^ l*. sarla/iiiiika contains a pun on Dappula's name.

* Thu MSS. undoubtedly point to this reading. The, nanicfifal hagahgu
is however, otherwise unknown. One might take it foe a name of the
Mahaveliganga since orajimga “land on this side of the Gaiiga" is al-
ways used of the territory on the left bank of this stream. In this

48. 140

Mahimlii II

123

boundary of the rulers of Hobapa and kept the land on this
side of the riyer for himself, niakinj' thereof royal property.

Thus had the j>owerful (prince) freed the Island from all 133
briers’, its sole monarch he entered the capital and lived
therein happily. Thu mighty Kinj' founded the Ditinavilmra- 134
piirivepu and the iSai>niratittha(>vihara) in I’ulatthiiia^ara. In 135
the Abhayaj^iri he erected the Mahaleklia-parivepa. Then tlio
wealthy (prince) having built at a cost of three hundred tliou-
sand (kuhapapas) the superb, many-storeyed Katanapitsada*, 13C
like a second Vejayuiita^ and having at a cost of sixty thou-
sand (kuhapnpius) had made of pure gold an image of Uie 137
Ma.ster, furnislied with a costly diadem of jewels, he held
with all pomp u niagniticent dedicatory festival lor the 138
consecration of the Pilsada, and dedicated (to the Buddim)
thereby his whole kingdom*. He also had a sjdendid Bodhi- 131)
satta° made of silver and placed the beautiful (statue) in the
Silamegha’’ home for bhikkhunis. In the Tiiupariima he made 140
a gold casing of the thllpu and for the sake of diversity lie

tiMsity till- Maliiivelit;un{;ii woliUI then Ix) iixcil for (he timt time aa Uic
bouiiilary hutween liohaaa and Uie territory iuiniediati-ly l>vlonK>MK to
the kill", boiiiff always held as sueh later on. The Col. Kd. reads (l(il-

huMioiiiim.

* Sec note to 42. 14.

- A. M. lliHTART sii]>}ioscs the Katanapiisuda to he the very eon-
sidenihle building known by tnulition as the “Klephaat Stables” whose,
niiiis liu to the west, not far from the Abbayagiri Thupa (Northern
Thiipa), Memoirs ASC. I (1924), p. 1 If. Aceording to the Mahuvs. it was
built by Kanitthatissa (228 -241 A. D.) for the Tlieru Mahan&ga who
lived in llic Bhiitarama. It is, however, interesting that in the building
which aceording to Hocakt’s discovery, lay below the later striictiini,
there was an inscription belonging to Cajababu I. (171- 193 A. D.) Ma-
liinda II. evidently rebuilt the posada of Kanitthatissa. A Utivaii-
Maluqidhii is mentioned in an inscription of Mahinda IV. IVickiik-
UASiNoiiK, V/A. I. 210, 218, 220.

^ Skr. name of Indni’s palace.

* Fur thi.s custom cf. 39.31 (with note).

^ Probably the Bodbisatta ilftleyyn, the only future Buddha wliuiii
the Southern Schools mention hy name.

* The same convent for nuns is mentioned 49. 20 under the suc-
cessor of Mahinda If.

124

Mahinda II

48. 141

141 had strips of silver introduced at regular intervals*. There
too he repaired the decayed pSsada. Instituting a great festi-

142 val, the di.scerning (prince) had the Abhidhamma recited by
the Grand Thera dwelling in the Hemasali(-vihara) and

143 built a bathing tank there for his use. He restored many
decayed temples of the gods* here and there and had costly

144 images of the gods fashioned. He gave the brabmauas de-
licious foods such as the King receives and gave them milk

145 with sugar to drink in golden goblets. To the lame he gave
bulls as well as the needful maintenance, and to the Damilas

146 he gave horses, as they would not take cattle. The poor who
were aslmnied to beg he supported in secret, and there were
none on the Island who were not supported by him according

147 to their deserts. Pondering how food could be provided for
cattle, he gave them youug corn full of milky juice from a

14(j thousand fields. He also strengthened the weir* of the

Khlavapi tank. Such like meritorious works of his were

boundles.s.

149 His son, the Yuvaraja, was then already dead, but there
was still another son, born to liim at the time when ho was

150 Senapati*. The King fearing that the (other) princes might
kill him, thinking be was fitted for the royal dignity, let him

151 grow up without care, just as chance might determine. When

* P. IhUpasaa ’knti When a tbiipa liecaiiu- di-

lapitated one used to build round it a new casing of brick. Siicb ii
cii->ing WHS called kaficuka. Hahinda places a caainj; of gold and silver
plates on the cetiyii of the ThQparaoia. In 49. 61 we arc told that
king Dappula II. also covered the thupaghur.a in th<i same vihara with
golden bricks, and in 50. 35 that the gold plates of the ThQparama
cetiya were plundered by the Paqdu King.

^ The Bnihmanical religion, Hinduism, had always place in Ceylon
along with Buddhism and was recognised by the reigning princes.

* P, varisampdta. Cf. 68. 35, 37.

* Hence in the time before his marriage with the Queen Dowager
who bore him the son (see v. 115) who was appointed TJparaja and who
bad in the meantime died. Note that neither of the princes is named.
Cf. below note to 49. 1.

48. 160

MiMnda II

125

the town was surrounded by foes, this prince came to his
father and begged from him a fighting elephant. The King 162
gave him his big elephant, terrible as the elephant of Mara',
and in addition a trained force versed in tlie use of arms.

He spake: now it is time, girt his sword, mounted the mighty 153
elephant, went forth from the town, scattered the wliole al- 154
most invincible array and won the victory*. When tlie King
saw tliat lie rejoiced and granted him the dignity of seniipati.

He (then) betook himself with his forces to (the North Pro- 155
vince) Uttaradesa* and put to flight the Adipada Dappula
together with hi.s army. Therefore was Dappula filled with 156
a great liatred towards him. When he met him face to face
in the battle of Mahaummara* he grew furious and hastily 157
spurred on his elephant to kill him. But the other rammed
with his own elephant (that of Dappula) and put him to flight.
When the King saw that he was highly pleased and as other* 158
wise none was there (suitable) to claim the royal dignity, he
conferred on him the office of his Uparaja.

After Mahinda had thus for twenty years* enjoyed the full 159
(dominion over the) Island be entered Heaven to enjoy the
fruits of his meritorious actions.

Thus all the delights of fortune won by all kinds of means 160
through bitter suffering disappear in a moment. Truly only
fools can find delight therein.

Here ends the forty-eighth chapter, called “The Six Kings",
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

‘ See note to 41. 48.

- This episode took place in the sortie (described in v. 106 ff.) from
Anuradlmpura when it was besieged by Dappula.

^ Refers to what is described in v. 112.

^ See above v. 120.

^ The same number in Riijav. and Rajav.

126

{Udaya I)

CHAPTER XIJX
THE FIVE KINGS

1 Alter liis father’s death the Uparaja (Udaya) became king',
apt to mete out punishment and favour to foes and friends.

2 As MaliesI the King had the clever Sena by name and little
children (had be) who were very dear to the king and charming

* Tlicrc is no donbl that the Upariyii meant here is the one men-
tioned in 48. 158, as the son of Klaliindu by a former inariuse (48. 140).
The name of this prince is, however, nowhere directly men-
lioned in the Cdlavaip^a. The four Sinhalese sources have Uda =
Udaya as siieecssor of Mahinda II , and the aeeiiracy of their statement
is Indirectly confirme<l by the Ciilavainsa : The sueo'ssor of the unnamed
kin^; i.s his son Mahinda (III ). After him comes an ARKobodhi (Vlll.)
whose relationship with his predecessor is not mentioned. As however,
there is mention (49. 44) of his griindfaUier in a way which clearly points
to Mahinda II., he must have been the brother of .Vlnbinda 111. and
like him, the son of the unnamed kinR. Now it is said of this Agga-
boilUi VIIT. in 49. 46, that he built a parivepa and called it UiUiyayya-
hndhi by joininR his father’s name with his own. Hence the son
of Mahinda II. and father of Mahinda III. and Aggaliodbi VlII. was called
Udaya. In the Sinhalese translation of Scmanoai.a and Uatuwaktiiuawa,
also in Wijksisiia’s EnRlisb translation and in all followinR publications,
as far as 1 ran see, this king gets the name of Dappola. I suppose
on the ground of the following consideration: According to 49. 30, the
unnamed King built a Dappidayalibata and in 50. 80, it is said that
King Sena 1. finished the DappulaiMibbata begun in the time of King
Dappula. Thus the unnamed king was called Dappula. This in no
way upsets the absolutely conclueivo argument for the name
Udaya; the more so, since the two notices about the Dappulapabbnta
do not in the least agree. According to 49. 30, it was an dvdxit erected
(not: begun) by the King himself in the Ambuyyana-viiiiira and gninted
to the bhikkbus. In 50. 80, it was a structure (vihara?) conimcnccil by
one Mahadeva under King Dappula and finished by King Sena 1. This

49.9

(Vilaya I)

127

to look at*. The dignity of yuraraja he bestowed on his 3
eldest son, the others he made adipadas; of his daughters he
made queens*. Offices the King bestowed on these and those 4
persons according to their deserts, and his subjects he won
by the four heart-winning qualities. Now the King liad for 5
some reason or other betaken himself toManihira*, and while
he sojourned there he heard that the border-land was in re-
bellion. Thereupon he sent with all haste the Senapati and 6
his son with the order to go thither and bring the district
under liis sway. When these bad betaken themselves there, 7
slanderers who were planning strife, by all kind.s of idle talk
estranged the twain from the Ruler of men. Now the twain 8
began a.s foes (of the King) to get possession of the country
for themselves. On tidings of this the King betook himself
at once to Diiratissa*. He slew the twain, took possession 9
of everytliiiig tliey had, slaughtered all their accomplices, and
betook Iiimsclf to Pulatthinagara*.

Diippiilii nan very well be Dappula 1I.H9.«5ff.), the second predeces-
aor of Sena 1. It is a qaeslinn tlierefore, whether llie two Dappnliipabbatas
had anythin;? at all to do with each other. If we assume that they
had, thou the building in 49. 30, is wrongly ascribed to Udaya I. or at
loast its name is due to a mistake. It was erected, .as we are told by
the more exact and therefore more trustworthy notice in 50. 80 , under
Dappula 11. (W: D. III.). 8ena finished the building and it jirobahly
only then got its name.

* The Col. Kd. alters tho reading khiuhht jmUa in which all MSS.
agree, to khuddnjmlhi. W. translates: ‘'(she) had a little son.” I merely
point out that in the very next verso several sons and daughters am
mentioned.

* W.'s translation “and gave his daughters away to tho other go-
vernor of the Rohiina to be bis queens” is quite wrong. We have to
do with the granting of titles and honours {rdjini acc. pi.). Cf. below
60. 68 and 54. II.

* See 42. 34 with note.

* A Dntatiesii tank is mentioned 79. 32, among the tanks restored
by Parakkamabahii. The events described evidently take place in the
North Province.

' W.’s translation: “returned again to the city of Pulatthi” is in-
exact; for the text has gawi not iniccdgami. It also gives a wrong
picture: for Udaya was not in Pulatthinagara before, but in ManihTra.

128

(Udaya I)

49. 10

10 At that time there lived in the province of Rohava a
nobleman Mabinda bj name, a son of the Adipada Dathasiva

11 who administered the revenues .of the country. He fell
out with his father and betook himself to the King. When
the King beheld him he was much pleased and showed him

12 grace according to his deserts. To strengthen the friendship
with him he gave him his daughter, by name Deva, and sent

13 troops to RohaQa. Mahinda set out, laid Rohapa wa.ste with
the help of the royal army, drove out his father to Jambudipa
and took po.ssession of Rohava.

14 In the Mahavibara Udaya* built a dne, solid house for
the distribution of food by allotment*. To the Kholakbbiya
image of the Lord of Sages (Buddha) he granted, for the

15 outlay on festivals, the village of Habamaga, having himself
offered (to the image) according to his capacity. For the prince

16 of trees, Vadijhamana*, he restored the broken down temple
and granted for its guardianship the wealthy village of Kottliiv-

17 giima. To the Nilarama (monastery) he gave the village of Ka}ussa
and to the bronze image (of the Buddha) lie gave tlie village of

18 Ariimassa. What was broken down he restored and he bad
images fa.shioned as well as a great many pasadas, cetiyas and

19 viharas erected*. In Pulatthiiiagara* he built of his great
pity a large hall for the sick, and Iikewi.se in Paijavi, each

20 provided with a maintenance village, also lialls for cripples*
and the blind in different places. Judgments which were just

21 be hod entered in books and (these) kept in the royal palace
because of the danger of violation of justice. To the vibara
called N^avacldhana he made over several maintenance village.s

^ In the original the name is not mentioned, it simply says h e built.

® P. salakagga' for saiakfi cf. note to 48.73.

* See note to 48. 5.

* i now prefer to add tho accusatives paatule etc. in v, 18 ab to
the preceding verse so that they arc governetl by kdrai/i in 17 d. 'flie
new sentence begins then with Pulalthinogare.

^ Note how Piilattfainagaia gains more and more in importance
(cf. also 48. 134).

« P. pl{ft<isaf)ptn, lit.: who moves with aid of a chair (pif/io), i. e. a
support that one pushes in front of one.

49.27

(Udatia I)

129

and witliout annulling ancient charters', and observing former
decrees, he maintained permanently the great almsgiving* in- 22
stituted by his father and all the other meritorious works
which he carried out without curtailment. The MahesI, too, 23
of the great King performed many meritorious works. The
Queen built on the Cetiya mountain the Katthaka-cetiya*, and 24
having built the Jaya8enapabbata(-vihara), she granted it to
the Daini|a bhikkhu community*. She also made over to them
the village of Mahummara. Then she built a home for bhikkhunis 25
called Siliimegba, and gave it to the (former) home for
bhikkhunis called Silainegha*. Villages which liad been sold 2G
she redeemed, by giving the (necessary) money to the vihara
and granting the villages to the vihara in question. Having 27
had all the great trees on the Cetiya mountain clipped*, the

* r. Ukhe. We have to do here with deeds of gift, so-called samias,
engraven on copperplates, occasionally on silver or gold, or written on
palm leaves such as are still preserved in considerable numbers. II. C.

P. Bki.i., Report on the Ki^galla-District, p. 91. This passage is probably
the oldest confirmation of the custom.

* See above 48. 123-4.

* in contradiction to all the MSS. the Col. Ed. alters the name into
Ka^takam cetiyam, apparently merely for the sake of getting hold of
a familiar Pali word (ka^laka "thorn").

* Very doubtful. The MSS. are all corrupt. They read damissne/d,
have thus a syllable too little. If my restoration ddmiJassaihi is right
— it is at any rate nearer the MSS. than the jjiimitnesadd of the Col.

Ed. — it would mean that also Damilas in Ceylon were Buddhists, but
that the bhikkhus of this nationality formed a special group.

* We must assume that the old convent of this name mentioned
46. 139, bad fallen into decay. The Queen built a new convent, gave
it the same name and granted it to the bhikkbunTs who lived in the
former one, as their home.

* That ckedayitvuna here means “after he hiid felled" is not plau-
sible to me. But the clipping of the branches to facilitate the putting
on of the hags and to enable them to be seen is quite intelligible. This
makes the trees into votive “rag-trees". For analogies s. R. Ardbkk,
Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche <1878), p. 68ff.: MAKuuiBOT.
Wald- und Feldkulte* (1904), I. p. 219 ff. and passim; v. SchrOdbr,
Arische Religion (1916), II. p. 282.

ISO

{Udaya I)

49. 28

King* gave brightly coloured flags and streamers as offerings.

28 In the domain of the Puccbarama*(-vihara) he restored the
pasada and for It he made out of the poor maintenance vil-

29 lage of Ussanavitthi a rich one. The vihara Giribhanda’
which had gone to rack and ruin he restored as it had been
formerly, and granted maintenance villages to the bhikkhus

30 dwelling there. In the Ambuyyanaf-ribara) he built the dwel-
ling house Dappulapabbata* and made it over, provided with

31 the four necessaries to three hundred bhikkhus. Having built
the beautiful monastery Nilagalla, he had a canal laid out
which made fruitful much country and granted it (to the

32 monastery). In the Arikari-vihara he renewed what was broken
down and built (there) a house for the distribution of food
by allotment, and a pasada which was formerly missing.

38 In Vahadipa* he built the Seo^gabodhipabbata('pssads) and
in the three fraternities he, the deeply learned, had the sa-

34 cred texts recited. To those among the bhikkhus who were
engaged in the hardest studies* he presented^ bronze alms-
bowls and he left undone nothing of that which one calls a

35 meritorious work. To widowed women of good family he gave
ornaments and when they wanted food he handed them food

* It is UDcertain whether the works enumerated in 27.80 are to be
ascribed to the Queen or the King. In 26 we have sd as subject, but
in 81 so. 1 prefer to assume tbe King as author, the services of the
Queen being usually devoted to the bbikkbunis.

^ The Col. Ed. changes the name, against tbe MSS., into Pub bar a in n.
See note to 60. 69.

* Mhvs. 34. 61 speaks of a great festivity instituted by King Ma-
hadathikamahaDaga (66-78 A. D.) on tbe Cetiya mountain (Mihintale),
which received the name C^ribha^da-mohd/if/jd. This name is probably
connected with that of the vibara.

* See below 50. 80 and above note to 49. 1. * See note to 48. 66.

* P. suyanlhike from yanfha, skr. yranlha. Cf. yanthika-bhiklcku,
Dbammapodatthakatba ed. H. C. Nobmih, I. 156*. See Rhys Davids
and Stedb, PTS. P. D. s. t. pctntAil'a. W.’s translation "compelled the
priests to accept hie offering of alms-bowls" is impossible. For that it
would have to be bhikkhi instead of the genitive Mtikkkuimm of tbe text.

^ Lit.: he let them receive (ga^hdpegi).

49. 45

Mahinda III, Aggabodhi VIII

131

at night. To the cattle he gave joung corn, to the crows 36
and other birds rice, and to the children grain with honey
and syrup. Thus the King with his attendants performed 37
meritorious works, and after enjoying the earth, he had to
leave it after five years*.

Hereupon his son Mahinda by name became sovereign 38
of the Sihalas, a nobleman, equipped with excellence of every
kind. Known all the earth round by Uie name of Dhammi- 39
kasilamegha*, he was a light of the true doctrine*, a banner
of the doctrine*, to whom the true doctrine* was the highest,
and he performed without fail every work that followed the 40
right* patli and which had been done by former kings, but
he avoided wrong. To allow of repairs being made at all 41
times on the Ratanapasada* he granted it the Getthumba
canal*. What was ruined he rebuilt, and performed (other) 42
meritorious works. After reigning for four years* he went
to his death.

Aggabodhi then raised the umbrella of dominion in tlie 43
capital, preparing unremittingly welfare and happiness for all
creatures. He instituted a sacrificial festival for the relics, 44
wortliy of all the virtues of the Master, and a great festival
for the image of the Saipbuddha set up by his grandfather^

He, the Ruler of men, built the UdayaggabodhUparireua, 45

* FQjav. and Rajav. the same.

* In rojav. and Rajav. the kinir is called Haiigkravil Iskabo
Hihindu, in Rajaratn. and Nik-.s. Somihindu.

* Three times here the ambiguons word dhnmma occurs in the text;
for “wrong” adhamma. The compiler paraphrases the adjunct dhauimtla
in Mahinda's biruda,

* See note to 48. 136.

* Whose waters could only be employed for tillage by payment of
a tax, otherwise accruing to the king, to the inmates of the Ratanapasada.

* Pnjav. the same ; Rajav. 7 years.

* Without doubt wbat is meant here is the golden statue mentioned
46. 137 as having been made by Mahinda IL This proves that Agga-
hodhi VIII., whose relatdonsbip to his predecessor is not mentioned in
Wiy of our sources, was a grandson of Mahinda II,, a son of Udaya I.
and brother of his predecessor Mahinda III.

132

Aggabodhi VIII

49.46

46 choosing for it his fatlier’s name* and his own. Further, he
built the pariveija* called Bhuta, furnished with (the needful)
rerenues and granted it to his own teacher and three hundred

47 bhikkhus. To the Rajasala(-vihara)* he granted the village
of Culavapiyagauia and two villages to the Kalula and Malla-

48 vata* viharas. On the Upo.satha days he forbade the bringing
in of hsh, meat and intoxicating drinks into the centre of the

49 town. When he had done reverence to the bhikkhus or the
cetiyas, he used, when leaving, to clean his feet thoroughly,

50 that no sand might be lost. All actions leading to Heaven
and to delivrance, all those actions he performed with faith
in the three (sacred) objects*.

51 The King found pleasure in the serving of his motlier day
and night. H4 went to wait on her already early in the

52 morning, rubbed her head with oil, perfumed the parts moist

53 with sweat*, cleaned her nails and bathed her carefully. He
clad her himself in a new garment, pleasant to the touch,

54 and the cast*off raiment he took and cleaned it himself. With
the water therefrom he sprinkled his own head together with
tlie diadem, and worshipped her perfectly with fragrant flo-

55 wers as a cctiya. After making obeisance before her three
times, and walking, with right side facing, round her and

* The name Udaya. See note to 49. I. The vibara Uda-AgbS in
mentioned in an inecription of Mabinda IV. WiuKBHiiAamuHK 1.
p. 216, 221, 227.

* A BhQtarama ia mentioned already under Ranittbatissa (223-241
A. D.). Here we hare probably to do with a new building in tbia
monastery.

^ According to my conjecture, RujtuOlaga instead of raja sdlaya.
The word salu alone says too little.

* Mallavata-rihara, built according to 48. 70, by Aggabodhi VII.

^ See note to 37. 214 and 41 . 65.

* W.’s translation “cleanse her body" is too general. The verb
u5(>agr(i is used of rubbing in with some kind of perfumed substance.
To the passages cited by Riirs Davros and Stedr, I may add DTghanik.
II. 324*^’'*; Vinaya ed. OnDsifBEBa III. 329*; Thuparamsa ed. Col. p. 39”;
Mahav, TTka, ed. Col. p. 132*. The word jallikd means “sweat drops"
just as the more frequent rojojalla must be translated by “dirt and
sweat". Cf. sedajallikd Sn. 198 (Ru. D. and St.).

49. 64

Aggabodhi VIII

133

giving her attendants raiment and the like to their heart’s
content, he offered her delicious food with his own liand, 56
partook himself of what she left and strewed thereof on his
head. To her attendants he gave the best food such as was 57
meant for the king, and when he liad put in order Iter
cliamber, fragrant with sweet odours, he carefully prepared 58
tliere with his own hand her couch, washed her feet, rubbed
Iter gently with fragrant oil, sat by her rubbing her limbs
and sought to make her sleep'. Then with right side facing, 59
he walked round her bed, did reverence three times in the
right way, ordered slaves or servants as guard and without 60
turning his back on her, went out. At a spot where she
could no longer see him, he halted and three times again did
reverence. Then happy at his action, and ever thinking of 61
her, he went home*. As long as she lived he served her in
this way.

Once he addressed one of bis slaves with the word “slave"; 62
to make up to him for it, he let him use* the same word
towards himself. The wise (prince) made his motlier offer 63
his own person as a gift to the bhikkhu community, then
paid down a sum equal to his own value and was thus again
a free man. Thus holding meritorious works as the highest, 64
he did good to the Island and went after (a reign of) eleven
years* to the world of the gods.

* P. kalva niddam upeeca lam, a highly curious construction. nideJam
upecca would mean “after she had fallen asleep". By the addition of
kalvS lam the causative meaning is given “after be had brought about
that she fell asleep". See COIavs. ed., Introd. p. XV.

' In the original this whole section from v. 65 to 61 forms one
sentence. The fin. verb y<i{t is in the pres, to express continued repe-
tition. All the preceding verbs are gerunds.

* W.'s translation "it grieved him so that he himself sought to ob-
tain his servant's forgiveness" is too vague and overlooks the point,
namely, that he permits bis servant to call him by the same con-
temptaouB epithet which he himself had used to him.

* Pajav. and Rajiv, have the same. In Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. the
king is called Madl-Akbo.

134

Dappula II

49. 65

65 His younger brother Dappula* now became king after
his death. He kept closely to the conduct of the earlier kings.

66 At that time the sons of the ruler of Rohapa, Mahinda by
name, driven out by their father, came to the King, their

67 maternal uncle*. He beholding them and hearing their story,
gave them a strong force and sent them away to fight with

68 their father, concerned for the welfare of his kinsmen. But
when the ruler of Rohaoa, Mahinda, recognised the situation,
he began on his part to make war on them with strong forces.

69 The twain had to retreat and after appointing a commander
over the army, they returned to the King and abode there

70 (in Anuradhapura) serving him. Their father was content
therewith, but in combat with another kinsman he was slain

71 and this kinsman too lost his life. Hereupon the King gave
his sister's son Kitt^gabodhi his daughter Deva to wife, gifted

72 with all virtues. He (Kittaggabodbi) appointed (his brother)
Dappula to the king’s service and betook himself at the head

78 of an army division to Rohaoa. He became sovereign of Ro-
hapa and favoured by every kind of good fortune, took up
his abode there increasing in sons and daughters.

74 The King had the ruined temple of the Prince of Trees
newly and durably built and gilded*. At the festival of his

75 consecration he instituted a sacrificial feast which lie so

* In accordance with the old Sinhalese law of inheritance tliree sons
of Udaya I. reign one after tbo other. According to this law Dappula's
legitimate successor would have been tbo son of his eldest brother Ma*
Linda III. But cf. below 49. 84 and 50. 4.

* Their father Mahinda according to 49. 10 — 12, was married to
Deva the daughter of Udaya I., a sister of Dappula 11. Thu quarrels
in Rohaoa about the succession described there, of the details of which
we are ignorant, thus continue. It was the policy of the Sinhalese kings
to exploit these to strengthen their position in Rohaoa. Note the simi-
larity of the events, as described in 49. 10 ff. and in 49. 66 ff., especially
the repetition of the name Deva.

* The construction of the sentence is not quite simple. W. translates
it “the king rebuilt the old honse of the Bodhi-tree, so that it may
last, and ornamented it with works inlaid with gold”.

49. 84

Aggabodhi IX

135

arranged that it was fully worthy of his own royal dignity
and the perfection of the Master (Buddha). He rebuilt the ruined 76
pasada in the Hatthikucchi-vihara, the Vahadipa monastery and
the Lavara7apabbata(-Tihara)'. For the vihara called Jeta he 77
made a golden image of the Master and on its delivery to
the Bodhi temple* he held a sacrificial festival of unimaginable
splendour. Every year he instituted in the Island a gift of 78
raiment. He enlarged the MahSpali Hall, and eager for the
good of the refectory he dispensed as much (rice) as tallied 79
witli tlie weight of his body*. Ruined buildings he restored,
he kept to the conduct of former kings without neglecting
anything. He had a discerning senapati by name Vajira. This 80
(Vajira) built the Kacchavala monastery for the Pamsukulins*

In the Thuparnma the King covered the temple of the thupa 81
with golden bricks in the right way and put in doors of goId*>
After the Ruler of men had thus reigned sixteen years*, he 82
went to that land whither all beings must go.

This King having gone to the world of the gods, Agga- 83
bodhi (by name) had the drums of dominion beaten the self-
same day*. His father (Dappula) to safeguard the succession 84

* Very doubtful, as all our MSS. are corrupt. For the first two
names mentioned here, cf. 48. 66 with the notes.

* We must assume that it was a figure seated in the attitude of
meditation, und that it was placed at the foot of the Bodhi tree, just as
the Buddha sittinf; under such a tree, received the biKhest enlightenment.

* 1 am inclined now to assume that the words bhattaggnm avaiokiya
in 78 belong to the following and not to the preceding.

* Chadayi is here probably wrong, as also kdrayi in the Col. Ed.

It will perhaps be best to retain tbe reading of the MSS. pddayi {i>adeli
= skr. pra-dd treated after the analogy of the causative, like kdreti).

* So POjav, ; Rajiv.: 12 years. According to R^Sv. and K^aratn.
an incursion of the l>amila8 took place in this reign. They plundered
Anuradbapura and carried away much valuable booty.

* The original has ladd ahu. This seems to give no sense, so in
the edition (of the text) I have remarked at this passage: “we expect
something like tflrfatrtyo.” I am inclined now to think that we have
here an etymological pnerility, and that for tbe sake of the metre,
tadahii has been split up into tada oAu,

136

Aggabodhi IX

49.86

for his sons, had not made* his brother’s son, Mahinda by

85 name, adipada. As the latter could not bring himself to show
reference to his younger kinsman, he fled in his confusion to

86 tlie other coast* .... When he (the King) heard of their
arrival he sent out a strong force gave them battle and seized
their heads*.

87 In the monastic fraternities be ordered everything that
had to be done and throughout the Island he caused the pre-

88 vention of evil action. The bhikkhus in the smaller vihsras*
used to receive rice gruel as medicine in the Mahavihara.

89 When the King heard of it he was diplea.sed; he granted (the
small viharas) the important village of Kauthspitthi, (the village

90 of) Yabalagama, (the village of) Telagama and a well-filled canal
and gave orders that the bhikkhus should receive their rice
gruel in (their own) vibara. After that they all received the

91 gruel gratefully (in their vihara). On the Island be had the
drums beaten and summoned the beggars, distributing to them
gold as much as they wanted, for three days.

92 Having performed these and other meritorioas works, the
King went after three years* to behold the reward for his
faith in the three (sacred) objects, driving, as it were, in a
heavenly chariot to death.

* Agninat the law of succession. See above note to v. 65.

* Hence to southern India. The word refers to Mahinda's inner
conflict. He sees no wa; of escape except by flight to the mainland.

* The tesam at the b^inning of the verse is suqirising, since only
ono Mahinda was mentioned before. W. seeks to make the plural in.
telligible by supplementing (». 88) “with all his brethren". But that
is not in the text. Besides, according to 60. 4, it is the succeeding
king, Sena I. who kills Mahinda. 1 think we must assume a ga]i in
our text. The missing part (perhaps only a single verse) dealt with
friends and adherents of Mahinda who fought at first for his rights and
were defeated by Aggabodhi.

* What is meant are the smaller viharas of Anuridbapura in contrast
to the three great nikayas.

* So P\\jav. In Rajav. and fmaratn. Aggabodhi IX. is not named.
His successor Sena is also omitted. Nlk.-s. calls him Fasulu-Akho.

49.93

Aggabodhi IX.

137

Thus all corporeal beings are impermanent. Eren the all* 93
wise Buddhas are doomed to die. Hence a prudent man gi-
ving up (everjthing) that proceeds from the lust of being,
will keep his thoughts fixed on nirvana*.

Here ends the forty-ninth chapter, called The Five Kings,
in the Mabavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

' r. buddho viiAau« bhactgga. Cf. *kr. budh with acc. or gen. “to
direct the mind to lomethiDg”. Id P. tbe loc. i* used instead of the gen.

188

Sena I

CHAPTER L
THE ONE KING

1 Hereupon his younger brother Sena^ raised the umbrella
(of dominion) in the town, abounding in riches, who looked

2 on all creatures as on a dear son. He adhered to the con-
duct of former kings in accordance with tradition, and he per-

5 formed also pious actions before unheard of. Towards bhikkhus,
bhikkhunis, bis kinsfolk and (the other) islanders, towards
fishes, four-footed beasts and the birds be fulfilled every duty.

4 He bad Maliinda who had betaken himself to the opposite
shore*, slain by agents. In such wise be cleared his path of

6 all who could dispute with him the royal dignity. He in-
stituted a great almsgiving for needy beggars, to bhikkhus
and brshmai.ias (he dispensed) delicious food such as the king

6 receives. He had three younger brothers: Mahinda, Kassapa

7 and TJdaya, Of these Mahinda was the Yuvaraja who, obedient
to him, served him in fitting manner. The Queen, Saipgha
by name, was the queen-consort of the King.

8 Once when the King bad betaken himself for pleasure to
a port on the sea, the AdipSda Udaya who had remained be-

9 hind in the town, took to wife the daughter of the wife of
his maternal uncle by name Nala who was under the King's

10 protection*, and took her with him to Pulatthinagara. Without

' Sena I, ia called Malvatasen in the Nik.-a.

* See above 49. 85-86 with the notes.

3 P, Takkhanlim is to be understood as pres. part, of the passive
rakkhati — akr. rdksyate. The name Nali is contained in that of the
monaster? Nalarama which according to the inscription of Mahakatatteva
(E. MOllbb AlC. nr. 110; p. 77, 112) the Grand Scribe Sena (cf. 52. 8S)
built in honour of his mother and named after her. This Nala however,
cannot well be as WiCBRsiiAsiNonB assumes (EZ. I. 164, n. 7), the daughter
of Mahinda of Rohai;ia and of Devi; since Deva was not the mdtuJ^nf,
but the oituccha of Udava.

50. 24

Sena I

139

being wroth with him the King made with him an inviolable
treaty, sent the Mahadipada (Uahinda) to him, quieted him
and brought him hither again*. Thus the princes were again 11
at one and lived sheltering the Order (of the Buddha) and
the laity, in perfect peace.

Once later came the Paodu King* with a great force from 12
Jambudipa and began to take possession of the Island. When 18
the King heard thereof he sent a strong army against him,
but owing to the discord among the high dignitaries, the
prince, the Paudu king, found opportunity to get a firm
footing; he laid waste the whole of Uttaradesa (the North 11
Province) and occupied an armed camp in Mahatalitagama.
The many Damilas who dwelt (scattered) here and there, went 15
over to his side. Thereby he gained great power. The great 16
army whicli had gathered tliere (in Mahatalitagama) began
war with the King; the Paodu King went into the field riding
on the back of his elephant. The Dami]a army who beheld 17
the face of its leader, was full of vigour and determination,
and ready to lay down its life for him. But the Island army 1 8
as its leaders were absent, was without zeal; it scattered in
fight and fled in all directions. The great army of the Papcju 1 9
King broke in at the same moment crushing in onset the
people, like the hosts of Mara. When the King heard of the 20
dispersion of his army, he look all his valuable property, left
the town and turned towards Malaya. Thereupon the Yuvaraja, 21
Mahinda, mounted his elephant; but when he saw in battle
the flight of his army, be thought: “Alone it is impossible 22
for me to kill all these; but death at the hands of these base
people is not beautiful; therefore is death by my own hand 23
to be preferred” and sitting on the back of his elephant, he
cut his throat. When bis men saw that, many of them like- 24

* From tbe standpoint of the author: to Anuradhspura.

* The Paqilus or Papijiyas were a Uravidian people inhabiting the
eouthemmost part of the Indian peninsula. Their capital was at first
Korkai, later Madbura. Cf. T. A. Smith, Early History of India, p. SSfiff.

For the name of the Paqdiya king who invaded Ceylon, cf. H. W.
CoDBIROTON. HC., n. 62.

140

Sena I

50 . 25

wise cut their throats and when the Damija army beheld this

25 it rejoiced with exceeding joy. When the Adipada Kassapa
surveyed all that, just at it was, he mounted his favourite

26 horse, armed, weapon in hand, and came alone as far as the

27 Abhaya-vihara'. Even as a supaQO^ when it catches a snake
breaks through* her watery abode, so he broke through this
great army by storm. He forced the whole (army) to retreat

28 and remained him.se)f unscathed*. His one horse looked as if
it were a line of steeds. When he saw none following him

29 he thought: “What would it avail if I alone (by my death)
were to fulfil the wish of the foe? meanwhile I shall, if I

80 remain in life, be able to fulfil my own wish. Therefore it
is right if I retreat”. Therewith the great hero broke fear-

31 lessly through the great army and escaped to Eoudivata. The
great army of the Fao<.)u King thereupon took the town.

32 They showed the Yuvaraja’s bead to the Papiju King. When
he saw it he had (the corpe) burned and gave orders for the
observance at the pyre of all the ceremonies prescribed by
tlie Papdus for their kings.

33 The Pandu King took away all valuables in the treasure
house of the King and plundered what there was to plunder

31 in vihara and town. In the Katanapasada the golden image
of the Master (Buddha)* the two jewels which liod been set

* Abhuyagiri-Tihara. The pursuing enemy had thus already approa-
ched the northern gate of the town.

* Tho words ogdhilvei viddrat/i belong to both objects mahuseiiam
and salildlayam. In W.’s translation tbe simile is not rightly grasped
or at least blurred. For Eassnpa's breaking through the hostile army
tbe expression o-gSh “to dive” has been chosen with refurotice to tbe
simile. The SupaQoas arc mythical birds griIBnIike. They are considercil
the deadly enemies of the Nagas. In this passage these are described
as hhujakgd, snake-like dwellers in the sea.

* Lit.: preserved (or protected) himself well. Note in sugoimyi tbe
rarer association of su with a finite verb, as shortly before, in v. 4
suvisodAest.

* W. has not understood tbe jiassage aright, nor I myself in my
edition (but cf. tbe corrections and additions in vol- II). It deals with
the golden image set up by Hahinda II (48. 1S5 if.) in the Ratanapassda
which be had built in the Abbayagiri-vihara. See also 51. 22 S. We
must therefore read PdsSde Ratane $abhasovant}am saUkubimbakam.

50. 44

Sena I

141

as eye.s in the stone (image of the) Prince of Sages, likewise 35
the gold plates on the cetiya‘ in the Thuparania, and the
golden images here and there in the viharas — all these he 36
took and made the Island of Lanka deprived of her valuables
leaving the splendid town in a state as if it had been plundered
by yakkhas®.

The King (Sena) had posted guards at various places along 37
the highway and in great alarm had taken up his abode at
tlie confluence of the two rivers*. In order to make a treaty 38
witli the Sihala ruler, the Papdu King now sent dignitaries
thither. When the Sihala sovereign saw them and heard 39
tlieir message, he agreed to everything, bestowed favours on
ttie ambassadors to their hearts' content, presented them with 40
a couple of elephants as well as with all his jewels and sent
messengers to the Papdu King, thinking of his own advantage.
When the Papt.lu King saw alt this he was highly pleased, 41
handed over the capital on the same day to the messengers,
evacuated the town and betook himself at once to the seaport. 42
There he embarked and returned to his country.

Thereupon the Ruler Silamegha (Sena)* entered the town, 43
brought the Island again to its former condition and lived in
peace. Flis second brother*, the nobleman Udaya by name, 44

> Cf. on this 48. 140, as well as 49. 81.

s By yakkha are meant tbe prehistoric inhabitants of Ceylon whom
Vijaya fouml when he migrated to the islniul. They were believed to
have magic powers, hence the word means aiiperhiiinnii, demoniacal
beings generally. Ethnologists consider tbe VadiISs as remnants of
these aborigines. Cf. tbe monograph of A. K. Coohsraswaiit, Yak^s,
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 80, Nr. 4. Washington 1928.

^ The viahnmagga is probably the highway which led from Anuradba-
puni to Pulatthinagara and from here to Robana. Malagdbhiniukho
gato above in v. 20 evidently gives merely the general direction in which
Sena retreated. The “conflnence of the two rivers" where he took up
a waiting position must be the point of junction of the Mahaveliganga
and Ambanganga where he commanded the two fords; Dastota (Sa-
hassatittha) and Hahagantota (Kacchakatittha).

* Silamegha is the surname of Sena. Cf. note to 44. 83.

‘ After Mahinda's de.ath (v. 23) his brother Eassapa became heir to
tbe throne. But as be was slain by the Pandu King according to v. 46
the youngest brother of Sena I., Udaya by name, took up his position,
bat he died very soon so that tbe succession passed to Kassapa's eldest son.

142

SetM I

60.45

he appointed mahadipada and assigned him for his revenues

45 (the Southern Province) Dahkhipadesa. But he, after per-
forming meritorious works as was meet, was seized after a
short time with illness and fell into the jaws of death*.

46 The Adipada Kassapa while he sojourned in Pulatthi-
nagara, was slain by the PapOu King who had ordered it.

47 Now this Adipada Kassapa by name, had four able sons

48 endowed with the marks (of future) power. Of these the first
was the prince Sena by name, a hero, a man of great energy,
capable of bearing the burden of the royal dignity, an eminent

49 man. To him the King assigned in accordance with the custom
the dignity of mahadipada and assigned him for his revenues
Dakkhipadesa together with the (needful) troops.

60 The ruler of Kohapa, Kittaggabodhi, had four sons and

51 three attractive, charming daughters. His eldest son, the
nobleman by name Mahinda, was murdered by his father’s
sister who took the country with the royal treasure for her-

52 self. The three brothers enraged at the murder of their
brother* took their three sisters and betook themselves to the

58 King (Sena). When the King who greatly loved them, in
deepest pity* beheld them, be brought them all up full of
love in the best way possible as if they were royal princes*.

54 Then the Ruler of men sent the eldest of them, Kassapa by

55 name, with forces; "Take possession of thy country, go I". He

* According to the inscription mentioned above (note to 60. 9) tbe
marriage of Udaya with Nila produced a son. He is there called
MahalA-Sen. That is the Sena of 62. 33, who under his roiiain
Kassapa IV., evidently at an advanced age, enjoyed tbe dignity of
Mahalekhaka. But os according to v. 6, Kassapa was older than Udaya,
his sons succeeded before those of Udaya.

* The MSS. point to the reading bhdtughatake. But since the word
refers to a female, S. and B. in conjunction with one MS. rea/1 -ghdtane.
The MS. S 6 originally had this reading, but it is corrected to -ghStake,

* P. dnyamukho. At the end of a compound mukha is used in tbe
sense of padhSna.

* Not as W. has it “as if they were the offspring of the gods.”
The children of the house of Rohapa are treated as if they belonged
to the family of the reigning king (deva).

60. 66

Sena 1

143

set forth, slew her, brought the whole of Roha^a into his
power and took up his abode there without mishap. Then 5C
he fetched his two brothers Sena and Udaja, shared with
them the country and dwelt with them. But King Sena 57
brought up the maideD.<! in a most excellent way and when
the three princesses were grown up, gifted and beautiful as
divine nymphs, he gave the one called Samgha to whom he 68
assigned the rank of queen’, to the Uparaja Sena to wife, with
large revenues worthy* of the royal dignity. The younger 69
brother of the Uparaja, Mahinda by name, was endowed with
all virtues, practised in all sciences. To him the King gave 60
the two princesses, called Tissa and Kitti, with revenues which
he deemed fitting. Thus the King showed favour to his kindred 61
according to (their) deserts. By favours such as almsgiving
and the like he won the people for himself. Endowed with 62
the ten qualities of kings*, he enjoyed (while) performing
meritorious works, the earth. For the Paipsukulika bhikkhus* 63
he built a monastery on the AriUha mountain*, erected as if
by magic, and endowed it with large revenues. He granted 64
it also an equipment without flaw, worthy of a king, many
helpers of the monastery and slaves as work people. In the 65
Jetavana-vihara the Sovereign whose aspiration was directed to
the Buddha step, erected* a pasSda of several storeys. After 6C

’ It is jiosaiblo to refer thapetvd rtfjinithtine to all three princesses.

!n 49. 3, we already had a case of the king granting the title of uTjhil
to princesses in the same way as that of lulipdda to princes. Cf. furtlier
54. 11, as also 60. 84.

’ The alteration of san'il'it/toil'om which all the MSS. hare, into
parikkhakaiH is unnecessary. The skr. sat/fsa can also mean "suited to,
worthy of”. The contest demands an adjectival attribute to mahabhoffum.

3 See note to 37. 107. ’ Cf. above note to 47. 66.

° The Ritigala (see 44. 86 with note) is extremely rich in ruins. Cf.
ASC. 1893 f= XXXVIII, 1904, p. 8 ff.). Then Plans and Plates for Annual
Report 1893 (Colombo 1014). A. M. Hocait identities the monastery
built by Sena with tbe ruins of Banda Pokuna. See Memoirs ASC. I. 44.

* A pun in the original on Mumi in its three meanings of earth,
platform or step and storey. Note the Mahayanistic idea of striving
after the attainment of future Buddhahood. It occurs here for the first
time in the Mahavamsa.

144

Sena 1

60. 67

bringing thither* a wholly golden image of the Victor (Buddha)
that he had had made and having fixed large revenues for the

67 pasada, he let bhikkhus take up their abode there. In the same
vihara he had the splendid pasada in the Mahaparivepa re-

68 built, wliicli had been destroyed by fire. In the Abhayuttara-
vihara he built the Vlrankurarama* and granted it to the

69 bhikkhus of the Uahasaipgha’ and of the Thera School. The
Pubbsrania* also furnished with the four necessaries, he built

70 together with his royal consort Sanigha. Likewise together
with her the discerning Monarch built in the Mahavihara, the

71 dwelling-house Samghasena* with large revenues. Having had
made of pure gold a reliquary for the hair relic* he instituted
a great sacrificial festival. The sublime (prince) dedicated to

72 it the kingly dignity. To the Cetiya mountain he assigned
the productive Kauavapi tank, and to the hhikkhus dwelling

73 on the Island he had the three garments* distributed. In Pu*
latthinagara he built at the Thnsavapi* tank the Senaggabodhi

74 shrine, endowed with villages and monastery helpers, and here

' Thus 1 understand vaddhetrii. Cf. for the meaning COlavs. ed. II,
Index of Words, s. v. raddheli.

* Is mentioned in a Vemglri mscriptioo of King Dajipula IV. (V.)
WlCKSKHASmoiII, EZ. I. 23 ff-

^ For the Mah^mghika who branched off from the Therovadins
(Mbvs. 6. 4-6), at the first Council, s. M. Wai.i.sbkr, Die Sekten des
alien Buddbismus, p. 24 ff.

* If above in 49. 28, one reads with the Col. Eld. FubbSrauia instead
of Puccharama, which however, is contrary to the MSS., then in our
passage it is only a question of rebuilding the monastery. Cf. EZ. I. 163.

* This is probably the Sangeen-aram mentioned in the inscription
of Kassapn V. which was restored by this king together with the Marica-
vatti-thQpa. WicKBiuAsiRaHs, EZ. I. 41 ff.

* The relic was brought to Ceylon by Silakala. See Mhva. 39. 49 ff.

’ See note to 41. 29.

® W. follows the reading vdpigo of the Col. Ed. and translates ac-
cordingly ; “with the help of the great tank Tbusavdpi he built several
.smaller tanks . . . and he also built" etc. In this case however, a ea in
the second line of the verse would E>e indispensable.

60.84 Sena I H5

beside this buildingS he built a large eating-hall where good
food was distributed, as well as for all (the bhikkhus) an
eating-hall in the Mahanettapabbata(-ribBra). He also had a 75
hall for the sick built in the west of the town and for the
destitute he made an ofiering of ritfe soup with the solid food
(belonging thereto). For the Paipsukulika-bhikkhus the sublime 76
(prince) built a separate kitchen and dutifully gave them per-
manent support. When he was (still) Uahadipada he built 77
in the Kappura-parireua and in the UttarBjha(-parire];ta)^
single cells which bore his name. Three times the wealthy 73
prince dispensed alms equal in weight to his body and yet
other meritorious works of divers kinds were performed by
the King. His royal consort, Saipgha by name, had built 79
in the Tlttara-vihara* a dwelling-house called Mahindasena
and let bhikkhus take up their abode there. The charming go
Dappulapabbata-vihara* was begun in the time of the wise
King Dappula by Mahadeva, and the Kassaparajaka(-viliara) 81
by the young prince called Kassapa — both these unfinished
(buildings) the same King (Sena) Completed*. His Senapati 82
Bhadda built the parivena, called Bhaddasenapati, endowed
with slaves and revenues. The dignitary Uttara built in the 63
Abhayuttara-vihara the dwelling house, called Uttarasena,
excellently provided* with the (four) necessaries. In the same 84
place Yajira (by name) built the dwelling house V^jirasenaka,
and Rakkhasa (by name) built the dwelling-house, called
Itakkhasa.

' I BUpplement tasmiin yeta not with nagare, as does W., but witii
from 73 o to get the antithesis to tabbesam in 74 c. Tbe first
Mabapali ball belonged specially to the Senaggabodbi bouse, the second
was for general use.

^ Of the first we know from 45. 29 that it belonged to the Abhaya-
giri-vibara; the second parivena is mentioned again 51. 75.

^ 1. e. Abhayuttara-vihara = Abhayagiri-vib^a.

* Cf. with the verse the note to 49. 1.

By Darukaasaps is probably meant the younger brother of the
king whose death is annoonced in v. 46. W. takes it for the name
of a minister. For Eassaparajaka s. note to 52. 45.

^ Pun on the word uttara. ocenrring 4 times in the verse.

10

14$

Sena I

50.65

85 Thereupon after twenty' years* the King who had ever
fixed his gaze on the highest, while sojourning in Pu-
latthinagara, pondering oyer the misdeeds of the Payju King,

86 and in sense making way* for the hero Sena, had to leave
the Island and depart as a lamp (goes out) which the storm
has quenched.

87 Riches are fleeting together with life, how much more so
are even kindred and friends. Behold the King who forsaken
fell into the terrible jaws of death.

Here ends the fiftieth chapter, called <The One King>,
in the Mahavaipsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

* So abo POjav.

^ F. dadanlo viya Senasna «ura«dras<Tram. He leaves to his successor
the i)OS8ibility and the opportunity to take vengfance on the Papcju®*

Sena II

147

CHAPTER LI

THE HISTORY OF THE TWO KINftS

After Sena had thus died the MabSdipSda Sena by name 1
performed all that there was to do* for him in pious manner,
then- with army and train he entered the town and was king over 2
the earth’s circle. Showing conduct like that of the kings of
the first age of the world, pious, wealthy, heroic, generous, S
impartial, succouring the needy, equipped with large revenues,
with army and train, he represented in his spotless fame and 4
his splendid ability, as it were, a union of the sun and the
moon : richly gifted with unblemished qualities, practising every 5
kind of virtue, devoid of alt sin, weary, of the cycle of births,
his gaze fixed on the highest; Satpgha who was his consort, 6
he consecrated MahesI and gave her a dowry according to the
custom. His younger brother, the able Mahinda by name, he 7
made uparaja, assigning him (the Southern Province) Dakkhinsr
desa. As however, he bad committed an offence in the wo- 8
men’s apartments, he disappeared on being discovered by the
King, and betook himself with wife and child unrecognised
to Malaya.

At that time time the King’s consort Saingha bore him a 9
son who embodied*, as it were, in himself the princely form

* Namul; tbe prescribed fnneral ceremonies. Sena 11. is called in
Pejdv., Rajiv,, Rajaratn. and Nik.-s. Mugajin.Sen. In PejSv. ho is
erroneously called brother (mol) of his predecessor.

^ For Panada or Mahapanada ste note to S7. 62. It cannot be a
question here of son of Panada, as such does not otherwise occur, but
of Panada himself when he was prince. We must thus read kamdra-
riipam and this belongs to ‘Panddassa as well as to atiano. For Uaha*
panada as prince see Jataka IV, p. 323 ff. Suruci-Jitaka.

148

Sena II

51. 10

10 of Panada. When the King beheld the newly-born he was
overjoyed, as Suddhodaoa over Siddbattba born in the Lumbini

11 garden, (thinking): my son endowed with the qualities of
power and virtue, is worthy of the royal dignity not alone

12 in this single island but in all Jambudipa, and already on the
day of name-giving he consecrated him uparaja' in the most
solemn manner and granted him (the Southern Province)

13 Dakkbioadesa. The Yuvaraja (Idahinda) who was sojourning
in Malaya, understood by prudent conduct* to appease the

14 sovereign, and with his brother’s consent, he came accompanied
by the bhikkhus dwelling in the three fraternities, sought
out the King, and made here at once an inviolable treaty
with him.

15 The consort of the Yuvaraja*, Tissa by name, the Queen,

16 bore a daughter, named Saipgha, and his other consort Eitti

17 bore likewise four sons and a daughter. Then the King
thought : under these circumstances* my younger brother will

18 be reliable for me, and he look careful counsel with his
ministers and prudently married the beautiful daughter of the

19 Yuvaraja, Satpgba by name, to bis own son Eassapa. Dakkhiija-
desa (the South Province) be granted in like manner to his
younger brother, but to the Prince (Kassapa) he made over

20 a special share of bis own revenues and assigned him all the

* The son of Sena II. was Kassapa, later King Kassapa V. In an

inscription of Anuradbapura he expressly says of himself: dunii sandhi
me yuva-raj bisev-siri “who at the same time that lie was born

(P. janita), received the consecration as yuvar^a". Wicxbxuasinohb,
EZ. I. 42 ff. As to the difference between the <^lavs. and the inscrip-
tion regarding Uie title uparaja and yuvaraja see note to v. 16.

* P. updyeno. W.: cunningly.

* As the reconciliation between Sena and Mabinda has taken place
the latter regains his rights as heir apparent, Dakkhipadesa (v. 19) being
assigned him for the same reason. The more formal dignity of uparaja
which is generally associated with that of yuvaraja, remained apparently
with the son of King Sena.

* P. evam salt; if he (the king) so acts as he intends, and as he acts
subsequently, after holding counsel with his ministers; by kinship
through marriage.

51. 26

Sena II

149

extraordinary rerenues in the kingdom'. But the administra-
tion of the whole island he looked after (himself), concerned
for the welfare of the Island. In consequence of the liring 21
together of the twain (Kassapa and Samgba) who performed
meritorious works, sons and daughters were born, endowed
with the qualities of power and virtue.

Once when the Ruler with all pomp was holding high 22
festival for the Tooth Relic, he ascended the splendid Ratana-
pasada and when he beheld the pedestal of the golden Buddha 23
empty whereon formerly the image stood*, he asked why that
was so. Thereupon his councillors replied: “Knowest thou 24
not 0 Ruler ! that in the time of the great King thy
uncle*, 0 Sovereign ! the Pavdu king came hither, ravaged this 26
Island and departed with whatever belonged to the treasures
of the Island?” When the King heard that, be was ashamed, 26
as if he himself had suffered the defeat, and gave orders the
selfsame day to his councillors to collect troops*.

' According to the reading of the Col. Ed. rajjain pi Bahbam iam’ eca
parihhogaya d<?pay» one would have to translate; “also he assigned him
the whole kingdom for the drawing of his income". Rajja might mean
that part of the Island that was later called and still later

Patitth/iratlha, but that would have been monstrous, since Sena would
thereby have deprived himself of all rights and of nearly all his re-
venues, It would be difficult too to see how what is said in 19 c d
could be distinguished from what is contained in v. 20 a b. The point
here lies I believe, in the little word pan in paribhoga. It implies the
idea of ‘‘more" of "acquisition" “addition to something" (Cf. BR., Wtb.

8. V. jinrt 2 a 6), thus paribhoga stands in contrast to the simple bhoga
of the preceding line.

* Without doubt the passage must be so translated, although the
construction is not witbont ditBculty. Cf. 60. 34 with the note.

^ The uncle of Sena II., his predecessor Sena 1. is here described as
"great father" {mahiijrita). The elder brothers of the father are thus
described, the younger brothers being called “little father" (ciilapittj).

See note to G3. 51.

' The successful war of Sena II. against the Papdus is mentioned in
several inscriptions. The King is called S«n Sangbo (so in the inscr. of
Bilibeva, of Etaviragolleva and Elleveva, Wickbeuxsisohb, EZ. II. 39, 44 £F.;
Bbll, ASC., VII th Progress Rep. = XIH. 1896, p. 45). The four Sin-
halese sources also relate the victory over the Panijus and the regaining
of the drum of victory and the jewelled goblet which they had captured.

150

Sena II

51.27

27 Now at that time, there arrived a son of the Paijdu King
who ill-treated by the king, had made the resolve to gain

28 the kingship for himself. When the King (Sena) saw him he
rejoiced greatly, treated him as was meet', betook himself
then to the seaport Mahatittha* and while he sojourned there,

29 collected a great force as well as all the appliances of war

30 completely', like to a war-equipped army of the gods. Then
the glorious (Prince) commanded his Senapati together with
the son of the Papcju King thus: “Arise, slay the Papcju King,

31 bring hither all the jewels formerly carried away from here,
transfer to him the royal dignity and come hither again

32 at once’’. The Senapati declared himself ready to do so, bade
farewell to the Ruler, took the army and set sail on the

33 spot. He came then to the opposite coast with his whole
army and train and laying waste the neighbouring country,

34 surrounded the town of Madhuri. He blockaded the gates,
cut off all traffic and set fire to towers, bastions and gates*.

35 When thus the Sibala army had penetrated his town, pillaging

36 the whole (town) and slaughtering the garrison, then the
Papdu King at the news, collected his army, came on in haste

87 and opened fight. But as his troops were not complete the
Ruler who riding on the back of an elephant was himself

38 wounded by a spear, left the town to its fate, took flight and
lost his life at the place whither he had betaken himself. His
consort who had come with him also found (her) death.

39 Thereupon the Sibala army which had fearlessly entered the

' I. e. be fulfilled all the duties due to a ^uest of royal blood.

^ Now Mantai (Mantotn) in the Mannar District.

^ P. anfinam is adverb.

^ S. yfipuraUalakotthake. According to the description of the plan
of an Indian fortress given in Eantalja's Arthasastra, 2. 3. 21, gopura
means a bastion-like stractore above the gates, while aUdIa is a tower
built on the wall. Cf. aUalaudddmaparikhadini DhCo. III. 488’® and
pdkdraparikliaattdlalidtlini JaCo. VI. 341'’, with which is meant the
whole fortification of a town; also j>aAraro gopuralldlako JaCo. VI. 433'.
Dvdrattala also occurs in P. (Dipavs. 13.21; 22. 10 and ID); JaCo. VI.
390' distinguishes this last from antornttrtfotn. Thus (Ivnrattdla is al-
niost synonymous with gopura.

61.51

Sena II

151

town, plundered it completely, as the £ods the town of the
asuras'. The SenSpati thereupon inspected the treasures in 40
the royal palace; and all the raluables which had been carried
away from our island, as well as that found in the town and 41
in the country, he took for himself and carried on the administra-
tion which he had seized. Hereupon he consecrated the son of 42
the Pandu King and transferred the country to him with cele-
bration of the (customary) festirities. He took elephants and 43
horses and men also, as he pleased, and stayed here and there
at his pleasure, from no side threatened. Then he betook 44
himself to the sea-coast, sojourned there so long as he chose,
embarked with unruffled calm, as if for amusement, came to 45
Mahatittha, greeted the Ruler respectfully, gave a report and
showed him the treasures he had brought along. “Good”, 46
said the King, showed him favour and entered the capital
with his joyful army. He held a victory banquet and cele- 47
brated a festival of victory and instituted a great offering for
beggars according (o their hearts’ desire. He restored all 48
valuable property in tbe Island as it was heretofore, without
partiality, and the golden images he set up in the places
where they belonged. The empty pedestal (of the statue) of 40
the Master in the UatanapSsada he filled again* and he made
the country secure by setting up guards against every danger.
From that time onward be made the Island hard to subdue 60
by the foe and made it increase iu wealth like tbe land of
the Uttarakurus*. Living beings on the Island who in the 61
time of tbe former king had been in distress, felt themselves
delivered in that they came to peace as from heat into the
shade of clouds.

■ The Indian epics speak of three towns of the asuras. They are
built by tlie demon Maya of gold, silver and stone, in Heaven, in the
firmament and on the earth. 8iva destroys them with fire and is there-
fore named tripuraghna, tripuradaJtana, tripurahan etc. See BR. s. v. tri.
pura -, Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 60.

^ By setting up tbe recaptured image.

* A mythical people of sages and seers who live beyond the Hima-
laya. Their country is often held to be the land of bliss. Hopkins,
Epic Mythology, p- 186.

152

Sena II

51.63

52 In the twentieth year of bis reign, in the Abhayuttara-
vibara the Pamsukulika bhikkhus separated and formed special

58 groups*. The Yuvaraja Mahinda had built for the Prince of

54 trees of the Master a beautiful, wonderful, graceful temple. The
carpenters who were building the Bodhi house*, noticed that
a branch of the sacred Bodhi Tree by striking on a beam,

55 threatened to break*. They considered what should be done,
and informed the Yuraraja (of the matter). He came hither,
reverenced (the tree) with a great sacrificial offering (and said):

56 “If the Master is born for tiie salvation of all living beings,
as one that accepts the priceless merit which lies in the buil-

57 ding of the temple*, then let the branch bend upwards so
that it is possible to build the temple." Having thus favorably

58 influenced it and done it reverence he went home. Then the
branch on the Prince of trees during the niglit bent upwards

59 and all the workmen made it known to their master. The
Yuvaraja was highly delighted, told his brother, the King,
and reverenced (the tree) with a great sacrificial offering for

60 which he spent much money. Having built the parivepa called
Mahindasena he made it over to the community together with

* See note to 47. 66. Here we must keep atrictly to the MSS. reading
gaifahetum (for which ganaheauiji in eome MSS. is merely a freciuently
recurring inaccurate spelling). The altemtion into gaMtegum of the
Col. Ed. is poor. Ga^a means a group of persons closely assotiated for
the pursuit of common aims, a corporation, here an independent branch
of bhikkhus, a sect. Wilsoh, Diet, in 8kr. and Engl., gives for ga^a etc.
also the meaning “a sect in philosophy or religion”. Cf. also ganaasa
gatthd Samyutta I. 66**- **.

* See note to 38. 43.

* For bftindontnm cf. Culavs. ed. I. p. XV.

* Here we have a saccflWriyd (Mhvs. trsl. p. 126, note 3) of wliicli
the formula is: as certainly as this or that is the case, so certainly
will this or that occur. W. changes the subject between 1 and 2. In
line 2 he takes “I” as subject: “and if by the building of this house . . .
I shall gain merit,” That is impossible. In sucb a case altom would not
be absent. The idea is rather this: The building of the temple is an
offering, a pty« which the Master — sallkd remains the subject — shall
graciously accept. In it there lies at the same time great merit, of
course for the builder. Hence the work is described as pufina.

51.72 Sena II

the (needful) reyenues and accumulated still further merit. He 61
dispensed raiment, umbrellas, shoes which liad come to him-
self*, further rice for wayfaring (bhikkhus)* and baths with
cheer. After the mighty Prince had thus carried out all kinds 62
of works of inferior merit, he passed away in the thirty-third
year of the King’s reign in accordance with his doing.

He being dead, the King set his younger brother Udaya 68
in his place and assigned him all tiiat had belonged to the
other. With an offering equal to the weight of his body he 64
comforted the poor and the helpless and by a regulative act
he, at the same time, reformed the three fraternities. He had 65
a thousand jars of gold filled with pearls and on the top of
each he placed a costly jewel and presented (it) to a thousand 66
brahmapas whom he had fed with milk rice in pure jewelled
goblets, as well as golden threads*. He clothed them also, 67
as a friend of meritorious works, witli new garments at their
hearts' desire, and gladdened them with festive pomp. To the 68
bhikkhus dwelliug on the Island he dispensed the three gar-
ments, and presented all the women with quite exquisite rai-
ment. Having restored the Lobapasada so that it resembled 69
the Vejnyanta palace* he brought thither* an image of the
Buddha of closely jointed gold mosaic*. When he heard that 70
the pasada bad been an IJposatha bouse for all the great
sages, he made it into a dwelling for the community with the
wish that it should never stand empty. He assigned it main- 71
tenance villages, placed guards and ordered that thirty-two
bhikkhus should dwell there. On the (Mahavaluka-)gahga he 72

* Cf. with sapnfisambftattam taltham the phrase sat’diiftam ]m-
tisavibhattam in 52. 14.

» Vin. I. 292 has agantukabhaUa “rice food for newly arrived
bhikhhus’’ and <ramil'n6A(i((a beside gUanobkalta. These are the monks
who are unable to live by pindap&la, that is the almsfood collected on
tlie regular mendicant round.

s The idea here is of the cotton thread which, according to bnih-
manical rite, the three highest castes wear over the shoulder. In this
case these were evidently interwoven with gold thread.

See note to 48. 186. * See note to 50, 66.

* P. cf. DhCo. iv. 135*®; Mhvs. 30. 97,

154

Sena Jl

51. 7S

had the Mapimekhala dam built and on the Manihira tank be

73 built an outlet for the water. At Eattliantanagara he dammed
up theKSoavapi^ (tank) and on the Getija mountain he built

74 a hospital*. The BuddhagSma-vibara, the MahijahgaQa-vihara*
and the Kutatissa-vihara* he enriched with a maintenance

75 village. To the Ma9(}alagiri-Tibara* be made over villages
which belonged to himself and in the Uttarajba-parivena* he

7G built a pasada. To the Mahasena^ Buddha he granted a vil-
lage and gave it watchmen, in the Sobbba-vibara he built an

77 image house. He brought figures of Bodhisattas into the
Mauimebhala-pasada and the ruined temple of the stone statue

78 of the Prince of Sages* he restored. The King united there-

' Here it U a case of restorieg the dam, as the tank itself existed
iilreiidj at the time of Sena 1. Cf. 60. 72.

* P. vejjaaUld, lit. hall of phjpsicinns. The sick there found raediosl
assistance.

* Kow Alutnuvara on the right bank of the Mahiiveliganga in the
Ilintenne district. Evidently an ancient place of worship, probably
already in pro. Aryan times, if the tale related in Mhvs. 1. 14—43
rests on any kind of tradition. The thOpa in Alutnuvara is held to be
the oldest in the Island, The Dutchman Spilberg saw it in the year 1602
in good condition, white os marble and crowned by a gilded pyramid
(See TsHNirr, Ceylon U. 421). This was certainly not its original form.
In TKHNUfT's time it lay in a ruinous condition "a huge semicircular
mound of brickwork three hundred and sixty feet in circumference, and
still one hundred feet high, but so much decayed at the top, that its
original outline is no longer ascertainable". Later the thiipa wns ap-
parently repaired in the usual way by a casing. When we visited
Maliiyahgaoa it lay again in ruins. The year before the southern half
had been pulled down and the relic chamber also destroyed. Wliat it
contained in the way of votive gifts, as far as I saw these, belonged
to more mudern times.

* Mentioned as Kututisa-rad-roahaveber in the pillar inscription
of Mahindii IV. in Polonnaruva, Raja-Maligava, KZ. II. 50, the reading
of the name is however, not quite certain.

* For this see note to 46. 29.

« See 60. 77.

’’ This means most likely the Buddha image in the Mah^ena-vihara.
For this cf. note to 48. 8.

* See note to 38. 61.

51.65

Sena II

155

with the Bodhisatta with the temple Having dammed up*
(anew) the irrigation trench of the Prince of trees lie held
a great festival. He bad the whole of the Katanasutta* written 79
down upon a golden plate and held for it a great sacrificial
festival. He bad the Abhidhamma recited. The image of BO
Ananda* he brought into the town, walked round it facing
to the right* and made the community of the bhikkhus recite
the Paritta® in the usual way. By sprinkling with the Paritta 81
water the King charmed people against illness and so removed
the danger of plague from his country. After receiving the 82
consecration at the Hemavaluka-cetiya'' he decreed in writing
that this action should be performed every year. On the four 83
Uposatha days in the month he dispensed to four thousand
(persons) a gift of garments and rice food to boot. The Ve- 84
sakba festival he celebrated* in common with the poor, giving
tliem food and drink and clothing as tliey desired. For the 86

' The pii88ii(!u ia not clear. It seems (o deal witli the afliliatiun of
the Maei>iiekhslii[>a8ada to the shrine of the Silumiiyubuddlm. It ia
curious that in V. 77 Bodhisattan arc mentioned, whereiut in v.78on}yono
Bodhisatt.^ is spuken of. According to nn inacriptiun in Jetavana the
Mit;imevu]a*mabn-{>»faa was built by the grandfather of Mahinda IV.

(Eli. I. il4).

* Such a trench liad already been dug by Mabanaga according to 41. 94.

* Sutta I in the CSiavngga of the Sultanipata (v. 222 B.) This Sutta
exists also in "Sanskrit" in the Maliavastu (ed. Sbnart I. 290 ff.).

* Ananda was the Buddha's fovourite disciple and his constant com-
[lanion. What portrait of him ia meant, and where it used to be for-
merly we do not know.

W, translates : "and carried it in procession round about the city”.

But it is impossible to get this meaning out of katvd padakkhitjain.

® See note to 46. 6.

’’ Ttie same as the Mahdthilpa (in Anuradhapura), now Ruvanvhli
Dagoha.

* Tradition places the parinibbana of the Buddha on the day of full
moon of Vesakha (April-May). See Mhvs. 3. 2; Fleet, JRAS. 1909,
p. 6 ff. The Vesakbapuja is often mentioned in the Mhvs., thus 32. 35,

85. 100. It was a favourite day for specially solemn actions such as
the crowning of King Devanampiyatissa (Uhvs. 11. 42j, the laying of
the foundation stone of the Mahathupa (Mhvs. 29. 1) etc.

156

Udaya II

61. 86

bbikkliu community of the Island he instituted a permanent
offering and the poor, travellers and beggars he comforted by

86 gifts. The Mahes! of the King, Samgha by name, built in
the Abhayuttara(-vihara) the building called Sanighasena-

87 pabbata* together with the (necessary) revenues. She pla-
ced a dark blue jewel diadem on the stone image of the
Prince of Sages and instituted at great cost a sacrificial festival

88 for the Master (Buddha). His Senapati, the hero Kutthaka*
by name, built the parivepa called Senasenapati with great

89 revenues. Thus the glorious (prince) with his court performed
many meritorious works and entered in the thirty-fifth year
of his reign’ into the world of the gods.

90 Thereupon his next youngest brother, the nobleman TJdaya^
by name, became king, concerned in every way for the wel-

’ Different from the SaipghMcnarama naned 50. 70 (nee note here)
which belonged to the Mabavibam. Cf. also note to 52. 45.

’ Here again inscriptioos offer a valuable confirmation of our Cbro-
ni(de. The Senevirad Knttbii — Senapati Kuttbaka and the Sene-
virad Pi ri vena as 8enivsena|>ati'parivci)a are mentioned in the Rambeva
inacrijition as well as in the Iripinniyuva inscription (WieKiiBWABmoui!,
EZ. I, 164, 175). In my edition I have given the name of the Senapati
in the form Tuttbaka, aa all niy MSS. read thus. Now however, I am
more inclined to regard the differemee os being due, less to varying
tradition, than to a slip of the pen, as BeLt has already done, ASC.
Vll til Progress Rep. 1891 = XIU. 1896 p. 69 n. 2. Cf. Errata et Corri-
genda, CQlavs. ed. 11. We may thus change Tulf^knnrimako into
Anlf/idlioniiaKifeo which is also the nniding according to WiCKnEHABiNoiiK,
of a MS. in the Indian Institute at Oxford.

’ FQjav. 85 years, also Rajav.

* Without doubt the inscriptions of Iripinniyeva and Rambeva (EZ.

I. 163 ff., 172 ff.) belong to this king, Udaya II. (as 1 have, otherwise
Udaya I.). In these the king calls himself Salamevan = Silam egha-
vaijoa, which would not fit E.-issapa IV., as his biruda was Sirisamgha-
bodhi. The king in the Kirigalleva and Noccipotana inscriptions (EZ.

II. 1 ff. 5 ff.) of the 2 nd and 9 th years of his reign has the same name.
He is mentioned as a brother of Kassapa (lY.) in the Moregoda and the
Timbiriveva inscriptions. See note to 62. 1 . The Negaraa inscr. (EZ.
II. 14 ff.) dates from the time before Udaya's (II.) ascent of the throne,
as he still calls himself there Uda Mahapa i. e. Udaya Mahadipada.
This Uda Mahapa cannot be Udaya HI. who reigned later (Uda

51.100

Udaya IT

157

fare of the islanders. While hiniself king, he raised his 91
youngest brother Eassapa to the rank of Mahadipada. The 92
King considered that one should show favour to his kindred
and gave his brother’s son (likewise) called Eassapa, the 93
daughter of the Yuvaraja (Eassapa), Sena by name, to wife.

The King himself took the other (daughter) called Tissa*.

The son of the (former) UparSja, Mahinda, and of the 94
princess Kitti, the Adipada Kittaggabodhi, the deluded one,
rebelled against the great King, escaped by night and came 95
alone in undiscovered disguise to Rohaoa. He brought all the 96
people into his power, laid waste the whole province and had his
maternal uncle* who dwelt there murdered. When the Monarch 97
heard this he was filled with rage and sought a means of
bringing him hither. He summoned the son of his brother, 98
the Yuvaraja Eassapa*, and spake to him thus: “Most ex-
cellent One, thou must be my helper”. Said the other: “What 99
shall I do?” The liuler replied: “Thy son, the powerful
Mahinda, has become a man. lie has from bis father and 100
his mother a claim on the province of liohaQs*. He is brave,

MabayS, note to 63. 18), bec-nuae sparl from palarojfraiibical rcaaona,
the reigning king in the Kegamn inscr. has tho biruda Sirisangbo. Thin
lita Sena II. whose yuv.iraja wae L’daya II. but not Diippula IV. SilS-
iiic'ghaviiupa the prediu'cssor of Udaya III.

* The Miiharlipada or Yuvaraja Kaesapa is the king who rcigna later
as Kassapa IV. ; the son of Udaya's brother (Sena II.) is the later KiissapaV.

* The brothel's of Kitti, the mother of Kittaggaboiihi, were ai-c ording
to 50. 60 ff. Kassaps, Sena and Udaya. It is t)ic first of these probably
who is meant here.

^ With the reading yucart'ija$ta which is accepted in the Col. Ed.
nothing can be done. We must decide therefore for the reading yu-
varajain sa. Still the designation of the brother's son [lihatupuUa) of
Udaya IT. as yuvaraja is curious. In the verse 93 not this Kassapa is
called yuvaraja, but on the contrary, the youngest brother of the King,

■who is likewise called Kassaiw. Nevertheless according to the Sinhalese
law of succession, the nephew Kassapa was heir to the throne after
the brother, and probably for that reason he is here, in anticipation,
called yuvaraja.

* On the father's side, because Mahinda's father Kassapa (later
Kassapa V.) was the son of Samglia, the daughter of the Rohaija prince
Kittaggabodhi, and on the mother's side because his mother, the younger
Samgha. was a daughter of Tissa and thus granddaughter of the same
Aggabodhi.

158

Udaya II

61, 101

able, a hero, adroit, skilful in tbe management of the bow,

101 warlike, discerning, prudent and experienced in statecraft. We
will send him to bring the villain hither who slew his uncle."

102 When Kassapa heard the King’s words he spake full of re-
verence: “0 King, summoned by the King, I would myself

103 go, how much more so my son. My line is safe and thy good
graces 0 Monarch ; do therefore, that time be not lost, what

104 thou desirest." When the Ruler of men heard his words he
rejoiced greatly, had a great force completely equipped and

105 gave orders to the general Vajiragga* to take the young

106 prince Mabinda with great care under his protection. Having
thereby made the town empty as it were, he gave the whole
army and train with all the appliances of war to Mabinda.

107 The Ruler of men himself accompanied him on foot and en-
joined him: “0 excellent One, go hence and defend the king-

108 dom." Mabinda shone glorious as great Indra’ when he set
forth at the head of the army of the gods for the great battle

109 between gods and demons. He arose and speedily came to
Qutta.saiu^ All the inhabitants, the cbiels of districts, as well

110 as those of the provinces who bad been oppressed by the
murderer of his uncle, came hither and joined him thinking:

111 our (lawful) lord has arrived. The rebel who was in Giri-

* The sense is: so lon^ as I enjoy thy favour the continuance of
iiiy family is assured. Therefore I shall always fultil thy desires.

* A descendant of a Mekujipivr V&dilrum Vijuragu is mentioned in
the Buddbannehela inscription. As this inscription (see WicKHKMAsinouK,
KZ. I. 191 ff.) belongs in all probability to the time of Kassapa V., the
Vijuragu nnmed there may well be oar Vajiragga. In the same in-
scription there is mention of a Vidnragu and in the Moragoda inscrip-
tion of Kassapa V. of a Vadura in the same connection, possibly
variants of the same name. Bri.l, ASC., Vllth Progress Rep. (= XIII.
1896). p. 60.

^ Punning comparison of the name Mabinda with Mahinda, Shr.
Mahendra “the great Indra”.

* Mow Buttala in the Eorale of the same name in the Badulla
District, Province Uva. Guttasala or -bala is already mentioned at the
time of Dutthagamaoi. The importance of Guttasala was due to its
lying on a main road which led from Mahagama to Mahiyahgaoa and
from there along the Mahavalnkagahga to Pulatthinagara. The older
form for the name Buttala is QuUala, It occurs for instance, in the
Sinhalese Thupavarnsa (cd. W. Dhaumabataxa, 1889, p. 133).

&1. 125

Udaya II

159

maptilala', lost courage; he seized all valuable royal property 112
and withdrew with elephants and steeds to Malaya. Mahinda’s
army defeated his army at different places pursued it on foot, 113
and when it caught sight of the elephants and the horses,
seized them before Malaya, and convinced that he was there, 114
entered Malaya, hewing down the whole wilderness of forest
of Malaya and making rivers and tanks (look) like roads.
When the fool saw the people (advance), he overcome by fury, 115
dung all his treasures into rivers, bogs, chasms and the like
and hid himself alone in the forest in a rock cave. People who IIG
sought him found the ruthless one and captured him. Full of
joy the people took him with them, came with haste and show- 117
ed him to Mahinda who had halted in GuttasSla. When the latter 118
saw him he asked him laughing: “Well hast thou enjoyed
Rohapa?" and gave him in charge to Vajiragga the King's
general. He himself took the army and betook himself to 119
Mahagama*. He became ruler of Kohaoa. showing kindness
to the people. Ue saw to it that the people who had been 120
oppressed by the fool recovered, and be restored the Buddha
Order which had been injured by him, to the place (befitting
it). He laid out gardens of fruit and flowers at divers places, 1 2 1
enclosed tanks and dammed up the MahSnadi^. Everywhere 122
he brought the four necessaries within reach of the (bhikkbu)
community. By keeping down the evil-minded district chiefs and
the chiefs of the provinces, and by rooting out the rebels and 128
making (the country) free from briers, he made the whole people
content, exercising generasity and giving himself up to enjoy-
ment. As one who must be honoured by prudent men and served 124
by those who wish for their own advantage, he was like to a
wishing tree*, a dispenser of blessings for all the needy. He 125

’ Comsiiondii perhaps to the modem Kaodaiwlla-Korale embracing
the hill country to the west of Buttala, south of the Koslanda-Haldu*
niuUu road.

- At that time the capital of Rohaoa. Cf. note to 46. 42.

’ Perhaps name of the Menik-ganga?

* F. happariMha = skr. kalpacrki-a. For the Indian tales about
heavenly trees which fulfil wishes and offer mankind all that it needs
and desires, sec Hopki.hs, Epic Mythology, 7.

160

{Tdaya II

51. 126

abandoned the evil conduct practised by former rulers, and took
up his abode there, cherishing justice.^

126 The General (Vajiragga) took the Adipada (Kittaggabodhi)
with him and betook himself to Anuradbapura and showed

127 him to the King. When the King saw him he was furious,
had him at once thrown into prison, appointed a secure guard

128 for him and ill-used him in all kinds of ways. Three times
he the glorious one gave an offering (of rice) equal to his
body weight and he had the thupa in the Thuparama covered

129 with golden plates. There too he built a pasada and caused a
bhikkhu community to dwell there. In vibara and town he

130 restored what was ruined. On the Kadamba-river* he provided
an overflow of water with a strong weir, and he enlarged

181 the dam of the MayetU-tank. There too the Monarch built
an overflow of water and every year* he had distributed
beautiful, specially fine stuffs for (the making of) the robes,

132 During a famine he had alms-balls built for all living beings
and instituted a great alms-giving; be also enlarged the Maha-

183 pali(-hall). Amongst the inmates of the three fraternities
he had rice with sour milk distributed, as well as rice
continuously for the destitute and rice soup with solid food.

184 Having thus performed these and other meritorious works
which lead to Heaven, he entered after reigning eleven years*,

135 into the company of the gods. The gold that he had spent in
these eleven years was estimated at thirteen hundred thousand
(kahapauas),

186 Thus after these two Rulers of men had brought into their
power the one the formidable Paodu King, the other Kohaoa
with its terrible wildernesses, they themselves fell into the
power of death.

Here ends the fifty-first chapter, called “The History of
the Two Kings", in the Hahavaipsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

‘ See note to 41. 61.

^ Anuvassam belonjiirs to dapayi, not to akd as W. has it.

* The same number of years in Pujav. In Rajav. on the other band,
40 years. Both sources, as well as Rajaratn. ascribe to King Udaya the
building of the Mahatiimburuppe-vibara in Robaga. Udaya IL is men-
tioned under the name of Udii Abbay in the Moragoda inscription
where be is credited with having subdued Rohaoa and Malaya. Bbli.,
ASC. VII th Progress Rep. 1891 (= XIII. 1696), p.60fT. WicKBauAsiHOiis,
RZ. I. 200 ff. 8 m also note to 51. 90.

Kassdpa IV

161

CHAPTER LII

THE TWO KINGS

Thereupon Kassapa' took over the government and as- 1
signed to the discerning YuvarSja called Kassapa* (the Sou-
thern Province) Dakkhipadesa. The consecration as chief 2
queen* he conferred on the daughter of the Yuvaraja, the
princess Tissa who was liis consort. For mendicant artists* 3
who came from different regions the King dispensed per-
manently an offering which was called Daodiesara.

The Adipada Maliinda who sojourned at that time in Ko- 4
liapa, advanced with forces to seize the Royal Province*. At 5
the tidings thereof the indignant King sent his own army
against him, but Mahinda, a great warrior, defeated it in
battle. Thereupon the King to prevail upon him to turn back, 6

^ Several inxeriptions date from the time of Kaaaapa 17. as for in-
stance, the Mora^oda inecription just mentioned (note to 61. 134) where
Kiisub Siriaahgbu is described as brother {idujvar) of Udil Abliay
(=■ Udaya 11.) Also in the inscription of Timbiriveva (EZ. II. Off.). In
the inscription of the Kiribat-vehera (KZ. 1. 168 IF.) the King calls him-
self merely Sirisangbo, ns also in the Habakalatteva, Kongolleva and
Inginimitiya inscriptions (K. MCllbs, AIC. nr. 110, 112, 118), also in the
Negama iiiscr. (EZ. tl, 14 ff.), in that of Kukurumabandamana (ib. II. 21ff.
as also in that of Atulveva which Wicksruasikuhb (ib. II. 230) ascribes
for pataeogTiiphic reasons to Eassapa IV.

* The son of Sena 11. See note to 61. 98.

* P. aggdbhiselia means the same as nbAtsela as aggamahesi.

* Ydvnkanatn rippinam belong together, the first being in apposition
to the last, ca joins the sentence with the preceding one. Cf. 53. 30;

60. 22,

* P. rdjino raltham. Here for the first time the name

occurs in a less conventional form. It means in the sequel northern
Ceylon with Anuradbapura and Pulatthinagara as capitals as distinguished
from Rohana and from Dakkbinadesa, the province of the Yuvaraja.

162

Kastapa IV

62.7

7 sent forth his father, the Yuvaraja Eassapa. The latter be-
took himself to his son, made all kinds of prudent remon-
strances accompanied by various instructive tales, induced the

8 son to give up the fight and then returned. But later the
Adipada (Mahinda) had (several) chiefs of districts executed,
and when he saw that the people rose in rebellion, he approach-

0 ed the capital. The bhikkbu community brought him to
the King and presented him to him. The King gave him his
daughter to wife and sent him back to Rohapa.

10 When the King had expelled those bhikkhus in the three
fraternities whose discipline was bad, he let new bhikkhus

11 take up their abode here and there. Through his nephew*
who was born of the twice consecrated queen* he had
amid celebration of a sacrifice the soil about the Bodhi

12 Tree in the MaiiSvihara increased. In the three frater-
nities he put up three stone images, thereto boards of gold

13 with rays and umbrellas, as well as diadems jewels*. Having
built in the Abhayagiri-vihara a pasada with his name*, he

* P. sSnunct. The brother's son is called “eon”, just as the futhcr's
brother is called “father ". See note to 51. 24.

* The title p. deat/SMtisekajaia or dvapabhitekaiaiiijala (v. 87) is
applied to Kassapa (afterwards K. V.), the son of Sena II, by Sam^tka,
a daughter of Kittagabodhi (1) and of Deva. Kassupa V, has the same
title in the Sinhalese form dehutoiijd in an inscription of Anuradha.puta
(WicKKBMAsiKOiiR EZ. I. 60, flotc 17), as well as in the Medirigiriya laser.
(EZ. 11. 30: dtbiseehudd) and in that of Bilibeva (EZ. II. 41 : tlebMecorffi).
According toW. (Mhv8.trsl., p.78, n. 11) the epithet debisavaja also oc-
cours in the signature to the Dampiya-atura-ghtapada.

= The passage is certainly difficult, but the emendations of the Col.
Ed. are much too arbitrary. In the first place tfni bimbe aildmaye is
(luite unobjectionable. We have in the same way Mhvs. 41. 68 pitake
tfni. Even needs no alteration. We have merely to rea-

lise that behind the images, os one often sees in the case of bronze
statuettes, boards were fastened on which the rays emanating from the
Buddha (the mandorla) were painted. •Surannoye is more difficult to
place. It probably belongs to the following dvandva-compound and is
put in the plural because one is dealing here with two different ob-
jects . . Perhaps one sbonld read (olAd rather than tada.

* WicKRRSAsiHOHB (EZ. I. 216) identifies with this the Kasub-vad-maba-
paha mentioned in an inscr. of Mahinda IV. in the Jetavanarama.

62.23

Kassapa IV

163

made bhikkhus dwell there and assigned them a village. To 11
the cetiya in the Mahiyangapa-Tihara* he granted a village;
and to all the bhikkhus he distributed his own garments as
they had come to him*. To all creatures on land and water 15
he granted safety and observed in all respects the conduct of
the ancient kings. His Senapati, Sena Hangs, who was of 16
royal lineage, built for the bhikkhus of the Thera School a
dwelling in the west of the Thuparama. For the Dhamma- 17
rucika bhikkhus he founded the Dfaammarama and for the
Sagalikas* the (monastery) called Eassapasena^ On the Cetiya 18
mountain he built the perive^a called Hadayupha and made
it over to the Dhammarucika bhikkhus. For grove-dwelling 19
bhikkhus* the General built in the groves here a hut and
there a hut and gave them to them. On the Rattamala moun- 20
tain he built a pleasing, agreeable, charming hut and handed
it over to the ascetics, the Masters of the Order*. In the 21
Mahavihara he had the splendid parirepa called Samuddagiri
built and made it over to the Paqisukulika bhikkhus’’. Having 22
made a dwelling in the wilderness* called after his family, he
granted it to the bhikkhus in the Mahavihara who dwelt in
the forests. In ruined vihSros he had renovations undertaken 28
and to all bhikklius he gave patches for their worn out gar-

^ See note to 61. 74.

* See 61. 61 with note.

* The two sects are also mentioned together in 39. 41.

* Mentioned as KaBub-senevirad-piriveoa in the Bilibeva inscr.
of Easeapa Y. (EZ. 11. 40).

* The drdmikd bhikkhavo must not be confounded with the monastery
servants which are called drdmikd (eee note to 37. 63). The term coin-
cides with drannakd bhikkhaw or is at any rate closely allied to it.

Cf. 62. 22 and 64.

* P, suennossa idmikdnam reminds one of the honorific title vat-
himiyd occurring not infrequently in inscriptions, (cf. EZ. I. 33, 1. 12;

4S, 1. 29 etc.) or bik-sang-h. (EZ. I. 91, 1. 13; 92, I. 17 etc.) or merely
himiyd (EZ. L 94, B, 1. 1).

’ See note 47. 66.

* By aranna is meant the tapovana (see 53. 14 ff.), the forest district
to the west of Anuradhapnra in which the group of the so-called Western
Monasteries lies. Ou these ruins see A. M. Hocast, ASC. Mem. 1. 18 ff.

164

Katsafa IV

62. 24

24 nients. The Tissarama' he built as a home for bhikkhuuTs and
entrusted these with the care of the sacred Bodhi Tree in the

25 Maricavatti(*vibara). In Anuradhapura and also in Pulatthina-
gara he had hospitals built for combating the upassgga disease*.

26 To the dwellings that he had built (for priests*) he granted
maintenance villages and villages which were bound to provide
helpers for the monastery*, and ornaments for the images.

27 He built houses where medicine was to he had in different
parts of the town and to the mothers of the Pamsukulika

28 (-bhikkhus) he dispensed rice and clothing. Many quadrupeds
were freed by the Senapati from their captivity, and to the

29 poor he had large offerings dispensed. Having brought together
spices, rice, broth, and all kinds of solid nourishment, he

SO distributed sugar to the bhikkhus in the form of pigs*. In
performing these and other meritorious works Sena, the gene-
ral of the army, illumined the land with the moonlight beams

31 of his glory. A kinsman of his, the general Hukkha by name*,
built in the village of Savaraka a very charming vihara and

32 handed it over to tlie inmates of the Mahaviharu, laying down
AS the best (requisite) for the attainment of the degrees

33 of salvation the strictest fulfilment of duty’. The Grand

‘ Mentioned in the AyitiKeveva inscrijition of KaMApa V. (EZ. II. 84).

* Cf. also 52, 77. What disease was meant by upasay^n is impossible
to determine. According to JotLv, Mudisin, p. 48, 67, the Skr. word
upasarga means: “sequelae” or “complication''. According to UR. it
denotes “possession”. Perhaps upa$agga is just any kind of epidemic,
ns “influenm” with us.

^ W. connects taidrdsrinam with the tejjasalO mentioned in

tho preceding verse and translates: “to these buildings”. That this is
wrong is proved by the mention of the helpers of the monastery and
of the images. * P. ardmikngdme. See note to 37. 63.

* It will be as well on the whole to keep to the reading of the
MSS.: sukararupam. Gula always means sugar kneaded into a shape.
We have to do here with some kind of form (cf. our sugarlodf) which
may have had very little likeness to a pig.

* I see no reason for altering the traditional MS. rendering rukkha-
navhayam into rakkhanachagam. Rukkha reminds one of the Skr. ruksa
meaning “rough”.

’ A difficplt passage. I take sdra in a concrete sense, meaning “the
essential, the highest”, here in the jilural: the various stages on the

52.88

Kassapa V

165

Scribe', Sena by name, built in the Mabavihara the Malia-
lekhakapabbata house, an excellent abode for the bhikkbus.

A minister of the King called Colaraja, repaired the charming 34
pariveoa that had been destroyed, so that it had again solidity.

In the three fraternities the King (himself) had maodapas 35
built, resembling Vejayanta, painted in different colours, in
a fashion (rendered) charming by figure ornaments. And after
he had instituted relic festivals to the delight of the people 33
he passed away in accordance with his deeds after a reign
lasting seventeen years*.

Hereupon the Yuvaraja, Kassapa* born of the twice 37
consecrated queen*, attained the royal consecration in the
kingdom of Lanka to which he came in order of succession.

He was pious, had reached the path of salvation, wise as one 38
who possesses supernatural powers*, eloquent as the teacher

road to salvation. For the combination foraiinm patipatti cf. patipatti-
iitro JuCo. I. 418’. SiiJhu “the good, the right, the beat” is the predi-
cativo object of thapelta. It was evidently Kukkha's intention that
the vihara built by him should servo as a padhilnafihara (noti^ to 87. 282).

W.’s translation is too general and vogue. The word "daily" inserted
by him is not in the text.

' He is mentioned os Mahala Sen (= Sent) mahalekko] in the Ms-
hakalatteva inscr. in which the bailding of the Ndloruma is ascribed to
him. See note to 50. 9.

’ Pujdv. the some. Rdjov. does not mention Kassapa IV., the only
Kassapa mentioned there is Eassa|>a V.

’ There is an excellently preserved inscription belonging to this
king in Anuradhopuro (WiCKBEOAsiaans, EZ. 1. 42 ff.) which confirms a
number of statements made by the Mobovamsa. The Medirigiriya and
the EudanneheU inscriptions of the same king are dated in the 8 rd year
of his reign, that of Ayitigevevo in the 6 th year and that of Bilibeva
in the 7 tb year (EZ. II. 27, 35, 89). In all inscriptions he has the name
Abha Salamevan = Abbaya Silameghavai;iC^. For the literary work
ascribed to king Kassapa V. cf. H. W. Codbiitotos, H. C., p. 38.

* Cf. note to 52. 11.

® P. sabhinho. The five abAtnnri arc: 1) magic power, 2) the heavenly
ear, 3) knowledge of the thoughts of others, 4) the memory of former
births, 6} the heavenly eye. They are often described in the canonical
works. (Cf. amongst others, SN. trsl. by Gkioeb, II. 166 ff ). Heu.ek, Die
buddhiatische Versenkung, p. 26 ff.

166

Kassapa F

52. S9

39 of the gods (Brhaspati), generous as the dispenser of treasure
(Kubera), deeply learned, a preacher of the true doctrine,
practised in all the arts, adroit in proying what is right and

40 what is not right, versed in statecraft, immovable as the pillar
of a gate, standing firmly in the teaching of the Leader on
the path to delivrance, not to be shaken by all the storms of

41 other opinions, keeping himself free from all evil such as guile,
hypocrisy, pride, a mine of virtues as the ocean (is one) of

42 all jeweU. The King who was a moon for the earth, granted
to the .^Vdipada Dappula*, a scion of his house, the rank of

48 yuvaraja. Carrying on the government with the ten (royal)
virtues and with the five means of winning hearts, he pro-

44 tected the world as an only (son)* of his own. He reformed
the whole Order of the Master by regulative acts, took in
young bhikkhus and thus provided for the filling of the

46 dwellings. The Maricava(ti-vihSra built by King Dutthagamapi,
which had been destroyed, he restored*, adorned with various

46 dwellings, made it over at the celebration of a festival to the
bhikkhus sprung from the Thera School and granted them,
who were five hundred* (in number), maintenance villages.

47 There the Ruler of Lanka revealed, as it were, to the world
that Master of the worlds Metteya who in the delectable Tu-
sita Heaven, at the head of the assembly of the gods, preaches

* See below note to 59. 1.

> P. elam va attaru), thus all the MSS. The Col. Ed. alters the text
arbitrariljr into nettam ta attano. But the text gives perfectly good
sense, as a comparison with 54. $ shows. Ekant must be supplemented
by imttant. See also notes to 97. 107 and I OB.

’ The restoration of the Maricavatti-vihara by Kassapa V. is also
mentioned in the inscription at Anuradbapura (1. 6) cited above (note
to V. 37). Along with Mirisivi^ Sangsen-aram and Kasubraj-vehera
are also mentioned there. The former was built, according to 51. 86, by the
mother of the King, the latter according to 50. 81, was finished by
Sena I. There is no contradiction between the Culavainsa and the in-
scription. As the association with the Maricavatti shows, it was a case
of renovation with the tatter. WiCKBEMASwaHs also translates the verb
karay (ger.) by “(re)built”.

* Tesam is not as W. thinks (to five hundred of them) gen. part.,
but obj. to dapayi and paAeosatdnam attrib. to tesam.

52. 68

Kassapa V

167

the glorious doctrine of the truth, in that he himself in the 48
perfectly equipped vihsra, sitting in a maodapa decorated with
all kinds of jewels, surrounded by all the bhikkhus' of the 49
town, recited the Abhidhamma with the grace of a Buddha.

He had the Abhidbamma-pitaka written on tablets of gold, the 60
book Dhammasahga 9 i*, adorned with all kinds of jewels, and
having built a splendid temple in the midst of the town he 61
placed the book in it and caused festival processions to be held for
it. The position of Sakkasenapati he granted to his own son* and 52
entrusted him with the care of this sacred book*. Every year 53
the King had the town festively decorated as the town of the
gods, and surrounded by his decked-out army, resplendent os 64
the King of the gods in all bis royal robes, riding on the
back of his elephant, he marched through the streets of the
town and brought with great pomp (that book containing) the 55
summary of the true doctrine to the vibara built by himself,
delectable, perfectly equipped. There, in the relic temple, 56
under a graceful jewel-studded maQdapa, be placed it on the
relic cushion and held a sacrificial festival. He restored the 57
Ganthakara-parivena* in the Mahameghavana, built a hospital
in the town and assigned it villages. In the AbhayBgiri(-Yi- 58
hara) he built the Bhaodika-parivepa* and the Silamegha-

* I regard ndyurthi not as subst. with W., but as adjective attribute
to bhikkhuhi. The ca joins nutnno with paricdrito.

^ See notes to 97. 226 and 44. 109. I believe that dhammasamyatii-
ham potiham is in apposition to abhidhammapitaitam.

* Unfortunately we do not learn the name of this sou. It cannot
however, be the Mahinda mentioned 61. 99 ff., as this M. was apparently
a son of Samgbu, not of Dev& (Cf. v. 64 and note to 54. 48.)

* F, dhammapotthaka “a work belonging to the dhamma”, the col-
lection of the sacred books.

* The Ganthdkara-vibara is already mentioned in 37. 243 as the place
of Buddhaghosa’s sojonm. It belonged to the Mabavibara which was
situated in the grove called Mahameghavana. We must assume there-
fore, that akd in our verse is nsed in a double sense: “restored" and
“built”, or we must translate Ganthdkara-parivena by “a parivepa
belonging to the GanthakarafTihara)”.

* Evidently called so in honour of his mother Satugha who has the
name of Sang Baiiday in the Anuradhapuia inscription (1- 9). EZ. 1. 23, n. 6.

168

Kassapa V

62. 59

59 pabbata* and granted them villages. In the viharu of the
Jotivana the King, the Sovereign of Lanka, granted to the
eating-house a village, and the same to the one in tlie Abhaya-

60 giri*- To the vihara called Dakkhivagiri* the King who was
filled with the deepest piety, granted out of gratitude a vil-

61 lage. The Sakkasenapati* had a graceful parivcQa that received
his name, built in a charming fashion and handed it over to-
gether with villages to the adherents of the Thera School.

62 His wife Vajira handed over to the same (bhikkhus) a pari-
vepa bearing her name which she had built, together with a

63 village. Further she had a home built in Padalahcbana^
and granted it to the bhikkhunis of the universally reverenced

64 Thera School. DevS, the mother of the Sakkasenapati, built
for the bhikkhus who lived In the wilderness* and who were
the light of the Thera stock, a dwelling which received her

65 name. Further she made for the image of the Master in the
Maricavatti a diadem jewel, a net of rays\ an umbrella and
a garment.

66 On the king's demesne the King built a royal dwelling
named after himself, (and) the delightful pasada bearing the

67 name of Palika*. Another consort of the King, called KSjini,
honoured the Hemamalika-cetiya by the dedication of a co-

68 vering of cloth*. She had a son by name Siddhattha who

^ Again confirmed by the Anuridhapura inscr., 1. 13 {Salainoyvan'
pavu). The word pabhata “mountain" often appears at the end of the
names of monastery buildings.

* The vihara of the Jotivana (see note to 37. 66) is again the Jeta-
vana-vihara situated in the Jotivana. This is shown also by the com-
bination with the Abhayagiri.

* See note to 38. 60, also 42. 27.

^ The son of the King according to v. 52. * Cf. 64. 44,

* r. (irannnA'atftit'MKnom. See notes to 52. 19 and 22.

^ For cUldniani and pdilajala sec note to 38. 64.

* The wording of the text makes it likely that v. 66 deals only with
one building. This was called, therefore, either Kassapapalika or ori-
ginally Kassapavasa and later, at the time of the author of the passage,
I’alikapasada.

* See note to 44. 44. Hemamalika or Ratanavaluka (now Ruvanviili)
is the name for the Mahathupa in Annradbapura.

52. 79

Kassapa V

169

being placed over the government here‘, was known by the
title of Malajaraja; he was beauteous as the God of Love.
After his death the King built a splendid hall for the bhikkhus 69
and instituted an offering of alms, transferring to him the
merit* thereof.

While thus the Sovereign of Lanka held sway in justice, 70
the Papdu King was vanquished in battle by the Cola King.

To gain military aid he sent numerous gifts. Tlie King, the 71
liuler of Lanka, took counsel with his officials, equipped mill- 72
tary forces, appointed his Sabkasenapati as leader of the troops
and betook himself to Mahatittha. Standing at the edge of 73
the coast he spake of the triumph of former kings and having
thus aroused their enthusiasm, he made his troops embark.
With his army the SakkasenSpati thereupon safely crossed 74
the sea and reached the Paodu country. When the Paudu 75
King saw the troops and him he spake full of cheer : “I will join
all Jambudipa under one umbrella”. The King took the two 7G
armies ; but as he could not vanquish him (the King) of the
Coja line, he gave up the fight and retired. The Sakkasena* 77
pati set forth once more, with the purpose of fighting further,
made halt, and died of the upasagga plague* to the undoing
of the Paodu (king). When the Ruler of Lanka heard that 78
the troops were also perishing of the same disease, out of pity
he had the army brought hack*. He then granted the position 79
of Sakkasenapati to the son of the dead (man). He honoured

* I. e. over the government of the Malaya province.

* F. patlim. For this term see note to 42. 60.

* See note to 52. 25.

^ Therefore the campaign was unsuccessfal. The Colaking who van-
(luiahed in battle the Panijya king, was no doubt Parantaka 1. who
ascended the throne in A. D. 907. In the Udaycndiram plates he actu-
ally boasts of having defeated the Papdya king Rajasimba and of hanng
routed an array of the king of Ceylon. This inscription is dated in
the 15 th year of Parantaka's leign (= 921-2). In another inscription
of his 12 th year, noticed by R. B. VESKiiTA, the king “refers incidentally
to an invasion of the Papilya and the king of Ceylon”. See Hui.tzsch,
JRAS. 1913, p. 525 f.; H. W. Codeixgton, H.C. p. 38, 52.

170

Kastapa V

52.80

80 the latter by making liis son leader of the army*. By the
inmates of the three fraternities he had a Paritta cere-
mony* observed in the town and thus warded off from

81 his people the danger of plague and bad harvest. Having
thus secured for the Order and for his people by all manner
of means peace, the King in the tenth year (of his reign)*
entered happily into Heaven.

82 Even as this ruler of kings, Eassapa, who so long as he
held sway in Lanka, was a reader of the Tipitaka, a light of
all knowledge, a ready speaker, a monarch among poets, a
shining light in presence of mind and determination, a teacher,
a saviour, gifted with wisdom, faith and pity, rejoicing in the
welfare of others, wise in knowledge of the world, loyal (to
his people) — even thus, rich in spotless virtue, should the
whole world be.

Here ends the iitty-sccond chapter, called “The Two Kings",
in the Mahavaipsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

* W. translates the passaj;o thus: “And then he gave the office of
Sakkasenapati to his (the late general's) son, and made him the chief
of the army and brought him up in the father's name.''

* On paritta see note to 46. 6.

* According to PQjav. and R^jav. (here only one Kasaapa is named)
the king reigned six years. Both sources relate that under him the
Queen Sanga (Pijjav. calls her the mother of the King) enriched the
Lohamahapaaada by providing it with a crowning ornament.

Dapptda III, IV

171

CHAPTER LIU
THE FIVE KINGS

Thereupon tlie Yuraraja by name Dappula*, became king. I
To the dignity of uparaja he appointed the Adipada of iiis
own name. To the Maricavatti-Tibara be granted a village. 2
And then the King who in the town maintained the pious
ways of former kings, unable on account of former deeds' to 8
enjoy this kingdom for a longer time, fell in tlie seventh
month (of his reign) into the jaws of death.

The Uparaja Dappula* then became king after him. He 4
grunted tlie position of yuvaraja to the Adipada Udaya. At 5

* The nomination by Kassnpa V. of Dappula III. (otherwise D. IV.)
as yuvar^a is related in 63. 43. Neither FSjav. nor Eajav., nor any
other Sinhalese source explains in what relationship he stood to his
predecessor. Mhrs. 53. 43 says of him merely eamse jStassa altano.

' P. pubbkammeHa altano. What is meant are bis actions in a former
existence. His short reign is thus attributed to bis unfavourable kammiv.
POjav. and Rdjav. also give him a 7 months' reign.

' In PQjav., Rajdv., R^aratn. and Nik.-s. Dappula IV. (V) is called
Kuda-Dapula to distinguish him from his predecessor. The three first
call him brother (mal) of the latter. The Vessagiri inscription (Wickbb-
HAsiNoiiE, EZ. I. 33 ff.) which most be placed palaeographically in the
10 th cent, belongs to this King. He calls himself here Buddas Abhay
Salamevan Dapuln, son of Buddas Sirisangboy Ababay and of
Deva R^jna. The name Sirisamghabodhi can only apply to Sena II. or
Eassapa IV. The latter is ruled out since according to the Sinhalese
right of succession, sons of Eassapa IV. could not possibly come to the
throne before Udaya III., the son of Mahinda, the younger brother of
Sena II. Thus Dappula IV. (and of course his predecessor D. III.) was
a brother of Eassapa V., but by another mother (Deva) who is however
not mentioned in the Hhvs. The Etaviragolleva inscription AIC.nr.117:
EZ. II. 44 £F.) might be attributed either to Eassapa V. or to Dappula IV.
The latter is the more likely, as Eassapa V. has as a rule, the special

172

Udaya III

53.6

that time tlie Paudu King tlirough fear of the Cola (king)

6 left his country, took ship and came to Mahatittha. The King
had him brought to him, rejoiced greatly when he saw him,
gare him an abundant income and granted him a dwelling

7 outside the town. When the King of Lanka had armed (with
the purpose) : “1 will make war on the Cola King, take from

8 him his two thrones* and give tliem to the Papcju King", the
nobles dwelling on the Island for some reason or other stirred

9 up a sorry strife to the undoing of the PaijtJu King*. The
Papdu King thought his sojourn here was of no use to him.
He left his diadem and other valuables behind and betook

10 himself to the Keralas*. When the strife was ended the King
granted a village near the town to the temple of the great

11 Bodhi Tree in the Mahavihara. His Senapati Bakkbaka Ilaiiga
built a dwelling liouse not far from the ThuparSma, that was

12 called after the King. The King kept to all that former kings
had done and on reaching the twelfth year* (of his reign) he
passed away in accordance with his doing.

IS The Yuvaraja TJdaya* now became monarch over the
dwellers in Lahku. He invested the Adipada Sena by name,

title de-biseva-da (see notes to 62. 11 and 37) which is not the aue
with the king Abha Salamevan mentioned in that inscription. Further
we have the Elleveva inscription of Diippula IV. (AlC. nr. 116) in which
he calls himself Abha Salamevan Dapalu. Lastly, the Mahildipada
Udaya (afterwards U. III.) issued the Puliyankulam inscription (EZ. 11.
44 ff.) in the last (12 th) year of the King's reign.

* P. sayanadvayam. Thus in all MSS. with which I am acquainted.
The Col. Ed. altera the word arbitrarily into patfanadcayont.

* Cf. with pCipakammena Pandutio the phrase papena Panduno 52. 77.
The two passages cannot be separated from one another.

* A people settled on the Malabar coast of southern India where
Malayalam is now spoken. The fact that a Papdu king left his crown
in Ceylon is confirmed by a south Indian inscription of King Rajentlra
Cola who boasts of having brought it back (EIclzscii, JRAS. 1913 p. 622).

* Pnjav. and Rajav. also give Kuda Dapulu a twelve years’ reign.
They tell of a victorious fight with the Damilas who came from the
Soli land. Rajaratn. the same.

* The Puliyankulam inscription (EZ. I. 182 If., cf- note to v. 4) belongs
to the time just before his ascent of the throne. It is dated in the

53. 20

JJda^a III

173

with the dignity of uparaja. At that time officials of the 14
Court fled for fear of the King to the Groye of the Penitents*.
The King and the Uparaja went thither and had their heads
cut o£P. Being indignant at this deed, the ascetics dwelling 15
there left the King's land and betook themsekes to Rohana.
Thereupon the people in town and country and the troops 16
became rebellious like the ocean stirred by wild storm. They 17
climbed the Ratanapasada* in the Abhayuttara(-Tihara), terri-
fied the King by threats*, struck off the heads of the officials 18
who had helped the strife in the Penitent's Grove and flung
them out of the window. When the Yuvaraja and his friend, 19
the Adipada*, saw that, they sprang over the wall and fled
in haste to Rohana. A division of troops pursued them to 20
the banks of the Kapha-nadi*, but as they could get no boats

twelfth year of Dappula IV. Ud.aya HI. (II.) still calls himself here
UdS Mahaya, son of Hibiod Mahaya and of Kita. The title mahayd
must actually be »iaA(i({>p<iJa. Linguistically there are difficulties.
According to the example of Spa = ddipdda, we should expect the p
to be retained in the joint of the compound. Id the Galpota in-
scription at I’olonnaruvu (C, I. 19; AIC. p. 99; K2. IT. p. 114} we have
the combination apd mahapa which Wickkehasinohk (BZ. 1. 187, n. 7)
has pointed out. We meet also repeatedly in inscriptions with the
phr.ise opd maltayd siri vinda (EZ. I. 26, 91, 221) for which curiously
enough, ayipaya mahapaya siri vinda stands in the Jetavanarama in-
scription of Mahinda IV. (1. 4, BZ. I. 234). From this it looks almost
as if mahayd were a specially worn down form of viahadipuda or
mahdpdda. As regards the parents of TJda Mahaya, there is no doubt
that the father was Mahinda, a younger brother of Sena II. According
to 51. 7 he enjoyed the dignity of nparaju, was therefore Mahadipada,
and he was married to Kitti or Kitta (50. 60). He qnarreled with the
King, was reconciled with him and bore from that time the title of
yuvaraja (for ex. 61. 15). But he never became king, since he died
according to 51. 63 before Sena II. He remained therefore as the in-
scription says mahai/d all his life.

* P. tapovana. See note to 52.22. * See note to 48. 135.

* Lit. "by showing him a horror”. Cf. 53. 47.

^ The Yuvaraja is Sena (v. 13), his friend (v. 26) is Udaya, later King
Udaya IV.

‘ P. ydva KanhanadUtilam. The Ka^kanadi seems to be the same
os Kalanadi (86. 40, 44), the river forming the boundary of Rohaoa.

174

Udaya III

63.21

21 and the two were already across, they returned. The princes
who in the Penitents' Grore had broken (the precept of) in-
violability betook themselves to the ascetics, threw themselves

22 to the ground at their feet, with their damp garments and
hair, wailed much, lamented and whined and sought to con-

23 ciliate the penitents. Through the influence of the peaceability
and benevolence of the Masters of the Order* the good deeds

24 of the Island princes told in their favour*. When the array
had calmed down, the inmates of the three fraternities

25 went to pacify’ tlie troops of the Yuvaraja. The two
princes who were cultured and well-instructed people turned
imploringly to the PBjnsukulin(-bhikkhus)*, and returned with

26 them to their town. At the head of the bbikkhus’ the Xing
advanced towards them, obtained their pardon, took them
with him, brought them back to their grove and betook him-

27 self to the royal palace. From that time onwards the King
observed the conduct of former kings and passed away in the
third year’ (of his reign) in accordance with his deeds.

The princee were pursued up to this point. When they arrived in
Rohuua their garments and hair were still damp from crossing that
river (v. 22).

* P. i&aanataminam. The word sdmin as title of honour of the
bbikkhus corresponds to the Aiwiyd so often used in inscriptions, Cf.
also mah&sumin 86. 36; 89. 64. See 53. 20 with note.

* P. puHnodayo ahu. Cf. with this note to 37. 139. W.'s translation
“the great kindness and longsaffering of these lords of religion moved
the king towards the two offenders” is something quite different to
what stands in the Text.

* The alteration of the Text by the Col. Ed. into te samdnetuni is
quite unnecessary. The reading of the MSS. tosam dnetum gives ex-
cellent sense.

* The Ascetics are meant who had left the Penitents' Grove and
gone to Rohana. As the King was implicated in the wrong that had
been committed in the Penitents' Grove, he had also to get their
pardon (v. 26).

’ That is of those inmates of the three fraternities who were
working for conciliation. At their head the king advances towards the
ascetics coming from Rohana in company of the princes.

® Pajav. 3 years; Rijav. 8 years.

53. 39

Sena III, UdayalV

175

After receiving consecration as king in Laiika, the discern- 28
ing Sena* made his friend, the Adipada Udaya, yuvaraja.

A thousand kabapacias the Ruler of men was wont to give 29
away to the poor on the Uposatha day, being all his life
long one who kept the Uposatha vow. To the bhikkhus the 30
Ruler gave food and raiment for the images* and to mendi-
cant artists the Dapdissara offering*. Having had built in 31
various places for the bhikkhus graceful pasadas, the Ruler
granted them maintenance villages. At a cost of a thousand 32
or five hundred kahapapas he had ruined dwellings in Lanka
restored. Forty thousand kahapavas did the Ruler lay out 33
for a stone paving* of the Abhayuttara-cetiya. On the great 34
tanks in Lanka he had the decayed outflow canals renewed
and the dams made firm with stones and earth. In the royal 35
palace he built a beautiful, costly bouse for flowers and be
retained in full the almsgiving instituted by former kings.
Once when visiting the Nagasala-parivepa built by the Ma- 36
layaraja, the minister Aggabodhi, he granted it a village. In 37
the four viharas* he set up in pious fashion sculptured figures,
built beautiful ma^dapas and held constantly sacrificial festi-
vals for the relics. After performing these and even many 38
other meritorious works of divers kind, he passed away in
the ninth year® (of his reign) in accordance with his deeds.

Hereupon the Yuvaraja Udaya’ received the consecration 89
as King in Laiika and ordained as uparaja the Adipada Sena

* He was according to Pojiv., RSJav. and Rajaratn., the brother of
his predecessor.

* So I understand the compound })atinidbhattavatlhani. This would
mean that a certain cult was accorded the images whereby food was
placed before them and garments swathed about them.

* Cf, note to 62.3; 60.22.

* P. silapaltharanallhdya. It probably means the paving of the
square terrace on which the thupa stands.

* Probably the four laige monasteries Mahavihara, Jelavana, Abhaya-
giri with the Maricavatti-vihara.

* Pujav.; 9 years, Rtyav.: 3 years (mistake for Sena IV. see note
to 64. 1).

None of our sources contain any information as so the relationship

176

Vdaya IV

53. 40

40 by name. The King was slothful and a friend of spirituous
drinks to the undoing of his subjects^. The Cola (king) hear-

41 ing of his sloth was greatly pleased, and as he wished to
achiere consecration as king in the Paudu kingdom, he sent
(messengers) about the diadem and the other (things) which

42 the Papdu (l^ing) bad left behind* (in Laiika). The King did
not give them up, so the mighty Cola equipped an army and

43 sent it forth to fetch them by force. Now at that time the
SenSpati here* was absent in a rebellious border province.
The King had him fetched and sent him forth to begin the

44 war. The Senapati set forth, delivered battle and fell in the
fight. Thereupon the King (Udaya*) took the crown and the

45 rest and betook himself to Robaoa. The Coja troops marched
thither, but finding no way of entering Rohaua they turned
and betook themselves through fear from here to their own

46 country. Thereupon the Ruler of Lanka appointed the general
Yiduragga*, a man of great energy and discernment, to the

47 position of the SenSpati. The Senapati laid waste the border-
land of the Coja King and forced him with threats* to restore’

of UJayii IV. (III. in W.'s list) to bis predecessor. WicKKKUAsiMuiiii
(EZ. 11. 69, Gcnoaiopcal Tables) supposes bim to have been a younger
I>rotber of Udaya III. (II.) and of Sena 111. This makes it jiossible for
him to insert Mabinda TV. in tbe genealogical tree. (See note to 54. 46).

t P. pupena jantunam. Cf. 62. 77 and 63. 8 with note.

» See 68. 9.

* 1. e, in Ceylon, of course, or, as in v. 45 .and 47, from Ceylon.

* It is inexplicable why W. should have added to r<3ju so tbe words
(of Cola). What could the Cola King then have done in Rohai;a? On the
otlier hand Rohapa has forever been the refuge of the Sinhalese kings
after being worsted in fight with tbe Dainilas. The meaning of the
passage is accordingly (as UoLTzacn, JRAS. 1918, p. 526 rightly saw):
the Cola King wins the battle, it is true, but King Udaya fiecs with
the valuables which the former wants to get back — matutarfini in v. 44
must be the same as makutadinam in v. 41 — to Rohapa. The Cola
troops pursue him, but as they cannot penetrate into Kohana, they are
obliged to return empty-handed. The Cola King therefore, did not
get hold of the Crown jewels. Htarzscu snppo-ses the Cola King might
have been Pardntaka I. who calls himself in his latest inscription
(943/4 — 947/8) “conqueror of Ceylon". Cf. H. W. Codbikotdn, H. C. p. 39 f.

® For the name Viduragu or Vijuragtt see note to 51. 106.

'' See note to 53. 17.

1 P. dnCtptsi-. lit. “he had brought hither".

53. 62

Udaya IV

177

all that he had cai-ried away from here (as booty). Thereupon 48
the King had distributed to all the Paipsukulika-bhikkhus
dwelling on the Island articles of equipment in costly fashion.

For the image of the Master in the Mahavihara the Monarch 49
of Lanka fashioned a diadem of jewels which sparkled with
the rays of precious stones. One of the ladies of the harem. 60
Vidura, honoured his stone image with a network of rays^
which glittered with jewels. When he had begun to rebuild 51
the so-called Mapipasada which the troops of the Cola King
had burned down, he died in the eighth year (of his reign)*.

These fire rulers of the earth who ruled over an earth united 62
under one umbrella and who had governed the whole world
with severity and clemency, (they all) with wives and chil-
dren, ministers, women and henchmen fell into the power of
death. Hence should the wise ever be minded to give up
sloth and pride.

Here ends the fifty-third chapter, called “The Five Kings“,
in tlie Mahavaqisa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

* For vCuUijAla (mandorla) see note to 38. 64, as well iw 52. 06.

* Pnjtiv.: 8 yeiirs, Rajav.; 3 yean. But of. not*! to .54. 6.

178

Sena IV

CHAPTER LIV
THE THREE KINGS

1 When thereupon Sena* had bj inheritance attained con-
secration as king in Lanka be made over the dignity of yu-

2 varaja to the Adipada Mahinda*. The King was wise, an ex-
cellent poet, learned, impartial towards friend and foe, ever

3 full of pity and goodwill. Without letting the right season
pass, the god at that time sent showers of rain streaming in
the right way, the people who dwelt in the land were ever

4 happy and without fear. The King was wont sitting in the
Lohapnsada, surrounded by the inmates of the three fratcr-

u nities, to explain the Suttaiitas. He fashioned a casket for
the Tooth Relic ornamented with various precious stones and

• In the Sinhalese sources the order of the kinjfs after Diippuk IV.
(V) — KuOa Dapulu is a follows:

Uda (3)

Iia.jav.; Uda (8)

Rajar.: Uda

Nik.-fl.: Uda

Sen (9)

Sen (3)

Sen

Sen

U.la (8)

Udii (3)

Uda

Uda

Sen (9)

Sen (9)

Sen

Pilsulii-Scn

Sen (3)

Sen (3)

Sen

Mii.di-Sen

Mbvs. UJayii (2—3), Sena (8—9). Udaya (7—81, Sona (3). The llgures in
brackets denote the number of years reigned. The main dilTcrence is
that the Sinhalese sources insert two Senas after Udaya IV. (III.) and
before Mahinda IV. (see note to 5-I. 7) whereas Mhvs. has only one.
We shall prob.ably have to keep to the older source. It should be noted
that Pujav. and Rajav. call the last Sena of the above list the son of
his predecessor.

^ WicKREUAsmoiiB considers this .Mahinda to be the later Miibinda IV.,
a younger brother of Sena IV., because in an inscription in the Jeta-
vanarSma (EZ. I. 2U) Mahinda IV. says of the Hiiligaiu-pirivcn, that
his brother, the Great King, had begun it while he himself had finished
it. This pariveija might be the one mentioned in v. 6. Hut cf. note
to 54. 7.

54. 10

Mahinda IV

179

in the foui' vifaai-as* he instituted, in divei-s ways, sacrificial
festivals for the relics. After turning SitthagSma where he G
had himself dwelt, into a parivepa and after protecting the
world like a son he entered into Heaven after a three years’
reign.

The Yuvaraja Mahinda^ became king after him, rich in 7
merit, rich in splendour, rich in military power, rich in fame.

He united Laiika under one umbrella after overcoming the 8
peril (threatened) by rebels. The chiefs of districts always
upheld liim. Although there was also in LankS a race of 9
nobles^ the Ruler of men had a princess of the line of the

ruler ol Kaliiiga fetched and made her his first mahesl. Of 10

'»

' See note to 53. 37.

■ P. (iiii.osciiMioT. E. MccLitR and WiCKRKUAsiNaiiK ascribe to Kinj;
Mahinda IV. a scries of inscriptions in which the author calls himself
Siriaangboi-Abahay (Siriaiunghiibodhi Abhay.a). These are; 1) a slab
inscription in Vessagiri (EZ. 1. 29); 2) the two well-known in8(;rii)tionfl
halfway up the Mihintnle mountain (EZ. I. 75); 3) the pillar inscription
of Rajii-mali«rivii in Polonnaruva (KZ. 11. 49); 4) two slab inscriptions
in the Jotavanariiinn (EZ. 1. 213); 5) ji slab in.seription in Vevelkotiya
(EZ. I. 241). with a parallel inscription in Kahata-gnsdigiliya, Bki.c ASC.,

7 th Ptojf. Rep. 1891 = XIIl. 1896, p. 51 ; 6) a slab inscription in Ilain-
beva (EZ. II. 61). In addition there in 7) the pillar inscription of
Mayilagastohv in which the author merely calls himself <>>» Mihititlii,
that is .\dipaila, not king. No. 1 is the most certain hceaiisc the
author in addition to bis biriula SSB. calls himself Miliindu, and because
in it the Sonapnti Sena is mentioned with an allusion to the suceessfiil
campaign against (he Damijas, which is mentioned in Mhvs. 54. 12. Eor
the rest there are certain difliculties. The author of inscra. 2 and 3
names a.a his panmts Salamevan (Silaineghaviniua ) - which iits

Kaasapa V. father of Mahinda IV. — and Dev (Son. Inscr. 7 however,
speaks of these as Kalamevan and Sang Gon. Again they are railed
in inscra. 4 and 6 Sirisangbo and Dev Gon. In nr. 5 the falher is
likewise called Sirisangbo while no mother is mentioned. Wickrk-
uABmoiiK (EZ. I, 213) explains the difference in the father’s name by
assuming that Kassapa V. used both birudas SSB. and SMV., a way
out of the difficulty which I adopt very unwillingly, being more inclined
to believe in a regular alternation of the two epithets. Tlie difficulty with
Dev Gon and Sang Gon has not been got rid of- Cf. bejow note
to 54. 48.

* Vijjamtiiie must be supplemented by vttm.te fronr pada d.

180

Mahinda IV

54. 11

1 1 her were born two sons and a charming daughter. He made
his sons adipada.s and his daughter a queen: thus the Ruler
founded the royal house of the Sihalas.

12 The Vallabha King* sent a force to Kagadipa to subdue

13 this our country. The Ruler hearing this, the King sent
thither the Senapati Sena by name, to whom he had made
over an army, to fight with the troops of the Vallabha King.

14 The Senapati betook himself thither, fought with the troops
of this (Vallabha) King, defeated them and remained master

15 of the battlefield. As the kings with the Vallabha (king) at
their bead, were unable to vanquish our King, they made a

16 friendly treaty with the ruler of Lanka. In this way the fame
of the King penetrated to Jambudipa, spreading over Lankii
and crossing the Ocean.

1 7 The priests who preached the true doctrine the King treated
with the most marked distinction. He hearkened to the doc-

18 trine and believed in the Order of the Buddha. The King
assembled the FaipsukuUn bhikkhus, invited them in a friendly

19 manner and had them brought into his bouse. He had seats
prepared for them, made them sit down and had pure* food
abundantly set before them, and this always os on the one

20 day*. To the ascetics living in the wilderness* the King sent
continually food pure, costly and abundant, with all kinds of

21 seasoning. To sick ascetics the King who was a fount of
pity, sent physicians and sought continually to heal them.

22 Pieces of sugar baked in melted butter, juice of garlic, and
betel as sweet odour for the mouth, be gave them always as

23 dessert. He had the alms-bowls of the Painsukulika bhikkhus
filled with garlic, black pepper*, long pepper® and ginger,

* For Viillabha, which is not a personal name as W. thinks, .see
note 47. 15. On Sena’s campaign see note to v. 7.

* P. suddha pure in a ritual sense. What is meant are foods of
which ascetics may also eat.

* W.'s translation : ‘‘thus did he always, as if it seemed to him the
work of one day” is certainly wrong.

* See notes to 41. 99, 62. 22, 53. 14.

■' P. marica, Pi|)er nigniin. P. jappholi. Piper longiini.

04. 35

Mnliiiula 1 V

181

sugar and tlie three kinds of myrobalans* and to evary single 24
(bhikkhu) he distributed continually melted butter, oil and
honey, as also cloaks and blankets*. All necessaries such as 25
clothing and the like the Ruler had made and distributed
among the Pamsukulin bliikkhus. In the Mahavihara the King 26
had new cloth to make robes therewith provided for every
single bhikkhu. To the Labhavasin bhikkhus* dwelling in 27
the three fraternities the Rulec twice dispensed (rice) equal
in weight to that of his body. The decree “Kings .shall in 28
future take no revenues for themselves out of the revenues
of the Order” the King had engraved in stone and set (the
stone) up*. He made poor people recite the formula of the 29
(threefold) refuge* and the nine qualities* of the Buddha and
then gave them food and clothing. He built an alms-hall on 80
the grounds of the Elephant House and gave to beggars alms
and couches. In all the hospitals be distributed medicine and 81
beds, and he had food given regularly to criminals in prison.

To apes, the wild boar, the gazelle and to dogs he, a fount 82
of pity, had rice and cakes distributed os much as they would.

In the four viharas the King had raw rice laid down in heaps 88
with the injunction that the poor should take of it as much
as they wanted. While holding various sacrificial festivals 34
and while instituting a great feast he had the Vinaya re-
cited by learned hhikkhus. Having made presents to him he 35

* P. tipliala =s gkr. triphala, the fruit of the Terminalia chebuta,
Torrainalia bcllerica and Phyllanthns emblica (P. harilaka, vibMtaka,
awalaka}.

* P. iidpuratlbaraiiani is an abbreviation of pdpurat}a-aUharanani.

* It ia clear from 60. 68, 72, that the Labha vaains like the I'ain-
snkulina formed a f.roup of aacetica within the great community.

* It is of course, imjiosaiblc to determine to what inscription of the
King this alludes. Tlie Mihintalc plates aa fer as I can see, have no
injunction identical with the above.

* P. sarandni. What ia meant is the formula buddham saranam
gacchdnii, dhammam s. g., samgham s. g. which ia usually repeated
three times.

* P. gune nara. Cf. on the navagunii formula tl» pi so bhagavd etc.
Childees, PD. a. v.

1S2

aiahimla i V

D4. 36

Lad a commentary to the ALbidhamina written by the Thera
Dhammainitta* who dwelt in the Sittha}fama(-parivei.ia)*.

36 By the Thera called Dathanaga, dwelling in the wilderness,
an ornament of Laiika, he had the Abhidhamma recited.

37 He paid honour to the Hemamalika- cetiya by the gift of a
covering of stuff, by dance and song, by parfumes and flowers

38 of divers kinds, by garlands of lamps and incense of many
kind.s, and he presented the bhikkhus there with raiment which

39 he himself distributed among them. Continually from the
gardens’ here and there in bis kingdom he had flowers brought

40 and paid honour therewith to the three Jewels. He began to
build the pasada called Candana in the MaricavattiC-vihara)

41 and granted the bhikkhus maintenance villages. There the
Uuler had the Hair Relic preserved, had fashioned (for it) a
reli(iuury of jewels and (this) set uj) as a dedicatory gift,

42 The Ruler had the cetiya in the Thuparama covered with
stripes of gold and silver and instituted for it a sacrificial

43 festival in accordance with bis royal dignity. In the relic
temple there the King had a golden door put up like to

44 Mount Sineru* gleaming in the beams of the sun. He restored
the beautiful temple of the four cetiyas in Padalancliana’
which had been burnt down by the troops of the Coja King.

45 (In like manner) he restored the burnt temple of the Tuotli
Relic*’ in the centre of the town, the Dbammasaiigapi

4C liouse'' and the Mahapali Hall. The Ruler having had a
betel-tiiap<]apa^ built, made over the earnings from it to the

‘ WicKRKaAgiNuiiB (KZ. ]. 215) supposes Hint tins them mi^dit be the
them mentioned in an inscription of Mnhinda's in the Jetavana sis
I\[abail»mi (P. mahudhammika).

^ See above v. 6.

’ The loc. tiyytinesH stands here instead of the abl.

^ Nsime of the mythical mountain Mem (Sumeru, Hcmsimcru). See 37. 79.

’ See 62. 63.

® Evidently the temple mentioned 37. 93-95 which was situated near
the palace, thus nagaramaijhamhi.

’’ See 62. 50-51. Tliis buildin" also was situated nagaramajjhntnhi.

^ I. e. a pavilion where betel was sold.

Ci4. D5

Maliinda I V

18S

bhikkhus of the Thera School* for (the purchase ol’) medi-
cines. lie built a home called Maliamallaka and made it over 47
to the bhikkhuiiis proceeding from the Thera School. Now 48
too the Monarch completed the so-called Mapipasada, begun
by his mother’.s brother, the pious King Udaya*. Four officials 49
of the King thereupon had four pari?epas built in the Jeta-
vaiia. The gracious consort of the King Kitti by name, his 50
equal in fame, built a beautiful parivepa west of the Thupa-
rama and in this parivepa, in Kappasagama and in the Civara- 51
cetiya she laid down three pure bathing tanks. To the llenia- 52
inalika-cctiya she dedicated, rich in meritorious works, a golden
banner twelve cubits long. For the laity her son built a ho- 53
spital in the town, and the able SakkasenanI* one for bhikkbus
outside of the town. In the four vibaras the King had map- 54
<Japas erected, like to heavenly palaces and by holding sacri-
ficial festivals in divers waj-s for the relics for longer than 55

I P. /5ei'(ii'auix{’ Ooc. instead of gen- -soxsa). W. remarks about this
Iiamge that the Thera bhikkhus "traced their line of siicc-ession from
tlie great apostle MahiDilu". The term theriyi however, goes laick
(Mhvs. 3. 40) to the First Council. The expression mmsa is used here
us in 62. GS, figumtivcly for “School”, likewise again in v. 47.

* The drawing up of the faiiiily tree of Mahinda IV. is beset with
difficulties. WioKRKHASisoMK (plate to F//. II. 59) bus tried very in-
geniously to remove them. He assumes that Udaya IV. was the younger
brother of Sena 111., and Sena IV. (cf. note to 54. 1) the elder hrothor
of Mahinda IV. Jn this way us Sumgba the wife of Kassapa V. (sec 51. 16)
was a sister of Udaya IV., the latter could be called tbc tiiii/ii/a of
Mabiuda IV. Two objections remain. Udaya IV. is twice (53. 19 and 28)
called the “friend” of Sena 111. This term used of u younger brother
is surprising. Further, the mother of Mahinda 1V\ was, if the Mihintale
plates are really his, not Sarpgha. but the Ueva mentioned 52. 64. —
Possibly the following hyjwthesia may help to clear up the matter.
Kassapa V. had two sons called Mahinda, one by Sarngba, and one by
Deva. The first is the Mahinda mentioned in 51. 99 if., the author of
the Mayilagastota inscription (Nr. 7 in note to 54. 7). He never became
king but died earlier, of which however we have no account. The second
Mahinda is the later king Mahinda IV. Let us assume further that
Deva, the second wife of Kassa]>a V. as to whose origin wc know no-
thing, was a half-sister of Samgha. then Udaya IV. would be the imltidd
of Mahinda IV. 1 must point out that my Udaya IV'. is W.'s U. 111-

* The same as stikl-aseNniHiCi. Sec 52. 52. This is probably the son
of the Sakbasenapati (the son of Kassapa V'.), who (52. 79) after his
father's death, inherited his dignity.

184

Sena V

54. 56

66 a year, be kept to the pious ways of former kings. Having
thus performed these and other eminent, meritorious works
in sundry ways the King entered in the sixteenth year (of
his reign) into the heaven of the gods’.

57 Sena, the twelve years old son of the King* by the Kalinga

68 princess now came to the throne. The position of yuvaraja
he conferred on his younger brother Udaya. Sena, bis fatlier’s

59 senapati, was also his senapati. Once when the Senapati was
away with the army in the border country he had his younger

CO brother Mahamalla’ who had committed an offence* with his
mother, slain and made a court official Udaya by name, who

61 was loyal to him, senapati. When the Senapati Sena heard
this he was wroth and came with his army, intending to take

62 his foes captive. Hearing the tidings thereof the Monarch
thought: I shall bring herewith my court official who has
(always) carried out my decrees, into safety, left (the town)

G3 and betook himself to Itobapa*- But his mother turned buck,
took the Yuvaraja (Udaya) and the Queen with her. and
wroth witli him (the King), summoned the Senapati (Sena)

64 to her*. Supported therein by her, he collected Damil.as, gave
over the country to them and took up his abode in Pulatthi-

65 nagara. To fight him the King sent troops from llohaua,
but the Senapati annihilated the whole army of the King.

* I’ujav,, Rujav. and Nik.-s. call the King Kucja-Midcl, K^ur.
-Midel-Sala. Piijav. give* him a reign of 16, Rfijav, one of 12 years.

* Thus according to the reading rtt/nw of the Col. Ed. which I new
prefer to raju of the MSS. Jato paltcca lam r<ljam, lit.: bom to the king.

3 W. connects Mahumallam wrongly with L\layam, wherea.s it be-
longs to hhiitarntn in 59 d.

■* W.’s translation; "who dwelt in his mother's house’' says nothing
and missus the point. As regards the meaning 1 have adopted lor
uHttnntfiwi, I refer the reader to skr. furt (BR. 8. v., 7) which is likewise
used in the sense of forbidden sexual intercourse with a woman.

* The reading of the text and the translation are very doubtful.
W.'s rendering: "And when the King beard thereof, he departed and
fled to Rohaoa taking with him the minister who ba<l been as a slave
unto him, and whom he regarded as his savioor'' can scarcely be re-
conciled with the text as contained in the Col. Ed.

* The Queen-mother is angry with her son because he has done away
with her lover, so takes the part of the Senapati Sena, the elder brother
of the murdered man.

54. 73

Sena V

185

The Damijas dow plundered the whole country like devils 6(i
and pillaging, seized the property of its inhabitants. In their 67
distress the people betook themselves to Rohaija to the King
and told him of tlio matter. He took counsel with his ministers
and to protect the Order of the Buddha, he sent his Senapati 68
(Udaya) forth from the kingdom’, made a treaty with (the
Senapati) Sena and came to Pulatthinagara. He made the 69
daughter of the latter his mahesi, to continue his line. With
her he begot an excellent son, called Kassapa. But while now 70
the Lluler of Lanka had his abode there^ his low class^ favou-
rites who obtained no leave from their teacher to drink
sura, praised in his presence* the advantages of drinking in- 71
tozicating liquors and induced tlie Ruler to drink. After
taking intoxicating drinks be was like a wild beast gone mad.

As he could no longer digest food the Ruler bad to surrender 72
the dearly-won place and died hi the tenth year (of his reign),
still youthful in years*.

When they see from this that the yielding to evil friends 73
leads to destruction, let those who seek their higliest good
here or hereafter, avoid such (evil friends) as a snake full of
deadly poison.

Here ends the fifty-fourth chapter, called “The Three
Kings”, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of tho pious.

’ The CoL Ed. changes the rallhd of the MSS. into rnltham which
then stands next to sdsanam. We miss ca. W. translates after the Col.

Ed. text, “to save the religion and his country",

* Namely in rulatthinagara.

^ P. hinajd. W.’s translation “who cared not for him” is wrong.

* Thus, if my conjecture lassa sanlike instead of sattaco is

right. If one keeps to snMneo, then the passage would have to be
translated thus: “bis low-class favourites who otherwise found no op-
portunity of drinking sura, being his teachers (and at the same time)
his foes, praised the advantages etc.”.

* The Sinhalese sources call the Ring Salamevan after his bivuda
(Silameghavapna). His predecessor had the surname Sirisamghabodhi.
Pujav. and Hajav. give Salamevan a reign of 10 years. They tell of
his initial successes against the Damilas and of his conflict with the
Senapati who then brought an array of 95000 Damilas into the country.

186

.U<l7u«ila V

CHAPTER LV
THE PILLAGE OF LANKA

1 Tlie Prince Malnnda', his younger brother, wiio after
his death raised the white umbrella in splendid Aiiuradliapura

2 which was full of strangers brought hither by the Senapati Sena,

3 abode there ten years amid di^cult circumstances^. As he wan-
dered from the path of statecraft and was of very weak clia*
racter, the peasants did uot deliver him his share of;the produce.

4 As the Prince in his tenth year had entirely lost his fortune,
lie wa.s unable to satisfy his troops by giving them their pay.

5 All the Kerajas® who got no pay planted themselves one
with another at tlie door of the royal palace, determined on

G force, bow in hand, armed with swords and (other) weapons,
(with the cry) “So long as there is no pay he shall not eat.”

7 But te King duped them. Taking with him all his moveable
goods he escaped by an underground passage* and betook

8 himself in haste to Rohapa. In Sidupabbatagama he set up
an armed camp and took up his abode there, after making

9 his brother’s wife mahesi. When she died shortly after, he

10 raised his brother’s daughter to the rank of mahesi. When
of this Queen a son was born who received the name of

11 Kassapa, the Ruler gave up the stronghold inhabited by him

* Wo hear nothing of the reasons why Udaya who according to
54. 59, was appointed yuvaraja, did not come to the throne.

P. kicchena (“with trouble”) d<wa vacchare. W. has "twelve yeara”.

^ 9ee note to 53. 9. The Keralas were enlisted as mercenaries by the
Sihahi king.

* The EautiilTya speaks I. 20. 1 fF. of secret exits, underground tunnels
which have to be made in the royal palace (niitnApura). Cf. Kautilya’a
Arthasastra, trsl. by K. SnAMASssTar, p. 45 ff,, J. J. Meter, Das Altind.
Buch Tom Welt- und Staatsleben, p. 49. The skr. expression in the
KautalTya is sitrunga, See 0. Stbih, Zll. 3. 313.

65. 18 MaJtiiida V IS/

and founded a town at the village of Kajipagallaka and dwelt,
carrying on the government, for long time among the people
of Rohapa. But in the remaining parts of the country Keralas, 12
Srhalas and Kaiii>alas' carried on the government as they
pleased. But a horse-dealer who h<ad come hither from the 13
opposite coast, told the Coja King on his return about the
conditions in Lanka. On hearing this, the powerful (prince), 1-1
with the purpose of taking possession of Laiikii, sent off a
strong body of troops. They landed speedily in Laiikii. From 15
the spot where they disembarked, oppressing the mass of the
inhabitants, the Cola army advanced on Rohapa. In the six 13
and thirtieth year of the King’s reign the Cojas seized the
Malicsl^, the jewels, the diadem, that be had inherited, the
whole of the (royal) ornaments, the priceless diamond bracelet, 17
u gift of the god.s, the unbreakable sword and the relic of
the torn strip of cloth*. But the Ruler himself who had tied 18

' Karbala embraced the territory of the present Mysore and ad-
juinin;; 8tri|)s of country. The name is jircscrvt'd in that of the Kanarese
language. LSI. IV, S611.

* For the acc. etc., the governing verb must bo

taken from v. 18. To ttic articles of tbe regalia (r<?j((««f?Jinna or ri'y't*
hhaijda) belong also the umbrella (chnltu) and the so-called elvii'oh, a rliiuii
consisting of one row of pearls. Their [lossession means at the same
time that of the royal dignity. In times of danger, therefore, tho lirat
thing the king does is to secure tbe insignia (41. 20). A new king takes
care to get hold of them in order to legalize therewith his ))0S9i‘Ssion
of tho throne. Thus Moggallatia 1. after tbe suicide of Kassapa I. (St). 28),

Ko also in Kobapa the aunt of Mabinda after bis murder {JcKom
niisddhanam, 50.51; cf. also 48.60). After the death of Aggabodhi IV.
us there is no heir, tho people take charge of the r^abhandam (46. 88).
After the death of Mabalanakitti the Colas take possession of tbe dia-
dem and the other valuables {kiritddidhanam 56. 10). The Cola king
claims therewith symbolically the dominion over Lanka. When Agga-
bodhi lU. flees, he takes the string of pearls ekdcali with him. It is
expressly said of Dathopatissa, that be became king without the ekncali
(44, 127-8), thus something of his dignity is wanting. It is significant
too, that when Samghatissa’s royal umbrella by a mere accident falls
into the hands of tlie rebel Moggallana the army at once recognises
him as the legitimate king (44. 18 — 20).

* W. translates: “and the sacred forehead band” and adds in a note

188

M^unda V

65. ly

in fear to the jungle, they captured alive, with the pretence

19 of making a treaty. Thereupon they sent the Monarch and all
the treasures which had fallen into their hands at once to

20 the Co]a Monarcli. In the thre fraternities and in all Lanka
(breaking open) tlie relic chambers, (they carried away) many

21 costly images of gold‘ etc., and while they violently
destroyed here and there all the monasteries, like blood-
sucking yakkbas'^ they took all the treasures of Laiika for

22 themselves. With Pulatthinagara as base, the Cojas held sway
over Kajara(^ha^ as far os the locality known as Rakkha-

23 pasaQakavtha. People in the kingdom took the young prince
Kassapa and brought him up, carefully protecting him through

24 fear of the Cojas. When the Cola King beard that the boy had
reached his twelfth year, he seut high officials with a large

2& force to seize him. They brought with them warriors a hundred
thousand less five thousand (in number) and tliey ransacked

"tho term ie of doubtful meaning, but it evidently refere to the lillet
worn round the forehead”. This translation of chinnajmlMuilhfituha ie
I>erbape not impossible. Apparently a piece of stuff is meant of the
Jluddha's dress which belonged as highly prized relic to the regulia of
the Sinhalese kings.

* For the acc. <lh<Uugabbh€ in v. 20 we must take os governing verb
tlic goruod bhhiditcd from v. 21 and from the same verso aggukum for
governing patihimbe in v. 20.

’ The ojohdrino yakkhd correspond to the vampires of Slav popular
belief. F. S. Kbauss, Slavische Volkforschungen, p. 124 ff.

^ The designation so frequently used later of EdjaraUhn “King's
Province” for northern Ceylon is used in contrast to Roha^a (cf. for ex.
70. 184 f.) as well as to Dakkhii.indesa (for ex., 72. 176-79). I.ater the
name Patittharattha is substituted for it (s. note to 82. 26). Tho Cola
king who conquered Ceylon was, according to Hcltzscii, JKAS. 1913,
p. 522 ff.) Parakesari varman alias Rajendra-Coja I. who in the Tini-
malai Rock Inscription (KI. IX, p. 229 ff.) boasts of having seized the <'rowu
of the king of Ceylon, the crowns of tho queens of that king, as well
as the “crown and the necklace of Indra” which the king of the South
(i. e. the Faodya king) bat previously deposited with the king of Ceylon.
The conquest of Ceylon is first recorded in inscriptions of Rajendra's
6 th year = 1017-8 A. D., but not mentioned in those of the 5 th year,
and consequently it must have taken place in A. D. 1017. See also
H. W. CoDEiNOTOs, H. C., p. 40, 53.

65. 34

Mahinda V

189

the whole province of Rofaapa in every direction. A court 26
official called Kitti, who dwelt in Makkhakudrusa, and a minister
named Buddha, a native of Maragallaka^, these two vali- 27
ant men, well versed in the ways of war, made the resolve
to destroy the Cola army completely. At a place called Pa- 28
lutfhagiri* they took up fortified positions, carried on war
for six months and killed a great number of Damijas. The 29
Colas who liad survived the slaughter in this fight, seized
with fear, tied and took up their abode as before in Pulatthi-
nagara. When thereupon the Prince saw the two victorious 30
officials, he was highly pleased and spake to them (thus):
“Choose a wisli my friends”. Buddha asked as wish for the 31
village in which his family dwelt; Kitti chose as wish that
the part of his revenues which the bhikkhu community had
appropriated might be remitted. After the most excellent of 32
officials had their wishes fulfilled by the most excellent of
princes, these brave men, fearless, and full of humility, wor-
.shipped his feet.

King Mahinda dwelt twelve years in Coja land and entered 33
into heaven in the forty-eighth year* (from his ascent of the
throne).

Thus fortune’s goods if they were gained by one smitten 34
with indolence, are not abiding. Therefore should the prudent
man, who .strives after his salvation, ever display ceaseless
endeavour.

Here ends the fifty-fifth chapter, called “The Pillage of
Laiika”, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.

' For Mdraj^allaka, now see note to 48. 129.

* Cf. 68. 18 with note.

Cf. V. 10. I'iijav. and R^jav. ascribe a reign of 49 years to Mahinda,
without a word about anything that happened during it. According to
them the arrival of the 95000 Damijsis took place in the time’ of hia
predecessor.

190

Vikkamahahu 1,

CHAPTER LVI
THE SIX KINGS

1 After they had given the name of Vikkamabithu to the
Monarch's son, all the Sihalns acted full of humility according

2 to his command. The King collected by every means, money
for defeating the Damilas, showing, as was meet, favour to

3 bis adherents. At the request of his court officials lie had
ornament and diadem, umbrella and tlirone made ready for

4 the festival of the King’s consecration, but be refused (the
festival witli the words): “What boots me the ceremony of
the raising of the umbrella so long as the possession of Ila-

5 jarattha^ is not achieved?" Then the mighty (Prince) a.ssem-
bled a hundred thousand men. But as at the time when the
campaign should have begun, he was suffering from tlie wind

C disease”, he thought it not the time to carry on w.ar and
entered suddenly in the twelfth year (of bis reign) into tlie
city of gods and came into the company of the gods*.

7 A court official called Kitti, who was invested with tlie
dignity of senapati, aspired to the kingship and maintained
his authority for eight days.

8 He was slain by the mighty Mahalanakitti, who attained
consecration as king, and holding sway over the province called

9 Ilohai.ia, wa.s vanquished in his third year in battle against

' Vikkntnabahd is still restrictdl to Rohann. Sec note to 55. 22.

^ P. valaroga. For the various diseases which Indian medicine groups
under this term (v<(tai'y<?dAi) see Joi.ly, Medicin, p. 118 f.

” The same length of reign (12 years) is ascribed to Vikkainabahii
by POjiiv. and Kajiiv. They say of him, though certainly wrongly, that
he drove out the Daniijas who had cntereil the roiiniry under bis father.
Rajnr. and Nik.-s. merely mention his name.

56, 17

VUckamapandit, Jagalipaia, I’arakkama

191

the Colas and with bis own hand he cut his throat and so
died a sudden death*.

Thereupon the Damilas took the chief treasures, sudi as 10
the diadem and the like and sent them to the Monarch of the
Cola land. The only son of the Prince (Mahalanakitti) known 1 1
by the name of YikkamapaQilu, had tlirough fear left his
kingdom and was sojourning in the Dutu country. But when 12
he had tidings of the events in Lanka, he betook himself to
the province of Kohaqa, and dwelling in Kalalittha*. carried
on the government there for a year*.

Then a powerful prince of the line of Rama, known by 13
the name of Jagatipala, a Sovereign’s son who had come
from the town Ayojjba*, slew Vikkamapaodu in battle and 14
ruled as a mighty man in Rohapa four years*. Him also the 15
Co]as slew in battle and sent the Mahesi with her daughter
and all the valuable property to the Cola kingdom.

Then King Parakkama, son of tlie Fapdu King, reigned* 1C
two years The Colas slew him also when bgbting with him.

These (princes) who were too much swayed by the power 17
of de.sire, went without exception, helplessly to destruction.
Won the wise man has recognised this, he will doubtle.ss ever
be bent on the annihilation of desire.

Here ends the fifty-sixth cliapter, culled “The Six Kings’’,
in the Mahavainsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

* The Sinh.ilcsR sotirces pass over Kitti entirely. They call his suc-
cessor Mahalanakitti Mahalo. He reigned according to Piijav. and
R^av. 3 years.

^ Now Kaliitara at the mouth of the Kiiluganga.

® According to I’ajav. and Rajav. Vikrsimapand i had reigned 3 years.

* Skr. Ayorlhya, the present Oudh in India, situated on the river fiogia.

® Pujav. the same; Rajav. 1 year.

* Aka mu.^t be supplemented by raynw from v. 14. VikkamapaijiJu
is probably meant by the Pandu King.

^ Piijav. 1 year; Rajav. 6 years. In Rajar. the name is missing. In
Pujav. he is called Purakramapandi. in Rajav. Parakvamabahu-
pa^ldi, in Nik.-.s. Parakramnpai.njiya.

1«2

Ijolia

CHAPTER LVn

THE SUBJUGATION OF THE ENEMIES OF llOIIANA

1 An army 'leader called Loka', who dwelt in M^kklia-
kudrusa, a trustworthy, determined man, capable of breaking

2 the arrogance of the Colas, after bringing the people over to
his side, took passession of the government in the district of
KohaQa and dwelt in Kajaragama*, versed in tlie conduct de>
termined by custom.

3 Ad that time there lived a powerful prince of the name
of Kitti. The history of his lineage will now be told in the
sequel*.

^ In the Sinhalese sources ho is called Lokesvarn. PCIJav. gives
him a reign of six years. The end of Loka's reign is related &7. 45-64.
For the following period of Sinhalese history it is very difticult to bring
the statements of South Indian inscriptions into accordance with those
of the CCilavamsa. I refer to Hoj.tzsck, JRAS. 1913, p. 619—21; H. W.
CouRiKOTOH, H. C., p. 65 ff. ^ See note to 46. 45.

^ From the way it is iatrodneed, the following section seems to be
taken from a new source, possibly (see note to 46. 37) from what 1 have
called the "Chronicle of Robaqa”. There arc however certain differences
between its statements and the rest of the contents of the CCilavamsa.
That the Kasssipa in v. 4 is meant for Ka8aap.T 11. {44. 144, 46. 1 (f.)
seems certain. Hut there is a confusion about the names Mdna and
Manavamma. Mann is called the eldest son of Kassapa II. in 46. 6.
The question is whether he is identical with the Manavamma who later
(47. 2, 62) ascends the throne. In the Rohapa Chronicle (67. 5) the older
son of Kassapa is called Manavamma, the younger who comes to the
throne, 57. 14, Mana, but in 57. 25 Manavamma. Of all the difficulties
which according to the CSIavamsa (47. 2 ff.) preceded MSnavamma's as-
cent of the throne, the Robana Chronicle apparently says nothing. A
similar difference exists as regards the names of the sons of Dappiila I.
According to the Rohapsi Chronicle the eldest of these is Manavamma;
the Culavainsa speaks of the sister's son of Kassapa II. only as Mana.

57. 11

Descent of Killi

lys

King Eassapa had a son known by the name of Mana. 4
He was adipada, a brave pian and distinguished by his good
conduct. His elder brother the wise Manavamma had at one 5
time seated himself on the bank of the river in the neigh-
bourhood of Ookappaka* and had made full preparations ac- (>
cording to custom for an incantation. He began after taking
the rosary* in his hand, to murmur the magic verse. To him 7
there appeared Kumara on hi.s riding bird*. The peacock pecked
with its beak at the plate with the offerings*, but finding no 8
drink in the old coconut shell with its holes, out of which
the water had run*, ho flew at the magician’s face*. The latter d
thinking* (only) of future success, offered it his eye. The
peacock slit it open and drank thereout violently. Kumara 10
was pleased, he granted the Prince his prayed-for wish and
departed brightly gleaming tluough the air*. When his II
court officials beheld Manavamma with his destroyed eye, they
grieved, but he comforted the people by telling them of the

‘ See note to 41. 79.

» Sec note to 46. 17.

* The God Skanda, who is worsbi)>]>i-d iu Ktyaragiiina, riding on tlic'
peacock which is sacred to him. UoraiMs, Epic .Mythology p, 227.

* P. Imliptigam. W. has a note to this: ‘ The tr.vy or bowl in which
food, flowers, etc. are presented to spirits at the performances of niaKi*
cal rites”. P. palln may mean “tray", but for “bowl" we should espect
palta = skr. putra.

* \V, ; “Water is generally placed in a coconut shell on the altar for
the benefit of the evil spirit".

* P. japatitaasa unikham goto. W. translates this by : “He went up
and stood in the presence of the wizard". That is misleading.

’ P. 6A«rini«i suldkim npeikham. W. interprets the passage quite
differently. He translates: "The wizard remembered the Bhavini siddbi"
and remarks thereto in the note: “A course of action under certain
emergencies, prescribed in magical rites",

* Popular tradition places the legend of the incantation described
in V, 5 ff. in the Viikirigala-viLara in the Kegalla District. The
m^^ician is mentioned only by his later monk's name of Mayurapadii.

The Vakirigala-vihuta is .said to have been called in former times Ma-
yurapada-paya after bim. Bkli., Report on the Keg.alla Diatiict, p. 45.

194

Descent of Kiili

57. 12

12 fulfilment of his wish. Thereupon his companions were con-
tent and urged him to come to Anuradhapura and carry out

13 his consecration as king. “What hoots me the royal dignity
now that I haye a maimed body? I will practise asceticism
as soon as I have undergone the ceremony of world-renun-

14 ciation. Let my younger brother, Maiia by name, preserve
the inherited reign of Lanka.” With that he rejected the royal

15 dignity which had come to him. Having thoroughly grasped his
purpose, his court officials sent people to tell that his younger

16 brother. At the tidings thereof, the brother came speedily
hither, sought out bis brother, fell at his feet, wept and grieved

17 sore and betook himself along with the elder brother, to
Anuradhapura where in accordance with the purposes of the

18 elder (brother), he took over the crown. Hereupon he betook
himself to Abhayagiri and doing reverence, besought the as-
cetics for admission for his brother to the ceremony of world-

19 renunciation. Thereupon the ascetics carried out with the
cripple the ceremonies of world-renunciation and of admission

20 into the Order without regard to the regulations*. The Ruler
built for him the superb pariveva Uttaromula and made him

21 head of the parivepa. He placed under him there six Iiundrod
bhikkhus, gave him the seven supervisory officials^ and the

22 five groups of servitors*. He gave him further assistants wlio

' According to the Vinaya (Mah5v^^r}fl^ 1. 71 = Vin. ed. Olukshkbu
I. p. 91) eripples are not admitted to the Order.

* P. patihure salta. According to AUhji. 1018, pnlihdra is equivalent
to Hedrapdiaka. That is too narrow an interpretation if it is n (-ase
here of “seven pnliAiirti”. The word probably moans in general a mona-
stery official. In fact the Miliintale tablet A (line 20-21) enumerates seven
of these; 1) veher-jnricalinnuvd, 2) iiiyam-jetii, 3) ci-kdmiyd, 4) pasak-
kamiyd, 6) veher-leyd, G) karand-leyd. 7) karondu-alsamu. For attempts
at explaining these difficult terms see WicKnEMAsisoiiE, KZ. I, 101. In
slab B, lino 6 an eighth is added, sdrayin-ganiKik. The tiiangul-Jetak
mentioned here in line 6 corresponds probably to the iifynni-jetu in A.

^ Cf. 67. 68, as well as 84. 5. In the last passage, in addition to the
five groups of servants, ten others are also distinguished. W. says in
a note to our passage that the live mean “carpenters, weavers, dyer.s,
barbers and workers in lesither”. I believe nither that what is meant

57. 3p

Descent of Kitli

195

were versed iu various handicrafts and placed under him the
guardians of the Tootli Relic. His (the King’s) counsellors were 23
the bhikklius of the Abhayagiri(-vihara) and the King pro-
tected the people wholly according to his (brother’s) advice.

But certain people who were of his lineage, but had no de- 24
sire for world-renunciation, dwelt as they liked and were
addressed by the title of “Great Lord”’. From the pure race 25
of this King Manavaiiima versed in the law and iu statecraft,
tliat was propagated in sons and grandsons with Aggabodhi* 26
at the head, that was 6rst among princely dynasties, there went
forth sixteen (sovereigns) of equal birth who held legitimate
sway in Lanka.

The monarch Mahinda had two (cousins) daughtei-s of his 27
mother’s brother. These fair (maidens) were known by the
names of Devalii und Lokita. Of these two daughters, Lokita 28
conceived by tlie son of her father's sister*, the handsome 29
prince Kussapa by name, two sons called Moggallana and
Loka*. The elder of these, versed in all the ways of the
world and the Order, known by the title “Great Lord”*, 30

are workmen as enumerated in the Mibinlalo tablet B, line 7 fF. We have
no idea it is true, of the principle on which the division of these sur-
vants into live or ten groups was made.

’ I’, tna/idsurntpodnipsifa « Skr. Matulsivimiprer/nrifito. On the title
hiiniyii = ?. sfiml used of bhikkhiis see note to 52. 10.

^ Aggabodhi V. It is true be is not mentioned by name in the list
of kings in the CSlavaipsa, perhaps owing to a gap in the text. See
above 48. 1 If. It should be noted that here the King, father of Agga-
bodhi, is not called Muna as in v. 14, but Manavamma. Cf. note
to 67. 3.

^ V. wdtulatfajam. I am inclined to assume that mutuid here is used
in the sense “father's sister”. This woold bring us back to the family
tree as Stilt, has drawn it up In the Index to the Mbvs. Kassa|>a the
husband of Lokita, would then be the son of Mahinda V. (55. 10), later
King Vikkamabahu J. (56. 1).

^ I take Mtiggcdldnam ca Lokathe for a disintegrated compound. The
change into Moggalldnalokavhe of the Col. FA. is suggestive, but gets
no support from the MSS.

* This title apparently customary iu Rohana is derived according
to 46. 50 from Dapputa I.

196

Descent of Killi

57.81

zealous in the service of the community, a habitation of many
choice virtues, took up his abode in ilohapa.

31 A grandson of King Dathopatissa* who had undergone the
ceremony of world-renunciation in the Order of tlie Holy Buddha,

32 dwelt full.of faith, practising asceticism, controlled by discipline,
selfcontrolled in spirit, as hermit in a solitary spot, The
gods who had pleasure in him, praised everywhere his virtue.

83 When the Uuler of Lanka heard of his excellence, the fame
of which had spread everywhere, he sought him out, bowed

34 before him and souglit to gain him as his counsellor*. But as
he would not, he besought him again and again, had him
fetched and made him take up his abode in a finely built

36 pasada. The King who prized highly the excellence of the
Master of the ascetics, as long as he dwelt there, ruled the
people in justice, walking in the way marked out by his ad-

86 vice. But because the Master among ascetics in consequence
of the invitation given him in honourable fa.sliion by the
Master of Latika, bad of bis pity forsaken the mountain world

37 and having gathered bhikbhus round liim, had taken up his
abode there, (the piisada) got the name of Selantara-

38 samuha. Since that time the .sovereigns of Laiika make a
bhikkhu spend the night in a small temple* of the gods and

' It is impossible to determine whether Diltboimtissa I. or 11, is
meant here.

* The inf. A'rtlum ttlldnusHsanam, “to give him counsel" is governed
by (irudliayam in 84 a. Which King of Lanka is meant we do not
know. Perhaps Manavamma? The fragment vv. 31—39 has evidently
only the object of leading from Mahinda from whom Kitti is descended
on his father's side, to Dilt.hopatissa from whom he is descended nn his
mother's side through Lokita (v. 41).

* P. se/aHlaro lit. "rock interior” (perhaps = “rock cave") with re-
ference to the name Selanlarnstiniuha. Cf. (amuhch-H in v. 37 a.

* P. rfernpnllj. Cf. skr. "hut". The whole passage is very

curious. We are told here of a that is (according to v. 39)

of the position of a premier and highest counsellor (cf. iiiiUiiixacca, 69.
34; 70. 161). It is held by a bhikkhu who must be coiilirmcii in it by
a kind of oracle. This confirmation again is granted by the devata«,
another proof of the way in which Buddhism is interwoven with popu-
lar ideas.

67. 52

Descent of Kitti

197

place him, if he has found favour with the deity, in the
loading position and when they protect Order and people, they 39
act according to the counsel of the ascetics who hold tlie
leading position.

By Prince Bodhi of the line of Dsithopatissa te Princess 40
Buddiia of like lineage conceived a daughter, Lokita by name, 41
distingui.shed by most excellent marks. Afterwards she w.as
wedded to the able Moggallana. She conceived by liim four 42
children, Kitti, the princess Mitta, Mahinda and Rakkliita.

The eldest son (Kitti) was (already) in his tliirteenth year a 43
plucky hero, and extremely skilled in the use of the bow.
Swayed by one thought alone: how shall I become possessed 44
of Lanka once I have rid it of the brier-s of the foe? he dwelt
in the village called MulasalS.

A powerful man known by tlie name of Buddharaja, quar- 46
relied at that time with the general Loka*. He fled in liaste 46
to the district called CuQQasala and liaving there by every
means made subject to himself many people, such as Kitti and
others, he dwelt togetlier with numerous warlike kindred at 47
the foot of the Malaya mountains where he was difficult to
reacli. To him there came a distinguished astrologer* Saqigha 48
by name, and portrayed the character of the prince (Kitti)
in favourable fasliion. “The eldest son of tlie Great Lord 49
(Moggallana), who bears the name of Kitti, carries on him
the marks of power and is gifted with insight and courage.
Even in Janibudfpa he would, I believe, be capable of uniting 60
■the whole realm under one umbrella, how much more so in
the Island of Lanka!’’ When the other heard that, he made 51
the resolve to support the Prince and sent people to the
Prince. When the illustrious hero heard their message, he 52
for fear that they might hold him back, left the house without

^ The Loka described in 57. 1 as camundtha. W. inserts here the
words: "who ruled Kobaua". That is not in the text, but it is correct
as far as Loka resided in Kajaragatua. It is also not said that Buddha-
raja was a “prince".

* P. samvaechaiHandyako, lit. a chief of the*. Cf. skr. snmeatsarika
BR., s. T. nr. 2.

198

History of Kitli

67. 63

53 his parents’ knowledge, with nothing but his bow and seeing
all kinds of favourable signs, he prudently betook himself in

54 haste to the village of Sarivaggapitthi. While sojourning there,
the hero sent away his servants and captured the village

55 of Bodhivala then in possession of the opposite party'. There-
upon the arrogant general (Loka) sent his army tliither; it sur-

56 rounded the village and opened fights The prince who full
of impetuous courage, fought with his soldiers against them,
scattered them in all directions, as a stormy wind (.scatters)

57 cotton. He then betook himself, knowing the opportunity, to
the Cuoqasala district and during his sojourn there brought

58 the whole region of Malaya into his power. Even now the
generaP sent off his army over and over again, but as he

59 could not gain the upper hand, he became furious. A son of .
the henchman Kitti' dwelling in Makkliakudrusa, a powerful

60 man known by the name of Devamalla, now came liither, ac-
companied by kinsmen aud friends, at the head of many people
dwelling in Robapa, and with reverence sought out the Prince

61 (Kitti). He able and farfamed, at the age of fifteen girt on

62 his sword and demanded the dignity of adipada. T]iereu])on
he betook himself with a mighty force to Hirahnumalayu and

63 built there on the Remupa rock a stronghold. Tliither too tlie
general' sent his army, but as be did not stay victorious in

64 battle, he gave up the idea of renewing the war. The ruler
Loka', the army’s commander, now forsook this his world,

' Namely of the general Loka.

‘ The samyunuiya with santitrabhi (instead of the uec.) iij
irregular.

^ P. senfmta is like sennuJ a synonym of .leiiupati. Tiio title of
“King” is never areorded to Loku.

^ See above 65. 26, 81.

' P. cainupali stands in the text and v. Ct eamHiiallia, both synonyms
for ssnnpat* (Loka).

' In their list of Errata S. and B. coivect loiaiidtho into tokaiiinuo.
That is certainly wrong. Without doubt a pun is intended with cn-
mundtho, and the form Lokaniiiha corresjionds to the Lokesvcira of the
Sinhalese sources. Another pun is that with loka. The word is contained
in the name, in lokan sakam “his world" or “his ij<-ople” and in paraloka.

57.74 History of Killi 199

and in the sixth year of his reign his goal was the other
world.

Now a Chief of the Kesadhatus*, Kassapa by name, got 65
the upper hand of the people and carried on the government
ill RohaQa. At the tidings of this the Coja general, armed 66
for war, set out from Pulatthinagara and marched against
Kajaragama. But the Kesadhatu scattered the forces of the 67
Damijas in a battle, set up guards at the frontier of Rakkha-
pasaija*, and then the hero proud of his victory, returned 68
with his great army and entered Kajaragama. When the vi- 69
gorous* Adipada (Kitti) heard all this, he quickly equipped
an army, to overwhelm the Kesadhatu. When the latter had 70
tidings of this he advanced full of pride with behtting troops
from Kajaragama to Sippatthalaka*. But when the invincible 71
Prince (Kitti) at the head of many of the inhabitants of
Paficayojana® and other districts drew near, he betook him- 72
self, perceiving that many of the dwellers in bis own district
were averse from war, (and) believing that a battle here
would be difficult, to Khadiruiigani^ With a great army 78
the royal youth (Kitti) aged sixteen years, entered at once
free from all fear, into Kajaragama. Having ruled Uohai.ia 74
six months, the Chief of the Kesadhatus full of bitterness,

‘ Here we mcvt for the lirst time with the reni.arkable expression
eo fn-qucntly used later of kesailhalH. W. tnvnslates kesiitlhaiundyaka
by "the Cliicf of the Hair Kclic". But ndyaka is used here in the same
way as in samiaceharikaniiyaka, v. 48, for in the sequel kesadhatu is
used alone. Cf. on this title the "Introduction” III.

* W. suggest.s doubtfully Kakvanii.

’,P. suHhiradhaluko. Tbe word dhiHu at the end of a. haiiuvrlhi
compound often means "kind, nature, (leculiarity, cbanicter” and is
much, almost exclusively, used poriphrastically. Thus in aamadkiituka
"of similar kind". JaCo. II. 31**: lilitlhadluitHka “defiled" JaCo, 1. dSB*®;
hadhiradhatuka "hard of hearing” JaCo. II. 63 **.

* See also 68. 7.

* Now Pasdun-Korale, east of Kalutara, in the province Sabaniga-
muvu. The P. word rattha is frequently used quite in the sense of
the Sinh. kdrak.

« See also 58. 36.

200

History of Killi

57. 76

76 marched thither to battle. But the army of the royal youth
(Kitti) engaged him in bard battle and the mighty one cap-
tured the head of the Chief of the Kesadhatus.

76 Having reached the age of seventeen years, the Prince
the glory of wliose great fame had spread on every side, who
was extraordinarily shilled in the use of theimany expedients
such as kindness and the like had freed the whole of Rohapa
from the briers of the foe.

Here ends the fifty-seventh chapter, called “The Sub-
jugation of the Enemies of Rohapa”, in the Mahavaipsa,
compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

VyflyrtiflAu I SSB.

201

CHAPTER LVm

THE ADVANCE TO ANURADHAPURA

The name Vijayabahu* of the Prince wise in statecraft, 1
who now found iumself in the position of yuvaraja, was known
everywhere. Gifted with abundant knowledge, he had the 2
drums beaten for his entering on the government and placing
numbers of his followers in befitting positions and applying 3
the four methods* of warriors for the destruction of the Cojas
wlio were ravaging Rajaralfha, he took up his abode there
(in Rohapa). When the Cola King heard of that, he sent off 4
his Senapati who was then in Pulatthinagara, with army and
train. As Vijayabuiiu recognised that the (Cola) general wlio 5

* Kitti adopts this narac when he wins his claim to the throne. In
the rock inscription of Arabagiiniuva (Bsll, ASC. Ann. Kep. 1910—11
= III. 1915, p. 121, no. 196; WicxiiByAsiaoHK, EZ. II. 202 S'.) the king
calls himself Sirisangbo Vijnyabahu. He names as bis parents
Abba Salamevan and Dev Gon, names which seem to have been taken
over mechanicaliy from the Raja-maligava inscri|>tioD of Polonnaruva
on the introduction to which that of the Ambagamuva inscription rests
(See note to 64. 7). Important for the history of the reign of 'Vijaya-
hahii I. is the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva dealt with by C. Ra-
BANAVAQAM MudiiHyar in JRAS. C. Br. xxis, no. 77, 1924, p. 266 S'., and
recently also by Wickbkmasikohb, EZ. 11. 242 IF.

^ According (o Abbp. 348 the cotHro upaya the four means of success
are 6A«i/n “division (of the enemy)”, danda “open war, offensive", st/mn
“friendly negotiations, treaty” and efdndni “gifts, bribes”. The doctrine
of tiic four updyii is also well known in Sanskrit literature. It is found
in the Maliabhdrata , in the Amarakosa, in Heuiacandra's Abhidhdna-
cintamaiji, in the Yajnavalkyasmrti, in Manu, 7. 109 (BR. s. v. danda II).
Finally they are enumerated in Kautalya’s Arthaeastra 2. 10, 28: updynh
tamopapradfuiahhedadandtih as a method of royal policy. See J. J. Meyee,
Das altind. Bucli voin Welt- und Staatsleben, p. 105.

202

Vijayabaka I SSB.

58.6

had advanced close to Kajarag^ma, could scarcely be defeated,

6 he withdrew into the mountain jungle. The (Cola) general
plundered Kajaragama in haste, but as he could not stay

7 there, he betook himself again to his province. Thereupon
the Maliadipada‘ came hastily from IVIalaya and besieged

8 Sippattbalaka* with strong forces. The King (Vijayabahu) sent
to the King in the Kamahna^ country numbers of people and

9 much costly treasure*. Then arrived in the harbour many
ships laden with various stuffs, camphor, sandelwood and other

10 goods. By all kinds of valuable gifts he inclined the soldiers
to him and with large forces at his command, he took up
his abode in Tambalagama*.

11 All the inhabitants of Kajara^tha grew hostile to one

12 another and paid no further tribute. The adversaries of the
Cola King full of arrogance, left his commands unheeded, ill-
treated the appointed officials and did what they pleased.

13 When the Cola Monarch lieard this, be was filled with rage

11 and he sent off one of his henchmen with a great army. The

latter landed in Mabatittlia, slew many people here and tljere

15 and subdued the inhabitants of Rajarattl>a. Later on lie came
then, cruel in his commands, to Hohapa and fell upon it with

‘ The title mahadiputls belongs to Vijayabahu in hia position o)'
yuvar^'a.

» See 67. 70.

* Name for Burma. Note that Vijayabahu from now onwards is
csUled rcijS.

^ P. sdram dhanajiitam. The word siira is hero (ns also in v. ai)
used os an adjective (see skr. «<ira, BR. a. v., 4); i/hanajdla which is
also used in v. 10, is nearly always a mere paraphrase for lihana.

* A Tambalogama lies (Census of Ceylon 1921, II., p, I62J in the
Hinidura-Pattuva of the Gallc District not far from Batuvangala on the
upper 6in-ganga. If this is our Tambalagama tbiit would mean that
the centre of gravity of Vijayabahu’s influence was in the west of Ho-
haija, on the borders of Dakkhinadesa. The fact that the troops which
Kitti led against the Kesadhatu Kassapa came according tu 57. 71
chiefly from the Pancayojana-rattha supports this. It is supported too
by the further development of events. The Tambahi mentioned 45. 78
cannot be identified with the Tambalagama of our passage.

58. 22

Vijayabiihu I SSB.

203

Ids army like ttio ocean Avhicb lias burst its bounds*. Two 16
mighty men, Uavideva and Cala by name, became opponents
of the King (Vijayabahu) and , went over both of them, to the
Damija commander. "Wlien tlie general saw them accompanied 17-
by a great troop of adherents, he believed Roliapa would
shortly be in his power.

In tlie twelfth year (of his reign) the King (Vijayabahu) 18
put up an entrenclinieut for the conquest of the Colas, on the
Paluttha mountain* and took up his abode there. Tlie Coja 19
army surrounded the rocks on all sides and a terrible fight
between the two armies took place. The King's soldiers 20
annihilated the Damija army, pursued the fleeing general of
tlie Coja Sovereign and got possession of his head at the viU 21
lage of Tumbavijjhi*. Taking with them all the captured
implements of war, together with draught animals and chariots 22
and all valuable treasures, they showed it (the head) to the

> I feel bound to keep to the text (ijihollharillha seiinya lambhivna'
vein ro s<^g<tro as adopted by lue in iny edition. The fact of tlie seuonil
piidii hiiviiig a syllable too niueh is of no account. See CilliU'S. cd., Iiitrod.
p. xn. If one compares the M8S. it is almost certain in the Hrst ]ikce,
that ajjhotlhdritlha and xamthiniia arc right, since they have been pre-
served in all groups of the MSS. The only question is as to what came
between the two words. The Col. Kd. with tfjjhoUbari saseno .m
follows closely tlic MS. S S. But what is remarkable is that this MS.
is liore quite isolated and differs also from S 7. This looks as if we
had to do with an arbitrary alteration on the i>art of the copyist. And
how is lalu or nnto in all the other MSS. to be explained ? 1 think
thus : In thi^ archetype a lalo was added by mistake to senaya, intended
originally for yanlvUna in paila a. In group S 1, 2, 4 the word is in-
serted besides /leniiya, in S 6, 7 it has ousted this entirely.

K P, Putullhajiabbala, identical with the Palutthagiri mentioned
55. 28. As this occurs here in association with Maragallakn (see Note
to 48. 129), the mention of the Paluttba mountain would take us to the
west of Itohaija, to the borders of Dakkbioadesa. Mr. Hocakt however
is inclined to identify it with Palatupana, 8 miles East of Tissamu-
harama. ASC. 1928, p. 17.

* If this is the Tambavita in the Paranakuru Korale of the Kegalla-
District, the pursuit must have extended far to the north, into Dakkhina-
desa. That is also not unlikely, for up to his occ-u]>ation of Pulatthina-
gara Vijayabahu evidently meets with no further resistance.

Vijayabdhu I SSB.

58. 23

^04

King and spake to him (thus): “It is time to march to Pu-

23 latthinagara.” When the Monarch heard those words of his
followers he betook himself now with large forces to Pulatthi-

24 nagara. When the Coja Sovereign heard of all these events
he was overcome with fury, and as he desired to capture the

23 Monarch (Vijayabahu), the hero went in all haste himself to
the harbour on the sea-coast and sent a still larger army to

20 the Island of Lanka. When the Ruler (Vijayahaliu) heard
that he sent off his general with a great force to fight with

27 the Co]a army. The general inarched to the neighbourhood
of Anuradhapura and gave the Damija host a fiery battle.

28 There fell in this fight many warriors of the Monarcli and
still more of the inhabitants of his kingdom came into the

29 power of the Damijas. Thereupon the Monarch abandoned
Pulatthinngarn and betook himself in haste to the district

30 called Villikaba. Having removed the two officials who were
placed over this district, be took up lii.s abode there, gathering

31 Ills soldiers. On the tidings that the Cola general was pur-
suing him, he betook himself, aware of (he .right time^ to

32 the rocky hill of Vatagiri*. At the foot of this mountain he
built a stronghold and fighting, kept the Damijas three months
at bay.

83 The younger brother of the Chief of the Kosadliatus’ who
had been slain earlier in battle, had meanwhile gathered to-

34 gether a large troop of adherents and nursing wrath in liis
heart at the slaying of his brother, he raised the whole di-

35 strict of Gutta-sald* in rebellion. Thereupon the Sovereign of

* That is, he kin-w well that the time for open resisliince to thi-
Colas l\ad not jet come.

* From 60. 39 it is clear that Vatagiri was situated in the province
of Dakkhieadesii. Tims Vijayabahu retires nut as one might expect,
eastwards or sonth-enstwiirds over the Maliaveligaiiga hut to the south-
west. Evidently he seeks to regain the base in the hnrders of Rohaiia
and Dakkhiijadesa from which he started. Vatagiri is no doubt the
mountain Vakirigala in the Oalboda Korale of the Kcgalht District.
Bell, Rep. on the Kcgalla District = ASC., xix, 1892, |>. 45.

•' See above 67. 65 tf.

' See note to 51. 109.

58. 41

Vija^abahii I SUB.

)H)b

Lanka marched thither in haste with a large force and set
up an armed comp at the place called Maccutthala. Then when 3G
he had driven his foe in light out of the stronghold Khadiran-
gapi^, lie chased him, still fighting, from Kubulagalla. He 37
left his ample possessions together with wife and child as well
as his troops in the lurch and fled in haste to the province
occupied by the Cojas. Thereupon the Lord of men (Vijaya- 38
bahu) took to himself the whole of his posso.s.siou.s and betook
himself to Taiubalagama* where he erected a new stronghold.

In the course of time he went to the town called Mahana- 89
gahula^ and sojourned there arming bis troops to flght with
the Co!a.s. Thereupon the King summoned two of his bench- 40
men and sent them with large forces to Dakkhipadesa* to
subdue the inhabitants there. Another pair of able* ol^cials 41
the Sovereign sent to the coast highroad^ to destroy the arrog-

‘ See iibovo 57, 72.

‘ After Vijayabahu had protected his rear hy subduing the rebelliun
in Guttuaiila, lie returns at lirat to the [losition which ie to serve him
as basis fur bis future operations (see note to f>8. 10) and strcngtliens
it by fortificivlions. lie n<-xt betaki'S himself to the place whivli may
now be looked u|>on as the capital of llobaaa. to make furUicr pre-
parations for the Coja war.

* According to native tradition we must look for Mahftnaynhula on
t)ic‘ lower Valnve gaiiga, N. W. of Ambalantota where to-dny there aro
extensive rice- fields similar to those of T issamiiharamii (H. W. Couiiinutok,
Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth Century 11, from a proof,
slip whicli I owe to the rourtcay of the author). In agreement with
this is the statement in v. 10 of the Milnavulu-sandcsa that the river
on which the (own stood was the VanavShini. Mr. -Tayarxtsma of the
Colombo Miiecuiii drew my attention to this passage. The Commentary
explains the name of the river by rala-hoyii, which is the Vivlave-ganga,

* fl. \V, CooBiNOTcM (Notes on Ceylon Topography in the Twelfth
Century, JRAS. C. H. Nr. 75, 1922, p. 04) rightly stresses the fact that
(lakfchinavt pri.ssani does not mean “southward'' as translated by W. but
is the same as dakthinaiii ilesam.

‘ P. kakkhalti “liard" in a good sense, as much ns hriii, enduring,
energetic.

® Vijayabiiliu's strategy is clear. He attacks the position of the Cojas
from two sides: from Dakkliinndesa in the direction of Anuriidhapura
and eastwards from the mountains in the direction of Polonnaruva. The

206

Vijayabahu I SSB.

58. 42

42 ance of the Colas. The officials sent with large forces to
DakkhiQadesa, took the stronghold at the village of Muhunnaru,

43 further Badalatthala, the stronghold at Yapinagara, Buddha-

44 gama, Tilagulla, Maliagalla and Mavdagalla^. ^Vhen later

‘'coast highroad” I would identify with the old road which avoiding
the hill country, led from Mah^ama to Dastofa or Mabagantota on the
Muhaveliganga not far from Polonnaruva. I am inclined to look upon
the embankment called Kalugalbamma which is crossed between
Ekiriyankurabura and Mahaoya by the Passara-Batticaloa road as thi>
remains of this road. The road does not run along tlie sea, it is true,
hut it runs frorn coast to coast, from Mahagama to Mahatittha. It
is doubtful whether the southern port of this road led over Buttala.
The Ratemabatmaya Bihile informed me that one can n^cognize the
southern continuation of the Kalugnib&mma further cast at Eadiyangoda
and that the road runs Irom here beside an old beaten elephant track
direct to Mahagama. At any rate the northern continuation of the
Ealugulbamma docs not lead to Mahiyangaoa, but leaving this to the
left, it seems to lead by Dolagalvela direot to the Mahaveliganga. Thus
this highroad must be distinguished from that which runs from Maha-
gaina l)y way of Kataragama, Buttala, Medagama, Bibile to Mahiyafi-
gaoa and from there along the Mahaveliganga towards the north.
I myself found remains of this road in Bibile, other remains might jier-
haps come to light at Alut-nuvara (Mabiyaitgaoa) behind the hospital.
Vijayabahu apparently took advantage of a civil war raging at that
time in the Cola country. It ended with the accession to the throne*
of Kulottunga Cola I. in A. D. 1069—70. H. W. Courinotou, H. C., p. 6G.

* The topographical’ identification of the greater part of these lo-
calities wc owe H. W. CoDBiNOTOH in the treatise cited above (note to
58. 39). Of the names occurring here the following are mentioned else-
where 1) Badalatthala, 2) Buddhugdma, 3) Tilagulla and 4) Mahdgallu.
Muhunnaru and Yapinagara are doubtful. Badalatthala has been
identified by Codbirotor (following Pahkhr) with Batalagoda in the
Ihiilavisideke Kordle West of the Kurunegala District. yTOiisr on the
strength of the mention in an inscription of the Budgam-vehera (ASC.
1908 = S. P. VI. 1913, p. 14-15) considers Buddhagama to be Me-
nikdena (see ASC. 1908 = V'l. 1913, p. 13 IT.) in the Vagapanaha Udii-
siya Pattu of the District Matale North, where the two road.s leading
from Kurunegala and from Nalanda to Dambul approach one another,
and ConBiNOTON supports this assumption. As toTi Isigulla, Mr. Codiusgton
refers me by letter to Talagalle Ela in the Katuvanna Korale of the
Kurunegala District. According to 68. 44 it is at Iciist certain that it
was situated in Dakkhioadesii. For Mahagalla see note to 44. 3.

58. 56

Vijayabahu I SSB.

207

they had also taken Anuradhapura, they brought the whole
kingdom into their power and pushed forward to Mabatittlia.

The two generals sent out to the coast highroad, plundered 45
Chagama* and other armed camps here and there, and when 46
later they had got near to Pulatthinagara, they sent mes-
sengers to the King that he should speedily come hither.
When the Ruler heard of tlie extraordinary deeds of heroism 47
accomplished by the generals whom he had sent in two
directions, he aware of the. time being propitious, equipped 48
his whole army and experienced in methods of war, he left
the town (Mahanagaliuia) to exterminate the Cojas. During 49
the marcli the Sovereign set up a camp on the (Mahavaluka)-
gahga not far from the Mabiyahgaga-tbupa* and took up his
abode there for a time. Afterwards the great hero aware of 60
the opportunity, betook himself to the neighbourhood of
Pulatthinagara and set up here an extremely strong forti-
fication. But all the warlike, valiant Colas who were to be 51
found here and there, gathered together in Pulatthinagara to
make war. The Cola-s came forth from the town and engaged 52
outside in a great battle, but tliey were beaten and returned
to the town. Then having secured all the gates of the town, 53
they carried on with great strenuousness a terrifying fight
from bastions and towers. For a month and a half tlie great 54
army of the Monarch kept the town surrounded but could
not subdue it. Tiie great heros, the great fighters, the great 55
warriors of the Great King, the mighty ones with great pride,
Ravideva, <'ala* and the others scaled the walls, broke furi- 56

Finally Mai,ii,lagallii is iiccording to Mr. C. Mabamiidagalla in
Uiriyaia Hiitpattii N. E. of Kurunegala. A Madagala is also marked on
sbeet F. 9 of tbc Diaji (scale one mite to the inch) 5 miles 8. S. W. of
Anuradhapuni as name of a mountain. All the evidence jioints, at any
rate, to the progress of the oiieiiitiona against Anuhidtiapnra from South
to North through Uakkhivadesa.

^ Chagama or Chaggaina, it seems to me, lias not been identified
with certainty. That it was situated in eastern Hohana is clear from 76. 3.

* See note to 51. 74.

® It was stated in v. 16 that these two generals had gone over to

208

Vijai/abShu 1 SSB.

68. 57

ously into the town and at once esterininated aJl the Damilas

57 root and branch*. After King Vijajabahu had thus achieved
the victory, ire the discerning one, had the drums of his

58 dominion beaten* in the town. But when the Ruler of the
Colas heard of this destruction of his army, he thought: the
Sibalas are (too) strong, and sent out uo further army.

.59 When the hero the discerning one, who had utterly de-
stroyed the best of tiie proud Cojas, had placed the whole of
Rajarattha on a sure foundation*, he the best of kings, greatly
rejoicing, advanced in the fifteenth year (of his reign) to the
greatly longed for, the best (town of) Anuradbapura*.

Here ends the fifty-eighth chapter, called “The Advance
to Anuradbiipura", in the Mahavaipsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

the Coka. It would aecm that later tliey again acknowledged the ao-
viTcignty of Vijavahuhu. Or wc have to do with a mistake of the
compiler.

> r. mSla'/liaceam aj/halnyum. 1 think we have to take ii)i7l(i^Aaccani
as adverb. Cf. l>h. 250 »«. namftltatam “radically removed”, aa aleo »i. Jenr
D. III. 67*v fF., 68'. Of the overthrow of the Daiiii!a!i by Vijayiibahu
the Ambaganiuva inscription (see note to 58.1) says; “through his own
courage he drove away the whole darkness of the Dami|a forces and
brought the whole of the Island of Tjiiika under his umbrella” (lino 2S).

* I. e. .he made known by beat of drum that he had ascended the
throne.

“ P. sunatlhu (adv.) (Aapi(dl.7t>/an(jar<it(ho. Wo have hero no doubt
in litijaratlha the name of the province freed from the Uamiks. See
note to 55. 22.

* The fact that the King entered Anarsidhai>ura is mentioned in the
Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva line?— 8; cf. note to 58. 1.

Vijayahahu I SSB.

209

CIIAPTKU LIX
THE BESTOWAL OF FAVOURS

With the protectioD of Laiika in the ?icinity of the sea 1
the King charged powerful followers, acknowledged warriors,
in regular turn^ Since for the festival of the royal conse- 2
cration* a pasada and many other things had to be prepared,
he (likewise) charged one of bis followers with this and after 3
he had there^ done reverence to the various places deserving
of honour, he returned, after a sojourn of three months, to
Pulatthinagara.

A troop leader known by the name of Adimalaya rebelled 4
quite openly against the Monarch and came, the deluded one,
hither with all his troops to fight, as far as the village known 5
by the name of Andu, in the vicinity of the town. The Ruler 6
of Lanka marched thither, destroyed the haughty one* and
returned to Pulatthinagara after bringing his troops into
his. power.

From the time that he was yuvaraja, the wise Prince, 7
that best of men, had seventeen years chronicled in writing*.

* I read patipdtim and take the accus. in an adverbial aenRe. Hia
followers had to take over alternately the protection of the coast. The
Col. Kd. haa patipaltim and W. accordingly tranalatea: “having (before)
instructed them in their duties”.

* I should prefer now to put ahhisfkaiiictHffoidttham in the oratio recta.

^ Namely in AoDradhapura,

* Pun on uddharitra, mldhalam. For the meaning of “annihilate”
cf. skr. hiir + ud, BR., 8.

* The passage is important, since it shows that annals were kept at
court of the events during each year of the reign. The narrative of
Vijayabuhu’s reign bears in particular a strongly annalistic character.

210

Vijayabiihu I SSB.

59. 8

8 Having betaken himself hereupon to Anuradliapura and well
versed in custom, had enjoyed tlie high festival of the coro-

9 nation after the manner of tradition, keeping not to evil but
keeping firmly to pious action, he, secure' (in the royal

10 dignity), had the eighteenth year chronicled. Thereupon he
betook himself to splendid Puhitthinagara and dwelt there,

11 known by the name of Sirisamghabodhi. He invested his next
youngest brother Virabahu with the dignity of uparaja and
distinguished him in the customary way, by making over to

12 him the province of Dakkbioadesa. On bis youngest brother
Jayabahu the Prince* conferred the dignity of an adipada and

IS bestowed on him the province of Kohai.ia. But on all his
ministers he bestowed office according to merit and directed
them to collect the dues in the kingdom in fitting manner.

14 The administration of justice which had long lain low, the
Sovereign a fount of pity, carried out himself, keeping to
the law, with justice.

15 While now the Ruler of men having rooted out the heaped
up briers of numerous foes, ruled his realm of Lanka ever in

1C most excellent fashion, three brothers, the Hoad of the umbrella
bearers, the President of the Court of Justico and the Chief

17 of the merchants* became hostile to the King and betook
themselves, in flight, to Jambudipa. In the nineteenth year

18 they landed again in Lanka. Together they soon roused re-
volt in the province of Rohaga, the district of Malaya and

19 the whole of Dakkhinadesa. The prudent (Prince) inarched to
Rohana and the Malaya district, slew here and there many

20 enemies and when he had thoroughly pacified the country*,

Cf. 67. 43, 61,79, 76; 68. 18, 69; 69.9, 17; 00,36, 45. as also the chrono-
logical summary of Wickhemasikoiie, EZ. II. 207-8. It is noteworthy
too that the King's coronation is cclcbreated in the anciently sacred
town of Anuradbapura although Putatlhrnagara is the capital.

' Pun on utlhilo, sutlAilo, susamihilo.

* P. bahtija, the same as lhattiya, because the caste of the Khattiya
issued from the arms of God Brahman.

® P. chattagfihakanatlut, dhamtnagehnkanaynka, setlkiinttlia.

^ P. tain, namely Bohmiarn talhii Malayamawlalam.

59. 32

Vijat/abiAu I SSB.

211

and appointed officials there, he, the able one, advanced him-
self with great forces to Dakkhifladesa. The hero there sent 21
on a general of the lineage of the brother of Saniayi*, cap-
tured his foes in bitter tight, had them impaled and after .22
freeing LaiikS from the briers (of the rebels) he returned to
Pulatthinagara which was now devoid of ail fear*.

At that time the royal consort of JagatIpSla* who dwelt 23
in the Coja Kingdom, had escaped with her youthful daughter
Lilavati by name, from the power of the Cojas, had embarked 24.
in haste, landed in the Island of Laiikii and sought out the
Sovereign of Lanka. When the King heard the story of her 25
lineage and saw from that that she was of irreproachable
descent, he had Lilavati consecrated as his mahesi. The Ma- 26
he."*! conceived by the King a daughter and the Ruler gave
her the name of \asodhara. Together with the province of 27
Merukandara the King gave his daughter to Viravamma. She
conceived two daughters. The elder received the same name 28
as her grandmother*, Sugulii by name was the younger of the
two. The King wishful for the continuance of bis line, fetcii- 29
ed from the Kiilinga country the charming young princess
of the royal family of Kalinga, Tilokasundari by name, and 30
had her consecrated as his mahesi*. She conceived five 31
daughters; Subhaddli, SumittS, Lokanatlm, Ratnnavuli and
Rupavatl and a son Vikkamabahu, furnished with the marks 32

‘ I believe that by SnmtDfi tbe foster mollicr of the Buddha, Maha-
pajilpatl, is meant. As she was according to the CuHavagga X. 1 (= Vin. II.
253 ff.), the first woman to receive the upanampadil she can be described
as "(he Nun" pure and simple. The general (sacua) belonged thna to
the family of (Tohiiiia.

* Or with tbe Col. tkl. mraimUem "free of harm". The MSS. vary.
W. refers the word as pre<1icative object, like vigataka^aknm to Laiikam.
Prom the position of the words it scem.s to me more correct to combine
niri/sa/ilnwi with the following PHlalthinagarain.

5 Sec 60. 15.

* Like her miilomahl. the molher of her mother. She was called
therefore, LTlavatT.

* Vijayabaliu li.ad. thei-cfore, two mahesTs, Lililvati (v. 25) and
Tilokasundari.

212

Vijat/abahit I SSB.

B9. 33

of future power. Now tbat he had obtained increase of off-

83 spring, bis wives won the King’s heart*. Of the other women
of the court, except the wives of equal birth* none concei-
ved by the Monarch a fruit of the womb.

34 Now one day as the King surrounded by the tlirong of
bis courtiers, gazed on each of his daughters standing there

35 and, versed in signs, perceived on none of his other daughters
except on Ratannvalf the sign indicative of the birth of a son

36 (himself) furnished with the signs of power; seized by loving
emotion, be called Katanavall to him, kissed her on the liead,

87 and with tender joy spake to her thus: “This thy body shall
be the place for the birth of a son* who will surpass all

38 former and future monarchs in glorious qualities, generosity,
wisdom and heroism, who will be able to keep Laiika ever in

39 safety* and united under one umbrella, who will be in perfect
wise a patron of the Order, and who will display an abundant

40 and fine activity”. Though repeatedly entreated by the Cola
Monarch, the King proud of his family, would not give him

41 his younger sister. On the contrary, he fetched the Paudu
King who came of an unblemished line*, and wedded to him
his royal sister Mittu by name who had been born after him.

42 She bore three sons, ManSbburaoa, Kittisirimegha by name,

43 and him who was called Sirivallabha. (His daughter) Subhaddit
the Ruler gave with ample dowry to Virabahu and Suinitta

44 to Jayabshu*. To MSnSbharapa he gave his daughter Ratana-

* I believe that haranld which all MSS. have, iihould be separated
ioto ftoran td. by td are meant the two queens LTIavatt and Tilokasun-
darl who have borne children to the Kinfr. There is no need to cbnng<'
the text.

* That ia o£ course the two MahesTs. The word Ulhddiira, lit. “women's
house” = Harem women, is uaetl for the inmates, like the German
"fraueiiiimmer”.

* A prophecy concerning Parakkamabahu the Great, the future son
of RatanavalT.

* The Col. Ed. baa heri- niriisahiam contrary to all the MSS. while
in V. 22 it has nirdtaiikam.

* See below note to 63. 16.

Virabahu and Jayahahu were younger brothers of Vija.y!il)aliu.

59. 51

Vijayabahu I SSB.

213

vali, the one with the name Lokanatha to Kittisirimegha (to
wife). As the one called Rupa?ati had died, be gave to Siri- 45
vallabha the princess called Sugala. When he beheld the 46
princes Madhukanpava, Bbimaraja and Balakkiira, kinsmen of
the MahesI (Tilokasundari), who had come from Sihapura*,
the Monarch found pleasure in them and granted each of them 47
befitting maintenance. All of them having enjoyed such honour 48
and distinction, dwelt ever loyal to the Ruler, where they
pleased. The younger si-ster of these princes, Sundari by name*, 49
he, concerned for the continuance of his house, gave to
Vikkaniabahu (to wife). Further he also gave Vikkamabahu 50
the excellent Lilavati together with (befitting) income, taking
pleasure in the welfare of his kindred.

Thus caring for those belonging to him, full of riches, 51
above all bent on kindness, he did what served the good of
hl.s kindred and what at the same time was politically wise.

Here ends the fifty-ninth chapter, called “The Bestowal
of Favours”, in the Mnhiivaipsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

* STbiipuru is the town which according to the legend (cf. MhvEi. 6. 35)
was founded in Luja by Vijaya's father Slhubahu. I.SIa borders in the
north on the Kaliugii kingdom, the home of Tilokasundari, ns must be
inferred from itbrs. C. 1-5. The south-eastern district of Chutid Nagpur
to the west of Bengal, is still called SingbbhQm.

^ All the MSS. have the form Sundrl with the single exception of
S 7, which has ISundart. The latter is confirmed by an inscription. In
the rock inscription of Dimbulagala (KZ. II. 184 IF., 194 ff.) the Queen
calls herself SundaramahadevI, consort of the King Vikumba (i. e.
Vikkaiiiabiiliu) and mother of Gaja-bihu-deva. In the course of the
inscri|>tion she refers to a meritorious work which she had performed
in tbti reign of her husband's predecessor Jayabahu.

214

Vijayabahu I iSSB.

CHAPTER LX

CARE FOR THE LAITY AXD FOR THE ORDER.

1 The Ruler chose people of good family whom he had all
around him' and, as was customary, charged them with his

2 protection*. In Fulatthinagura be Iiad a high and strong
wall built, provided with many bastions, well faced witli stucco,

B defended round about with a long, broad and deep trench and
equipped with high parapets* difficult for the foe to reduce.

4 As tlie number of the bhikkhus was not sufficient to make the
chapter full for the (holding of the) ceremony of admission into

5 the Order and other acts, the Ruler of men who liad at heart tlie
continuance of the Order, sent to bis friend, the Prince An uruddliu*

C iu the Rnmahha country messengers with gifts and had fetch'
ed thence bhikkhus who had thoroughly studied the three

' P. $al/be numiuliyu, overlooked in W.’s trnnslation.

^ The/ were liiis permanent bodyguiird. P. yathaanam “nn wan
cuntoniary” like the »kr. yathScaram, with the same meaning. BH., a. v.

^ P. pattkandila, The word occurs again M. II. 155 as the designation
of a part of a hermitage and in the roinliination -dde caiibanuiiw. Thu
skr. alhanijtla = jHi-tlhundila means “a level floor, bare llooi”. Wiiat
puUhaiii}ila is iu a fortificiition cannot bo determineil. Unfortunately
tho descriptions whieh Kautalya's Arlbiisastra 2. 3, 21, gives uf tlio con-
struction of a fortress, arc so obscure and difficult that tiiey do not
help us further.

' King Anuruddba of Burma, the national hero of tlie Burmese, was
crowned in the year 1010 (Piiavre, Hist, of Burma, p. 22). There are
chronological difliculties about Aiiuruddha's being the contemporary of
Vijayabahu I. The assuniptioii is probably an arbitrary one on tlie
part of the author of our i>art of the Mahavauisa or of his source.
That Vijayabahu fetched bhikkhus from Burma is confirmed by the
Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva mentioneil aliove (note to 58, 1). The
fact is also related in Pujav. Rajav. and Nik.-s.

60. 16

Vijayahahu 1 SSB.

215

Pitakos, wlio were a fount of moral discipline and other vir-
tues, (and) acknowledged as tberas. After distinguishing them 7
by costly gifts, the King had the ceremonies of world-re-
nunciation and of admission into the Order repeatedly per-
formed by them and the three Pitakas together with the com- 8
inentary frequently recited and saw to it that the Order of
the Victor which bad declined in Lanka again shone brightly.
Within Pulatthinagara he had many charming viharas built 9
at ditfcrent places', made bhikkhus who belonged to the 10
three fraternities*, take up their abode there and gladdened
tliem by abundant (gifts of the) four necessaries. After buil- 1 1
ding a vihara beautiful by reason of its threshold pillar*,
provided with wall and trench, beautified by a splendid five-
storeyed ptisada, well equipped with charming rows of dwel- 12
lings round about, filled with people*, provided with a roomy,
su})erb, sumptuous gateway*, he, holding precious above all 13
things the three (sacred) objects, made it over to the bhikkhus
dwelling in the throe fraternities. Por their support with Id
food he granted to the community the whole district of A]i-
siira* togetlier witii the canal diggers* dwelling there. To 15
several hundred bhikkhus be assigned dwellings there, sup-
plying them regularly with tho four necessaries in ample

' P. iiailesmnim tahim tahiui, e<|uivaleiit to tnsnii'm lasmim padese,

* See below note to (50. 56.

It ix doubtful wbetlier is to be understood ns a

dvandvn or ivs a tutpuru.«a compound. At any rate what is meant is
tlio whole frame of the entrance gate on which great care was expended
in tlie buildings of Ceylon.

’ What is meant probably arc the uiODustery servants who were
present in great numbers.

^ I*, yopiira here probably the main gateway of the whole establishiuent.

Now Elaheru in the Matnlc District, N. E. of Nalanda on the
Amhanganga. Bti.t, ASC. 1010-11 = X. 1914, p. 42 ; ASC. 1911-12 -
III. 1915, p. 66.

’ 1’. netli/ia “one who makes conduits for irrigating rice-fields” (CiitLouRs),

Cf. tidakiim hi nayanti ueflikii Dh. 80, 145; Thcrag. 19; M. II. 105*.
These people had to keep in order the rice fields granted to the mo-
nastery. W.'s translation “the chiefs of the people who dwelt there"
is wrong.

216

I SSB.

60 . 16

16 measure. After building for the Tooth Ilelic a beautiful and
costly temple* he instituted permanently for the Tooth Itelic a

17 great festival. Holding himself aloof from intercourse with a
large circle®, he translated the Dhammasahgaoi every morning

18 in the beautiful preaching-hall While instituting many offerings
of sweet-smelling savours, flowers and the like with dance
and so forth, he was wont, joined with him in faith, to wor-

19 ship the Enlightened One with bowed head. The many scho-
lars* who came from Jambudipa and who were worthy of a
gift, the mighty Monarch who wa.s a hero in giving, gladdened

20 with gifts of money. For the preachers of the true doctrine
he instituted offerings of divers kinds, and rejoicing ever at
the merits of the doctrine, made them teach the true doc-

21 trine. Thrice he dispensed alms to the poor of a weight
equal to that of his body* and on the Uposatha day he kept

22 the Uposatha vow in blameless fashion. Every year the So-
vereign instituted a Dandissara offering*; he had the Tipifaka

23 copied and presented it to the bhikkhu community. By the
sending of costly pearls, precious stones and other jewels,
he reverenced, sacriheing many times over, the sacred Bodhi
Tree in ■Jambudipa.

24 Envoys sent by the Kauoala Monarch® and by the Cola

26 King came hither with rich presents. They sought out the

Monarch. He was greatly pleased thereat and after rendering

26 both embas.sie8 what was their due, he sent at first* with the

' Confirmed by the Tamil inacriptiou cited above 56. I.

* P. ganasnmganika, the same meaning as DhCo. 4. 143*^, here a
|iun on dkammasahgani.

^ P. dhammamandira, synonym for dhammmala.

■* P. suri, plur. surayo. At the end of a compound, Mhv.s. 85. 44 with
the meaning “skilful in" etc. I. Sg. sSrina Mlivs. 26. 23.

® Confirmed again by the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva 1. 11.

* The origin of the name is unknown. All we know from piinillcl
passages (52. 3; 63. 30) is that it was alms dispensed to wandering
beggars and artists.

See note to 55. 12.

* P. tesu (i. e. of the two embassies) ado (at first). Tlie envoys of
the Cota king were thus at first rctniDed.

60. 36

VijagiAahH I SSB.

217

Kaooata messengers his own envoys to Kapijata with choice
gifts. But the Colas maimed the no.ses and ears of the Sihala 27
me.ssengers horribly when they entered their country*. Thus 28
disfigured they returned hither and told the King everything
that had been done to them by the Cola King. In flaming 29
fury Vijayabahu in the midst of all his courtiers had the
Damita envoys summoned and gave them the following message
for the Coja king. “Beyond ear-shot*, on a lonely island in 30
the midst of the ocean shall a trial of the strength of our
arms take place in single combat, or, after arming the whole 31
forces of thy kingdom and of mine a battle shall be fought
at a spot to be determined by thee: exactly in the manner I 32
have said it shall ye report to your master”. After these
words he dismissed the envoys clad in women’s apparel in 33
haste to the Cola King, then he betook himself with his army
to Auuradhapura. To the seaports Mattikavatatittha* and 34
MahStittha he sent two generals to betake themselves to the
Coja kingdom and begin the war*. While the generals were 35
procuring ships and provision.s in order to send the troops to
the Coja kingdom, then, in the thirtieth year (of the King’s
reign), the division of the troops called Velakkara* revolted as 36

* On the way into the Kai;yata country.

* Sotno MSS. have sonmn rinr?, some xotam itnr) which comes to the

Haino thin;; n and t being constantly mistaken for each other. I keep
to untam i'jVki which gives excellent sense, but believe that we must
derive sola from the Skr. M-olra rather than from acotns. The alteration
of the Col. Kd. into rina would merely be tautological.

The name means “clay-pit landing-place". The place is otherwise
never mentioned.

^ Nothing is said about any answer of the Co|a King to Vijaya-
bahu's challenge.

In the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva the Velaikkara are
mentioned as the troops which had taken over the guarding of the
Tooth Relic. They were a group of soldiers or a military clan and iic-
c'Oinpaiiied, as we learn from inscriptions of Southern India (Wicksk-
si.\ai.sGUB, EZ. II. 217), King itajendra Cola I to Ceylon. Since that time
they had great influence in the Island, serving as mercenaries to Ihc
king. According to Rasak.Itac.^m Miidaliyar (JRAS. C. 13r. xxix, nr. 77,
1924, ]). 268 f.) they took the vow to kill themselves if any evil befalls

218

Vijai/(^ahu I SSJB.

60, 37

37 they did not want to go thither. They slew the two generals
and like rutting elephants in their unbridledness, they plun-

38 dered the country round Pulatthinagara. They captured the
younger sister of the King with her three sons' and burned

39 down with violence the King's palace. The King left the
town and betook himself in haste to Dakkhinadesa and having

40 hidden all his valuable possessions on the Vatagiri* rook, he
advanced together with the Uparaja Virabahu, of lion*like

41 courage, and surrounded by a great force, to Pulatthinagara
where after a sharp fight he shortly put the assembled troo|)s

42 to flight. Placing them around the pyre on which were
laid tlie remains of the murdered generals, he had the recreant

43 leaders of the troops, their hands bound fast to their backs,
chained to a stake and burnt in the midst of the flames btu-

44 ising up around them. The lluler having (thus) executed tliere
the ringleaders of the rebels^ freed the soil of Lanka every-
wliere from the briers (of the rebels).

45 The King did not lose sight of the aim he Imd set him-
self of fighting with the Cola (liing), and in the I'orty-iil'th

46 year (of his reign) he marched with war-equipped troops to
the port on the sea and stayed there some time awaiting his

47 arrival. But as the Cuja (King) did not appear, the King
dismissed his envoys, returned to Pulatthinagara and re.sided
there a considerable time.

4 8 The tanks Mahaheli, Sareheru and Mabadattika by name,

19 Ka(unnaru, Paudavapi and Kalalahallika by name, the tank

the kin^. Althongh their disloyalty vraa punished l>y Vijayabiihii with
bloody aeverity, rebellions of the Veliikkaras look place even at the time
of Giijabithu (63. 24 ff.) and Parakkainabahu I. (74. 41 O'.).

' Thu Princess Mittii with her sons Maiiabharai.iu, Kittisiriinei'lia and
Sirivallabha. Sec 59. 41-2.

* See 68. 31 with note.

^ In mcininam gdiHaiii the latter must be taken as iiee. pi., the fornior
as ijen. pi. Jfdm’n "proud, inrojjant" is evidently the same as "mibrid-
led, rebellious”, as noun “rebel”. W. translates: "moreover, the kirijj
laid waste the lands of the haughty nobles who dwelt there”, but v. 44
still evidently refers to the execution of the rebel leaders.

60. 56

Vijagabiihu I SSB.

219

Eraoilegalla aod the Digha?aU]iuka tank, the tanks Mat.Kjava-
tuka and that of Kitta^abodhipabhata ; the tanks Yalahassa, 50
Maliadaragalla and KumbUilasobbhaka, the Pattapasaoa tank
and the tank called Kapa': these and many other tanks whose 51
dams had burst, he had (newly) dammed up, since liis efforts
were ever directed to the welfare of the distressed. By build- 52
ing dams Itere and there on brooks, rivers and streams the
Sovereign made his kingdom fruitful. While damming up 53
(anew) the damaged Tilavatthuka canal he filled the Mapihira
lank with water, llis own Mahesi who disturbed the peaceful 54
life of the viharas, he deprived of her revenues and had her
led out into the town with an iron collar*, conciliated the 55
community and thus testified to the world his reverence for
the Order. In the three fraternities in MaliSgama he restored 66
the relic shrines* destroyed by the Colas* and likewise the

‘ Of tboao lakes scveritl have been already iiunitioneJ, others are
luinitiuncil later. The Muhadattika is inentioneU 38. 50 under Dhatu.
seiia. the ValSIiassa 87. 185 under UiNitisss II., as well as 42. 67 under
A^^'abodhi II, The Pnttapiisuvia was built according to 41. 01 by
Moggalluna by (be dun3uiing-u|) of tliu Kailainbanadi which flows past
Anui'di1hu]iura. The Kupa which is mentioned uiulcr Sena 1. nml 11.,

60. 72 and 61. 73. inu.st probably he looked for in the vicinity of the
Mihinfalc iiioniiluin. Amongst the many bulks restored by I’lirakkania'
bniiu 1. which arc eiiuinernted 70. 81 tT. the Muhudatta, the Vatahiissn,
the Kuinhhllasobhhaka, the Mahuduragulla, the Pattapasaoa
and the Kiii.ia recur. Lastly, among the lakes made or restored by
i'sirakkiimahahn in l)akkbii;adeKii before bis ascent of the throne (68. 43 fl.)
arc the Katunnarfi and the Kalalahnllika (cf. also 70. 78, 168),

The I’ai)<,liiva|>i according to 68'. 39 was enlarged by him. Tliis must
surely he tlie I’ai.ulaviiva in the Nortli-Wc.st Province, about 1C miles
N. W. of Kuruiicgala, nulwillistanding I’aukiiii's opinion against it.

Sec Ci'iiKisorus I. 70.

^ Lit. : "by having her caught by the neck”. It would seem that the
yneon had infringed the right of a.sylum [tibhaya) of the vihara.

^ I'. <Utiituijiil>'jha, equivalent to Sinh. dwjaba. ddijoba, ildgtiba. 'I'he
word occurs alri’ady in the Mhvs. 81. 94. Note that Puhitthinagara (OO. 10)

;ind Maliagama liad each its three monastic fraternities {toyn nil'dyd,
note to 41. 07) just as Annradhnpuru.

' Refers probably to the plundering of Robaria by (he Damilas under
Mahinda V. See 55. 15 ff.

220

Vijayabt'thu I SSB.

CO. 07

57 two Tliuparauias*. At the place of his mother’s fire-burial as
also at that of his lather in Budaluvitthi he erected fire lar^e
68 dwelling houses (for bhikkhus). The viharas l*ao<)avapi, Piithina,
Rakkhacetiyupabhata, likewise Maodalagiri, and the Madhutthala-
59 vihara, the vibSra called Driivela and the viliura in Devanagara,
the vihara Mahiyahgai.ia and the cave temple Sitahiggiima,
50 the Jambukola-vibara and GirikaoO&ka, the Kuruindija-vihara
Cl and the cave temple of Jainbukola, the Bballataka-vihivra and
Paragamaka, the vihara called Kiisagalla and the vihara called
63 (landagiri, the Velagami-vihara and that in the village Maha-
sena by name, the vihara in Anuradhapura and the temple

63 of the Bodhi Tree (there): these and many other vihnra.s*
which had fallen into decay, the Sovereign restored and granted

64 villages to every single one of them. With the wish that all

' Tliat the Thiipiiraina of Anuradhsipura and that of PiitutthiniiKaiii
are meant in not ut all certain. Accordin!; to the wording of tlio text

Mnhagama staiide at Ihi- beginning of tlic whole verse — one would
expect the TbujiaruiMadviiyatii to he in Muhiigama.

- Of these viharas that of Paodavapi iic<i without doubt near (hr
lake mentioned CO. <8. Whether the Kak kliaeetiya|)nhbat a is identi*
cal with the Rakkha*viharn of 44. 51 rciuaiiia doiihtfnl. Cf. note 4C. '2',)
for Maudalagiri. .Madhuttbaln in mentioned 75. 147 os a fortilied
place {'Ingiju), and thia ia identiKed by Codiiixotox (Notea on Ceylon
Topography in the twelfth century, II.) with Migoda. a hamlet not far
from Utubokka (Moravak Korale, Mat.ara Diatrict). The Cenaua of 19J1
(II. 14:^) mentions a Migoda (and also a Madugodn) in the Taipe I'attuva
of the Galle District. That sinh. n'ltla ia the c<(uivalcnt of thala in
the Pali form of place names in the Mhra. ia a discovery whose credit
belongs to Coniiixoiox. Devanagara is the present Dondra. One could
also translate v. 59 as follows: ‘‘the vihara called Uruveia in Devana-
gara". Jainbukola v ih iira and Jiiinbukolalena are the Danibul
monastery 26 miles N. of Matale, and its celebrated rock temple. The
lihallatakii. vihara was built according to 38. 47 by Dliatusena.
Kuruindiya might )>e identical with the Kuriinda lucntioned in 42. 15
as a foundation of Aggabodhi I. I believe the Candagiri-vihara to
be the monastery belonging to the Sandagiri Tojie in Tissanialiiiraiiia.
.4 Mahasena-vihara is mentioned 48.8 and 61. 7C. u village Maha-
senagama 75. lOJ. Maiiiyangana is known, ace 51.74, note. The
other viharas arc only named in our passage. The reading Kas:ig<illa
ia doubtful.

60.71

Vijayobethu I SSB.

221

the people who trod the difficult road to worship the foot-
print of the Sage on the Samantakuta^ mountain might not 65
become weary, he granted for the dispensing of gifts, the
village called Gilimalaya* where there were rice fields and
the like, and had rest-houses built on the road past Kadallgama 66
and on the path from the province of Huva* hither, granting
villages to each of these {for providing maintenance) and after 07
having the words “In future kings shall not take possession
of these” engraved on a stone pillar the Monarch set this up.
The villages of AntaravHthi, Samghatagatna and Sirimai;ti]agala- 68
gama he granted to the Labhavasin (bhikkhus)*. To the 69
Vantajlvaka bbikkhus* be gave the four necessaries and to
their kindred be granted maintenance villages. In the cool 70
sea.son he gave to the bhikkhu.s abundantly of rugs and char-
coal pans*', as well as of all kinds of medicine. He dispensed, 71
the discerning (Prince), to the bhikkhu community in careful
fashion over and over again all articles of necessity and of

‘ The old Mahiivams:i hns only Sumnnakuta as niimo for Adam's
I'oak. [n the second part SnmantakniA is the form used. From chapter
86 onwards the old name appears with it and is used by preference.

* GilTnialayii situated in the Kuruviti Konile of the Ratnapuvu
District (Census of C. 1921, II. 476), is an example of resumption of a
royal grant in Ceylon. Under the Kandyan government it was a royal
village. H. W. Codkihoton, H. C., p. 54.

^Kadallgama is without doubt the present Kehelgamuva (Codkinotom)
north of Adam’s Peak, situated on the small river that joins the Maskeliya
a little farther down. The river then joins the Kelaniganga at Yatiyan-
tota. Tho sacred inoiiQtain was climbed from the North by way of Ka-
dallgama. From the East the path of approach led through the province
lluca, i. c. now Uva. The inscription of Ambagnmuva (note to 68. 1)
describes minutely all that the King did for the famous place of pil-
grimage and so confirms the content of our passage.

■' See note to 54, 27. Of the three villages mentioned Antaravitthi
occurs also in 61. 46 and 70. 322. It was situated in Rajarattha ap-
parently not far from Pulatthinagaia.

* Evidently an ascetic sect similar to the Labhavasins just mentioned.

The name means “one who has thrown away his life".

® P. a^gil'ajtaila JaCo- v;. 8** (D. Axokksrk and H. Smith).

222

Vijatfabiihu I SSB.

60. 72

72 the necessaries ho gave eight-Jold*. The many villages in
Rohaoa granted by former kings, for the feeding ofthecom-

73 munity, to the Labhiiviisin bhikkhus and to those who made
it their duty to sacrifice to the cetiyas and other sacred ob-
jects, did he further without exception decree for the

74 same purpose. To cripples the strong one gave strong oxen
(for work) and to crows, dogs and other animals he dispen.sed

75 food, great in pity. To many authors of poems he gave, him-
self an eminent poet, great possessions with heritable villages^.

76 Did he hear verses composed by the sons of royal officials
and by others, this prince of poets gave them befitting gifts

77 of money. To the blind and the lame he granted villages
separately and of that which was formerly spent for the shrines

78 of the gods* he took nothing away. To women of good
family who were unprotected or widowed, the Sovereign gave

79 according to their deserts, villages, food and clotliing. The
highly gifted King stood in the composition of Sihala poems

80 at the head of the Sihala poets. The Uparaja (Virabahu)* who
hung with reverence on the beautiful Baddhaguoa-viharn, Imd
the cetiya here that had been destroyed by the Cojas restored.

81 Generous as he was*, he llieu made over to this superb vihiirn

82 fine villages and instituted regular sacrificial festivals. Near
to the forest* which lay close to this vihara, he liad a tank

83 built which was solid and held abundant water. In the
Kappuramulayatana’’ the King's daughter Yasodlmra built

* Tlio attha parikkhard of the Ihikkhu are the alms-bowl, the three
garments, girdle, razor, needle and water sieve. Fnr the cdtiitiaccai/o,
on the ether hand, see 37. 76 note.

* P. pacetiigdma is a village that remains in possession of the I'aiiiily.
The word is formed like pacenirajja DliCo. I. 169*.

* The temples of the Hindu deities are meant.

* See 59. It; 60. 40.

® P. muttacdgl as Otherwise muUaedgo (Skr. tnuktalydga) S. 1. 228-®;
A. I. 226'*; DhCo. I. 42l«; Mhvs. 51.3.

® P. upaedrarann. Cf. PT.S. P. D. s. v. tyxictirn 4: entrance, access,
i. e. immediate vicinity or neiglilmurliood.

’ As dyntana at the end of names is used occasionally as riluVa

60.91

Vijat/abahu 1 SSB.

223

a massive, charming and large image house, and in the Se- 84
lantarasamulta(-Tibara)* she, created Queen* by the King,
erected a beautiful, lofty p^ada which received the name of
I'asada*. In the same way many courtiers and women of his 85
liarem amassed many merits in many ways.

While thus the Sovereign of Lanka reigned over Lanka, 8G
the TJparaja (Vlrabahu), a man of excellent character, was
brought by cruel death into his power. After performing all 87
the funeral rites for him, he granted the dignity of uparaja,
at the counsel of the bhikkhus, to Jayabahu*. Tlie rank of 88
adipada he bestowed on Vikkamabahu, and when later a son
was born to Vikkainahuhu, known by the name of Gajabahu,
the King having taken counsel with his ministers, made over to 89
him, desirous of the welfare of his son, the whole of Roliana
as dwelling-place. He (Vikkamabahu) betook himself thither, 90
made the town of Malians^ahula* the capital and took up
liis abode in it.

After this Ruler of men, Vijayabahu, had thus for five 91
and fifty years rolled the wheel of dominion without its

(uf. Selantarayatana, 78. 10) KappilramOluyataDa may be meant I'or the
Kapiiura-pariveija (46. 29; 46. 21; 60. 77) belonging to the Abhiiyagivi.

‘ Cf. 67. 97.

* I retain tbe reading r<'ijinlkaU'i to which the MSS. point. We know
from 49. 3; 50. 58; 64. 11 that fi'ijiul is a titio bestowed by the King
on his fuiiiiile kinswomen. It is thus clear from our jinssage that the
King raised his daughter Yasodharu to the rank of rajinl and that she
then buiit the structure described in the verse.

^ Tiic name was thus probably Pasadapasada, so calieii because
of the satisfaction (jiosode) felt by Yo-sodhara at the diatinr'tion con-
ferred on her.

' This is quite in keeping with tbe Sinhalese law of succi'ssion
according to which before tbe son, in this case Vikkamababii, the younger
brother, has claim to the throne.

* Sec note to 68. 39.

*' In the Tamil inscription of Polonnaruva (note to 58. 1) it is said
tliat the King Siris.*Mnghabodhivarman Sirivijayabikhmluvar reigned
65 years and eelebratcrl 73 birthdays. According to Pujav. he rnigned
over 50, according to Rajav. even 80 years.

224

Vyajra&^u X SSB.

60 .M

w'averiog, and had served the Order as also the people sore
vexed by fear of the wicked Damilas, he ascended to the
heavenly world to behold the ricli reward that had sprung
from his meritorious works.

Here ends the sixtieth chapter, called “Care for the Laity
and for the Order”, in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

JnyabdhH I

CHAPTER LXI

HISTORY OF THE LIVES OF THE FOUR KINGS

Thereupon Mitta, the younger sister of the King, her three 1
sons, the highest dignitaries and the ascetics dwelling in the
district met together and without sending news of the Monarch’s 2
death to the Adipada (Vikkamabahu) dwelling in Rohaga, they
took counsel together and when they had become of one mind 3
they bestowed the consecration as king of Lanka on the Yuva-
raja (Jayabahu). But to the dignity of uparaja they appoint- 4
ed the prince called Manabharaga, all thereby quitting the
path of former custom*. And all three brothers with Mana- 5
bharaga at the head, in company with Jayabahu, took for-
cible possession of all valuables regarded as specially costly, 6
such as pearls, jewels and the like, as well as of the vehicl-
es, and of the elephants and so on, and left Fulatthinagara 7
with the whole army (with the intention): we will speedily
seize (the person of) Vikkamabahu. At the tidings of all these 8
events Vikkamabahu thought: “Unhappily I had no chance of
paying my father the last honours, I will now betake myself 9
in haste to Fulatthinagara . and by gazing on my father’s
funeral pyre, assuage the heavy grief which weighs on my 10
soul." With this firm resolve the Adipada left his town

* Jayabaliu’s ascent of the throne is lawful (see note to 60. 87), un-
lawful on the other Imnd, is the ii|>|iointment of Manabbarapa as uparaju,
which at once makes him heir to the throne. After Juyababu, Yikkama-
bahu is heir, as son of Vijayabahu. Kridently descent in the female
line has to ilo with this, the bhugineyya the son of the sister, bavin"
an exceptional position, a circumstance utilised by Mitta in furtherance
of her ambitious plan.s. Jayabahu is, as will appear, a puppet king.

The whole influence is now already in Manabbaraga's band.

226

Jat/abahu I

61. 11

11 (Mabaolgaiiula) and full of high courage, accompanied by a
force seven to eight hundred strong, set out for Pulatthina-

12 gara. While still on the way, in the district of Guttasala at
the village of Panasabukka, he caught sight of the great

13 army approaching in battle array, but he wholly a hero',
free of all fear, opened fight and at once scattered the foe

14: in all directions. Having suffered this defeat, the three bro-
thers, stubborn -minded, armed troops and train anew, and

15 gave battle in the district called by the name of Adipada-
jambu, but Vikkamabahu routed the three (brothers) still more

16 severely in the battle. For the third time he fought them at
Katagama, for the fourth time at Kalavapi, for the fifth time

17 at Uddhanadvara, for the sixth time at Paiikavelaka’ and
ever he was victorious, and reached Pulatthinagara accompa-

18 nied by bis ministers and attendants. In the intended way
he visited his father’s place of burial and freed of his great

19 grief, and comforted he took up his abode in the town. On
his ministers who bad been his friends in need he bestowed

20 according to merit, full maintenance by mean.s of office; and
to all the soldiers also who bad come with him, he gave fit'
ting reward mindful thereof that they bad stood by him in
his need.

21 The Monarch Mduabharapa with the other brothers seized

• P. ekaviro, wrongly translated by W. “being the. only brave man
in his company". JCka here has rather the sense of “only, purely,
nothing but” as in sakalanivesanam tkaraeam katuii JaCo- I 486^, ai/r/im
ekajalasamaJiitam Ja. VI. 496*'* etc.

^ It can be proved that all these skirmishes took place in a com-
paratively narrow space to the north and north-east of Buttala. This
is proved by tlic mention in the last place but one of Uddhanii.
dviira (= sinh. Udundora). The position of this place which is mentioned
several times in chapters 74 and 75, has been in the main determined
by CouRisoTos in his second article on the Topography of Ceylon in
the 12 Ih century. According to a notice in the Dajada-Pujavall Udun-
dora was situated at the mountain Ainaragiri and this, as the Kate
.Mahatmaya Bibile was able to prove, is the older name for Monaragalii
N. K. of Buttala. Kalavapi, if the reading is right, has at any rate
nothing to do with Kalaveva-

61.29

JayabShu I

227

Dakkhitiiadesa and ItohapaS and thereupon conferred on Kit- 22
tisiriniegha the province of Dvadasasahassaka* and ordered
him to take up his abode there. Charged by his brother, the 2S
Ruler of men Kittisirimegha betook himself thither and dwelt
in the town called Mahanagahula*. To the Prince Sirivallabha 24
by name he granted the region called Atthasahassa* and com-
manded him to dwell there. So the latter betook himself tbi- 25
ther, made of the village of Uddhanadvara by name, the
royal capital and dwelling there, ruled the land. He himself 26
(Manabharapa) advanced with the army to Dakkhiuadesa and
dwelt, under the name of Virabahu, in Puukbagama*. The 27
mother of the three brothers and the Monarch Jayabahu so-
journed at that time with Kittisirimegha (in Mahanagahula).

A year having passed, Maiiabbaraua and the others remem- 28
bering all the shameful*, severe defeats inflicted on them in
battle by Vikkamabahu, egged on ever and again by their 29

^ A complete change of front bus taken place. Vikkamabahu liiiii
lost the province of Rohaqa and in addition Dakkhinadesa to his enc-
mius. On the other hand, he is now master of R^jaratlha which was
fos’nierly in the hands of Jayabahu and the sons of Mitta.

Till' name means “Province of the twelve thousand (villages)’’. The
Sinhali'se Dolosdns corresponds to this (Cudbinutom 1. p, 63. 7S). This
name is oven now, as I was able to verify in Malnr.i, used ns designa*
tiun of tbe Giruva-Pattn of the Southern Province on the right bank of
the lower Valaveganga. Cf. also note to v. 24.

* In our passage the form Mahanagasula is used,

'* Whether the name Atthasahassaka “the province of the eight
thousand (villages)’’ may be compared with that of tbe AtakalanKorale
in tbo Ratnapura District is doubtful. At any rate, another district was
meant at tlie time to which our passage refers. This is already proved
by the fact that Uddhanadvara (note above to v. 16) was according to
V. 26, made tbe capital of Attbasahaasaka. It seems that the whole of
Kohaija at that time was split in two. Tbe region west of the Valave-
ganga wag called Dvadasasahassaka, that east of the river Attha-
s.ahassak.a. Codringtos 1. c.

i We do not know where Punkhi^ama is situated, although accor-
ding to 79. 61 Parakkamabahu I. erected a tope there 120 cubits high
of which there ought still to be traces.

^ 1’. durussaha, lit. “difficult to endure”.

228

Jayabahv T

61.30

30 stubborn pride, thought thus: ‘‘How in Rajarattha of the
Kings of consecrated head dare this single man liold sw^ay

31 without the royal consecration?” Their envy reached its high-
est point and with still more' followers (than the first time)

32 they set forth united to begin the war. When Vikkamabahu
learned of this matter from messengers he advauced at the

33 head of a large army thither where they were*. In Dakkhi-
padesa by the village of Bodhisenapabbata Vikkamabahu de-

34 feated in battle the three (brothers). With the intention to
root out now all his enemies he pursued the fugitives at

86 their heels. They withdrew into a stronghold in the province
of Paficayojana, but he in order to capture them, advanced
to Kalyapi*.

36 A warrior, lord of the Ariya country*, Viradeva by name,

37 sole sovereign of Palandipa, a mast foolhardy man, landed at
that time with brave warriors in hfahatittha in the belief he
would be able to bring the whole of Lanka into his power.

38 Now when the Sovereign Vikkamabahu heard of the matter,
he thought; so long as he has not yet gained a firm footing

39 in Lanka he must be rooted out. So he marched from Ka-
lyaoi aud betook himself to the village called Mannara* near

40 Mahatittha. Viradeva offered the Eing*^ battle. Two princes,

41 brothers, Anikafiga and the other, as well as the Commander-
in-chief, known by the name of Kitti, he killed by violence

42 as well as many people, acknowledged warriors. The Senapati

' I connect hhuyo with samijuyha xrivake. To change tlie MSS. reading
hbUyo into hhlyo is unnecessary. The compilers of the later Mii.havariisa
were strongly influenced by Sanskrit.

* 1’. tesam visayani, lit. "to their domain or district".

^ If Manabbnrana and his brothers retire as far as Paficayojana (sec
note to 57. 71) then they must surrender the greater part of Dakkhina-
desa. In the pursuit Vikkamabahu penetrates to Ralyatfi that is to the
district on the lower Kklani-ganga (Colombo and its hinterland).

* We have probably to read Ariyatle^^i = Ariya-desa-isn.

^ The present Mannsir in the district of the same name in the
Northern Province.

® I prefer to read tena riijind with the Col. Ed. against the rajino
of the MSS.

61.53

Jayabahu I

229

Rakkhaka he cuptured alive, and after defeating Vikkamabahu
and his army, he followed him at his heels. Fleeing in ter- 43
ror Vikkamabahu reached his capital, took all his movable
property and betook himself in haste to Kotthasara*. Vira- 44
devn who was ever hard at his heels, reached the capital and
took up his abode there for some days, then he set off in 45
haste thither to capture Vikkamabahu. But the latter sent
off hi.s whole large army, forced V'lradeva to fight in a great 46
swampy wilderness near the village of Antaravitthika*, slew
him aud dwelling then with might in I’ulatthinagara, without 47
the royal consecration it is true, be held sway as monarch
in Kajaraftha.

The three brothers now gave up their lust for war and 48
dwelt each in his province to which he had betaken liimself.

But despite their efforts, the four princes*, were quite 49
unablo to unite this country under one umbrella. In their heed- 50
less way of acting they slighted people of good family and
placed ambitious* men of the lower classes in leading posi-
tions. The deluded ones injured the Order and the laity who 51
had variously been furthered in the best possible way by
Vijayabahu. From people of good family even in the absence 52
of an equivalent offence, they would seize forcibly their pos-
sessions. In their insatiability* and money lust they squeezed 53
out the whole people os sugar cane in a sugar mil), by

* This passage together with 70. 305 and 71. 6 makes it certain
that Kot.tliasara was situated in the east (south or north-east) of
Pulatthinagara. Coorixotok II. says also: ‘‘This place, therefore, pro-
bably was not far from Kantalni and was in the King's Country".

^ Antnravitthi must thns have been situated about halfway
between Kotthasara and I’nlatthinngara. The name occurs also in 60. 68,
and again in 70. 323 in an account of battles which apparently took
place in the neighbourhood of Pulatthinagara.

* The three brothers and Vikkamabahn.

‘ I take to mean the same as ndbkimdna (skr. the same)

“proud". The p. part, abhiiiiata stands as so fre<|uently, instead of the
abstract substantive (cf. for ex. nuita “dying, the death” = iimrana
Therag. 194 etc.).

* Most likely we have to read /<■ ’Liiinalosii.

230

Jayabahu I

61.64

54 levjiug excessive taxes. King Vibkamabahu took the main-
tenance village.s which belonged to the Buddha and so forth

55 and gave them to his attendants. Tn Bulatthinagara he gave
over several vihara.s distinguished by (the possession of) relics,

56 to foreign soldiers to live in. Precious stones, pearls and the
like, presented hy the pious as offerings for the Relic of the

57 Alms-bowl, and for the sacred Tooth Relic, the sandelwood,
the aloes, the camphor, the many images of gold and the

58 like which he took forcibly, he used as it pleased him. Be-
holding this manifold evil committed against the Order and

59 the laity, the ascetics in the eight chief viharas', looked up
to as people worthy of honour, and the Pamsukulin bhikkhus

60 belonging to the two divisions*, were wroth at the matter
and thinking it were better to remove themselves from the
vicinity of people who like those erring from the faith,

61 wrought in this way so much evil against the Order, they
took the sacred Tooth Relic and the Alms-bowl Relic, betook
themselves to Bohapa and settled themselves here and there

62 in places where it pleased them. In the same way people of
good family, scattered here and there, kept themselve.s hid-
den in places which seemed good to them and made their
abode there.

63 The officers belonging to the retinue of tbe monarchs on
both sides who were established on the frontiers, fought with

64 each other continually. By setting fire to many flourishing
villages and market towns, by piercing tanks filled witli water,

65 by destroying everywhere the weirs on all tlie canals and
by liewing down all useful trees like tlie coconut palm and

66 others, they in fighting each other, so devastated tlie king-
dom that it was impos-sible to trace even the sites of tlie old

67 villages. And even the rulers did evil to the people letting
their retainers plunder the towns and commit highway rob-

• P. in Pul.-itthinagara. Later (84. 4, 18) altha-

yatanuni are mentioned in .lambiiddoqi — Dambadeniya.

- We hear nothing further of this organisation of the Pnmsukulins.
It is worth noting that the sect now wholly vanishes. It is never men-
tioned again.

61. 73

Jayabdhu I

231

bery. Tbe slaves too and the workmen of people of good 68
family despised their masters without respect and void of
all fear. They became mercenaries to the kings and worming 69
themselves into their confidence, they, by means of offices
conferred on them, attained ever greater power. The people 70
dwelling in places difficult of access like the Samantakuta
and so forth, no longer paid to the monarch the taxes for-
merly levied on them. They despised the king, became rene- 71
gades^ and dwelt independent, each in his own region. “What 72
is based on wrong speedily changes,” this proverb was by no
means tiue of the land of Lanka at that time*.

Like (greedy) tenants of villages wholly and ever void of 73
all dignity, their mind bent on destruction without end, wholly
lacking in royal pride, false to their own or to others' wel-
fare, without any restraint in their efforts: tlius lived all these
rulers forsaking tlie path of (good and ancient) custom.

Here ends the sixty-first chapter, called “History of the
Lives of the Four Kings", in the Maliavaipsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of ilie pious.

‘ ilero we meet for the first time a word frequently occurring in
cbapters 74-76 ildmarika, in tho abstract form rfiimaritnftann (suff. -tCana
= Hkr. -ti'ann, cf. Wiiitskv. Sanskrit Grammar, § 1240). I find ddmarika
for the first time in Buddliaghosa, in the SfiinantupasSdika, Olokmushu,
Vinaya tlb 320^^. In Skr. we have diimarika with cerebral initial sound,
for ex. fiiiut. 4. 9 (64) nciir the end.

^ Lit.: "The land T.aiika never came at that time to such a condition
that one could say: “What is based on wrong etc.” One should com-
pare with this iff ndp<tjjati DhCo. IV. 44. We have to do

evidently with the quotation of a jiopular proverb equivalent to the
English saying: "111 gotten good seldom thrives". But this proverb
could not be applied to Luiika at that time, had no bearing on Lafika
Ithe of the MSB. must not be altered to yeca), since the evil, the

wrong was just in full bloom.

232

VifctnmafcrtAw II

CHAPTER EXII
THE BIRTH OF THE PRINCE

1 The Ruler Jiiyabahu’ and the Queen Mitta by name who

2 bad -sojourned in Rohapa, departed now by death. Tlie con-
sort of Sirirallabha, Sugala, bore two children, a son Ma-

3 nabharava and a daughter Lilarati. The royal consort of
Prince Manabharaqa also bore two daughters, Mittii and Pa-

4 bhnrati. When the Mahadipada Virabahu* beheld these his
two daughters, be was struck by the following consideration:

5 “We are sprung from the pure dynasty of the Moon*, highly

6 esteemed in the world, at the head of all royal houses, In
outward appearance (we are) enviable, distinguished by every
aptitude, experienced in the various sciences, skilful in the

7 managing of elephants, horses and the like. And yet we
three have over and over l^'ain suffered severe defeat in fight

8 by the single Vikkamabahu and there is no prospect of tlie
birth of a son who would be capable of wiping out this stain.

9 Ah, how small is our merit! What avails me a royal dig-
nity which is defiled by the evil tattle of the people? I must

10 now give up my bent to worldly things and spend* my days

* The length of the reign is not given. Acconling to Pujav. it was
13 years, R^av. where we have the name Vijayabaliu, not .layabahu,
says 3 years. In Rajnratn. n Vijayabahu is inserted after .layabahu.
Here it is evident that the name of the father of Vikkamabahu which
is expres.sly given in the two other sources, has crej't into the text as
the name of a new king.

^ I. c. ManSbbataoa, who according to 61. 26 had assumed this name.
He bore the title Mahadipada being considered by his brothers the
lawful successor of Jayababu.

^ P. somavamaa, skr. somai'am.sa. Soma is the Moon deity.

* NettUibu instead of the meaningless te tayo is apparently a con-
jectural reading by S. and B. At any rate it is so convincing that I
adopt it without scrapie.

62. 26

FtA:A'ama6(7Au II

233

unweariedly in pious works.” He made over the whole ad-
ministration of the kingdom to bis ministers* and while he 11
himself sojourned there seven or eight months, he camped
one night in the temple of the King of the gods*, observing
the precepts of moral discipline. Now about dawn the Ituler 12
saw in a dream a wondrous god with glittering raiment and
ornaments, adorned with fragrant flower wreaths, illuminating 13
with his sublime beauty and the glory of his presence the
whole heavens* like to the sun when it has risen on the H
hrmnment and he heard him speak thus: “fie content, 0 great-
ly blessed! be joyful, 0 King! A splendid son, furnished 15
with the tokens of power, who shall be able to carry out his
designs, well instructed, of a courage whose splendour shall
spread through the world, glorious in might and strength, 15
honour and fame, a fount of excellent qualities, a furtlierer of
the Order and of the laity shall he attained by thee ere long, 17
0 mighty King! Now go at once to the town where dwell
wife and child.” As at daybreak he awoke full of joyful ex- 18
citement, the best of men betook himself to Puhkhagama.
Even as he had seen it so the Ruler related the beautiful 19
dream to his ministers in the presence of the Mahesi. He 20
then in company with the Mahesi, with the wish for a
distinguished son, amassed all kinds of good deeds, such
as almsgiving, the observing of the moral prescripts and
the like. And one day at mom he saw himself in a dream 21
entering the sleeping chamber of tbe Mahesi liolding gently
by the ear a beautiful, pure white elephant calf endowed 22
with all auspicious marks. When he awoke he rose from his 23
splendid couch and bis heart merry with joy and rapture, lie
betook himself at this time to the sleeping chamber of the 24
Mahesi and told her tbe dream, a.s he had seen it. ”I also 25

^ Here we must supplement “and withdrew into solitude”.

^ Name of Indra = Sakka.

3 A$esasS (= <uesa-aia, skr. a*d) Another excellent emendation by
S, and R. instead of asesayo. I’erhaps asesdsdyo would be even better
in spite of the metrical iireftnlarity. It miji'ht then be assumed that it
was just this which led to the corruption of the text.

234

Fii'/;ai»a&aAt( II

62. 26

in a dream hare embraced such a young elephant. It walked
round my bed its right side turned towards it, then stood still.

26 Drawing it by the trunk to me and raising it up to my
couch (I tenderly embraced it.)” Thus the Queen told him.

27 The twain having thus made known to each otlier what
they had seen, awaited joyfully and without .slumbering, the

28 break of day. In the morning they inquired of the house
priest' who had come to pay his respects, and the sootli-
sayers. When these beard this they announced full of joy:

29 “Within a short time, without doubt, the birth will take
place of a son who shall bear on him the marks of (future)

30 power". When they board that, then all of them — ministers,
citizens and the Kuler of men had the feeling of a great

31 festival of joy. From that moment onward the Prince who
wished above all a happy issue, had the Paritta recited over

32 and over again by the community of the bbikkhus. To count-
less beggars he distributed daily as alms costly gifts ~ jewels,

33 pearls and the like. Rites like the Homa* sacrifice and others
held to be salutary, he had performed by the house priest
and other brahmapas versed in the Veda and the Yedahgas^.

34 Ruined viharos and relic shrines and destroyed tanks he or-

35 dered the royal workmen to rebuild. While the Lord of men
thus spent the day in pious action there grew shortly in tlie

36 womb of the Queen a splendid fruit. When the Lord of men
heard this, full of joy, be had an ample pregnancy gift*

' P. purohita. He was a Brahman. Cf. below v. 83 and a)iecially
V. 45 ff. The court life was organised according to Hntbmanic.al rules.

S Skr. homa (from hu “to pour into the Sre") is the general term
for “sacrifice''. ilAidt is older. An eniimei-dtion of the different homa
with a tcrminologjr differing in part from that of Sanskrit ritual litera-
ture, Li given D. I. 9 (— 1. 1. 21). This passage has already been alluded
to by HtLLSBRiSDT, Bitual-Litteratur, Vedische Opfer und Zniiber, p. 18.

^ The vedakgani, the ancillary sciences of the Veda, include siA.ya
“phonetics", chamlas “metre", nirukia “etymology", vydkarana "gram-
mar", kalpa “ritual” and yyolisn “astrouomy”. A. A. Mauoosell, Hist, of
Sanskrit Literature, p. 264 ff. M. Wirtebsitz, Gesch. der indischen Lit-
teratur. I, p. 229 ff.

I P. gabbhapaTihaTa. By parihdra is meant every extraordinary grant

62. 47

Kiil'itama&4ftu II

235

bestowed on the Queen. When in course of time the fruit 87
of her bodj grew ripe, tlie Queen bore a son at a moment
marked by a lucky constellation. Clear at this moment were 38
all the quarters of the hearens and cool, fragrant, gentle
breezes blew. With the trumpeting of the elephants and the 39
neighing* of the horses the royal courtyard was filled with
resounding din. When the Kuter ManabharaQa full of as- 40
tonishment beheld the extraordinary signs and wonders mani-
fested in such divers ways, and when he then heard the news 41
of the birth of his son, he was filled with joy at the fulfil-
ment of his wish, as if anointed with ambrosia. He set many 42
free who lay bound in fetters in prison and gave a splendid
alms to the samaras and the brahmapas. And the people 43
who dwelt in the town, with the ministers at the head,
adorned the wliole of the royal capital in divers ways, with
arches of banana leaves and the like and trimmed and beauti- 44
fully clad, they held for several days a great and joyous feast.
According to the rules laid down in the Veda, the Monarch 45
had the birth rites* and the otlier ceremonies performed for
the boy. He then summoned the house priest and the other 46
bruhmaQas versed in the lore of body marks and haring shown
them the cu.stomary reverence and distinction, he charged 47

ffiven for a apecial occasion. (JSbaperahdra in Sinhnleac means a parti-
cular ceremony to be performed when prei^nancy has taken place (tlic
Kusajataka v. Ifiu, ed. by A. M. Gosasbkasa has gabapelahiira); but tlie
verb adapayi does not agree with this meaning.

* Amongst the ancient Germans the neighing of a horse was also
regarded as a propitious sign. Gkihu, Deutsche Ulythologic, 3. 442;
cf. HiT.LXBiiAnDT, Rituat-Littetstur, 8. 183. We are familiar with the tale
of Herodotus 3. 84, 86, according to which Darius gained his crown
through the neighing of his horse. The Slaves on the other hand, con-
sider the restlessness and neighing of horses as an ill omen. Thus in
the Serbian folk song of Ibrabim Nukic, F. S. Esauss, Slaviscbe Volks-
forschungen. p. 397.

* P. Jutahamma = skr. idtatrarmno in which four ceremonies are to
be distinguished; 1) dyw^a “giving of life", 2) medAtyonniia "the giving
of understanding" 3) stanapratidhdiia “the giving of the breast" and
4) HdwaAnranrt “the giving of the name". Hillebbakdt, 1. c. p. 46.
Speijeb, Jdtakarman, Leiden 1872.

236

Vikkami^ahu II

62. 48

them with the detennination of the body marks of the boy.
After carefully ob.serving all the marks on his hands and feet

48 they announced joyfully to the King who stood amid the

49 throng of his courtiers and to the Queen thus: “Apart from
the island of Lanka he is able to unite under one umbrella

50 and to rule eTen the whole of Jambudipa.” The King glad-
dened, them with gifts and iisked further courteously: “Is

61 there any unfavourable sign to be seen or not?” “The boy
will have a long life but there is an unfavourable constella-

62 tion tor the father,” they answered the Ruler. Having regard
to tlie heroic strength of his foe-crushing amis, he received

63 the sigtiihcant name of Parakkamababu^. Versed iu the ri-
tual, bis father had the ceremony of the piercing of the
ears* and the ceremony of the first rice food* performed

64 exactly according to custom. He then sent his messengers
to Pulatthiniigara to bring Vikkamabaliu* the news of the

66 birth of his son. When Vikkamabahu heard from them of
the splendour promising qualities of his sister's son but also
of the inauspicious constellation for the father he thought:

66 “A splendid nephew, gleaming like a jewel that is the centre
stone* in the chain of kings beginuing with King Vijaya

^ The ceremony of the nSmakarana is performed according to most
of tlic Qrhyasdtras on the 10 tli day. According to others even later,
after a hundred nights or after a year. HtLLEiiR\Mi>T, 1. c., p. 46 f.

P, ka^ifavedha =* akr. knrnaveriAa, a ceremony mentioned only in
one MS. of Paraskara’s Grbyasiltra, perfonned in the third or the fftli
year, SfEuas, 1. C., p. 21 ; Hii.LBnRAiiKT, 1. c., p. 50.

® P. annapdaaiia = skr. anitaprdsana. According to the rule common
to all the Grhynautms the ceremony is performed in the 6tli month.
Hilcesrakot, 1. c., p. 48. There is no mention bore of the ceremony of
the taking out of the child for the first time that be may sei; the sun
udityadaTSanartham. It takes place accoinling to Menu I. 34 caturthc
mdai.

< One may assume from this passage that after their unsuccessful
wars against Vikkamabahu the princes of Rohana recognised him as
king.

® P., skr. ndyaia. For the meaning of “central gem” see BR. s. v,, 3.
The fundamental meaning is "leader, chief”.

62. 67

Vikkamdbahu TI

237

hath he begotteo me. That no ham may at any time befall 57
him, the boy shall grow up here in my immediate neigh-
bourhood. To win unachieved and to keep achieved advantage 58
this my son Gajabahu will in no case be able. And my other 59
son Mahinda, though gifted with heroic courage and other
excellent qualities, stands lower owing to his mother's origin
and is unworthy of the crown. My sister’s son shall one day 60
enjoy to his heart’s desire the dominion which is prosperous
through the treasures I have amassed in many ways." He 61
then sent messengers to fetch the boy and gave them orna-
ments for the boy and other valuables as gift. When the G2
Ruler Yirabahu heard all this out of the mouth of the mes-
sengers he said to himself: “These prudent words he bath
spoken in thought for my good. Nevertheless it is not meet 63
to send away such a jewel of a son of one's own body for
the warding off of evil which threatens me. Moreover, if the 64
boy is taken thither, the party of Vikkamabahu like lire 65
joined with the strength of the storm, will gleam ^ with
miglity, up-shooting flames, but our misfortune, alas so great,
will become still worse!" So he gave not his son to the mcs- 60
sengers who had arrived in his dominions but dismissed them
after satisfying them with a gift of money.

The Lord of men who leading there with wife and child 67
a harmonious life, was attacked by an evil disease and was
forced to give up his life at the same moment with the royal
dignity.

Here ends the sixty-second chapter, called “The Birth of
the Prince", in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

’ The transl.atiou rests on the conjectural rea<linj; of the Col. Ed.
samjalissati in place of the satnkUissafi of the MSS.

238

II

CHAPTER LXIII

THE ARRIVAL IN THE CITY OF SANKHATTHALT

1 When the two other brothers heard of the death of the
eldest, they came hither in haste and had the last rites per-

2 formed for him. Kittisirimegha hereupon took possession of
the province of his elder brother. He then summoned the

3 youngest brother (Sirivallabha), made over to him the two
other provinces and ordered him to live there. The latter

4 obeyed the orders of his elder brother, took the boy (Parak-
kumababu) and the Queen Ratanavali and her two daughters^

5 and betook himself to the town of Mahanagabula. While he
dwelt there in harmony (with them) he had the ceremony of
the hrst dressing of the hair* performed on tlie boy and

6 brought him up with great pomp. Thereupon he wished to
marry the eldest daughter of tbe Queen, Mitta by name, to
his son (Manabbarapa) and took counsel thereupon with his

7 ministere: , Princes of the dynasty of Kalihga have many
times and oft attained to dominion in this island of Lanka.

8 If now this Queen were to send lier daughter away secretly
to wed her to Gajabahu* who is sprung from the Kalinga

9 stock, he would in connection with the marriage become
mightier, but my son here would be without any support at

10 all. Hence it is iidvisable to give the princess to my son:

11 as the matter lies this will be for our advantage." When

' Mitta and Pabbavati, 62. 3.

* P. sikhamaha. This corresponds to tbe ciidakaratta of the Grliya-
sutras. According to Sai'ikhayana this ceremony should be performed
on a Kshatriya in the fifth year, otherwise the third year is generally
given, Hillebbakut I. c., p. 49.

5 He was the grandson of Vijayabahu I. and of Tilokasiindarl who
came from the Kalinga country.

63. 22

Gajabdhu

239

the Queen who was an ornament of the Sun dynasty, heard
all this, as she by no means wished the affair, she spake to
the Ruler thus: “After the Prince named Vijaya had slain 12
all the yakkhas and made this island of Lanka habitable for
men, since then one has allied the family of Vijaya with 13
ours by unions above all with scions of the Kalihga line.
Union with other princes was also hitherto unknown with 14
us save with kings of the Moon dynasty. How then, just 15
because he is your son, could there be for us a union with
that prince who has sprung from the Ariya dynasty'? Al- 16
though the Queen in this wise protested over and over again,
be nevertheless forcing (the matter) wedded the princess to
his son. This (prince) accompanied by his consort, distin- 17
guished by many virtues, winning all people for himself,
dwelt with his father.

Vikkamabahu having enjoyed the royal dignity one and 18
twenty years*, death ensuing, be passed to the other world.
Hereupon Gajabahu* took possession of the flourishing king- 19
dom endowed with army and train, and dwelt in Pulattliina-
gara. When liowever the Monarchs (of llohapa) Kittisirimegha 20
and yirivallabha heard of the event, they reflected thus: “As 21
Vikkamabahu was the elder, his dominion in the chief king-
dom could in no wise be a reproach to us, but that his son 22

‘ Wlmt is meant is thr Aryan dynasty of the PuijiJya (called Piinju
in the Mahuvitrpsu) in Southern India. The mother of Sirivallabha and
grandmother of the young prince Mandbharava. MittS, was according
to 69. 41. married to the Pagdnrija. Ratanavali evidently denies to
.Mittd's offspring tho connection with the Moon dynasty of which they
ho.ist in 62. 5.

• According to Pajav. and Rajav. Vikkamabahu reigned 28 years.

* It is worthy of note that of the four Sinhalese sources which
1 have consulted for comparison, only Nik.-s. mentions Gtyabahu. Pujav.
Kajav. and Rajiirutn. pass from Vikkamabahu at once to Parakkamnhahu,
whom the two first, in addition, describe as the son of Kittisirimegha..

It was mentioned above (note to 59. 49) that Gajabahu is named in the
Dimhulagala inscription as son of Sundarl and Vikkamabahu. An in-
scription of Gajabahu at Kapuru-vedu-oya (Matnle District) was publi-
shed by H. W. CuuBinuToN, JHAS. C. B. xxvi, Nr. 71, 1919, p. 63 ff.

240

Gajabditu

63.23

who is not of age should now rule in the main realm — it is

23 in truth not meet for us to permit that. So long as he has
not taken root in his province, we must take forcible pos-

24 session of this province.” The whole of the Velakkara* troops
they suborned by gifts of money. Save for a few retainers

25 of his immediate retinue, all the inhabitants of the kingdom
soon fell away from their ruler Gajabahu and sent messengers

26 over and over again to the two kings: “With one accord we
will seize the kingdom and give it over to you, but ye must

27 give us support.” Thereupon the two brothers equipped in
haste their army and advanced from two sides to the centre

28 of the kingdom*. They sent off envoys*. The Monarch Ga-
jabahu assembled thereupon his ministers and took counsel

29 with them: “The whole of the Velakkara troops are in open
revolt; the two kings have advanced to fight against our realm.

30 If we first can deal the mightier part of them a decisive

31 blow*, then it will be easy to get rid of the others.” Having
thus resolved, he took his whole army and marched against

32 King Sirivallabha to fight him. King Sirivallabha fought an

33 extraordinarily bitter action from morning till evening. But
being unable to defeat the other he beat a retreat and betook

34 himself in haste to his own province again. The Ruler Kitti-
sirimegha also, vanquished by GokaQoa*, an officer of Gaja-

36 bahu, returned to bis province. The Ruler of men, Gaja-
bahu, who had suffered no barm in this war, also be-

36 took himself again to the neighbourhood of his capital. After
the powerful (Gajabahu) had punished many generals who

> See note to 60. 36.

^ Tbc centre of the kingdom is the capital Piilatthiniigara. Eitti-
airimegha must have marched against it from Dakkhipaileaa that is from
the South-West, Sirivallabha from the South-East.

* Evidently to Gajabahu, demanding that he should voluntnrily
surrender the kingdom.

* P. mukkdbhanya lit. a “smashing of the face or the montli'’, an
espreasion evidently borrowed from the teniiinology of the prize fighter.
It occurs again 75. 75.

* For this general who had bis headquarters in KalavapI, see further
below 66. 35 ff., 70. 68 ff.

G3. 48

Gajabaha

241

had offended against him, and having padded the kingdom,
he entered his town. After that the (three) Monarchs each 37
in his province, lived in aroitj with one another. But the 38
Monarch’s son^ Parakkamabahu, the discerning one, who was
well schooled in all the arts, with his intelligence, capable 39
of distinguishing amid the multitude of things what should
and what should not he done, with his soaring plans and his
extraordinary greatness, cared not at heart for the comfort 40
of a life lived together with his mother and sisters, nor for
the delight of the many childish games. He thought: “Prin- 41
ces like myself, gifted with heroism and other such like qua-
lities— how can they live in such a secluded district? I will 42
betake myself now to the land of my birth which as Yu-
varaja I may enjoy”, and he left bis place of abode, accom-
panied by his retinue. In course of time he came near to 43
the village which bore the name Sahkhanayakatthall^. When
Kittisirimegha heard of it the heartache he felt at being 44
so alone, because he lacked a son St to inherit the royal
dignity, was assuaged and he thought: “My great, enduring 45
merit is rewarded in that I now can behold in him who is
his living image, as it were my elder brother”. Swayed by 46
joyful excitement, the Ruler of men had the charming town
decked out abundantly with triumphal arches and the like
and on a day and under a special constellation lield to be 47
propitious, he, surrounded by his hosU, went forth to meet
him. And when he beheld the Prince gifted with qualities 48
with which those of others could not compare, and with all

* P, nandann, here “son" like skr. nnnilana. Cl’, v. 51, note.

* The situation of this place, called also SahkUnndihiillknh (GG. 9;

67. 78, 82) or Sahkliatlhali (64. 22), is unknown. According to 65. 4 fl'.
it was about 6 f 7 <rru(a (about 10 miles) distant from BadalatthnIT. It is
clear too from 67. 81-82, that the two places were not far from each
other. Badalattball must indeed have lain on the borders of Dakkhioa-
desn. As Badalatthali or-la (see note to 58. 43) is probably tlie present
Batalagoda, N. E. of Eurunegala, SaukhatthalT would have to be looked
for somewhere in the region of Polgahawela or Kcgalla. At any rate
under Kittisiriineglia it was the capital of Dakkhieadesa,

242

Gajabahu

63.49

49 favourable marks, then full of joy he embraced him tenderly,
drawing him to his breast and kissing him again and again on
60 the head, whereby in face of the great multitude he shed con-
51 tinuously from his eyes floods of joyful tears. Thereupon he
mounted with his son* a beautiful chariot and filling the ten
62 regions of the firmament* round about with the clanging of the
drums, he entered the town and showing his son all the beau-
tiful decorations there, he entered the royal palace (with him).
53 When then a numerous retinue such as crowds of chamber-
lains, cooks and the like had been bestowed on him, he lived
happily with his father whose heart was contented by his
manifold excellences.

Here ends the sixty-third chapter, called “The Arrival in
the City of Sankhatthali”, in the Mabavamsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

‘ The brother’* son i* called “son" just as on the other hand, the
nephew calls the brother of his father simply “father" (v. 63, cf. note to 61. 24).
Cousins who are eons of brothers, call each other brothers, tlius 48. 51, 61.
Agf^abodbi VI. and VII. Uuddbaghosa calls Ananda the “brother of
the iiuddbn" because he was cuUapitu ptUlo (Sumaiigalavililain! ed. Kiiyb
Davios and J. R. CAaPEKTsa I. p. 4*’) The position of the sister's son
{bhagintyyn) is thereby the more marked.

* Namely the foar chief regions of the heavens, the four intermediary
regions, zenith (skr. ftrilhtani) and nadir (skr. tiryak or adhah). Cf. skr.
daia diiak.

Gajabdhu

243

CHAPTER LXIV

THE DEPARTURE FOR THE OTHER COUNTRY

After the arrival io his beloved native land, his heart's 1
desire was fulfilled and alt anxious yearning left him. And 2
now with the help of his lightning-like intelligence he learned
easily and quickly from his teachers the various accomplish-
ments, In the numerous books of the Victor (Buddha), in 3
the works on politics, as in that of Kotalla* and others, in
grammar and poetry together with the knowledge of voca-
bulary and rituaH, in dance and song, iu the art of driving 4
the elephant and so forth, above all in the lore of the mani-
pulation of the bow, the sword and other weapons be was
past master. Admirably trained, be did everything that ac- &
corded with the King's, his father's wishes and was never
lacking in reverence.

* Corjeotural reading for the losaila, komnlla or kocalla of the MSS.

Cf. 70. 66. 1 believe lhat Kaufalya i. e. Cauukya, the famous minister
of Candrngupta is meant. He is alleged to be the author of a text hook
on polities, Arthii-:>5stra, which has been recently discovered. What is
important is that the CStovainsa seems to confirm the name Kautalya
as against KautUj/a. It is handed down by Hemacandra, Abhidhana-
cintamaci 863 (see BR. s. v., Hillebb.^kdt, TJeber due KautilTyadastra und
Verwandtes, p. 1) and seems to be the reading of the best MSS. so that
in Qahapati's new edition it appears throughout. I regard it as the
original form for the following simple reason. The fact that the forms
Kautalya and Kautilya have been handed down together is indisputable.
Now kautilya as a variant of the original kautalya, in allusion to the
content and character of the Artha-sastra (skr. kutila “crooked, cunning''}
is quite intelligible. On tbe other hand, it is not easy to explain why
a word so distinct and of each definite meaning as kautilya should bo
changed into A:au(aiira. See however J. Jollt, Zeitschr. fiir Indologie
und Iranistik V. 216 ff.

* P. sanighatjdukaketubhe. See PTS. P. D. s. vv. nifihavidu and ketubha.

244

Gajabahu

64.6

6 The Ruler (Kittisiriniegha) at heart ever well pleased
with the virtue (practised by the Prince) of reverent demean-

7 our, enjoyed with him as with a good friend various pas-
times, such as sport in the garden aud in the water and
while he was travelling here and there about the country

8 with him, he came one day near the village called Ba-

9 dalattbali which served as the abode of the loyal, powerful
Senapati Saukha who was entrusted with the defence of the

10 frontier. When the Senapati heard that, he had the village
at once made ready, went forth to meet the Monarch and his
son and remaiued, after be had bowed himself, standing before

11 them. The twain, father and son, addressed him with friendly
words and being satisfied by him in various ways, they visited

12 the village. When the Monarch had sojourned there some
days be summoned the Senapati to him and spake the follo-

13 wing words: “My son is now grown to manhood and is ripe
for odmissionh To perform the ceremony of admission great

11 preparations are necessary". When the Senapati heard that,
he made at once the best of preparations for the festival.

lb After instituting with sweet savours, lamps, flowers and other
things of the kind for three days an abundant offering* for

16 the three jewels and after he had the ceremony performed, in
a manner befitting his high rank, by Brahmans versed in

17 the ritual of the Veda, the Ruler together with the Prince
Parakkama in the midst of his courtiers set about enjoying a
great spring festival*.

* P. air. upaiiayann. Tills is the ceremony of taking the son to the
Brahman teacher. With the Kshatriya it takes place between the II th
and the 22 nd year. With this is assouiated at the same time the ad-
mission to the religiou.s community as fully qualiflc*! memher. BR. s. v.;
HiLLKRRAiiDT, Kitual-Littccatur, p. 50 if.

* P. pubhakura The expression is found also in A. iv. 25'®'*®, where
among things harmful for the lay brother i.s mentioned the choosing
by him outside of the Order, (ito baliiddha) of a person who seems
worthy of reverence, a dakkhineyya, laltlia ca pubbakdram karoti.

® Cf. skr. Vdsaniolsara, rafaiilamahotiara or I'nsnn/nsjiniayotsnra as
below in v. 21 rasanfasaMayussarn.

64. SO

Gajaboha

245

Now King Kitiisirimegba leaT'oed tlirougli messengers who 18
came from Rohaga that his brother named Sirivallabba who
dwelt in Rohaqa, was dead and that Sirirallabha’s son Ma- 19
nabharapa by name, had taken o?er the government and had
made Mitta his queen'. He overcame the grief heavy to be 20
borne caused by his brother's death through hearing the 21
news of the birth of a son to Mitta. But he gave up the
spring festival and returned, leaving the Senapati named 22
Sahkha behind on the spot, with bis sou to the town of
Sankhatthali*. While the Monarch lived there happily with 23
Prince Parakkama a year passed. The second queen of the 24
Monarch Manabharaoa, Pabhavati’, likewise bore a son, named
Kittisirimeglia. When Kittisirimegba heard that he thought: 25
our lino has become gi'oat, and felt still happier.

The Prince (Parakkamabahu) urged by bi.s great, incom- 26
parable merit by whose virtue alone he was destined for the
dominion over Lanka, valued not so much as gross the love 27
shown him by his father as by a good friend, and bis great
tenderness, as well as tbe services of his many retainers per- 28
formed for him from fear and devotion*. And in his zeal 29
to (unite and thereby) make Labka Iiappy under one um-
brella as speedily os possible, he thought to himself thus:
"Since it has ever been the home of the hair, collar-bone, 80
neck-bone, tooth and alms-bowl relics* as well as of the

' See 63. 6 fF, Deeii/d Miltdi/a palikibham SirivaUdbhasiinuno does
not mean, as translated by W. “a birth of a son, Siri Vallabba, to the
Queen Mitta".

* See note to 63. 43. Nivattitcdiia must be understood aa gerund
of the cauB. nivatteli, one MS. even reading -llttcdnn. Parakkamn's
Upanayana festival had taken place in Bndalatthall. There Eittisiri-
megha receives the various news from Rohaoa. He leaves the general
Sahkha, who bad to prepare the festival, behind in that place {tallh’eva)
and betakes himself with bis nephew to the capital, Sankbattbali.

^ We see from this that Sirivallabha's son had married both the
sisters of Parakkamabahn, Mitta and Pabhavall.

' Lit. ; whereby fear and devotion went before, i. e. were the motive.

W's translation is inesact.

* The hair relic {kesadhdlu) was (Mhvs. 39. 49) brought to Ceylon by

246

Gnjabahu

64. 31

token of the footprint of the Master and of hi.s sacred Bodhi

31 Tree branch, further of the eighty-four thousand section.? of
the doctrine which give a picture of the Perfectly Enlighte-

32 ned one, and as it is a mine of gems, pearls and many other
treasures, this island although not so large, has always coun-

33 ted for something special. My three fathers, the Monarchs,
and also my mother's brother' were not able to unite it

34 under one umbrella. They divided it therefore and with the
thought: if we only rule it to this extent we liave done our
duty, each in his province renouncing the desire customary

35 in our family for the royal consecration, carried on the go-
vernment like village chiefs whose one aim is Iheir farming

36 and the like. Uf these save niy father’s brother, Kittisiri-
megha, tlie three remaining monarchs have passed away in

37 accordance with their deeds. Man's longest span of life is
now alas, but meagre; hoy, youth, greybeard, all these' living

83 beings will one after another suffer death, so fixed a rule as

39 this there is otherwise nowhere else in this world. Therefore
must sons of kings such as 1 am, take no lieed of this
frail, worthless body which is despised by all whose eyes

40 are fixed on what is precious, and must ever pay heed to
that which is worthy of aspiration and is abiding, namely

41 fame*. (1 hear^) in tales as in the Ummaggajivtaka* and

SilakSla uuder Moggallana I. The relic of the neck bone (.lyii-nirhi) wna
according to the legend, brought by Satabbu to Mahiyiingaqa innucdia-
tely after the death of the Buddha (Mbrs. 1.371. the alms-bowl {/’alia)
by Sumana from Pataliputta (Pupphapura) to Anuiadhapura in the reign
of DeTanampiyatissa. Sumana is also said to have fetched the relic of
the (right) collar bone {akkhaka] from Tiidra's Heaven (Mhva. 17, 11 ff,, 20),
For the tooth relic {ildllunlhtilu) see above 37. 92 ff.

' The three fathers are the father Manabharana and bis two brotliera.
The brother of his mother (RatanavalT) is Vikhamabahu If.

® Lit.: “to that body of fame which is worthy of asi'iration’’ (pi-
haniyye yasodehe).

^ Verses 41-47 form one sentence. The acens. carilam in 41, vikka-
«i(im in 42 etc. up to aulatUhaui jivilam in 47 are all governed by siitvd
in V, 45. The verse 46 is a parenthesis.

* Mabaummaggajataka, no. 546 in Fscsboll’s edition of the Jatakas
(VI. 329 £F.).

64. 62

G(ijab6hii

247

others, of deeds done by the Bodhisatta in the different
stages of bis development the outcome of his heroic nature
and of other qualities. (1 bear) in secular stories, in the 42
Ramayapa, the Bharata and the like of the courage of Rama
who slew Ravapa and of the extraordinary deeds of heroism 43
performed in battle by the five sons of Papiju, how they
slew Duyyodhana* and the other kings. (I hear) in the 44
Itihasa* tales of the wonders worked from of old by princes
like Dussanta^ and others in combat with gods and demons. —

(I hear) of the great wisdom ofCapakka^ that best ofBrith- 45
niaijas who uprooted the kings of the Nanda dynasty. — All 4G
these deeds though they belong not to our time, have attained
among the people up to the present day, the highest renown.

— When I hear such a happy and incomparable life of those 47
who are able on earth to accomplish extraordinary deeds,
then if I, sprung of a noble stock, do not that which befits 48
the best among noble heroes, my birth will bo useless. These 49
were aided alone by favourable conditions of the time, but
were they superior to me in insight and otlier qualities?”
After he bad thus reflected he thought further; “My fatJier, 60
the King, is now on the lost stage of life; if now this my
father’s kingdom comes to me, but in consequence of the 51
enervation of my spirit under the influence of royal pleasures,

I am not so successful as I wish, my harm will be the greater.

But if I now staying here on the spot, send out my scouts 52

> P. hhiimiiiu. For the ten "stages" or “steps” ot the Bodhisatta
see SsNABT, Le Mahav.'istu 1.. p. 77 ff., 436.

2 Vuyyoithaiia, skr. Durt/oilbana, the eldest son of Dhrtarastra. the
chief of the Kurus who was vanquished and slain in the great battle
on the Riiru field by the live Paadu brothers Yudhi.stbira etc. Duryocibaiia
fell on the last day of the battle by the hand of Bblma.

^ Itihusa is the collective name for all the literature of historical
narrative based on tradition. Knowledge of tbe Itihasa is part ot
Brahmanicai education. Cf. D. I, p. 88 (= III. I. 3), M. II, p. 133 (= 91).

* Skr. Datyaiila, the husband of Sakuntala, a king of the Moon
dynasty.

^ Skr. Cdnakya. See note to 64. 3, as also Lassss, indisebe Alter-
tumskunde* II, p. 212 ff.

248

Gnjabaha

64. B3

and let them find out how conditions really are in the other

53 country, — my scouts might be in a position to discover a
weakness among my enemies favourable to my plans, or not ' —

64 all the people liere will describe* tlie strength of the foe to

55 me in all possible ways. (They will say:) ‘For the three
Monarchs, thy fathers, of whom each was lord of a province,

66 although united they undertook war seven times, it was dif-
ficult to conquer the kingdom. How then shall a solitary
youth who merely rules a small province, take possession

67 of it? But it is easy to govern over the original province:

68 therefore thou must give up thy baneful project’. With such
words — boring glowing rods into my ears — they will
describe again and again, in every possible way, the great-

59 ness of the other country. But one should really refuse to
believe all this tattle of fools who speak without knowing

CO the real state of alfairs. So under some kind of pretext I
.shall my.self go to the other country and find out its con-

61 ditions. But my father the Monarch, if he hears of these
plans, through fear that some evil may befall his noble son,

62 the light of his line, if he betakes himself into the country
of the foe, will, tender-liearted as he is, hinder my departure.

63 There will then be no fulfilment of ray designs. It is there-
fore best if I go in disguise".

64 When the clever Prince who knew well what (right)
occasions are, one day at night-time found such an occasion,
he who was certainly not lacking in resources, left the house
in such wise that his father knew nought of his departure.

Here ends the sixty-fourth chapter, called "The Depar-
ture for the other Country", in the Mahavatnsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

* If we regard v, 53 as a parenthesis, we get rid of all difficulties
of language and content. The sense is: nothing is to he gained b;
spying from here, for whatever the result, the people here will always
exaggerate the dangers and in consequence will not join me. They must
be encouraged by my lead.

3 The pres, tathayanti is remarkable. One expects kathessanli.

Gajabahit

249

CHAPTER LXV

THE KILLING OF THE SENAPATI

As the Prince set fortli accompanied onlj by his weapons, l
there sounded at the same moment in front of him the peal
of a shell trumpet. Hearing it he versed in the divers omens, 2
knew that hi.s plan would shortly succeed and was full of joy. 3
Without the watchmen placed at different points noticing it, he
got out of the town free from fear, lion-hearted. In haste he 4
covered a distance of live gavutas^ and reached in a region
not far from BadalatthalagSma* a village called Piliipvatthu. 5
It had been fixed as goal for the meeting together of his
people, to halt liere before his own arrival, awaiting 6
him on the way. Now when he saw that of those who
had received orders only some had appeared on the spot, the 7
Prince asked why so few had come. But they answered:
.Why doth our Lord speak so, though he knows the whole 8
demeanour of the people. With whom is there no fear of
death? Our Lord is at an age immediately following that of 9
boyhood, even to-day the odour of milk plays about his lijis.
There is no separate fortune acquired by thee, nor is there 10
any other accumulation of resources save these present. Ex- 11
cept for ourselves whose character has long been tested and
whose devotion is firmly rooted, who otherwise would follow
thee? And what thy father the Sovereign, will do with u.s 12
who have come hither, no man knows. In our path there is 13
still the Senapati Sankba by name, a great and mighty hero
who has his abode on the frontier, apart from other foes, 14

‘ A gdtuta (skr. i/nryfili) is a quarter of a yojana (DhCo. II. 13*),
thus about two mill's. PTS. P. D. s. v.

* See note to 58. 43; 61.43.

250

Gajabnhu

65. 16

and we few people are made one by the other ever more

15 terror-stricken. And the time of daybreak is now close at
band". Thus each for himself made known the fear that

16 dwelt in their hearts. When the Prince heard their words
he smiled kindly, looked them fearlessly in the face and spake:

17 “Although all these people here who liave such fear, have
lived together with me a long time, yet have they not

18 learnt to know me”, and to chase away the fear that had
risen in them, the lion-hearted let sound^ a mighty lion’s

19 roar. “Leave all men aside; when I have my weapons in my
hand, wliat can Sakka, the King of the gods, do even if he

20 is enraged? Because ye thought I am a boy these foolish
tlioiights have come to you. Have ye not heard that one

21 looks up to splendid might, not to age? But if ye fear my
father’s army will pursue me, then .will I — by a single deed

22 that I have devised to carry out and in such a way that the
people in my own and in the other country shall offer me

23 fear and devotion and ye shall rid yourselves of this your
terror — at once, as soon as this night is past, manifest my

24 pre-eminent insight, determination and courage. Go forward!”
With these words the hero seized his weapons, left that vil-

25 lage full of determination and like to a second image of the
sun risen in the western heavens to surpass the sun disk

26 standing on the summit of the eastern mountain, he lighted
up the lotus thicket of the eyes of his attendants and came
at early morn to Badalattball.

* It U interesting hero to note the fundamental difference between
tlie narrative of the Culavarpsa and that of the older MahiivamBa and
between the ideas of their authors as shown j)arltcular!y in the eompari-
sou of the personalities of Dutthagamaoi and I’amkhamahahu. In the
one case deeds of true heroism, culminating in the dauntless duel with
Elara, in the other big, high-sounding words as prelude to an action
of very doubtful courage and of still more doubtful moral justification.
It is therefore significant that in Cejlon, more eaj)eoially in Rohaija,
one meets again and again with traditions connecti:d with Dutthagamaiji.
He is the real national hero of the Sinhalese and his name still lives
in the popular memory. Parakkamabahu is almost forgotten though he
is nearer by more than a thousand years to the present than the other.

65.41

Gajabdhu

251

By the peal of the victorious trumpets the Seuapati (Sahkha) 27
awoke. With consternation* he perceived that the Prince had
come. Accompanied by a great host he went forth to meet 28
him and full of reverence, bowed himself to the earth to offer
the customary homage. When with the thought: what may 29
not this man do to us if he remains alive? he must be slain
on the spot, the soldiers looked at their leader, but be checked 80
them with a sign, for he thought: it is unworthy of a man to
kill anyone against whom no guilt can be proven, only in
case of hostile demeanour is the death penalty permitted.
The lion*like (Prince) took the hand of the SenSpati, spake 81
friendly words to him and entered his abode. The Senapati 32
thought: “The Prince’s departure must have taken place
without the King’s knowing of it. Until I learn the state of
affairs these people who have come with him, must be each 33
separately housed so that they may not remain in communi-
cation with him, the Prince however, must dwell in my house’’.

He did so, and in order to dupe the discerning (prince), lie 34
paid him the honours due to a guest and .sent messengers to
the King. Now when the Prince perceived the deception 35
practised by Saiikba he thought: “If now without doing what
must be done, I remain inactive, of a truth my plan will 3G
come to nought: this man must needs now be .slain”. He gave 37
one of his attendants the order to strike down* the Senapati.

A great tumult arose: the Seuapati is slain. A soldier of the 38
Senapati hearing tliat the general bad been murdered, cried:

For what reason did the murder of my Lord take place? and 39
sword in hand, risking his own life for his Lord, he ruslied
at the Prince standing there alone. But when he glanced at 40
the Prince’s countenance, trembling with fear, he could not
stand upright and flung himself at his feet. Before the Prince 41
could say the words: “Seize him", one of the soldier’s com-

* P. aamjalasanibhamo. Not translated by W.

* As it is described here, the murder of Sankba who was a loyal
and devoted adherent of the royal house, is an act as brutal ns it is
senseless. Probably the whole episode is in this form unliistorical. See
Introduction 1.

252

Gajabaha

65. 42

42 panioDS himself struck him down. “The deed he has done
without my orders is unseemly”, with these words the Prince
48 bad him punished accordingly. But the terrible excitement
which had arisen at the same time, the Prince stilled by the
mere wrinkling of the brows.

44 The hero whose greatest wealth was fame, the Prince of
firm character, who well understood the rewarding of his
heroes, whose most precious treasure was his famous name,
left his soldiers to take all what they would of the abundant
property amassed by the Senapati.

Here ends the sixty-fifth chapter, called “The Slaying of
the Senapati”, in the Mahavaipsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

Gajttbahu

253

CHAPTER LXVI

THE SPYING ODT OF THE CONDITIONS IN THE
OTHER COUNTRY

“If I were to set forth to-day to carry out my plan, 1
these people would think: the Prince has left through fear.

I will stay here and see what my father does as long as he has not 2
heard that I am staying here after the slaying of the SenSpati”.
With such reflections the hero, the best of all far-seeing men, 3
sojourned a few days on the spot. Tlie soldiers of the Sena- 4
pati and many people who dwelt in the prOTince, who in con-
sequence of the slaying of the SenSpati, were seized with 5
terror were not able to remain eacli in his place, but sought
out the Prince, streaming together from all sides. “Acting in 6
opposition to bis father the Prince has slain the Senapati*',
thought the inhabitants of tlie prorince. “If powerful people 7
like ourselves, whose devotion is deep-rooted, are his slaves*
what then is impossible for our Lord? If the (lawful) Lord 8
is in life, how dare thy uncle under the pretext, the prince
is still a boy, hold sway in the kingdom belonging to thy
father? We will join together, march on the town of Sah- 9
khatthali and fetch hither by force the king together with
his treasure and his harem”. With this firm resolve and bent 10
solely on the gaining of the dominion, they betook themselves
to the place Padavarasunnakauda by name. The Prince sent 11
some of bis people thither, summoned the leaders of the sol-
diers to him (and spake to them): “Ye must not think that 12

I I read with the MSS. diisesu. S 2 alone differs, for damgesu in
S 3, 7 is only a variant in the writing'. The dakkhesu adopted by S.
and B. is an unnecessary alteration.

254

GajabiAu

66. 18

tbe slaying of the Seuapati by me took place out of enmity

13 to my father; away then with your agitatioiiM I have in no
wise come hither in enmity to my royal father, nor do I mean

14 to bring this part of the province into my power. For sons
such as I iiin is there not but one thing to do — to cause little

15 sorrow themselves to their aged fathers and to ward off the
evil which may be done them by another and so ever to serve

IG them with devotion. Why have ye such thoughts?” Therewith
the prudent one removed their scruples and reflecting on his

17 further course, came to tills decision: “If I sojourn here some
(lays, illmeaning people will try to sow discord between us

18 twain, father and son. Without lingering here I must arise
and busy myself with the carrying out of my former plans”.

10 Therewith the Prince left the village of Badalatthali to
betake himself to Buddhagama near the Siridevi mountain.

20 Before he reached the village of Siriyala* the inliabitants^

21 who had banded together, fled on every side. Accompanied
alone by his own followers, the heroic prince now advanced

22 well armed along the highway. “Now if we quietly suffer
the prince to escape after his having slain the Senapati, what

' W. translates "ill. will towards me". That is, I believe, wrong.
Tlic context is rather this ; the people have taken the killing of Saukha
as a sign that the prince is in open rebellion against his unde. They
take his side and civil war threatens. To hinder this, Parakkamabahu
explains to the people that there is no enmity between himself and his
uncle, and exhorts them to keep (juict.

^ The topogr.ipbical problems have been most satisfactorily solved
by Connixotox (I. CO. Following Mr. Stobkt, he identities Puddhagania
(see note 58. 43) with Menikdena, S. S. W. of Dambul, since an inscrip-
tion was found there in which a liudgant-vehera is mentioned (ASC.
1908 = VI. 1913, p. 14 f.). Near there is a mountain Nikula which,
according to Forbes, was formerly called "Heereedevafai", that is, Sir!-
devT. Before Parukknmabdhu got there be passed Siriyala. That is
without doubt the present Hiriyalgama in the Oantibe Korale, which
gives its name to the Hiriyala district north of Kurunegala.

^ While the inhabitants of the Badalatthali district were not dis-
inclined to support the Prince against his uncle, those of Siriyala and
later, to a greater extent, those of Bnddhagama showed themselves
hostile, even inclined to capture him and give him up to the King.

G6. 36

Gajabahu

255

kind of loyalty would that be on our part to the King who
gives us our daily bread?” So thought certain traitors, con- 23
ceived the plan of capturing him and pursued him from be-
hind while he was on the march. Without being in the least 24
afraid of them, the Prince fought them sword in hand and
scattered them in flight. Together with his followers among 25
whom no falling off was noticeable*, the discerning Prince,
free of all danger, reached Buddhagama. When a few days 26
of his sojourn there had passed, the inhabitants assembled
together to capture the Prince. Raining a furious, unintor- 27
rupted sho.wer of arrows, they surrounded the village full of
>teal to begin the flght. “We must give up our lives if be 28
beneflts thereby” thought the soldiers who had come with
him and, flurried by fear all, save the umbrella-bearer and 21)
the sword-bearer of the Prince, fled on every side before
the Prince’s eyes. When he saw bis soldiers fleeing, he smil- SO
ed n little and having now found an opportunity of showing
his extraordinary courage, the Prince thought: .With my 31
weapon even will I strike terror into the foe and scatter
liim in flight”, and cried with vebemence: “Give me my
sword 1" When the soldiers who had at first fled, heard along 82
with these loud and resoundingly spoken words, the blare of
the victorious trumpets penetrating the circle of the firmament, 33
and when they saw the struck off heads of the foe, falling
to the ground, they turned and fighting, scattered the troops 34
some thousands in number in flight, surrounded the Prince
and praised his courage.

While now the Prince sojourned there he desired to have 35
the nagaragiri* of King Gajabahu, Gokaupa*, who had the
control of Kalavapi, in his presence, to find out his views. 36

* P. a'.htthajxtrihdnike, quite igoored in Ws translation. It must
however be emphasised that not one of the original followers of the
Prince had deserted him.

‘ The title nnj/arajjiri is met with here for the first time (cf. also
66. 62 and 70. 68). See Introdnction ill.

3 Gokanna is probably ,a clan name (see above 38. 13, note); skr.
gokarna, P. gokanna denotes a species of stag, an elk.

256

OajabSku

66.37

He sent therefore, one of his henchmen to him with a lettei-.

37 "When the latter saw the missive he nodded consent, read it

86 and learned from it of all that had taken place. Believing
that the superiority of the Prince's forces made disobedience

39 to his commands an impossibility and without waiting for
news as to the opinion* of his own Monarch, he came to

40 Buddhagama and sought out the Prince witli reverence. “Thoa
hast heard how I have come hither away from my father the
King, how I have caused the violent death of the mighty

41 Senapati, and how I have performed marvellous deeds of he-

42 roism against the foe following in my rear. Without even
a thought that thou .sliouldst learu the opinion of thine own
king, while before the sending of my me&senger no connec-

43 tion (between us) existed, thou (nevertheless) seltest out to
see me the moment thou didst see my letter; thou hast done

44 well," with these words the Prince full of joy, presented him
with all the ornaments he had himself worn, consisting of divers

45 precious stones, along with an excellent elephant. To the
leaders among his soldiers he gave valuable ornaments of

4Q divers kinds, such as costly earrings and the like. Hereupon
he dismissed the chief (Gokaopa) with his soldiers that they
might rest, having shown himself friendly to them by the
assigning of dwellings, food and the like.

47 Arrived in his quarters for the night, GokapQa beheld
himself in a dream in the form^ of the Senapati who bad

48 been murdered at the Prince's command, surrounded on all
sides by robbers with swords in their hands to kill him. In

49 mortal terror he gave a shriek and fell from his bed to the

50 ground, and without heed for the people who bore bis sword, bis
umbrella aud the like, he left the whole of the force which
bad come with him in the lurch. But as he could not even

51 find his way by the heavens, he got into n great forest and
losing the path, wandered about in it. Only at daybreak did

’ P. bhaca (the same in v. 42) in reality “kind, cliaracter", then
"attitude towards something, conception”.

^ Thus 1 explain the ciyn: he saw himself as the Sonapati.

66. C3

Gajabahu

257

lie find the road leading to Kalavapi, followed it in haste 52
and reached his village. His men too, when they heard of
the flight of their lord, seeing no other escape, smitten with 53
the greatest terror, left each of them his' weapons behind and
wandered like their master bewildered about the forest, reaching 54
Kalavapi in haste at break of day. When the Prince heard 55
the story of the flight he smiled and remained there (in
Buddbagama) a few days longer. And from that time this 56
story was for him who appreciated humorous tales*, a means
in moments when he was downhearted, of chasing away his
depression.

When Kittisirimegha heard of all these events he sum- 57
moned his great dignitaries together and took counsel with
them: “The Prince has escaped in disguise from our well 58
[jrotected town, looked after by officials and filled with soldiers.
Thereupon together with certain villainous and undutiful people 59
who went with him from here*, he ha.s fled, has slain the 50
mightiest vassal in my kingdom, the Senapati, has seized tiie
whole of the costly property accumulated by him, has then in
his flight slain here and there many soldiers among the country 51
folk who pursued hin^, has summoned to him the nagaragiri 62
Gokaupa of King Gajabahu* and has brought him under his
influence and now sojourns in Buddbagama*. This is no time 63
to look on inactively. If the foe in this threatening situation"

• Note the free treatment of the gender in ciyudhiiiii . . . nake.

* P. luinabbasnarasa, lit. ‘‘for the many kinda of (aates in narratives".
Oni' might read ndndhassaratia: hansa = skr. hiisya is tlie rlicerful
liinghter-iousing fundamental character (rn.sn) of a literary work.

" The Mfti. reading te fatn in 69 b is disturbing. It is difiiciilt to
place te in the construction of the sentence and tato stands already at
tlie beginning of the verse. I propose reading ten’ atn-. tena is comita-
tive “with him" and aln means “from here" that is from SahkIiatthalT.

' The same wording as in v. 35cb.

^ The present jmrt. rasnm stands here again instead of a finite verb
to express n pennanent state. Cf. note to 41. 89.

" P. asmim chiildnmhi. lit. “at this break" (= weakness, want), or
[lossibly ill tlie original meaning “at this moment where a division (an
esti-augcnient between me and my nephew) has taken place".

258

Gajahahu

66. 64

64 make a treacherous treaty with the Prince who is favoured
by fortune and gifted with insight and courage, and think

66 to begin war, that will be for us a great misfortune. Before
he can think out otlier worse plans he must he seized during

66 his stay in that village”. Thus resolved, he summoned the two
Adbikarins‘, Sena and Mahinda by name, further Mahgalana,

67 the son of a royal servant*, as well as other retainers and
sent them forth with the words: “Take with you all people

68 in my kingdom who live by soldiering, go forth in haste

69 and bring the Prince hitlier by force". These took each his
great army and with powerful forces divided into ten columns

70 they approached Siriyala. When the Prince lieard thereof
he thought: “I will take up my position at a spot difficult
to pass*, in such a way as to force the troops which are
marching separately in ten columns, to join each other and then

71 I shall immediately destroy them”. The hero betook himself
in haste from Buddhagama to SaraggSma* in the district of

72 Mahatila. The oi^cers (of Kittisirimegha) thought liowever;
,if the Prince floes from Buddhagama and withdraw.^ into an

73 impassible region surrounded by mountains, his capture will
bo difficult, whatever means one uses”, and marched united

74 thither. When the Prince heard that he rejoiced at the success
of his plan. In front he left space for the advancing army,

76 placed bis numerous men on both sides of the road, hidden, well

’ From 70. 278 it is clear that adhikiiriii denotes a certain office or
a certain rank. See Introduction III.

* W. seems here to adopt thi* reading mnAnlounni of the Col. Ed.
which however has no support from the MSS. and translates “the niahii-
lana" — with the note “chief secretary” (?) — tievapadamula Ddraka”.
The word pddamiiiaka or -lika with the meaning of “servant'' occurs
frequently in the Jatakas (PTS. P. D. s. v,, also DhC'o. I. 183^).

* Not “at such a stroughold" as W. translates. It is a case of a
narrow pass in the mountains.

* Saraggama has certainly nothing to do witli Sarogamatittlia on
the Mahavalukaganga (71. 18; 72. 1, 31). Coukihutu.h identifies it, follo-
wing Stoeet, with Selagama in the District Miitale. Asgiri Pallesiya
Pattuva (Census of C., 1921, II., p. 94). Instead of “from Buddhagama"
the text has simply ialo “from there", the same in v. 72.

66.86

Gajabtihu

259

armed, such as were deemed especially brave. Then when 76
the mighty one saw that the whole of the hostile force had
advanced to the centre, he experienced in the art of war,
had numbers of soldiers cut down. Those who remained over 77
from the slaughter threw their weapons away as the case
might be and fled, with no thought of renewing the fight,
on all sides. The victorious Prince left the place thereupon 78
and betook himself to Bodbigamavara* there to await his father’s
decisions*. Sojourning there the hero spent several days and 79
after scattering in that same place a (further) army which
came forth to fight at the command of his father the King, 80
he retired from thence and betook himself to the village of
lianambura in the region of the Lanka mountains*. To 81
remove the footsoreness of his soldiers the intrepid one
spent -several days sojourning there. Then he reflected thus: 82
"Although my foes have all been repeatedly crushed by me
in battle, they will not retire out of fear of my father, gi-
ving up the hope (of success) in fight. Because their evil 83
counsellors have wrongly thought: this Prince falls not into
our power only becituse he is in inacc&ssible country, there- 84
fore I shull now betake myself to the spot where they are
sojourning and drive away their evil thoughts". He advanced 85

' W. transhtes “returned to the vill^e Bodhipama. He thus ob-
viously considers Bodhigatnavara to be the same ns Buddhagama. But
tlie text has not iiaccarffi "he returned’', but nijd “he wont". Codrixotuk
(t. 69) ropirds Bodhigamavara as the present Bogambara in the Matalo
Pallesiyn Pattuva (N. E. of Matale). The prince thus stayed near the
biittlefield to await the development of events.

* P. pitucitUtnurakkhaUham. W’s translation “that he might calm
tiie anxiety of his father" is wrong. All Parakkamabdhu's actions have
the character of open enmity and are opj> 08 <-d to the fiction of the
compiler that no conflict bad taken place between unde and nephew.

^ The Prinoe withdrew from Bodhigatnavara further E. or N. E. There
is no doubt that the name Lahkapabbata or Lankagiii (thus 70. 88,
mentioned again in eonnection with Bodhigamavara) is preserved in the
present Baggala, the name of a district between Hatalc Pallesiya Pattuva
and the Miihaveliganga. It is also advisable to read instead of tlie
J?ata)ii()Mrai« of the Col. &l., Raiiambunim in which Codbinotoh re-
cognises the present Ranamure in Laggala Udasiya Pattuva.

260

Gojabdhu

66 . 86

to the Tillage of Eliiravapi occupied by their army and

86 reached the district called AmbaTana'. He occupied it and
having found out himself from the people there the exact
route to march against the foe*, he set out in the evening

87 and reached the village at night. When his .soldiers reached
the enclosure con-sisting of terrible briers full of prickles from
top to bottom*, they stayed without, being unable to pene-

88 trate it. The hero placed himself at the head, broke fearlessly
through the fence, and standing iu the middle of the village

89 called out his name. The enemy who had already witnessed
the marvellous courage of the Prince, were seized with terror

90 when they heard his resounding voice and all (of them)
without even thinking of clothes or weapons, fled on all

91 sides, like gazelles that have caught sight of a lion. His
soldiers who had entered by the way he had forced, slew
whomsoever they caught sight of. and set fire to the village.

92 The i'riiice immediately marched to the village of Naviigirisa
and resting there awaited the dawn.

93 The dignitaries of his father, the King, now assembled
and spoke witli each other of the great energy (of the Prince)

94 in the various battles: “With our plan of capturing the Prince
(jiiickly with our forces of so many thousand men, we liave

95 brought ruin on our own army, and since they have everywhere
fled in fight, we have only caused the Prince's fame to become

96 more widely known. But if we disregard the terrible com-
mand sent us repeatedly by the King, then tlie life of our

97 kinsfolk i.s at stake*. It is not meet that we -spend our time
here without taking )>ains to carry out the King’s command

98 by every possible means. Even at the cost of our lives we

* The name is preserved in that of the Anibangangn (Coukinoion)
which flows through the valley of Mntale and liirna ea.stward at Niihinda
towards the Maliavciiganga.

* P. etehi refers to the inhabitants of Aiubavana, /<;.««)« to thc^ enemy ;
.samci'ira means the jHwsibilily of approaching the enemy.

* So I understand likkhaffgupailif “where the top part and the

foot end (prtdft) are sharp".

^ Tliey ai-e hostages in the hands of the king.

66. 109

(rojabdhu

261

must satisfy the Lord who gives us our living, and thereby
ensure the protection of our kindred’’. Therewith full of 99
defiant courage, with large, well armed forces, they set fortli
like the army of Mara on a road shown them by scouts.
From four sides they forced their way into the village and 100
surrounded the Prince’s house. As the hilly region wa.s cool, 101
the latter had donned a red woollen shawl and sat there
playing a game to which he was accustomed from his child-
hood. From the noise he noticed that the foe was quite 102
near, but since he saw not one of his own followers, he at
once bound his topknot fast, wrapped himself tightly in the 103
woollen shawl he had been wearing, and terrible, sword in
hand, he plunged like a savage lion into the middle of the 104
tight and in a moment cha.sed the whole of the enemy to
the world's endb Then after raising his voice and calling 105
together his own people who had come with him and who
terrorized by the clamour, bad tied into the wilderness, he
reflected: “The fear which must be-set the King of the hostile 106
party* wlieii he think.s what may be the cause of my leaving
the King my father and coming hither — all tliat 1 liave iiitherto 107
done, beginning with the slaying of the SenSpati *, suffices to
remove it. I must now betake myself to the other country".
Therewith be set forth tliencc and at the place Porogahali- 108
kliapila* he cleansed by the pouring over with water the
blood stains* from sword and hand*, laid aside tlie blood- 101)

‘ Lit.: “he made the •■nemy (rf/.te) into siit-h as turned themselves to
the end of the Hrmainent {ilisiinta)''.

* 1. e. Gajabahn.

^ The train of thought is tbi-^: It is intelligible that Gajababu should
regard my coming with distrust. Uc may fear that 1 intend evil to-
wards him. But all my actions so far have been directed not against
him but against my father. This should allay his fears so that 1 can
now enter his country without danger.

‘ I prefer to read ’’gnhSli^ (instead of because the name

seems to me to contain the word uli “canal" (Sinh. ala). Khandn means
“district’', a narrower area than ratiha or iHnnrfoln.

® Lit. “the union with the red blood".

'' Or perhaps “from the sword hand", from the hand which had
wielded the sword.

262

Gajahiihn

66. no

soiled mantle that he had worn and enjoyed iil'ter a change

110 of garment a comfortable rest. He then crossed the frontier
of the province of his royal father and reached in the realm

111 ofGajabahu the small place called Janapada^ Witli all kinds
of sportive games, such as were castomary in the country,
he spent several days, sojourning there.

112 Now when Gajabahu Iieard from the mouth of his watch-
men of the gradual approacli of the Prince he was seized

113 with great alarm. He spoke with his councillors and after
determining what was to be done, be sent him a gift of

114 raiment, ornaments and the like. To his envoys he gave this
message*: "Since hearing of thy leaving my uncle*, the King,
and of the wonderful deeds of courage which tliou liast

115 performed on the way and that thou instead of applying
elsewliereS hast entered ray realm, my heart has become

116 narrow through expanding joy. Besides myself what kindred
liast thou who would be ready to serve tbee*. A coronation

117 festival truly is thy visit for me. Since my uncle, the King, in
his old age does not hold such a jewel of a son as his mo.st

118 precious possession and by some imprudent attitude has let
liim come into my hands, that means for me the reward in

119 full for a highly meritorious action. If we twain are now for

120 ever united, what foe will dare to make war on us? My splendour
will now in every respect become great, even as that of the

121 fire when it has gained the storm wind ^ its ally. Once we

‘ Janapada is often mentioned as borderland of R^jiirattha towards
Dakkhipadesa. Cf. 67. 22; 70. 87. It is probably to be looked for in
the nei|;hbourhood of the present Vagapanalia, Ddasiya Pattuva, cast
of Dambul.

^ Cf. V. 122: iti caltSna etc.

* Kittieirimegha was married to Lokanatha, the sister of Gajabaliu's
father Vikkamabahu, according to 69. 44.

4 With the majority of the MSS. we most read here Cigantvii ’hiiaUha.
If with the Col. Ed. we read agnntvd (thus only in MS. S 6) ahnattha
remains unintelligible, for the meaning is not “somewhere or other"
(W. “into a place”), but “somewhere else”.

4 r. vassabandhafe. I take vassa — Skr. easy® as “tractable,
obedient” W. has "kinsfolk ... on your inother'.s side".

66.132

GajabUhu

263

hare met each other, 1 shall hare no difficulty in conferring
on the prince the royal dignity which belonged to his father.
Meanwhile thou must without loss of time carry out thy visit 122
to me”. With this messi^re he dismissed his envoys. When 123
the Prince whose intelligence was well capable of discrimi-
nation (between the true and the false) heard this news from
the envoys, he thought: “It is ever very hard to see through
the craftiness of princes; I will test him and tlicn set off”, 124
and he sent together with the envoys, a warrior Nimmala by
name, versed in all expedients. After learning (through him) 125
the true character of the king as well as that of all his ad-
visers, the Prince advanced further towards Pulatthinagara.

Thereupon King Gajabahu advanced to meet him at the 126
head of a great army, showed him in joyful zeal many fa-
vours, let tlie Prince mount the elephant on which he him- 127
self was riding, showed him the beauty of the town and
betook himself (with liim) to the royal palace. The Prince 128
made known his joy culled forth by the seeing Gajabahu and
after spending some days there he in order to become ac- 129
quainted with those of the King's people dwelling in the
outlying districts who were for him and against him’, sought 130
out such as understood all kinds of tricks and knew the dia-
lect of the various regions and who were distinguished by
devotion to their Lord. Of these be being versed in the 131
methods to be applied, made those who understood the mixing
of poisons’, adopt the garb of the snake charmer. Others 132
skilled in telling of the lines of the hand and other marks

* The work of espionage now begins. That the compiler was influen-
ced bj the reading of text books on Milt, as for instance, Kiiutulya's
Artbasaatm. (I. 11, 7 if.) is unmistakable. The sdnurdgd and adi/ardgd
of OUT passage corre8|>ond to the akrlyd and krtyd of K. I. 18-16, the
i'aitbrul who cannot be influenced and tbe unfaithful whom one can win
over to oneself. Cf. ArthasMtru of Kautilya, cd. K. Siiava Sastbi, p. 22 if.;
Kau^ilya's Arthai^astm trsl. by R. Suauasastbt p. 26ff.; Das altindische
Buch vom Welt- and Staatsleben, das Artbayutra des Kautilya, iibers.
von J. J. Mbtbr, p. as.

^ P. visnvu/dsu kovide corresponding to the rasaddh of Eautalya
I. II, Cf. also with this the rasakrivdbhinna below in v. 138.

Gajablihu

66. 133

364

on the body* he had disguised as wandering musicians, as

183 caQiIalas and as brahma^as. Amongst the man}' Damijas and
others he made such as were practised in dance and -song^,
appear a.s people who played with leather dolls and the like.

134 Others again after they had laid aside their own garb, he ordered
to go round * selling goods such as rings and bracelets of glass and

136 the like. Others again he sent forth with the command that they
should go in the garb of ascetics*, with the equipment of such,

13C the umbrolla, the beggar's staff and the like, wandering like
unto pious pilgrims from village to village and thereby

137 performing their devotions in front of the cetiyas. People
versed in the art of healing he commanded to seek out vil-
lages and market towns and there to practise the healing

138 art*. Such a.s understood the instruction of boys in the art
of writing and in the handling of weapons, who were skilled
in tlie preparation of magic potions and versed in spirit in-

131) cantation as well as craftsmen pos.sossed of skill in the work-
ing of gold and the like he ordered to move from place to

140 place, practising their profession. In order to find out him-
self the actual conditions as these existed amongst the in-
habitants of the inner district (of the town), he by showing a

141 great innocence founded on his youth, learned nmong.st the
people who came to him under the pretext of entertainment

142 and who dwelt on the weakness of the King, to distinguish
amongst the higliest officials, officers and soldiers those who were
ambitious, those who nursed a grudge, those who were afraid

' According; to the Kautallya I. 12, the knowledge of the fukaana
and of the ahijcivulyu belongs lo the equipment of a particular kind of
spy. These are the so-called saUrit}ah HatwargnvUli/dh.

^ The nata-nartaktt-gdyavii-vdJaka-vdgjivana-kueilavuh of the Kaul*-
ITya Cl. 12).

* In the Kautallya (I. 11) the vaiilehakavgaujniiah, the spy disguised
as trader. Peddling with bracelets of glass and similar trinkets is com-
mon in the villages of Ceylon at the present day-

* Kautallya I. 11 deals with the tdpnsa as spy Cniun^n rd jatilo vd
irittikdmastdpatavyamanaA).

The strolling quack is missing in the EautalTya, ns well as the
strolling schoolmaster and the strolling craftsman.

66. 150

Gajabiilin

265

and those who were a?aricious'. He took care* too, that 148

spies who were versed in. the divens rites and ceremoiiie.s* in
use ill tlie various schools and who kuew the tales from the
ItihSsas, Purauas and many other books, should visit the dif- 144
I'erent houses in the assumed garb of saniai?as. As soon then
as confidence in them had been established, and when they

had found trust and reverence, they came forward as (spi- 145

ritual) advisers, estranged the }>eople and brought them under
their influence. Believing that if the King were made un- 1 Ifi
suspicious, he could then move about as he would, and easily
learii the actual conditions in the interior of the country, be 147
sent a letter to his mother who was dwelling in Kobaija,

fetched tlience his younger sister, the charming Princess
Bhaddavati, as well as abundant money, under tlie pretei^t that 14ti
it was her property. The money he took to himsedf but the 149
Princess he wedded to the Lord of men Gajabahu and so ma-
naged matters tlmt the lluler completely trusted him even as 150
also the royal family*. He used also under the pretence of
sport, to go about the streets with a rutting elepliant tlmt

‘ Tlic Kaulaltyti I. 14 distinjTUuhcs in exarlly the saiuu wuy, four
umon^'st those who can he luaniimlnted and won over I'or une'i)
owu sciicmes. The close relation of our passage to the Artba»asti'a and
tlic allied literature is shoivn h; the fact that the terms are (he same
in Sanskrit niid in Pali: 1) the knuhlliarargoh = P. sanikiidilbfi, the
group of thi' indigniiiit, 2) the hkUacaryah = P. hhiln, the group of
the fearful , S) the lubtlkai ariiolf = P. luddhii , the group of the
avaricious and, 4) the mduitaryah ss P. tibhimaniHO, the grunji of tlie
ainbUious. The Inst group is placed first by the Cdlavainsa. Kor the
whole subject cf. W. Geiger, Keuntnis der Indiscben NItilitcratur in
Ceylon, Festschrift far H. Jacobi (Bcitr&ge siir Litcraturwisscnschaft und
(■eistesgeschiebte Indiens), p. 416 (T-

^ P. lidhdnaiu Inthd kari yathd ... in v. 145: "he acted in the way,
arranged it so that . . .”

^ P. updya-vidhihiii, not "folklore” as translated by W. The Kauta-
ITya I. 9 uses upOya along with afharran in the meaning of "rite,
sorcery”.

■* W's translation is wrong. Ue has not realised that (nfo rdjaftufo^
heloaga still to the preceding. The Sinhalese translators S. and B. have
also overlooked it.

266

Gojabiihu

66. 151

151 had rut discharge, and when he was pursued by it would quickly
tiee under the pretext that refuge was difficult to find, into
the house of people who were to be brought under his iu-

152 Huence. He then gave them fitting money reward, costly
ornaments and the like and brought them thus imperceptibly

163 under his influence. All the people down to the lowest grades,
and the soldiers who dwelt in the town, thought, each for

154 himself that this courtesy was paid to him. Thereupon he
ordered his skilled scribes to make an estimate of the King's
revenues, of his stocks of grain, of his troops, of his various

155 war material and so on, with the charge: record these by
stealing into the various departments of the administration*.

156 Others he appointed to find out the inmost thoughts of the
people entrusted with the guarding of the town and (of those)

157 of the leaders of the army. He himself under the pretext of
youthful pastimes, roamed about everywhere and thus, avoi*
ding every peril, explored the conditions in both spheres*.

158 When the wise man realises how all enterprises under-
taken by beings equipped with a great fulness of meritorious
deeds accumulated in previous existences, have a successful
issue, not meeting with any hindering cau.se, he will cer-
tainly do good.

Here ends the sixty-sixth chapter, called “The Spying out
of the Conditions in the other Country”, in the Mahavainsa,
compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

* Int. “groups of scribes {lekhaka)".

* Whiit is meAnt is antomandalam the territory insiUe the town, and
bahimamlalatn that outside of the town. Cf. above v. 129. 140.

Gojilbdhu

267

CHAPTEU LXVII

THE FESTIVAL OF THE MAIIADIPADA

Now one daj the Frioce mounted bis chariot and drove, 1
accompanied by bis retainers, along the King's highway. Then 2
a terrible buffalo broken loose, that killed everyone it saw,
with rolling bloodshot eyes sprang upon him. When the 3
charioteer and the people of the retinue saw it dashing on-
wards, seiiied with fear they fled in haste. Then the Prince 4
thought: it is not meet for me to flee like those there, and
fearless and without excitement, the hero swiftly went for him 5
and called to him suddenly with loud resounding voice. When 0
the bufl'alo heard this, like to a lion's roar, it turned in terror
and ran away, killing or trampling down everyone it met.

All who had seen the miracle with their own eyes or had 7
heard of it broke, full of astonishment, into words of admira-
tion: “Behold the heroism, behold the courage, behold the 8
determination, behold his steadfastness, behold the effect of
his meritorious deeds ! "

When the Ruler of men Gajabahu heard how the people U
praised his bravery and his other qualities, he thought: that 10
is a great man, of terrible courage whose extraordinary might
cannot be compared with that of others, and be began to be
afraid of him. Now when the Prince perceived the suspicious 1 1
thoughts which had arisen in the King Gajabahu he reflected
thus: “If I wish while sojourning here, to achieve the so- 12
vereignty, I shall without doubt succeed by the mere wrinkling
of my brows. But in this case my dignity, and my extra- 13
ordinary courage and the strength of my arms will have no
renown in the world. And the incessant twitching in my arms 14
will nevermore cease without the pastime of a war game.

268

Gajabahit

67. 15

15 Therefore I will return to the land of my birth, overwhelm
this king by war and capture him and Ins retainers alive.

16 Then when I bring niy lather Eittisirimegha into this town
and by the water of the royal coronation which will be poured

17 on his head, I efface the shame of the defeat of my three
fathers — then will ray fame spread itself also over Jambudipa.”

18 Hereupon he found out through hunter's a way of approach
for the army in making an assault on the town and a way

19 for its retirement, if there should be cause for retreat, as well
as a way suitable for bis own spies, well understanding Low

20 to discriminate between the different ways, while he himself
under the pretext of the chase, wandered about the forest
near the town, and distinguished the main roads from the
bypaths by particular signs.

21 Mindful of the words of the Buddha: if one lets time slip
away, time drinks up the be.st', he with the intention of be-

22 taking himself to his own country, then sent away lirst of
all his followers having fixed the goal wliere one should meet,

23 in the locality of Janapada*. But as he thouglit, that after
having stayed there so long it was not in keeping with his

24 manliness, to leave without giving notice thereof, lie paid a
visit in the evening in richly decorated attire, to the King

25 OajabShu. Then when twilight had come when people were
wont to amuse themselves with divers games, ho smiling, witli

26 cheerful mien, spake thus: “1 must start even to-day to be-
take myself to the province of the Yuvaraja, and having paid

27 a visit to my father, then return hither in haste.” When
the King heard this, thanks to bis naturally defective uiider-

28 standing, he thought he had said this with reference to his

* I;it- : ‘'In the passing of time lime drinks away the ."iap (rasn) thereof.”
That is: a work loses its value if it is not carried out without he.sitation.
This is held to he a buddiiaraco, like many ancient sayings of wisdom.
S, and B. have changed tlic word evidently beeansi- it is not to be
found in the Canon, into vuddhacaco “ancient saying" (thus W.) I think
however, that vuddha is only used of age in respect of human life.

^ Thus already near the frontier of Dnkkhicadesa. See note to

66. no.

67. 41

GaJobiSM

269

intention to betake bimself to his house*, and said to him

with cheerful smile the favourable words: “May what you 29

have in mind be swiftly fulfilled!”* The chief Brahraaija
who stood near the King likewise at the same moment spake
a favourable word of happy augury of which it is acknow- 30
ledged that it aims at the abundant accumulation (of means)
for the attainment of an object, for peace and victory and

for the de.structioii of the hostile party. When the Prince 31

heard that, he thought with joy: the present constellation is
favourable to my course, and betook himself to his home.

Thereupon the Prince great in virtue and insight, hearing 32
and seeing favourable omens of many kinds, left the house.
Running ns if in fun after his elephant called Ramakula, he 33
roamed from street to street and left the town at night. By 34
nnmnlight wandering thence, he met a mau resting at the
foot of a tree and asked him who he was. When lie heard 3!»
that he was a wayfarer he spake quickly with raised voice:
“Bo.st thou know me?” The other stood silent from fear.
“Adipadu Parakkamaknhu, so they call me; fear not”. With 3C
tliese words he quickly quieted him and won him for himself.

He spake to liim: “That I met thee here was in truth for me 37
a great gain. Betake thee now in all haste to the camp and 38
tell there thou hast seen Prince Parakkamabahu on the way
into his own country”. With that he sent him off hurriedly.
Near tlie Khajjurakavai.ldhamana tank ke kept a lookout 39
whether a force were in pursuit of him. As the Prince 40
saw no troop pursuing him, he set out to betake himself to
(tlie place) called Kapapaddauda. A dreadful, savage she-bcar, 41
with great sharp claws*, sprang at him in the vast wilder-

> Lit.: “with reference to the goinff to bis own house”. Thus Gaj-.i-
hahu takes yavarajarat^i as a Joking expression of Po.rakkainabahu's
fur his house, as be is of courst: playing the i>art of ywcanlja. The
King does not for a moment think that Dakkhiijadcsa is meant. Kven
the words xidhdya pUudassanaiit he refera to bimself not to Kitti-
sirimegba.

* These are words of favourable augury, raeoiiaiii
wbirb the Prince at once applies to hi.s ltigh-so:iring plans.

^ Tiie jungle bear (mclnrxH* fobiotus) native to Ceylon, is distinguished
by its enoruion.s claws.

270

G<vabahu

67.42

42 ness with her cubs, with a fearful howl. Forcing her down
with the edge of his shield, he split her with his sword in
two halves, but with the back of his foot be quickly cast off

43 the cubs. He then called together his comrades who had
fled in fear into the forest. While hereupon still free from

44 fear, he passed over rocky country *, he brought down a boar

terrible beyond all measure, who had attacked him as if it

were a whole herd^, and who gave vent to a terrible grunt.

45 Then when marching further at the village of Demeliyagama^
at daybreak, he beheld the peasants who were named after

46 it*, setting forth sword in hand on some kind of enterprise,
he thinking they came at the head of the (pursuing) army^

47 smote vehemently with his sword on his shield and with a

48 savage cry: “1 will slay the villains" .sprang into the mid.st
of them like a lion among gazelles. They fled frightened into

49 the big forest, throwing away their weapons. Thereupon the
Prince looked thither on every side and when he saw a man

50 who had fallen into a chasm, he drew him out of the abyss

and asked him who they were. When he had heard out of

his mouth the state of affairs in accordance with the truth,

61 he spake full of pity: “Leave off fearing everyone and take
up your weapons", and declared to them openly his own

52 purpose. Near Maiigalabegama he .saw for the first time sol>

* P. sUilkhandnm. W. takes tbe word for a pro|ier name.

^ Tbe Col. Kd. changes the MSS. reading ycUhS yiithahhiyantam un-
necessarily into liilhS W. aecordinKly translates ‘‘leading a lierd".

* The form of the name is '|uite uncertain. The MSS. ■waver. The
Cul. Kd. has Demeliyttnagn but it is just tbe m which is present in all
the MSS.

* The passage is very difficult. W. takes ro^KitiaMu'^'e as a place
name, but the locality is already given in Deineliyngamavhaye ^d»ic.
I tliink that copaniimike belongs to the immediately preceding gamike
and that the wori] corresponds to a Skr. 'nujHiii/lmikd {‘upavtlman “sur-
name, nickname"). Gumike ropanttmike thus means the same as iJe-
meliyagamagSmikf.

^ We must connect piiretaram with ytiiiA (abl.); ySna has the incaning
of the Latin agmen. Lit.: hero they come in advance of the army
(oratio recta).

87.68

0(^jabahii

271

diers of his retinue* who had come according to the agree-
ment, and accompanied bj them, he betook himself to the 53
locality called Janapada and joined his retinue who had ar-
rived there beforehand*. The Prince tarried there with his 64
people two or three days, giving himself up to the pleasures
of the chase and various other entertainments.

When King Kittisirimegha now learned from a letter sent 5&
him by his watchmen, that his son had betaken himself
thither, he rejoiced in tlie thought that after the Prince had 66
sojourned so long with the enemy, he had now without tak-
ing any harm, happily escaped out of the power of the foe.
With the command: “Ye must, my friends, without delay bring 57
hither to me the son who chases away my grief, and before
a hindrance arises, show him to me", he sent to him people 68
from the five groups of menials, who were known to be
courageous*, together with an autograph letter and gifts.

' P. 6/wfe sahavaddhite. Cf. with this sahavadtfhitHnam amaccttnam
68. 5, aaJiiivaddhtiagodhehi 70. 180, as well as saddhimvaddhitaitogem
70. 277. The tueaiiing of sohararfdArtn is apparently the same as that
of sahdfiata "corac along with”, and then “belonging to the imme^ato
retiinie”. Is there perhaps a connection between vaddhita and the
Sinb. vndinaca?

* The localities, Rhtujuravaddhamtina. KSnapaddauda, Denitliyagama
and Mangalabegdma all lie on a line running from Polonnaruva to east
of Dambul. See note to 6C. 110. The Prince had covered the diatance
- about 20—25 miles as the crow flies — in a night and part of the fol-
lowing day, reaching Demeliyagama at daybreak. Hia retinue expect
him according to agreement (see 67. 22) at Janapada, and from here
according to orders, aome people have come to Mahgalabcgama to meet
him. Of this place Coorixotoh says (1.70): “Maiigalaba seems to repre-
sent aome such name as Magul-ebe; a Makiil-ebe is said locally to be
between Eonduraveva and Puvakgaha Ulpota in Matale District.”

^ The Col. Ed. has nHyaka^ and W. accordingly translates: “reputed
beads of the five trades”. But the MSS. have all ndsaka'’ which points
rather to Mrisonlrn* (after jane = aN(tsa»i:n°|. Kittisirimegha entrusts
with the commission people whose hearts are in the right place, bearing
in mind the violent death suHered by the Senapali Saiikha. According
to W. pessiyd were artisans, such as i-arpenters, weavers, washermen,
barbers ami shoemakers (note to the passage), in 84. 5 in addition to

272

Gajabaha

67.69

69 The Prince was glad when he saw the people and the presents
they had brought, and betook himself thence to Saraggama'

60 desirous of meeting again with his father. Now when Kit-

61 tisirimegha heard that his son was there, he sent thither the
head of the Kutharasabha* as well as Abhaya, the chief of
the ascetic.s, who dwelt in the Fahcapariveijaniula monastery
with the order to fetch him hither without loss of time.

62 When the Prince had learned the circumstances of bis royal
father as narrated by them, he spake: if the stars are fa-

63 vourable, I will depart and ye must go with me, and for yet
a few days he passed the time with games at waterfalls and
other pleasant phaces.

64 When the Prince’s companions saw the soldiers who came
from every side, to seek the officials with tlie chief of the

65 SabhS at their bead, they remembering the wrong they had
themselves formerly done* the King by their adherence to

66 the Prince, became agitated through fear. And they spake
to one another: “Many soldiers are gathering here from
divers pluce.s. Hard to see through are the intentions of these

67 officials. They are all united here, surround us on every side
and taking ns in the centre, have occupied the various places".

08 And being perturbed, they told the mutter also to the King's son.

69 He was wroth. “Never and nowhere do all these cowards look
at things as they really are, and therefore they see nothing

70 but danger where no danger is. At the sight of the village
guard who have come to see the heivd of the Sabha they

the live, ten i‘(ssi;/aca!fy<f are dialinKuUlieJ. They are rajakulayalli'i,
belong to the royal bousehuUI.

' See note to 06. 71.

3 Kulhdrtidisal'ltu is, as so often, nothinu but a parnphniae for
Kuthanisahltd tsee note to 44. 0). It is si csisu of some kind of rouneil
chamber (sa/jfcit). The word i'MtAdrd means ":ixc". Instead of “ivi.fi
'liha!/a° the Col. Ed. reads ‘raxihen; thus the name of the priest is
missing here.

^ The following translation is also possible: “reniemberirs the wanton
deed which thi'y themselves in i-onimon with the I’riiiee, had conimilled
against the Kinff.” The sentence would theu contain an allusion to
the murder of the tlendvati Siiiikha.

67. 87

Gajabdhu

273

talk contemptible nonsense to me” — and he spake to them 71
words to this effect. But they melted away gradually hither and
thither. When the Prince heard of it he spake: “Although 72
they liave witnessed my courage on divers occasions and their
own rescue over and over again by me from evil situations, 73
their inborn cowardice doth not forsake these cravens. What
boots it me whether they stay here or run away, and what 74
man can plot anything and what (can he plot) so long as
I live?” And he spent yet some time tarrying there.

When Queen Katanavali heard that her .son was there, 75
but that he was not coming with the (envoys) sent out by
his father, she thought: “It is not meet that grief should 7G
be caused to the King by my son passing the time without
coming; 1 will myself at once bring my son to the Monarch and 77
present him, to him”. Thereupon she came in haste from
Rohaoa hither, betook herself to Sahkhanathatthali, sought 78
out the Ruler, exchanged with liini mauy friendly words and.
Asked by the Monarch, she informed him of the reason for her 79
coming. Then she went thence to SaraggSma, sought out her 80
son, the Tliera, the chief of the ascetics, and the head of the
Sabha and took close counsel with them as to what was to
be done. And as (in her opinion) it was not at all seemly 81
to linger far (from the capital), she took the Prince along
with her and betook herself to Badalatthali. Together with 82
the Senapati Deva* stationed there she went to Sahkhana-
thatthali and presented (the Prince) to hi.s father, the King.
When then Kittisirimegha beheld his son, he spake in his 83
love to the highest ofScials thus: “To-day the arrow of 84
anxiety as to who here might look after me in my old age
and .show me the last honours, is taken out of my .soul. But 86
think not that it is for me only a blessing, is it not also for
you a reward brought forth by former merits? From now 86
onwards ye must all yield obedieuce to the Prince”. With
these words the King commended to them his son. While 87

‘ Di'va who is here e.illcd xeiuhlbiiMili, was apparently the successor
of the mui'ilcrcd &ii'ikliu. Like the latter lie Iftrcd at Badalatthali.

274

frojabahu

67.88

the officials full of zeal, did according to his command, King
Kittisirimegha departed this life.

88 The steadfast Prince who knew the writings of the Master
(Buddha)', was not mastered by the agitation called forth by

89 the grief at his father's death. He comforted the inhabitants
of the kingdom beginning with the high dignitaries, carried
out the fire burial of his father in a manner worthy of him,

90 appointed here and there in the country and on the frontiers
of tlie realm loyally devoted officials amongst his immediate

91 followers*. Then versed in the laws valid for the nob^ility,
at a favourable constellation, during the festival of the bind-

92 ing on of the frontlet denoting the rank of mahadipada ho
held a solemn procession — he the ornament of Laiika, adorned
with all ornaments, around the town adorned with every or-

93 nament in every way — he the mighty round the troop-filled
(town), he the most dexterous riding on his elephant --- ever

94 ns the King of the gods round the city of the gods*, By the
rain of an abundant gift of money to the samaras and the
brillmiauas and others he stilled then the persistence of the

96 glow of their poverty. To the King Gajabahu and to the
King Manabharapa he sent hereupon his envoys to inform
them of the affair*.

‘ 1'. hiilanatthilgama. It is doubtful whether saltha contains the
Skr, instra or xasli (P. sn^Aur). W. seems to assume the former, since
he translates: “versed in all knowledge and religion". I think the latter
and take satthdffama as a synonjm of Ouil'IhStiama, The Duddhii teaches
in the sacred scriptures, absolute quiet of soul, indifference towards Joy
and sorrow,

^ W. translates “officer.s whom he had trained". That is in ibielf
unobjectionable. Nijaradilliila would correspond then to skr. tiija-
vartlhita = srni’nrrfArfn (Btt. s. v. iiijo, near the end). I find it difficult
however, to separate nijarnddhitn fronr the xahttraddhila so often used
in the same context. See note to 67. 52.

* The whole section is full of puns. Notice in v. 91 nnkhatte and
khattn, in v. 92 n/nin^virn and ahiutkutu, >iekthi and nrktulhd, in \ . 93
pabala and h(da, dukkhinai/ga and iMdnkkhina (which 1 have rendered
by "solemn )irocession”), as well as akari and kurim, surindo and sh-
rdlayam.

♦ Thus he observes diplomatic courtirey in notifying the change of

67.96

Gttjab^u

275

He (Parakkamababu) who bad won* the hearts of his 96
many officers through the fulness of his excellent qualities,
who had reduced all hostility to nothing*, who had won
lustrous glory, whose wealth consisted in his renown which
filled the whole universe, dwelt in that town doing much good.

Here ends the sixty-seventh chapter, called “The Festival
of the Mahadipada”, in the Mabavainsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

reign. But it U to be noted that he auunea the title of mahadipdda.
This looks like modesty, but it includes as against Onjabahu, for future
time the claim to the crown in the whole of tlie kingdom.

> nlto, lit. ‘‘directed, led" is to be taken in the sense of vosain nUa
“brought under his influence, won over for himself".

* For ridhunitn cf. skr. dhS witli m, in BR. 2.

276

Gajiibithu

CHAPTER LXVlll

THE IMPROVEMENT OF HIS OWN KINGDOM

1 With his high-soaring plans and with his exact knowledge
of the other country, though now in possession of the royal
dignity, he did not give way to empty boasting* (sucli as):

2 “the reward of my royal dignity, after the subjugation of all
my foes, consists (now already) in the gain of prosperity and

3 welfare for the laity and the Order", but he thought: “It
is true, I have by my extraordinary insight brought my king-
dom although it is small, so far that much in it has pro-

4 spered, but I will now within a short time further it so
greatly that it will surpass the greatness of other kingdoms".

5 With this reflection the Piioce granted to all the dignitaries
amongst his followers*, to each according to his merit, po.sts

* A difficult piiseugc. The ultemtion of padn c in the Col. Ed. into
mantaiiam-aiinjja (W. “he took counsel with . . .") is unnecessary.
I befieve that I'nfihninatiuni andpajja which sonic of the MSS. have,
while the writin^r of others su^rgesU it, stives quite good sense. That
would be the skr. ‘kalthiimtUram {*kaUhd “bofistinfr" from tbe root
Jcatlh). At most a quite slight alteration inif;ht bo made — I'atthanattnm :
katthaiia (skr, the same) and sulT. -tia (skr. -Ira) “condition of boastinR”.
yeyultaka in d 1 rcgnrd on account of the e in the first syllable, as a
secondary derivative of niyiillu (skr. niyuklii) and aa a suliatantivo at
that, formed like rdninnitfot'ii “loveliness”. I'ai.iini's rule 5. 1. 132, it is
true, allows this furmation only with adjectives in -yti. Strophe 2 jr'ves
then the content of the boasting from which I’arakkauiahuhu rcfmina,
being conscious of the great tasks which .still await him. Ho is not
satisfied by what he has achieved till now and by a quiet and jiions
life iu his present realm, but he aspires alter the sovereignty over
whole Ceylon.

- See above notes to 67. 52 and 90. W. translates here and also in

G8. 20

Gaj^akii

277

and inclined them to himself by gifts of money. From the 6
Samantaku^' mountain to the port at the sea he divided his
army along the frontier of the kingdom into various camps,
and reflecting that in the first place, in every possible way 7
grain must be stored in mass, he spake thus to his hench-
men: ‘'In the realm that is subject to me there are, apart 8
from many strips of country where the harvest flourishes
mainly by rain water, but few fields which are dependent on 9
rivers with permanent flow or on great reservoirs. Also by 10
many mountains, by thick jungle, and by widespread swamps
my kingdom is much straitened. Truly in such a country II
not even a little water that comes from the rain must flow
into the ocean without being made useful to man. Except at 12
the mines where there arc precious stones, gold and the like,
ill all other places the laying out of flelds must be taken in
hand. For a life of enjoyment of what one possesses, without 18
having cared for the welfare of tho people, in no wise befits
one like myself. And when it is the case of a difficult tusk, 14
ye also all with untiring energy must not regard it as hard;
without neglecting the command given by me, ye must fully 15
carry out the work as ordered". The highly renowned gave 16
the order to rebuild on the river Jajjara* the great causeway
known as Ko(thabaddha which had since long been in ruins,
so that the name alone remained, and which had caused tho 17
kings of former times the greatest difficulties. The officials 18
all described in every way the difficulties of the work and its
lack of permanence even if it were carried out. The King 19
I’arakkaniabahu* repudiated the word: “What is there in the
world that cannot be carried out by people of energy? That 20

70. 189 and 277 “oflicers that bad been brought up with him", but in
07. 52 “bis fellow soldiers”.

' See note to 60. 04.

- Now the Dedum-oya. The river rises southwest of Kurunegala,
flows at first in a northwesterly and northerly direction, turns west
below its .junction with the Kimbulvunn-oya, flows at no great distance
past Nikaveratiya and falls into the sea to the north of Chilav,

Note that from now onwards Parakkaniabahu has the title of King.

278

Gajabahu

68 . 21

even Rama had a great causeway built by the moukey hosts
over the ocean — this tale lives among the people to this day.

21 If my extraordinary power should be the cause of the fur-
thering of the laity and the Order by the union of Lanka

22 under one umbrella, then even at the beginning of the enter-
prise one sees (in anticipation) its fulfilment”. By such words

23 the energetic one fired their energy. From the causeway as
starting-point to the district called Usttakara^ the discerning

24 ruler before building the causeway, laid down a large canal,
in depth many times the length of a man, very broad and

25 exceedingly solid. As in this district there was a lack of
stone masons’, the far-famed (King) called together in great

26 number coppersmiths, blacksmiths and goldsmiths and made
over to them the business of masonry and made them lay
down a dam in which the joints of the stones were scarcely

27 to be seen, very firm, quite massive, like to a solid rock’

' W. is tbhiking of the Retkerauvai?) in the Atukidan Koralo of
Siibara^'amuva : that U of course geof^raphically quite impossible.
CoDBiKOTOK (I. 70) refers us to Ratkaravva, about miles N. W. of
Kutucegala in tho Kuda Galboda Eorale. If this is right, then the
small river that flows immediately past Kurunegala and joins the
Deduru-oya further north, would be included in thi; irrigation system.
The great reservoir must then be sought not far from the spot where
the road from Kurunegata to Dainbul crosses the T)eJuru-oya. But I
believe that the form of the name is Rattakara, and -avhaya thi^
word -avha occuring so frequently at the end of names with the mean-
ing “called so and so". The large map of Ceylon too has not the form
Ratkaravva but Ratkara-vevn.

’ I believe that my emendation of the HSS. sildkottakdTtammaltfi-
pdlohakdrake into °kdnatn abhaod loha° is simpler than that of the
Col. Ed. “fcfSnam nivaltam hhef; bha is very easily confused with ha
and va with pa. The familiar moAd led to a doubling of the ni. The
sense is now even more pregnamt. If a number (nicoAa) of stone masons
had been available, one would not have needed the various smiths for
tho building of the reservoir and the canal. For they are only employed
for sildkoUanakamma.

® P. pitthipusdna, according to PTS. P. D. s. v. “a flat stone or rock,
plateau, ridge". The idea is: the whole causeway looks like a single
immense slab of stone, tike a monolith.

68. S8

Gffjabahu

279

and provided with a complete coating of stucco. As a be- 28
liever he placed ou the height of the causeway a bodhi tree,
an image house and a relic shrine'. And expert as he was, 29
lie so arranged matters that the whole quantity of water was
borne through the canal to the sea. On both sides of the 80
canal he had the great wildernesses cleared and many thou-
sands of day's work' fields laid out, and because the land 31
was thickly studded with granaries full of untrussed rice' he
caused it to be called by the fitting name of Kotlliabaddha.

Hereupon at the place of union of the two rivers Sahkha- 32
vaddhamanaka and Kunibhilavana' the Sovereign had the place 33
Sukaranijjhara dammed up iu the aforesaid way and likewise
a canal laid down. He had the water from there carried to 34
the Mahagallaka tank' and after he bad dammed up every-
thing there that was decayed and ruined, having first cleared 35
out the drainage canals, he built a weir® of larger propor-
tions than before. From this place as far as Sukaranijjhara 36
ho ]iad fields made and collected in this way stocks of grain.

In the middle of the Jajjara river at the place Doradattika 37
he built a dam and a large canal and also from there as I'ar 88
as Sukaranijjhara be had fields made and brought together a

> P. ilhdtugabbham. Here, at already in GO. 5G and below in 79. 14,
the word appears with the meaning of the Sinhalese ihtgaba or (lOgoha,
not ns orijfinally for the relic chamber built into the stupa, but for the
stGpa itself {dhatugabbha = IhSpa).

* P. vu/in, a land measure, as much (ground as one can cultivate
with a “load” of seed com.

® The reading ahwhlhaiihi of the MSS. which has been arbitrarily
altered in the Col. Ed. into clAan'/nriAi, is neccss.-iry, in order to explain
the second part of the name KoUliabatldha.

^ These are the rivers Hakvatunu-oya and Kimbutvana-oya (CouaiaoTON
1.70). The former joins the latter from the right about 4 miles above
its junction with the Deduni-oya. Cf. above note to v. 16.

^ As the Mabagallakavapi is in all probability the Magalle-vcva
reservoir in the Magul Otota Rorale near Nikaveratiya, the canal must
have followed the right bank of the Dednru-oya for a length of about
16 miles. Cf. note to 44. 3.

* P. taripdta, lit. "waterfall". Cf. 48. 148 and 79. 66, 67 with the
notes.

280

Gojahdhu

66.39

39 large quantity of coin^ Tbe Paijflavapi* tank which was former-
ly quite small he provided with a solid dam whose height,
length and breadth were enlarged (as compared with former

40 dimensions), and (also) with an immense, high* weir and with
overdow canals and gave it the name Parakkamasamudda.

41 On the island in the middle of the tank he built on the
summit of a rock a cetiya that showed forth the beauty of

42 the Kel^a mountain*. In its centre he built a royal pleasure
house three storeys high and very beautiful, which was a

43 habitation for a fulness of worldly joys. Tbe reservois Maha-
galla, Se^thivapi and Chattuniiata, Tabhavapi, gs well as

44 AinbavasavSpi, Giribavapi, PSfala, Mai.n.lika, Mornvapi, Siidiya-

45 gguniavapi and also Tilugullaka ; Mnlavalli and Kali as well as
Kittukagc.laka, Kappikaragallavapi and Buddhagamakanijjburn;

46 Sukaraggamavapi and Mahakirajavapj, Giriyavapi, Unkichaniaiia,

47 Ambala and Ka(unnaru; Jallibava, Uttaralu and Tintiuigaina,

48 Dhavalavi(thikagama, KiravSpi, Najannaru; Karavit^havilatta,
as well as Udutnbaragama, Munaru and Kasalla and Kalala-

49 hallikn; MulavSrikaTapi and Girisiganiuka, Polonnarutnlu and

50 also Visiratthala* — these many tanks and sixteen others in

‘ The statement mnjjhe JiujaramtjjSya is too vague, to allow of
Mxing the position of DoraUattika with certainty. 1 think, however,
thill it must be looked for above tbe mouth of the Kumbhlluvana-nadl.
If it were below, the canal described in vv. 82 if. would stand in tlio
way of a diversion from the right bank. With a diversion from the
left bank however the junction with Sukaranijjhani would cross the
Deduru-oyu itself.

* Sec note to 60. 60.

3 P, ahMuHmdn. It is difficult to say what tbe special meaning of
the word is here.

* By the brilliant white of the coating which reminds one of the
summit of the Kailasa wrapped in eternal snow. This is n mountain
group of over 20000 ft. in height, belonging to the trans-Hiroalayiin
system. The Tibetans call the mountain Kang-rinpotschc and. like the
Hindus, they hold it sacred. Of. SvEii Kbi>ik, Transhimalaya II. 91 ff-,
164 ff., 111. 170 ff.

’ Mr. CouRiMOTu.s had the kindness to send me by letter (19. 10. 1926)
a series of identiReationa established by him fur vv. 43-49: 1. Mahii-
galta = Magalleveva (see notes to 44. 3 and 68. 84); 2. Visavapi =

68.57 Gojabahu 281

whicli the weirs were destroyed' lie who.se heart was cliained
to pity', had restored in his realm. In the Pancayojana 51
District where there were great swamp ponds, he took the
water from there and conducted it to rivers, laid out fields 52
and collected a large quantity of grain. In the wildernesses
there and at very many other places he determined every- 53
where what was to remain as wilderness', and assembling all
tlie village chiefs, he entrusted the inhabitants with the
cultivation (of the remaining country). The discerning (Prince) 64
thereby brought it about that the new fields yielded a tax
which was greater than the old taxes produced in the king-
dom, and at the same time brought it to pass tliat the in- 55
habitants of the country never more knew fear of famine.
Versed in administration be thought: in my kingdom wherever 5(j
it may he, there shall not he even a small courtyard without
its roofing of leafage, and had therefore here and there clmrin- 57

Vaaiyiiva in tlie Moj^ul OtoU Korule {near Nikavcraliya); 8. Olriba*
va|ii = Giribava in Mi-oyen Korale (on Ifae left bank of t1ic

Kula-oya)i 4. Maodika = Mediyava in the Pnhala Visideko Komla
(navtii of Maho); 5. Tiiagullaka ■= Taingalle Ela (see note to 58. 43).
in tbe Katnvana Koralu (east of Mogul Olola K); 6. Kali? Kaliyii-
vac.lana, a large irrigation work in I'itigal Korale (at Chilav); 7.
KiiiliUingamakan ijj Lara? ™ Biitgomu-oya, Yatikaha Korale (20 miles
west of Kurunegala): 8. Sukaraggiiuiavapi ? — UniiiotUi, Kiniyiinin
Korale (loft bank of the lower Deduru-oya); 0. Mahakiralara]ii =
Mahagiriilii, Mogul Mcdagiimliihayc Korale East (north of tlio Miigiil
Utot.'i K.); 10. Giriyuvupi = Gulgiriydra, Nikavagampahe Kovalo
(nortb-eaet of Mabo); 11. Ambala = Anibale, Magiil Medaganduliayc
Korale Kaat (see under d); 12. Tintipigumaka = Siyambatangomuva,
Hataliepaba Korale (between Nikavagampabv E. and Mi-oyen Kgoda K.,
a large now abandoned tank north-east of Galgamuva); 13. Kiravapi
= Kiraveva, Yagam 1‘atlu Korale (10 miles E. of Chilav); 14. Kara-
vitthavilatta = Karavita and Yilattava, Pitigal Korale North (at
Chilav), and Yagam Pattu Komic (see under 13). — For .l/onu'iJpi see
notes to 69. 9, 70. 67.

' I think we must read vaUhanijjharariiinyo instead of miffli'i nyj'/**.

- Fun on dayabaddhitmaHO and bandhdptsi.

^ Lit.: “determining the wilderness places": varaUhn is a gesund and
stands for -Ubdya with a causative meaning. Thii.s ho separated the
cultivable land from that whicli was incapable of cultivation.

282

G<\jabdhu

68. 58

58 ing parks laid out, filled full with numerous species of creepers
and trees which bore fruits and which bore blossoms, and which
offered many delights* and which were beautified by all kinds
of garden beds*.

5D Aware of the right method, the Prince so acted that in
consequence of his extraordinary insight his own kingdom
though small, (now) brought to such prosperity, surpassed
another, even a great kingdom.

Here ends the sixty-eighth chapter, called “The Improve-
ment of his own Kingdom”, in the Mahavamsa, compiled
for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

* E’. an«l:a-(!nu5AarA.d(EAure “the foundatioos of many delights". For
the meaning of oiiuMAira cf. those of the kindred verb.

* P. iulmtnui/yanaHundare, which I split up into ndnil anuyydna ;
anuyydna corresponds to ti^dna as anudhamma to dhamma and is
used of the smaller secondary garden-liko beds in the drdmd.

Gojabaha

283

CHAPTER LXrX

TEIE COLLECTION OF MIUTARY FORCES AND MONEY

When Parakkamabahu had thus set his whole kingdom in 1
order in the best possible way, he pondered orer what was
now to be done: “Former foolish kings to whom good direc- 2
tion of affairs of state was unknown, for long injured at
their pleasure people and Order. The ascetics made the 8
Order abandon the teaching and discipline of the Master;
they neglected religious duties and lived according to their
own pleasure. If now I soon unite Lanka under one umbrella, 4
I shall perchance be able to raise up again Order and people.”
After these reflections he gave orders to offlcers and district 5
chiefs to put troops and war material in readiness. First of 6
all the Prince summoned to him the official with the title
of King of Malaya who was leader of the Damija army in
the district called Rattakara', and after he had placed in 7
readiness mauy thousands of men, as well os armaments aud
weapons, he sent him away to take up his abode there. From 8
the Tabba district, from the Giriba district, from Moravapi,
from the Mahipala district, and from the PilaviRhika district;
from the Buddhagama district and from the district called 9
Ambavana, from the Bodhigamavara district and from the 10
Kavtakapetaka* district he summoned the officials of the

‘ See note to 68. 23.

3 Of the names mentioned here tlie foltowioj;' are already known :

1) Tabba in TabbSvapi 68. 43 ; 2) Giriba in Giribavapi, cf. note to
68. 49, nr. 3; 3) Moravapi 68. 44; 4) Buddhagama, cf. note to
58. 43; 5) Ambavana, cf. note to 66.85; 6) Bodhigamavara, cf.
note to C6. 78. It ie clear that here wc have the enumeration of tbo
frontier districts of Dakkhitiadesa towards Rajarattha from N.W, to S.E.

284

Giyabaku

09. 11

frontier guard singly, placed at their disposal many thousands

11 of men, strong mails and divers weapons, such as swords,
javelins, lances and the like and sent each of them to his

12 place to dwell there. At that time Laiikamabalana, Sikliana-

13 yaka, Jayaiiiahalana, Setthinayaka and Mahipda by name —
these live highly respected men belonging to the Lambakaijijas*

14 dwelt in the Moriya* district, lie made each one of them
supply a thousand warriors and ordered tliem to get ready

1 5 the (necessary) war equipment. In the interior of the country
the King set up twelve district chiefs and allotted to each

16 of them two thousand men. Further he appointed eighty four
officers, men tested .by victory, and entrusted to each of them

17 a force of a thousand men. He also raised several thousand
soldiers armed with clubs, tall men and strong, and the (need-

18 ful) war appliances. Of the foreign soldiers, such as the
Korajas and othei-s, who were in bis service, he raised several

19 thousand. Of one thousand he made moonlight arcbers, versed
in night-fighting, and gave them leathern doublets and the like.

20 Many thousand VySdhas’ too he brought together, (men) who
understood their task and gave them what was fitting for

21 them; spears, drums* and the like. Of the many work people

The Tabba district accordingly lies in the extreme nortliwest on the
left bank of the tower Kula-oya probably in KAjavanni-Pattuva. 1 find
a Mabatabbova marked on tbo 12-ghcct-niap. Uorav^pi, MahTpala and
I’ilavitthika must be looked fur in this oi;dcr between Giriba-and Mc-
nikdena. It is clear from 72. 163, 170 that Pilavittbi or Pillavitthi
(the two are certainly identical) lay not far from Ealuvapi. Poaaibly
Kaijtakapetaka lay east or northeast of Matale.

* Cf. note to 39. 44.

^ Moriya is otherwise (38. 13, 41. 69) a clan name.

^ That vydtlha here is a renderiog of the Sinh. raddd seems to me
certain, though this does not prove that the etymological derivation of
the latter from the former is correct.

* W. separates sattikdlambara into salti-kdla-ambaroi •e.nd translates
“swords, black rlothcs”. That is certainly wrong.. We’ must separate
into sattikCl-dlambara. Saltika ni the, deminutive of salti “spear” = skr.
iakti. One might also derive it from saJW “knife" = skr. sastri, but I
consider that less likely. AUtmhara is the skr. d^mbara “drum".

69. 30

Gojabtikn

285

the King then ordered each thousand to perform the work
appropriate to them*. With the wish that people skilled in 22
the art of riding elephants or horses and of handling the
sword, in the use of foreign tongues, in dance and song, in
court service should increase in number, the Sovereign brought 23
up many of the sons, brothers and grandcliildren of distin-
guished families in his own palace. Of the many groups sucli 24
as the Churikaggahaka, the Kappuravmldhaka, the Khuddase-
vaka, the Sihalagandhabba, the Santikavacara and so on* he 25
supported several thousand of each of them at the royal
court. To the young people among the chamberlains, bar- 26
bers and the like he gave weapons and commanded them
always to acknowledge the eldest among them as their leaders.
Having established through the people who had been the 27
treasurers of bis father the King, the state of the finances,
he came to the decision, that with such means it would bo 28
impossible to establish a universal dominion in Laiika, and
collected without oppressing the people (further) money in
the following way: The monarch separated finance admini- 29
stralion and the army from each other and made them over
to two officials who were the chief officials*. The whole 30
realm ruled by him the King divided equally (into two halves)
and appointed a couple of auditors who came in regular ad-

' Parakkiima tliu* aupiilice the deiuand for workers for the nriiiy by
recruiting from the castes.

* It is not possible to determine whut various groups

castes or guilds are meant. Taken in order the n.auie.s singly deiiolc:
1) kuife bearers, dnj’j’er beaitrs, 2) camphor producers (cf. clcaiwnijdliaka
“makers of clothing"!, 3) little servants, 4) Sihain musicians, 5) comrades
of the immediate entourage.

* Tarakkama must thus have created two chief ministries, a ministry
of War and one for the internal administration, each with a higlicst
official at the head. For simpliCciition the latter was loc.ally divided
into two parts (v. 30) to which a third wa-s added which embraced in
particular the administration of the mines (? sdrallhuii'i, v. 32). It is
clear that the compiler is here describing the system of administration
set up in certain works of the NTti literature. It is of course possible
that I'arakkama himself adoplcd this system.

286

Gc^j<d)ahu

69. SI

31 vancement‘ (to the office). From the district on the sea coast*,
from the district Ratanakara*, from the great Malaya country

32 and from other districts the Ruler separated all land of
extraordinary yalue and placed it under an official for whom

S3 he created the so-called “Office of the Interior"*. By ship he
sent off many precious stones, traded with these and so increased

34 the money resources. In charge of the two chief officials he
caused to supply war material and troops of many thousand

36 men, and in that of the three (other) officials also, him of
the office of the Interior and the two heads of provinces, he

36 raised very many troops. To test the military fitness of the
soldiers* he arranged fights on the street, sifted out the mhst

37 skilled and granted them high distinction. Those unfitted for
fight he dismissed out of pity: they were to till the fields
and perform other work and live in peace.

38 Thus versed in right method, he placed in readiness mails
and weapons and skilled troops and without oppressing the
people, he collected with ease large resources in money.

Here ends the sixty-ninth chapter, called “The Collection
of military Forces and Money”, in the Mahavamsa, compiled
for tiie serene joy and emotion of the pious.

' P. iamagate. I beliere that what is meant is that these officials,
in order to have the necessary expert knowledge, bad to work their
way lip through the various grades of service.

^ Here it is probably a case of the strips of coast where pearl fishing
was carried on.

^ 1 have no doubt that the district meant is that in which the pro.
sent RatnftpuiTi lies (cf. W., note to the passage), and which was ever
and again the “mine of precious stones” (rntatidtaro).

^ I’, antaraiigadhvra. See skr. (tHlarahga.

* Oy hhata are meant all people of an age to bear arms.

GajabuJtu

287

CHAPTER LXX

THE SURRENDER OP THE ROYAL DIGNITY

Hereupon, after Parakkaniabahu had surveyed his great 1
army and the abundant stocks in money and corn and his
whole war material, he thought: quite apart from the island 2
of Slhala it would not be difficult to conquer even Jambudipa,
and ho set about getting tho royal dominion into his power.
Into the great Malaya country’ which was difficult to pene- 3
trate owing to the inaccessibility of the many mountains and
on account of the danger from wild animals, shut off from
intercourse with other men, passable only on footpaths, offer- 4
ing all kinds of perils and dangerous by reason of deep
waters with man-eating crocodiles, in YaRhikao<!& and Dum- 5
bara*, he summoned Rakkba the dagOadhinayaka’ of King 6
Oajababu, and graciously showed him great distinction. He then
gave him the order to take possession of the Malaya country
and make it over to him. When the inhabitants heard of the 7
affair, tliey agreed that they would kill the general when he
came to them. At these tidings the general came hither in 8
haste, fought, scattered the enemy in flight and occupied the
district of Dumbara. Thereupon he continued the fight in 9

' Parakkamababu goes to work with great ileliberation. Before under*
taking the attack on Riyarattba, he secures his right flank by occuiiying
the mountain country of Malaya. This is called, as in 69. 31, Malta-
malayadem.

* Probably the province of Dumbara (Pata D. and Uda D.) ■wliicli
stretches N.E. of Kandy, though possibly its scope was more restricted
in ancient times than now. See below note to v. 14.

■* The title occurs in different forms; also ilanilanalha (so v. 7, 8),
dandandyaka (70- 279 etc.), it seeuis to be of a military character;
datida is probably to be understood as “army".

288

GajahShu

70.10

YatthikH 0 <.la and seized the head of the chief there, after he

10 had beaten the foe. At the village of Talakkbetta he twice
offered battle and he likewise fought two combats at Naga-

11 pabbata'. Also at the village Suvaooadooi* by name, at
Ramucchurallika and at Denmtthapadatthali he delivered at

12 each in turn an action, and after all the enemy inhabiting
the different places were subjugated he took possession of the

13 Yatthika^jnl® district with strong forces. After leaving there bis
younger brother behind with the army, he betook himself to

14 the King to consider what was to be done. The soldiers at
the head of whom was his brother, now marched forth and
after a fight with the enemy, seized the district called Ni-
ls lagallaka*. The general returned and after her had successi-
vely delivered battle at Sayakhettaka, at flattabeduma and at

10 Dhanuvillika* and had slain the foe, he made the conquered

17 district Nilagallaka into a safe possession. Hereupon he twice
offered action against the powerful Otturamallaka the chief

18 of Dhanumaudala, and after conquering tJie Kissevikkliettaka
district and clearing it of the briers (of the foe), he brought

19 Otturiiniallaka and his people into liis power. Thereupon the
King summoned the general Rakklia to him and conferred
on him the dignity of a Kesadhatu‘ and great distinction.

‘ Tbe place mentioned here has nothiog to do with the Nakapawala
vihura mentioned in the Tamnianakanda inscription (B. MCllhii AIC.,
No. 66).

* Corresponds probably to a modern Randeniya. The Census of 1921
mentions live localities of this name; but the position of none of tlicm
lits our 8uTai,iuadooi.

^ A Nilgalit lies in Udasiya r.ittu North in Dumbiini (tbu.s Conaisu-
that is in the mountainx north of Teldeniya. If the. indcntificiitioii
is nght, then the engageiuents described in vv. 8 IT. must Imve taken
vdace in a comparatively restricted area iu tbe region N. E. of Kandy.
The names in vv. 8 and 9 do not occur again. Ramiicchuvallika (v. II)
might be meant for Kambukvela in Gampalia Korale West, 7 miles east
of Teldeniya (cf. W. note to psissage).

A Duniivila lies about five miles S. E. of Teldeniya, only Just
over two miles soiilb of the s|)ot where the last king of Ceylon was
captured. Thus also Coubisutok.

^ Cf. the note to 57. 85. The Order of the Kesadhiitu was not founded
for the lirat time now, as one might assume from* the note in W'a
translation. It existed already at tlie lime of Vijayiibahu 1.

70.81

GajabeUtu

289

The King sent him forth to take the district of Majjhima- 20
vagga*. He betook himself to Nilagiri* and after he iiad
armed his troops there, the mighty one fought in the pro- 21
vince VapivS^ka by name and in Majjhimavagga and won
the victory. When the Lord of men Gajahahu heard of these 22
events, he sent out a great army to fight him. At news of 23
this the Ke.sadbatu, who had with him a correspondingly
strong army and train, scattered the enemy forces and oc-
cupied Majjhimavagga. I.^kajiivaQa by name and the Laii- 24
kadhinayaka Rakkha*, the lion-hearted ones, armed a division,
marched forth and fought the LahkanStha Hukitti; they de- 25
feated him and brought the district called Rerupallika into
their power. In Kosavngga the King brought Samantamaila 20
by name by amicable means under his influence and showed
him great honour; he then sent him war material and a big 27
army and charged him to seize Kasavagga. Samantamallaka 28
by name, Otturamallaka and his people fought with tho
hostile army and slew many in the battle. After they had 20
fought a great battle at the place called Sisacchiniiakabodhi,
the mighty ones got hold of the Kosavagga district*.

When he had thus made peaceful the province of Malaya 30
whore owing to its inhabitants tlicre had been no peace, he
dwelt at ease in his town and passed the time with games 31

* Contrary to all the MSS. the Col. Kd. reads rajnrfitlham instead

of r/ijs Accordingly W. tnnislates “sent him to the king's

country to take the district of Majjhiiiin-vaggak.a". That is wrong. The
scene is not yet Uajamttha but Mal.iya. Majjliiiu-avagga is identified
by ConniHoTos with Medivakn in Gjimiiiiba Koralc, Diiinbara,.

* Njlagiri is jn-obably identical with the Nlliigatlaka mentioned above.

It is now the base for furtlicr operations.

^ Ijankadhinaijakn (variants luiikSiiatha, ex. 70. 25, or Iniil'Sdkinttlhtt,
cx. 70. 232) is again a title which occurs frequently in just this
pariccheda. The I.nnkudhmayaka Bakkha is of course different from
the Dai.idadhinayaka (“gonerar') Rakkha, now Kesadhatu Rakkha. The
two are mentioned together 70. 282, 283. Cf. also note to 70. 278.

^ We must very likely assume that the military engagements describeil
from V. 20 onwards, took place north of the Dumbara district, so tliat
I’ar.ikkama’s troops work^ their way gradually to the frontitir of
Rajarattha.

290

Gajdbahu

70 . 32

in the garden and in the water, with dance and song and

32 the like, fulfilling the duties of a king, and for the sake of
the exertions* for the subjugation of hostile kings and for
defeat of rebels, the Ruler was wont to follow the chase.

33 Now one day the King together with the chief Mahesi, with

34 ministers and retainers went hunting. When then the So-
vereign beheld a big forest that had signs of being inhabited
by game, he made the Mahesi take her stand on the one

36 side and then bad the whole forest surrounded by hunters
with spears in their hands and nets and caused them to make

36 a noise here and there. Now when an elk bull^ large as an
elephant calf, heard the frightful noise, he broke out of the

37 forest thicket. Glancing in all sides, he roused by fear came
running thence, plunging down the mountain slopes, leaping

38 mountain gorges, cracking the tree branches, dragging cree-
pers after it like u net, trampling down the brushwood in

39 the forest, tearing asunder the outspread net, killing everyone
he met or putting them to fliglit — thus he dashed straight
at the Mahesi with the fury and the swiftness of the storm.

40 Everybody who beheld him rushing onwards fled on all sides,
overcome by fright, and left the Mahesi and the King in the

41 lurch. When the King beheld the fearful stag approaching he
ran towards him with terrible courage and hit him with hurled

42 spear. Wounded by him, the stag lowered its head* to slay
the King, but shedding both its antlers, flung itself at his

43 feet. The ministers, the hunters, the chamberlains, the bar-
bers and the others hearing the cry that the animal gave

44 forth after receiving its severe wound*, turning back, caiuc

> In order to be capable of tho:-e exrrtion!i. I <lo not think that
var/AinaUham is in a parallel position to t)ie two .os W.

assumes, but that these latter are dependent on the former.

^ 1*. gokannamigo, Sinh. guiiti. Rasa Aristotclis, the Sambar, living
in India and Ceylon.

* Lit.: When by him (the stag), that bad received the (apear) wound
the bend was lowered to kill him (the King), he fell . .

* The MSS. have faddhii pohoram I have changed only

the last word into kurunaw "plaintive, piUful". Tlic gcriin<l is subject
to the part. rni-«<o. The Col. Ed. has laddlui iiohrirahnraiid, which
gives neither clear construction nor clear sense.

70. 68

GaJabOhu

291

together from all sides. When they beheld the two antlers
and the lion-hearted Kuler they were full of astonishment 45
and overjoyed and happy, they filled the whole forest with
the clamour of their loud praises. Ever and anon praising 46
the extraordinary bravery of the King, his great good for-
tune, his heroism and liis manly courage, they took the 47
antlers and surrounding the King, entered the town which
was adorned like the city of the gods, told the great digni- 48
taries of the astonishing events and showed all of them the
two antlers. When the high officials heard of the miracle, they 49
came together and spake with one another with astonishment
about the extraordinary occurrence: “Were this man with his 60
majesty born in Jambudipa, be would become without doubt
a world-ruling king”. With these and words of like praise 61
they lauded his indexible courage hard to surpass, and placed 62
the two antlers, having had an inscription put on them, in
the treasure house where they are to this day.

When hereupon the Lord of men (Parakkamabahu) heard 63
that the Ruler Gajabahu had fetched nobles of heretical faith
from abroad and had thus filled Rajarattha with the briers 64
(of heresy), wrath seized his soul and he thought: though people
of my kind are there, possessing insight, virtue, miraculous power 56
and extraordinary courage, he has nevertheless acted thus — and
he commanded his generals to take possession also of Rajara(tha^.
With careful con.sideration of the works profitable for the 66
carrying on of war, such as the text book of Kotalla*, the
Y^uddhayuava* and others he, versed in the procedure of war, 67
worked out with ingenuity in a way according with the
locality and the time, the plan of campaign^, wrote it down,
had it handed out to the officers and gave the order: “Doubt 68
not that ye do a thing of great moment, if ye do but swerve

' In the same way as they had already conquered Malaya.

* For Kotalla = skr. Kautalya see note to G4. 8.

“ 1 do not know a work with this title. Chapters 123—126 of the
Agnipuraya are however called Yudd/injayiirttara. Ackrkciit, Catalo^us
Catalogorum, p. 219.

I’, yuddkopiiyam. For uptiya cf. note to 58. 3.

292

Gajuhahu

70, 69

59 by a hair's broadtii from this my instruction”. They all
received the words of the King with bowed head and went
forth with large forces to open the campaign.

60 The Ix)rd of men Gajabahu liad as chief of the umbrella
bearers Komba, equipped with an army and experienced in

61 war. The latter had built a very strong fortress at the vil-
lage of Mallavalatia* for defence ngaimst the foe and had long

62 had bis dwelling there. The Malayarayara who held the
stronghold Valikhhhetta*, fought with him, put him to flight

63 and took his fortres.s. Then the hero marched thence at the
head of a strong force and came by ship on the water to

64 Muttiikara’. The mighty one fought a great battle in the
middle of the sea against the general there, in which the

66 enemy troops were scattered, lie then fought even a second
bitter action at the selfsame spot and sent many thousands

66 (of the foe) to (the god of death) Yaiua. The forces also of
the Chief of the KesadhStus, called Tamha, and other ti'oops

67 destroyed the foe at (the place) Mslavalliyii by name, and the
officer in MoravSpi, Nilagallaka by name, came to Kafiyaguma
and slew great numbers of the enemy*.

68 In the village of Kalavapi Gajabahu had the general known

69 by the name of Xagaragiri Ookaopa* stationed. He was

* Tlie operations begin on the extreme left wing of I’arftkkamnl)iil)n
wlio evidently intends to cut oR' Rajarattha from llie xca. Mallavujana
should therefore be looked for not far from llio roast, somewhere about
the mouth of the Kala-oy.a.

* .Miiliiyariyara is a variant of .Mulayaraja (cf. note lo 41. 85). Va-
likakhetta is identified by Cuiibisutok (l.7i) with “Vellavola in Anai-
viJundan Pattuvu near llnttulu Oya”. There is uo Vellavehv in the Hat of
]>]aees in the Census of 1921.

^ "Pearl mine”. What is meant are jirobably the pearl hanks stret-
ching from the xouth of Mannar to near Portugal Bay.

^ These fights take place, since Kalava)ii is mentioned in the sequel,
west of this lake, about the Mi Oyen Egod.i Kor.ilc. But the Mora-
giisvevii situated here can scarcely ho idcntifietl with the Moravaju
named in v. 07. Moravapi is also mentioned in 09. 8 and 70. 67, 72. 177
(see the note).

For Ookaijoa see above note hi 06. 35.

70. 83

Gajabdhii

293

gifted with liigli heroic virtues, in possession of a fitting
army and train, skilled in war, a loyal and devoted adviser
of his Lord. The general Kakkhadivaiia of the Lord of men 70
Parakkama vanquished him in battle at the place Gopagamuka.
The officer Gokappa grown lax through his defeat, after equipping 7 1
an army again suffered defeats at the fortress of Pilavitthika
and at the fortress called Kasallaka, at Tatavapika, at Jambukola, 72
at Vajiravapi, at Nandivapi, at Pallikavapi and at Kulalaballika, 73
lifter he had on each occa.sion offered battleh Then he thought:
"My army that was formerly victorious oven in battle with 74
the King^, has now when it is double as strong, fighting
with two or three officers of Parakkamabahu at the border 75
of the kingdom, each time .suffered defeat, and the leaders
of the troops have fallen: now it is no longer capable of 7<i
fighting", and he sent a report of all that had happened to
Gajnbahu. When tho Uuler Gajabnhu heard all this, he took 77
coun.scl with his ministers and spake us follows: "Never for- 78
merly Imve we heard that we were defeated; now wo have
suffered a defeat and that was a great injury for us. Even 79
he who among my dignitaries was of special power and
courage, has been vanquished several times in battle. Were 80
another misfortune to overtake him that would not be good
fur me". Having thus taken counsel with his ministers, he
made ready abundant money, troops and troop leaders, as 81
also divers weapons and impenetrable armour and sent these
off to Gokappa. The general Gokappa now made the army 82
sent by the king, bis own former army as well as the army
of the inhabitants of the country^ in all haste ready for 83

^ The localities named in 70 to 73 must all be situated southwest
or south of the Kataveva, Gopagamuka probably farthest away (?Gona-
Raina in the Gaiitihe Koralu south of Galgamuva). For I'ilavitthika
sue note to 69. 10). Jambukola is probably Dambul, though CuuiimoTUN
inclines to identify it with Dambagolla in Gangala I'alesija Pattuva, west
of Filahera. The names Kusalla and Kalalahallika are met with
also in 68. 48 amongst the tanks restored by Parakkamabahn in Dakkhii.ia-
desi).

- Cf. the defeat of Kitti.siriinegba by GokaQija in 63. 34.

3 The mili tia in contrast to the regular, standing army.

294

Gajabfihu

70. 84

battle, advanced again toNilsgala' and fought a great battle

84 with the general Majageha. In this action many of his
people fell or flung away their weapons and fled into the

85 wilderness. It went so far that one was forced to say tliat
nobody had escaped*. He himself also left chariot and um-

86 brella in the lurch and fled into the forest. From now he
gave up the idea of fighting and stayed in Ealavapi after
building a strong fortification there.

87 Thereupon the officers stationed in the Siiraambavana*
district pressed forward to Janapada and cut down the ho-

88 stile army. The troop leaders who had been sent to the pro-
vince of Bodhigamavara entered Laiikagiri* and destroyed
the foe there.

89 The troop leaders at the head of whom stood the Na-
garagiri Mahinda, were sent again by Parakkama to the

90 district of Mullaviijana to fight*. He marched thither, drove
back the mighty enemy, penetrated the province, conquered

‘ This is very probitlily the Nllasallaka inontionud earlier (70.14
with note) or NTlagiri (70. 20) in Dunibaiu. Thus Gokai,iija, successful
perhaps at the outset, had penetrated far to the south into the distriuts
of Malaya which Purakkaina's soldiers bud alrcn^Iy occupied (hence
iiuaa!), before he suffered his decisive defeat.

* Lit.: "there were none of such (n’«ffA«) who had gone after they
had freed themselves''. Mucdtuina galit is a periphrastic furuiution
akin to analogous Sinhalese expressions. Of. Sinh. pain-ynnard, prt.
palayiya.

^ Siiraambavana is manifestly a part of .\mbavaDii, name of the
region of the Aiiibangangu (sec above note to 66. 65). Farakkama's
officers thus press forwnni, pursuing the boaten enemy northwards
through Ambavana Korole to Vaga{>anaha Udasiy.a I’attuva (= Janapada,
note to 66. 110).

* For Bodhigamavara see note to 66. 78, for Laiikagiri now
Laggula, east of Vuga|>anaba, note to GC. 60, CouBi.'iaros, I. 71.

* According to 70. 60 ff. Afallavajana had already been taken earlier
by the Malayarayara. There must have been a reverse in the interval
in which the territory gained was again lost. As to this failure the
chronicle is silent. Now after the victorious advance of the right wing
the operations on the extreme left wing are begun again in the former
way (see note to 70. 61).

70. 100

Gajabahu

295

it and brought it into safe possession. From there they all 91
started o£F, gave battle at sea with many hundreds of ships
and after seizing the general stationed there and (the Nor- 92
them Province) Uttararat(ba', they sent the pearls found
there to their Lord. Thereupon the Monarch had a fortress 93
built at the place called Pilavasu and made the troops take
up their abode there.

When the Lord of men Gajabahu heard of these events, 94
he took counsel with his ministers and set about sending out
troops. When Parakkamababu who well understood the (right) 96
method, learned thereof, he sent the Lahkanatha (Rakkha)*
to the district called Janapada. At the tidings of this action 96
the Lord of men Gajabahu gathered his army together,
divided his forces and sent in two directions an army equipp- 97
cd with armour and weapons — to the locality Janapada and
to the fortress called Pilavasu. The LaiikadhiuStha Rakkha 98
advanced thereupon at the head of a strong force for the
destruction of the hostile army, to Ambavana^ and after cut- 99
ting up in battle many foes at the village called Bubbula*,
he put the army of the enemy to flight. The inhabitants of 100
the country uow made the roads difficult of access by hewn

’ The MSS. are without •loubt corrupt. But I cannot acceiit the
reiuiing of the Col. Ed. tatrattham da^atxUham tain inuHd raltham
bahim pi co. It is too violent and arbitrary. 1 would far rather read
with slight aUenition, da^danatlxim ca (— tftanca, which differs

slightly from the •thnba- of the MSS.) ratUiain tarn UtUiram pi ca.
Parakkama wants above all to get hold of Utl.arara{(ha, the province
north of Anuradhapura, in order to cut off Rijaratlh.T. completely. Still
better perhaps would be the emendation rfl»Aam MultdkaTam pi ca
especially in consideration of 70. 63. The translation would then run;

“and after they had seized the general stationed there and the province
of Muttakara".

^ See 70. 24 with the note.

3 As according to "0. 87 Ambavana lies further south than .lanajmda,
it must be assumed that Parakkama's troo[»s who had already advanced
to Janapada, had at first retired southwards, till Rakkha restored the
balance.

^ Evidently Bibila in Vagapanaha Udasiya Pattuva, Matale North
(Census of C. 1921, II, p. 102; H. W. Codrihgtoji I. 71).

ayt)

Gajabiihu

70. 101

101 down and felled trees and by thorny creepers and posted in
ambush on the road, continued the fight. The LaiikSntStha

102 determined to annihilate the foe, pursued them in every
direction, broke even through the stockades and pushed for-
ward delivering big engagements at divers places, to Jnnapada.

lOS After taking Janapada he following instructions of Farakkama-
bahu, built an entrenchment and took up his abode there.

104 Thereupon King GajabSliu seut the Lniikadbinayaka Deva and

105 Dsthabhava by name to withstand him. Tlie Laukadhinatha
(Rakkha) thereupon delivered a great battle, defeated them

106 and took Yagalla. The Lord of men Gajabahu .sent to the
Ajisara' district the so-callcd four compaaie.s* to renew tho

107 combat. The LaiikHnatha (Rakkha) likcwi.se marched forth,
fought with them, captured several alive and occujiied Ta-

108 jatthalii*. King Gajabahu sought now by a kindly gift to
bring him under his influence and sent him abundant pru-

109 seats, such as costly ornaments of jewels and divers garments

110 of linen, silk and other studs as an offering. The general
accepted the gifts, mutilated tho envoys uad sent presents

111 and messengers to his Ijord. When the King (Parakkamu)
saw that, he rejoiced greatly and sent him back the whole

112 treiusure and costly gifts (iu addition). The general now left
the fortress of Tnjattbalu and took up a position in the

113 stronghold of Ajigama* at the side of the river. Thereupon
Gajabahu sent the general Sika and other skilful warriors

114 with great forces to fight once more with him. They all set
forth equipped with troops and train, surrounded the fortress

^ The imme is preserved in the modern Kliiltern on Ihc left bank
of Uio .\mbnugiknga iu (jangala Paltesiya Pattuva (Census of C. 1921, II. 102).

^ P. cata^so parixu, evidently the name of a particular troop which
perhaps bad its headquarters in the .\[isara. district or was reuruited
from tho able-bodied inhubitauts of this district.

® Now Talagoda (Courisotok). .somewlial above Elahera and also
situated on tlie left bank of the Amhangang.-i.

* H. W. CoDBixr.tos compares this with the ino<lern Elagamuva which
lies slightly above Talagoda but on the right bank of the Amlmnganga.
Tho Census of 1921 name.s both viUages together in Gangala Pallesiya
Pattuva.

70.127

Gajabahn

1^97

(Aligama) and rained down a liail of arrows. Several warriors 115
of the Lahkadhinatha well armed, took up their position at
the gate and began a terrific fight. The archers and other 116
combatants standing on the turrets of the gate, slew numbers
of the foe with arrows, ,epcars and javelins. In this way they 117
nil carried on without interruption for three days a violent
combat with great endurance and great strength. The troops 118
of King Gajahahu determined above everything ou the de-
struction of the foe, set about blowing up tlie main gates of
tlie fortress. Thereupon the Laiikadhiiiatha and bis warriors 1 19
burst forth and cut down the enemy in combat as far as
the opposite bank of the river*. They made the water of 120
the river muddy with the blood of the foe and captured
many troop leaders alive. After gaining the victory in the 121
battle, the Laukadhiuatha Itakkha celebrated a great festival
of victory in the castle, but the heads of the hostile officers, 122
the umbrellas, chariots and weapons and the captives caught
alive he sent to his Lord.

Flereupon the Sovereign (FarukkamnbShu) summoned to 123
him the Senapati Deva, told him all that the liaiikadhinathn
Itakkha had accomidished, and with the reflection that Ga- 124
jabahu at the tidings of the defeat of his troops, would cer-
tainly send forth a great force to seize the general (Hakkha),
he sent the far-famed army leader to the GiribS district’’ to 125
cut off the great force of tlio Lord of men Gajabithu. The 126
shrewd (Deva) set out, having put his whole army into
fighting trim and while occupying au entrenchment which
he had raised on the bank of the Kulavapi river*, he at the 127

* The Ambaagiingii flow.s at Flagatuuvii from S.W, to N. E. It niuat
be aesumed that Etakkha had abundooed TajuttbalT and that the enemy
are advancing by Tajattlial? = Tulagoda to their new position at
Elagamuva. To do this they must cross the river and are now driven
back over it. Cf. below vv. 173 fl'.

* Cf. note to 08. 49 (nr. 3) and 69. 8. Thus the expected pressure
on the right wing is to be relieved by nn attack on the left Hank.

3 This is the Kala-oya, since the Kdlavapi tank is formed by the
damming up of this river.

298

G<yabahu

70. 128

instructiou of the King, threw a long, very fine, and very
solid bridge acro.ss the river of the KalavSpi tank, passable

128 by files of elephants, horses and chariots*, held together with
iron bands and nails, made of beams of timber and twenty

129 cubits* broad. After leaving certain* officers there, the Se-
napati marched off and while delivering here and there heavy

130 engagements in which he remained victorious, he reached a
place named Angamu*, built an entrenchment for fighting

131 with the ho.stile army, and look up a position there. At the
tidings tliereof the opposing army erected an impregnable for-
tification at SenagSma to ward off the Senapati and took up

132 a position there. The illustrious Senapati now marched thither,
fought with the hostile army and captured the fortification

133 in SenagSma. Alter the enemy had fought twice over and
suft'ered defeat, they built a fortification in Manyagama and

134 took up a po.sition there. Thereupon the Senapati marched
thither and took the fortress ofManya; likewise a stronghold

136 in Mita aud the fortress Sukaragama. Ho had new earth-
works laid down in all these fortifications and leaving none

136 of them unoccupied, he placed commanders (in them). The
Senapati having built a stronghold at Terigfima, made of-
ficers known as capable warriors take up their position there

187 with troops. King Gajababu now sent bis officer, the Nilagiri

* Thy Col. Ell. has Aa((6(is$arR(6apat(t7tt ami W. translates therefore;
“by elephants, ami horses and chariots, and footmen''. According to niy
MS8. I have felt obliged to rend -pantfhi.

^ The M8S. have in pada b c <l<lruhi dyatam I'isallhalthavittkatam.
Thus three syllables are missing. I have added a tiJrrtaifi to dtiruhi,
for kdresi seemed to me too far away to be joincil with the instr. The
Col. Ed. puts dyntam in pada b and gives as length dvi$atam in c.
Here again one would have to supplement a halllui from the following
compound. Twenty cobits are nearly = 30 feet.

* The name is preserved in that of the Ambagomuva tank which
lies a little over 2*/s miles to the north of the Kala-oya, The distance
of Giribi from the southern bank is the same. The river is particularly
narrow at the part between the two places and therefore probably easy
to cross.

70. 148

Gnjabdha

299

Rama* and nunierons troop leaders* to destroy him. They 138
set forth all well armed with array and train and occupied
an armed camp not far from Terigama. From early morning 139
the two armies began the battle with vehemence and con-
tinued it until evening. Now when tlie Nilagiri and liis 140
warriors, who were acknowledged to be brave, saw their troops
yielding, they armed with their weapons, striking down the best 141
soldiers, spreading panic amongst the foe, flung themselves
into the midst of the army like lions amid a herd of elephants.

But the warriors of the Scnapati (Deva) did not flinch in fight, 142
but surrounding the Nilagiri Rama and the many troop leaders
on all sides, they slew them on the battlefield and captured 143
the chief warrior Kadnkkuda and other fighters alive. The 144
Senapati who bad gained the victory in this battle, sent those
captured alive to his Lord.

I’arakkumabahu who was staying* quietly in the neigh- 145
bourhood of the scene of heroic deeds now summoned in his
shrewd way, the Nngaragiri Mahinda who was in his vicinity 14G
and told him of the extraordinary courage of tiiose digni-
taries*. When tile latter heard that, his ambition awoke 147
within him and with the words: I will set forth and take it,
he pledged himself to take Anurndhapura shortly. With strong 148
forces the foe-cruslier set forth and delivered a groat battle

’ Hen- we muxt probably take nlfAjriVt as a title siiiiilar to nagara-
giri (see note to 6G. 35), la/il'uiTirt (gee note to 72. 27) and lokngaila (geu
note to 72. 222). The word faewever, occurs only in connection with
Rama and specially noticeable is the Rdmnniimo NilagirilMto in 72. 12.
Cf. the note to this passage.

s P. balapamokkhe. These are the yodha of v. 140 and 143 c d, the
balawthS of v. 143 a. It seems to me that the leaders of tbo local
militia troops are meant.

^ The Col. Ed. quite unnecessarily alters nivasanto into nivdsattham.
Then 145 a b would have to be joined to the preceding, and W. trans-
lates accordingly “sent the man whom he had taken alive to live in
comfort with his master (Parakkama)''. Now that is as regards content
in the highest degree unlikely. S. and B. have not recognised that
parakkammanikatamhi in a b contains a pun on parakkamabhujo in c.

' Of Rakkha and Deva.

300

Otijabilhit

70. 149

1-19 at the place called Badarlbbstikaniana. Then wlien the il-
lustrious one had fought a great action at the village of the

150 name of Siyamahantakuddnla and near flie Tissavapi reservoir
not far from Aniiradhapura, he surrounded by the multitude

151 of hi.s troops, entered Anuradhapura*. When the Lord of
men Gajabahu heard of these events, he sent off several troop

162 leaders accompanied by the highest dignitaries. They all armed
for combat, raised a barricade round the town and cut off

153 access to the road. Now when the Senapati Deva heard of
these events, in order to relieve tlie general besieged in the

154 town, he set off in liaste, delivered battle again at the village
of Siyamahaiitakuddala and fought on the way three terrible

165 battle.s. The Malayarayara at the tidings thereof left his
stronghold^ and came hither alter twice fighting a battle on

ir>6 the way. At the instruction of the Seniipati, he marched in
the same direction’ and fought with the hostile army not far

157 Prom Anuradhapura. The Beuapati also fought here and tliero
a sharp action, pressed forward to the vicinity of Anuradlm-

158 piira and opened the combat here. At news of this the general
Mahinda with .strong forces suddenly made a sortie out of

159 glorious Anuradhapura and overthrowing the foe and storming
many barricades on the way, he quickly reached the Senapati.

160 United the army of the Senapati and the army of Mahinda
fought with the hostile army and once more put it to flight.

161 The Senapati returned to SiySmahantakudddIa, set up a .strong,
Gutrenched camp and took up a position here*.

‘ Auuradlmpura was probably also the objective of Deva's advance
from the 8. W. As I’arakkamabubu's headquarters must have been nearer
to the centre of the wholi^ theatre of operations it may bo assumed
that Mahinda was advancing on the town froui the south, more or less
on the lino Galgamuva-Talava.

* He was stationed according to 70. 62 — 05, in the north-west, in
Muttdkara, .at the estrcnic left wing.

^ F, eJeamukhena (for the meaning of inukAa in such a connection
eeo 70. 217), i. e. with the same goal as the Senapati.

* For judging the military situation it is of importance that though
Gajabahu has won back Annradfaapui-a, the threat to this town and
therefore to bis right flank from the Senapati Ueva continues.

70. 172

Gajahahii

301

Parakkamabahu now summoned tbe chief MSyageha to 1C2
him and ordered him to carry on the war in Alisara. Fall 163
of joy the latter marched, accompanied by skilled warriors,
built a fortification in Kalalahallika and took up a position
there. At the strongliold of Nandamulakagaina he fought 164
three actions and brought this ca.stle into his power. Marching
on Alisara, he captured the entrenchment at Kaddurngama 165
and after fighting once again, he then took also the fortification
at the place called Kirati’. The army of the Lord of men 166
Gajabahu came hither to fight, and after throwing up an
entrenchment at a place named Vilana, it halted liere. Now 167
when Parakkamabahu of valour hard to overcome, after
occupying an entrenched camp at Nalanda’, during his sojourn
there, heard of this, he sent off secretly two or tliree liundred 168
thieves practised in house-breaking* and directed them to steal 169
up to the entrenchment with sharp antelope horns in the
middle of tbe night and to undermine it and so to take it.

The chief MaySgeha following this instruction, had the en- 170
treachmeiit broken into and the enemy tlieru .sei/od. At tliu 171
village of MattikSvapi he again captured an entrenchment,
and at Uddhakuramgama and Adliokurumg^itia he likewise cap-
tured two fortifications. After breaking through and taking 172
an entrenchment at the village called Nasinna, he brought
the district of Ajisara into his power.

* Ab the situation of Ralalaliaiiika cannot he exactly delermincil,
it can only be said sener.illy of .Mayiigehu's advance against Aliaiira =
Elabera, that it apparently took place from the west, while Rakkhsi
threatened it from the south. The mention of Nalanda in v. 1G7 agrees
with this. H. W. CoMRUioros (I. 72) is inclined to see in Kirati a slip
of the pen for Sirati s= ilirati, the name of a small river that fiowa
from tbe left into the AnilKinganga at Maluveyiija below Taliigoda.

Tbe place Sirati would then probably have to be looked for f.ir np that
liver.

* Halfway between Mntaic and Danibul.

^ 1’. saniilhibheda. The phrase samihm means “to curry

out a burglary". D. I. 62*^; M. I. 510*. H. 88’’; saiodhicchedniia DhCo.

IV. 84*. Likewise in I’kr., Jaooui, Krzablungen in Maliurishtrl. p. 67*'

74^* If.

302

Gajabahu

70. 173

173 Now about this time the King (Parakkama), acquainted
with the right method, gave his officers the order to take

174 Pulatthiuagara at once. The Lahkadhinatha Rakkha and the
Jivitapotthakin* Sukha marched in haste from the Talakatthall®

175 entreochment, fought actions at several places on the way
with the hostile army and fought a battle at the place Ra-

176 jakamatasambadba. Then after fighting in the region of
Milanakkhetta and setting forth from there, fighting in the

177 open field and slaying many of the enemy, they in pursuit
of the foe, reached Daraaga, delivered there also an action

178 in which they remained victorious, advanced then tlience to
Mahgalabegama*, broke through the entrenchment here by
force and after annihilating the enemy, halted at this en-
trenchment.

179 The ruler of Kohapa, the Prince Manabharapa^, who bad
on several occasions fought with the officers of the Lord of

180 men Gajabahu aud suffered defeats and losses, had at that
time given up the idea of war and discouraged in heart, kept

181 quiet. He had appeared in company with the bhikkhu order
wliich dwelt in the three fraternities*, and entered into

182 an alliance* with Gajabahu. But now when he heard
tiiat the officers of the Monarch Parakkama had waged war

‘ The title occur* again 70. S18 and 72. 161 (Mandin) and 74. 90
(Kitti). In our passage all USS. (and also Col. Ed.) have ^puUkilcl,
likewise 70. 318.

^ Rakkha had evidently after hi* victory at Ajiguma (see above
vv. 112 ff.) again occu|ned TalattbalT (= Talagoda) and had baited here
to await the operations of Mdy^eha. Their successful issue has safe-
guarded Rakkha's left flunk and made possible the main thrust against
I’ulatthinagara.

' For this place which is mentioned as the tirst .station in the
description of I’arnkkamabahu’s withdrawal from Pulatthinagara see
note to 67. 63, Rakkha is now only about 10 or 16 miles from the
capital.

^ Son of Sirivnllabha and cousin of Parakkamabahu.

* See note to 60. 56.

* P. ran laritasarndhrino, lit.: “he lived with (1. as one who had
concluded a friendly treaty with him".

70. 199

Oajabdku

303

with great forces against the Lord of men Gajabahu and had 183
in every battle cut down the enemy and carried oflF the victory,
the Prince Manahharaoa reflected thus: “Assuredly King 184
Parakkamabiihu who has vast resources at his disposal, will
shortly take Hsjarattlia; but once Kajaraf^lia is taken possession 185
of by the Monarch, it will be impossible to remain in the
province of Rohapa.’’ He therefore gave up his treaty with 186
King Gajabahu and joined Pnrakkamabaltu with whom he con-
cluded an alliance. The mighty one armed the able-bodied men 187
amongst the inhabitants of his two provinces and occupied an
entrenched camp at the village called Sobara.

At this time the King Parakkamababu, who wished to 188
perform a deed of exceeding prowess, thought thus: “Without 189
my ofKcers who are stationed at divers places, learning of it,

1 shall betake myself with warrioi-s of niy immediate retinue*,
to Pulatthinogara, storm in combat gateway, turrets and has- 190
tions, force my way into the town and — hurrah — capture
Gajabahu.” The clever one summoned to him the chief Miiya- 191
geha who was stationed in Ambavana and told him what he
had planned. Now in order to come to Ambavana under the 192
pretext of another object and to reach Pulatthinagara from
there, he spake secretly to him thus: “Send me a message to 193
this effect: I intend celebrating a specially splendid festival
for the Buddha. For making offerings unto the Buddha let
Their Lordships send me the sacriCcial objects, tbc sliells, 194
the five loud-sounding musical instruments, the fly whisks,
the white umbrella and the flag streamers, and come thitlier 195
and behold my festival.” Mayageha betook himself to Amba- 196
vana and after he had prepared for the festival, sent back the
message in obedience to these words. When the glorious 197
King beheld it, he rejoiced and after having had the message
read aloud to the circle of his dignitaries, he .sent off the 198
sacrificial implements with all speed to Mayageha and gave his
dignitaries to understand in every way that he himself meant
to go. The liighest (of the officials) who saw through the 199

' For saMvaddhita see note to C7. 62.

304

Giyabahu

70. 200

King’s iiittintion, sent word to Lis brother, the Nagaragiri

200 (Mahinda). When the latter heard of the affair, he left Mora-
vapi* and appeared in haste with his troops before the Ruler.

201 To the question why lie had como, he made reply that he
had come because he had seen through the intention of his

202 Lord, and he spake further: “For slaves such as 1 am, if they
are in existence, the aim is solely the conquest of the hostile

203 king. Therefore have I arisen and shall capture Gajabahu

204 with army and train and deliver him up to the Lord.” With
those words the King’s officer craved permission to depart.

206 When the ambitious chief Mayageha, the Laiikadhinatha Kitti
and many other powerful ol'ficei's saw this they (likewise)

200 besought leave and cried: I first, I first. Thereupon the Mo-
narch who was skilled in plans of war, explained his plan of

207 action and sent ofl‘ his officers to begin the campaign. They
all began to march with adequate- army and train and occu-

208 piod an entrenched camp not far from Nalanda. Heavy clouds’
formed and began to ruin, cleaving the earth, as it were, on

209 every side with the floods of water. Wiien the Sovereign saw
the clouds, lie who loved the power of truth, fearing the army
might become wet tlirougli, made the solemn declaration’ with

210 this determination: “If the winning of the royal dominion is
to serve only for tlie welfare of the people and of the Order,
then shall the god not let it rain.” And even so it happened

211 there. Thereupon he sent food prepared in vinegar, bananas,
cru.shed rice and the like and all kinds of cakes in great

212 quantities (to the troop.s). In order that many people could

‘ Maliiiida hnd thus taken up bis position bere aftiT lioing relieved
liy Deva. For the situation of the lake see notes to 70. G7, 72. 177.

- J take JAW* to be the adjective “fitting, coi-responding”. W. on
the other hand, regards it as substantive with tho meaning “convpyiineo,
carriage'', since he tianslates “with (heir chariots and men and waggons",
lint in this case it secm.s to me that yogga and ulhniiii would form a
barely tolerable tautology. >icc also above v, 23, G9 &c.

•' In niy edition 1 have kept more closely to the MS.S, Now I sliould
prefer to adopt the emendation of the Col. Ed. mnhaineijho, as other-
wise there is no suitable subject to ranitum nrabhi.

* P. xaccakiriya. For this term see .Mhvs. trsi. p. 126, n. 3.

70. 222

Gajab^u

305

drink water at the same time, he sent several thousand bamboo
staves in which holes had been made, which were hollow* 213
throughout and in which one, after filling them with water,
had closed the holes*. The dignitary Mahinda now marched 214
with strong forces and took the stronghold at the place called
Lahulla, after slaying the enemy. At the news of this the 215
Lahkanatha (Kitti*) also started in haste, took the fort at the
place called Hattanna and cut down the foe. Wlien the chief 216
May^eha heard that he marched in haste with large forces
and pushed forward as far as KhaQiligama. The four-membered 217
army* of the Lord of men Gajabaliu was hemmed in on three
sides in the narrow pass of KhaQ4igSma. The son of the 218
Lahkadhinatha (Kitti), Lahkapura* by name, a great war hero,
came to the Kltaodigama pass*. He brought the whole of 219
the forces which had come from tliree directions into one
direction and pursued them, the great war hero, as a lion a
l)erd of elephants. Thereupon the troop leaders with the 220
Lankudhinatha (Kitti) at the head, after killing a great mass
of troops of the Lord of men Gajababu, advanced to the place 221
called KoddhahgulikakedSra. The troops of Gajabahu reached
Pulatthinagara in disorder.

When the Lord of men Gajabahu saw liis great army 222
enter, he thought, since pride had awakened mightily in him,

‘ i’. ekarandham. For the meaniog cf. skr. raiidhravamia "hollow
bamboo." (BR. a. v.)

* Not onij tbe openings above and below, but for the tranaport of
the water, alao tbe boles bored lengtbwiac for drinking.

* It ia clear from v. 205, that tbe Lankadhinatba mentioned here is
Kitti.

* The four members {ahgani) or elements of tbe arm; are: elephants,
cavalry, chariot warriors and infantry.

* This must be tbe Daodanatha Latikapura mentioned so often
later, 176. 82 ff.). But otherwise laiil-dpura ia a title. Thua Kndakkucta
1., 72. 39, Rakkha 1., 76. 70, Deva 1., 76. 130.

* A Kandegama liea in tbe Negampaba Eorale, northwest of Dambul-
Jambukola. If thia is our Ehatfdigama, it must be assumed that
Gajabahu in order to hold up the advance of Kitti and the other
generals, undertook an attack on the left flank. Tbe assault ia parried'
by Kitti'a son.

306

Gajabahu

70. 223

223 thus: “When my father, the Monarch, entered into the com-
pany of the gods and when as yet no stability had been

221 attained in my father’s realm, then came Kittisirimegha and
Sirivallabha, advancing from two sides with the intention of

225 making war on me, but they were unable to behold my

victorious banner and fled, since then they have their whole

226 life long given up the idea of war. Now I have achieved
stability in Rajarattlia and I possess a complete, four-membered

227 army. If now, equipping army and train, I advance to fight,

228 what king will be able to hearken to my war drum?” Thus

swollen with pride. King Gajabahu ordered the dignitaries of

229 his immediate retinue to put the army in battle trim. After

they had placed in readiness well armoured elephants and
Iiorses proved in battle and large masses of troops of capable

230 warriors, armed with the five weapons, further also the

mercenaries of the Keralas, Kappatas, Damilas, and the like,

231 the dignitaries at once informed the King. With a strong

force the latter left glorious Pulatthinagara and reached the

282 place called Sikaviyala. The troop leaders with the Lahka-
dhinStha Kakkha* at the head offered battle there to the Lord

233 of men GajabShu. The great heroes broke through the (ranks
of the) elephants and horses, unhorsed their riders and put

284 to flight the Ruler of men together with his army. The King
withdrew in haste to his town, had the gates locked and bid

235 himself in a sewer*. In pursuit of the King the soldiers (of
Rakkha) arrived, surrounded Pulatthinagara on all sides and

236 began to break through walls, turrets and bastions, and the

237 spies who were stationed in the town opened the gate. They
entered with ease, captured the Monarch Gajabahu alive and

238 brought him to the palace. The Princes Colagahgakumara
and Vikkantababu they fettered and threw into prison.

^ According to v, 177-8 of our pariccheda, Rakkha was stationed at
Mahgalabegama.

’ The translation is only guess-work. The idea seems to he to ex-
press something derogatory to Gajabahu. The word nianurd is other-
wise unknown. W. has Anura, but this is no doubt wrong. It might
of course have also been amanurd.

70. 253

Gajaboha

307

Thereupon the dignitaries informed their master of what had 239
taken place. When the Monarch (Parakkamabahu) heard that,
with the insight which grasps the right method, he sent with 240
the message : until we see one another under an auspicious
star thou shalt lire free of all fear of me — costly garments 241
and perfumes and ornaments, articles of his own use, to Gaja-
bSliu. The officers and the heads of districts hereupon took 242
counsel together and sent the following message to the Mo-
narch (Parakkamabahu): long as the King (Gajabahu) is 243

alire, the people dwelling in the kingdom will not submit to
thy sovereignty: he roust therefore be put to death." When 244
the Monarch heard that, his heart was moved with pity, and
he thought: the king must in no case be put to death, He 245
fetched the clever Senapati Deva who was stationed in Sena-
gama', and spake to him as follows: "If the heads of districts 246
and the officers, grown insolent by their victory in fight, slay
the King (Gajabahu) whom they have captured, that is not
right. And if they plunder the town and ill-treat tlie people 247
and become unbridled, that is likewise not right. The gaining 248
of the royal dignity takes place for the welfare of the Order
and the people alone, but not for the purpose of slaying the
Monarch does it happen. Therefore thou must go tliere, hold 249
the unbridled in check, take the King under thy protection
and make the town secure." Thus with this charge the King 250
sent away the Senapati*; the latter marclied with the army
and betook himself to Puiatthinagara.

Meanwhile already before the departure of the Senapati, 251
unbridled, low-minded people disregarding the commands of
the Lord of men, had broken open the house doors in 252
Puiatthinagara, plundered goods and stolen raiment and
ornaments of the people. Splendid Puiatthinagara afflicted 253

* The place is mentioned above in v. 181 and 132 in connection
with the operations of Deva. But according to v. 161 Deva had finally
taken up a position at Siyatnabantakuddala. Thus be must in the
meantime have altered bis position.

^ P. r(\}indo senindam with pun: “the lord among kings (sends) the
lord over the army."

308

Gnjabahu

70. 264

by the soldiers was at that time (in wild agitation) like the
sea, when at the end of a world age it is lashed by the storm.

264 Enraged at such action, all the people who dwelt in the town,
the officials and the councillors, the town-smen and the troops

256 gathered together, betook themselres to Munabharaoa, told

266 him of the events and spake as follows: “Ye must come with

us, we shall take to ourselves the royal dominion and make

257 it over to you. Only help must be brought so us.” Also the
officer GokaQpa, who was stationed in Kalavapi, sent a mes-

268 senger to him (with the request) to come speedily. When the
Monarch Maiiabharupa heard the whole tale the imprudent

269 one took counsel with his foolish ministers. He thought; under
the pretext of setting free the King, I will arise, slay the

260 enemy and get bold of the whole of Rajarattha. He equipped
in haste the able-bodied meu among the inhabitants of his
two provinces and marched together with the officials and the

261 forces hailing from Riijarattha, to the town, delivered there
a bitter action and cut down the whole army large as it was,

262 without remnant. Then the Monarch went up to the palace
and visited the Ruler of men GajabShu, showing him the

263 customary reverence. Hereupon in order to remove the fears of
this Lord of men and of the dwellers in his realm, he let some

264 days pass, then be slew the whole of the officers of the Mo-
narch Gajabahu, took the King captive and threw him into a

265 dungeon. Then when he had seized everything, all the ele-
phants and horses and the wealth in the treasure house, in

266 the belief that his dominion was now assured, he fetched the
sacred Tooth Relic, the Relic of the Alms-bowl, his mother* and

267 all his wives from Rohapa, and himself void of all pity, the
foolish Prince, took counsel secretly with his mother and his

268 officers thus: “The troops in R3jarat(ha, so long as this King

269 is in life, will never submit; therefore be must be slain. If
we were to kill him openly, there would be a great tumult,

* Sugala, the granddaugrliter of Vijujababu I. who also later on plays
a leading part in the wars between Rohaua and Parakkamabahu. The
tooth relic (ddfftiJrfftrtiu) and the ulms-bowl relic {paUadhdtu) have
already become the palladium of the kingdom.

70. 283

Gujab6hu

309

tlierefure this Monarch must be slaia in secret.” He liad the 270
King ill-treated with bad food and a bad couch and set about
putting iiim to death bj poison. King Gajababu could not 271
stand the ill-treatment he received from the Prince Manabharaoa,

He sent secretly to Parakkamabahu and let him know; “I see 272
no other help for me save through thee. Therefore without 278
delay revive thou me who am tortured with the hery torment
of pain, by the rain shower of pity.” When the King (Pa- 274
rakkamabahu) had rightly heard all these words of tlie King
(Qajabahu) he who was a fount of pity, was tilled with the
greatest distress. Me thought: it is fitting that I, since he 275
has suffered on my account this great wrong through ManS-
bbarapa, should free him from his misfortune, and although 276
his forces and his implements of war had been lost, he being
of the breed of great men, let not his courage sink, but chose 277
from among the people of his retinue capable men, granted
them offices and showed them great distinction. To the chief 278
Mayageha he granted the office of adhikarin and that of a
lahkadliikarin^ to the Saiikhanayaka* Kitti. Of the two brothers, 279
the generals*, the prudent Monarcli conferred on the elder the
rank of a chief of the KcsadhStus*, on the younger that of 280
a iiagaragalla*. He granted to both great distinction and
numerous troops and thus won them for himself.

After the prudent (Prince) had in this way, in a short 281
time equipped a large and strong force he sent it in divers
directions. To the place with the name of Vacavaptka in the 282
Merukandara district he sent Rakkhs, the Chief of the Kesadhatus 288
with his troops, to Maugalabegama the Lahkadhikarin Rakkha,

^ The title lankadhikaHn seems to denote a higher rank than
lahkaelhiiiSyaka etc. (see note to 70.24); for Kitti on whom the former
title has just been conferred us a disUnction, was up till now (of. 70. 205)
Ijaiikadhioatha.

^ The title sahkha/idyaka (here Mnkhdka^) occurs again in conjunc-
tion with Natba (72. 31, 75. 75) ami Rakkba (72. 41).

4 The dandanSyakabhiitaro who are mentioned several times, are
called according to 72. 162, Kitti and Sahkbadhatu.

* See note to 67. 65.

^ The same as nagaragiri. See note to 66. 35.

310

Gajah^a

70. 284

the Laakadhikario Kitti to the locality called Kyanagama,

2S4 but the two brothers, the generals, the Ruler sent with

285 large forces to the village of Tioimakkula*. To the Sena-
pati Deva shut up in Pulatthinagara, the Monarch then sent

286 his house-breakers, fetched him hither*, gave him a great
army, like to the army of the gods, and sent him, aware of

287 the right method, to Qangatalaka*. All of them as they were
appointed for the various districts, marched forth with their
troops, plundered here and there on the road leading to the

288 town, struck off the beads of the foe, spread great panic, cut
off the grain supplies and thus harassed the people in the

289 town. Within and without Pulatthinagara the soldiers* sta-
tioned for that (purpose) slew (the enemy) and put him to

290 flight. No people now left the town for wood or leaves

291 through fear of the wholesale pillage*. By blocking at va-
rious points the road leading from Rohapa, they also stopped

292 the traffic for the people dwelling there. All the people shut
up in the town with King Manabharapa were like weakened

293 birds in a cage*. The two brothers, the generals, hereupon

’ Of the localities here Darned besides Mau^alabeRunta (see above
notes to 67. 53 and 70. )78) Merukandara (41. 19, 44. 28 etc.) occurs
as a safe refuge in Matayii for the pursued and Kjlnagama (72. 207,
264) in another connection. The; all lay probably at no great distance
southwest and south of Pulatthinagara.

* But cf. the note below to v. 289. As to the “burglars" (cord) see
70. 168.

The modern Kantalai, the name of a big reservoir on the road
from Diuiibul to Trincomalee (cf. W. note to the passage). Deva had
thus the task of attacking the capital from the north.

* From this verse it must be assumed that Deva's whole force had
not left the town, but that at least a part had remained behind, per-
haps in the citadel, in order to work with the troops coming from out-
side. How Ws translation can be brought into harmony with the tra-
ditional text I fail to see.

* The ace. sabbem is governed by the first part — tilunipana — of
the following compound, a construction not rare in the Culavamsa.

* The Col. Ed. reads khilla pakkhino riya panjare; the MSS. all have

us fur as I can sec, kkintta or Cf. 72. 209.

70. 307

Gajabaha

311

engaged in action with the chief Kontadisavijaya' and after 294
fighting with the force under the command of the Lafika-
dhinatha Bodhi, they pursued (the foe) to Pulatthioagara.

The Chief of the Kesadhatus (Rakkha) who was stationed at 295
the village of Vacavataka, fought an action with the general
called nttama; be gained the victory, advanced to the village 296
called Nala, fought here with the general of the name of
Buddhanayaka* and was victorious. The Adhikariii* Rakkha 297
who was stationed at Mangalabegama, then fought with the
enemy and took the place called Hattanna*. The same fought 298
at KhaodigSma* full of bitterness, with the 'Adbikarin Natha
and put him and his army gloriously to flight. When the 299
Sovereign Manabharaua heard that, he marched with his war-
riors to M^iviyala to fight with him. At the same time the SOO
Adbikarin Kitti who stood in Kyanagama, and the Senapati
Deva in Gahgata(aka, and the two brothers, the generals, who SOI
stood in the village of Tioimakkula, also went forth to fight
with large forces. Slaying or routing all the foes who faced 802
them, they pressed forward in a short time from various
sides to Pulatthin^ara, drove away the soldiers who were 308
stationed round the town to protect it, set free the Ruler
Gajabahu and brought the wives, the children and the mother, 804
as well as the whole fortune of King Mauabharapa into their
power. The Lord of men Gajabahu set free from these, fled 305
at once and betook himself in haste to Kotthasara*. When 306
the Monarch Manabharana who was fighting with the Lan-
kadhikarin Rakkha, beard of all these events, he was struck 307

’ It is possible that tbe name is Konta aod disivija^ranayaka
a title. The man is not otherwise mentioned.

* I assome that here ndyaka or ndtha is not tbe title "chief or
“general", but belongs to the name. Cf. 72. 266 Buildhandyakanamefia.

See also 72. 171, 270.

^ An abbreviation of lahkbadbikarin ; See 70. 283, 72. 37 etc.

* Cf. 70. 216.

‘ Cf. 70. 216-218. Thus all tbe places formerly taken which bad
been lost in the interval, are now recaptured.

‘ See note to 61. 43.

312

G^f^shu

70. 308

bj the arrow of pain which comes from the separation from
the loTed ones, and no longer caring for his life, he came

308 again equipped with armour and weapons with large forces
at night into the town and fought a great battle, thinking

309 of naught else but the destruction of the foe. But when the
Lankadhinatha Bodbi^ fell fighting in the battle, he was

310 unable to hold out longer in Pulatthinagara. He took the
sacred Tooth Relic and the Alms-bowl Relic, his mother and
his wives and betook himself to Robapa.

311 Now at this time Parakkamabalm left Buddhagama*, to
set free the King, came to the neighbourhood of the town

312 and after having a fine two-storeyed palace built, he sojourned

313 with his army and train in the village of Giritalaku’. Now
at that time some warriors of the Monarch (Parakkamabahu)
had betaken themselves, to recover from the hardships of the

314 war, to the village of the name of Tannaru. Treacherous
officers of the Ruler GajabSbu without troubling* themselves

316 about the King, began suddenly a squabble with them. When
King Parakkamabahu beard that, he was wroth and sent his

316 own officers to take OajahShu captive. The Lankadhikarin Kitti
and the SenSpati Deva hereupon marched with large forces to

317 the village of Tannaru. Fighting three times with the officers
of the Monarch Qajabahu a great battle, they destroyed nu-

318 merous foes. The Nagaragiri Natba and the Jivitapotthakin

> See above v. 294.

* Thus hia headquarters were here between Nalanda and Dambul.
See note to 58. 43.

3 Now Giritala beside the road leading from the Minneri lake
(MaoibTni) to Polonnaruva, distant from the latter about six miles as
the crow flies. Cf. Bell, ASC. 1905 (— SP. XX, 1909) p. 20.

* P. rSjSnam pitlhilo kalcu. Cf. for the meaning skr. kr

“to leave someone or something unnoticeil, disregarded". BR. s. v. prflha.
The King is Parakkamabahu: His nearness does not disturb their pugna-
city. Or the King may be G.'yabahu: The officers are “treacherous",
because they attack the soldiers of Parakkamabahu who at that time
was Gajabahu's ally and tried to rescue him. Parakkama considered,
of course, GajabSbu the culprit and held him responsible for the treachery
of hia officers.

70. 332

Gajab6hu

313

Handin', put the hostile arm; to flight at the village of Va-
lukapatta. And also at the vill^e of Tannsru the officers 319
with their large force destroyed a hostile arm; that faced
them, then marched farther, fought an action once more at 320
Kohombagama and after slaying many, they broke down the
fortification and captured it. Numerous well-armed foes sta- 321
tioned* at Ambagama they put to flight and brought the
fortress into their power. Thence they set off and after again 322
winning a victory at Tannitittha, they marched to Antara-
vitthi and beat the enemy here. At this time some officers 323
of Parakkamabahu were in Pulatthinagara at the head of a
large force. To fight with them there came officers of Gaja- 324
bahu under the command of the Adhikarin Deva, but (they)
suffered a defeat. In the same way they’ defeated numerous 826
foes at the place named Kaiapilla and after cutting down the
enemy, took up their position at Madhukavanagauthi. They 326
all started in haste and marched further dispersing themselves
in different directions with the intention of seizing the King.
When the Ruler (Gajabahu) beard that the enemy widespread 327
on all sides, was approaching, he saw no other step that he
could take; so the King sent to the congregation ofbfaikklms 828
belonging to the three fraternities, settled in Pulatthinagara,
the message: “I see for myself no protection save with the 329
venerable brethren; let them out of pity free me from my
sorrow”. When the bbikkbus heard these words, they started 330
off', their hearts moved with pity, for Giritataka, sought out
the Ruler (Parakkamabahu), and after exchanging greetings, 831
they asked by the King the reason for their coming, spake
the following conciliatory words: ‘‘The Exalted One to whom 332
pity was the highest, expounded many times in many dis-
courses the misery of discord and the blessings of concord.

' These two officers have so far not been mentioned. For the titles
see notes to 66. 35 and 70. 174.

’ The gerund samnayAtfva ia subordinate to the part, past thite, as
in V. 327 avattharittana to the part. pres, ayanlim.

’ I. e. the troops of Parakkamabahu.

314 Gajabdhu 70.838

833 Now the Ruler of men (GajabShu) has neither a son nor
334 brothers, but he himself, being old, is near death. Thy pledged
word that the gaining of the royal dominion has as object
only the furtherance of the laity and of the Order will thus
336 shortly be fulfilled. Therefore shalt thou give up the strife
and return to thine own province, hearkening to the word
of the bhikkhu congregation”.

336 Thus the King (Parakkamabahu), hearkening to the words
of the Order, gave up the kingdom gained with great trouble
to King (Gajabahu) and betook himself to his own province.
Ha, how great was his mercy!

Here ends the seventieth chapter, called “The Surrender
of the Royal Dignity”, in the Mahavarpsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

Gajah^u. Parakkamabdhu I

315

CHAPTER LXXI

The Ruler GajabShu betook himself to Gaiigatataka, made it 1
his residence and dwelt there happily. But the Monarch Mana- 2
bbaraua sent gifts to him in order to remain allied with him
after the conclusion of a treaty. But the Ruler of men GajabShu 3
who de.sired no treaty with him, betook himself to the rihara
by name Maqd&lig'fi*. Here he had the words: “I have made 4
over Hajarattha to the King Parakkama” graven on a stone 5
tablet, returned then to Gahgatataka and died during his so-
journ there, visited by a disease after reigning two and twenty
years. Thereupon the foolish ministers of Gajabahu met to- 6
gather, betook themselves to Kotthasara, whither they had
the body brought, and after sending messengers to Manabharana 7
to come hither in alt haste, they took up their abode there.
When the Lord of men Parakkama heard the news of the 8
King's death he equipped his army and came to Pulatthina-
gara.

The Monarch Manabharaoa in the province of Rohana 9
listened to the words of evil-minded people who liad come
with large forces from RajaraHha and thought: “If 1 make 10
these people my allies*, 1 shall certainly get possession of
Rajarattha." With a host of troops he left Rohaua and came 11
to Kottbasara swayed by wishes impossible of fulfilment. When 12

• Cf. below note to t. 32.

‘ See note to 46. 29.

^ The pronoan ime shows that these words are still |)art of the oratio
recta. W. includes them erroneously in the principal sentence.

316

Pardkkamabahu I

71. 18

the mighty Parakkaniahaku whose valour transcendiog the
limits of thought was scarcely to be surpassed, heard of these

13 events, he thought: “The gossip of worthless people from
Kajarattha who have forsaken the Lord of men Gajabahu, the
dispenser of great favours, and his olBcers, and have given

14 up the desire to hght, and not even master of the clothes

16 they wear, fleeing from fear have come to him, the Ruler

ManabharsQa has believed as if it were pure truth and has

16 come forth to fight*. My dignitaries will give him a defeat
twofold as heavy even as that which the Lord of men Gaja-

17 biihu had to suffer. I shall not permit him to come to this

18 hank of the MahSvalukagaii^." And versed in preparations
for war, the prudent one made his four-membered army with
the officers take up their position at the different fords from
Sarogamatittha as far as GokaoQa*.

19 Now the great dignitaries who were of great wisdom, came
together and with clasped hands begged of the Monarch the

20 (holding of the) king's consecration. “Former kings, 0 Great
King, have when they were victorious, in order to increase

* W. has neither understood the construction of the sentence nor its
meaning. Verses 13-16 belong together. The subject is Mdndhharat^a-
bhUpati. The princitml verb is (ipo^chi. Subordinate to tbia is the gerund
saddahitvA paUlpam. The gen. diyjandnam paoitthdRant is governed by
peddpam. Subordinate to this i>articiple again are the gerunds eojilvd,
patvd, palayitvd. The four missing syllables in 13 c I have supplied in
a simitar way to the Col. Ed.

* The Mabaveliganga is evidently regarded here in its whole course
from the mountains up to its mouth as the frontier between Robaoa
and imarattha. A happy discovery of H. W. Coobingtos's I. 68 was
the indentiScation of Sarogama with the modern Vilf/nmufa (Sinh.
I'il "pond, lake" = P. enrol in Laggula Pallesiya Pattuva (Census 11,
p. 100) at a short distance from the left bank of the stream. Here
evidently the Hembaiave crossing was to be safeguarded. It seems to
me curious that the Veragantota crossing at Alut-nuvara is not mentioned.
It lies 13 miles higher up and is much used now. The bed of the
Mabaveliganga is however subject to great changes. Goia^t}a I regard
as the Bay of Trincomalee (Koddiyar Bay), or the spot where the
Mabaveliganga flows into it. This explains the mention in 41. 79 of a
CrOl'cinnol'amahonnara.

71. 82

Paralckamabahu I

317

by every means the fear and affection of their subjects and 21
to show forth everywhere their own abundance of glory, per-
formed the king's consecration, even while they were still
at the seat of war. A ruler fully equipped with political 22
wisdom and self-discipline, must ever pay heed to the keep-
ing up of good ancient custom. Thine age, your majesty, is 23
youthful, but thy glory is irresistible and scarce to be sur-
passed the fulness of the courage of thine arms. Thy blossom- 24
ing fortune' would be capable of wielding sovereign power*
over the whole of Jambudipa, let alone the island of Lanka.
From the first age of the world to the present day thy line 25
wa.s pure as milk poured into a white shell: hence on a 26
favourable day must be performed the king’s consecration
which must of necessity bring happine.ss to the whole world.”
King Parakkamabahu who overcame evil by the wrinkling of 27
his brows, granted the request, he the best of the wise*, and 28
on a day proved auspicious by a favourable constellation be
placed the crown on his head, arrayed in all his jewels. And, 29
though he received the tidings that the Ruler Manabharaga
had come to this bank of the stream, he heeded that a.s little
as grass, and laid his armour and his weapons near at hand 30
in a jewel magdapa which he himself ascended. Then in 31
gorgeous procession he left his palace, marched round the
town with his right side towards it, like a fearless lion,
stunned with amazement by his splendour the thronging people, 82
and returned to the royal palace which was an abode of
bliss*.

* So I translate liusuloila^a. It is very nearly the same as the
favourite puiAodaya. See 37. 139.

* P. vitAulta = akr. r3>hutva.

* P. pasivekin from paeieeka, a term sufrgestive of the Saiikhya
System, in which vivetra is the expression for the discerning knowledge
through which delivrance is attained. Garbk, die S&mkhya-Philosopbie,
p. 137.

^ S. and B. have assumed that here we have the end of ])ariccheda
71 and at the same time a gap of unknown extent. The signature at
the close of the whole chapter describes it as the 72 nd, thus number 71

318

PorAManKibdAu I

71. S2

is miaaing completely. In my edition I have adopted thia view and
have begun the verses of the new section with the number 1. I must
point out however, that os far as the contents go. a gap is scarcely to
be noticed. The coronation festival is evidently at an end with the
return to the palace. Perhaps it was hastened by Manabharapa's ad-
vance. On the other band Parakkamabahu had already made prepara-
tions for the war according to v. 17-16, by occupying tbe various fords,
and now the attack begins at tbe first of these places, at Sarogama. W.
thinks that all that is missing is tbe artificial strophe (together with the
signature) which is customary at the close of a pariccheda.

Parakkamabahu I

319

CHAPTER LXXH

DESCRIPTION OP THE FESTIVAL OF THE
CONSECRATION

Now the Uabalekha' Mahinda approached with a great 1
army and fought a great battle with the mighty Kesadbatu 2
Rakkha who was stationed at Sarogamatittha. The Kesadhatu
Rakkha by name, the mighty one, slew like a lion that has S
broken into an elephant herd, many of his men in combat
and drove the Mahalekha before him as a fierce storm wind
blows cotton, he the mighty him together with bis army and 4
train. When then the latter crossing by the ford of Talanl-
gama, was fain to renew tlie fight, the Kesadhatu Rakkha 5
put him again to flight after a sharp encounter with him.

In like manner the Kesadhatu named Buddha*, having fought 6
with the (enemy’s) many officers a terrible battle and having 7
slain many warriors, defeated and put to flight the Ruler
ManabharaQa who offering battle bad crossed the river at the 8
Funaglnia ford. He also took care that he (Manabharapa)
gave up the idea of ever approaching this ford again.

The chief MaySgeha* who was appointed to guard the 9
ford called Samirukkha* alone at the head of bis officers in
the same way crushed Gajabhuja who with liis army had 10
crossed that ford with the object of fighting.

With the Maragiri* Mattatala by name, who with his 11
army came with the intention of crossing the Mabarukkha

^ See note to Ca. 33.

* This officer of Parakkamababu's is not otherwise mentioned.

* In 70. 83, 162 etc. described as Mdya^ehadhiniitha or ’’adhindyaka
here simply Mdydgekanayaka.

* Nome of a tree = skr. ^nmf, acacia suma. Corresponds to sama-gas
in modern Sinh.

* The title mdragiri occara again 72. 164, 174 (Nigrodha m.)

320

Parakkamabdhu I

72. 12

12 ford', Rama* bj name who was stationed in Nilagiri which
was his own district, in his extraordinary courage, fought a

13 bitter engagement and after capturing the best soldiers whom
he could get alive, he put the rest of the army to flight so
that it no longer dared to go into action.

14 Another officer who guarded the Nalikeravatthu* ford
fought then a battle against a hostile army who had ap-

15 proached to fight, cut down many soldiers and scattered the
rest of the army without remnant on all sides.

16 Another distinguished officer who was appointed to the
ford called Anantarabhai.uiaka for the guarding of it, drove
with a large force a strong army of the hostile king that had

17 advanced to fight, together with its officers to the last man,
to the four winds of heaven, whereby the hero turned the

18 battlefield into a mass of flesh, just as the storm wind
(scatters) a mountain of cloud so that its violence is scattered
flatteringly on all sides^

19 Again another high officer appointed to guard the Kapa-
talavana* ford, saw to it that the hostile army that bad come

20 forward to battle, gave up all thought of resuming (the
enterprise) after he had fought a great battle with his whole
army and train.

21 The Adbikarin, Kitti* by name, who was stationed at the

' "Ford of the great tree” or “ford of the euphorbia" (skr. mafturrAva,
as borrowed word in Sinh. with the same meaning). The corresponding
Sinb. word mdruk means however, coco-nut i>aliii. W. 11. CuDHixaroN
recognises the locality in Mariikc situated five miles below Hembarave
on the left bank of the Mabaveliganga.

^ Cf. note to 70. 137 where nflauiri seems to be used us a title.
When in our passage Rama is described os naraCtharasiko that seems
to point to the fact that the ford protected by Rama was situated in
the district which was controlled by him or which was his birtli-place,
and that the name of this district was Nilagiri. The title which is
applied exclusively to Rama would then in this case be borrowed from
the name of bis home {nUagirilUuta).

* “Coco-nut palm plantaUon.”

^ P. S(inian<a-(thad(fA(i-S((mr<im6Anm. For $iinirambha “violence” cf.
I'TS. PD. s. V. ® “Palmyra palm wood of the blind.”

^ See 70. 278, where the adviuicement of Kitti to the i-ank of lan-
kSdhikarin (here in short adkikarin) is mentioned.

72.28

ParaA'l('<iMin{><iAi( 1

321

Yakkhasukara^ ford after destroying many soldiers in a bitter
fight*, defeated there a hostile body of troops that had ap- 22
proached for combat. Now while he stood at the same ford
he had in consequence of a scarcely to be eyaded command 23
of the Great King Parakkama, to betake himself to him while
he entrusted (another) high dignitary there with the guarding
of the ford. This roan also three times crushed a hostile 24
force that came hither and took care that it lost all courage
to fight once more.

The Jitagiri* Santa stationed at the Yiharavejjasala ford, 25
completely annihilated a great army that was about to cross,
the army, namely, of the hostile king, fighting with him a 26
terrific battle with mighty army and train.

The Adipotthakin* by name Eitti, stationed at the Assa- 27
mapdala* ford with a large force, the Lahkagiri MahM by
name, with a strong army, and yet another large army cut 28
up a hostile army that had approached, and returned then
with speed each to his appointed place*.

' U. W. CoDRisoTON is ceriuinly rigbl in identifying this name with
the present Yaftkare (Census 1921, II, p. 438). It lies on the right bank
of the river and at the entrance of the Sabassatittha crossing mentioned
so frequently later, now Dastota, south of Polonnaruru.

* P. kntiS kalhSaeif, lit.: “after making them so that only the
tidings (of them) remained."

* The titie, if it is such, which I think probalilo, only occurs in
this place.

' * The title which is only borne by Kitti (also 72. ICO. 207) alter-
nates 72. 162 with hhondSraiwtthakin. It therefore designates the super-
intendent of the royal store-rooms.

® If the name preserves the memory of the legend related Mhvs.

10. 53 ff., then we must look for Assamagdalatittha at Kacchakutittha
now Mahagantota, east of Polonnaruva.

^ W. takes Mablnama for the name of the officer, which is quite
possible. The title lankdgiri occurs again 72. 121 f., and 76. 250 in
conjunction with the names Natba and Sora.

’ The verse is incomplete in the MSS. Nine syllables are missing
in cd. The Col. Ed. supplies these rather differently to what 1 do, so
that to translate with W. it would be “and returned to the king". The
meaning seems to me to be that the three divisions of the troops were

322

Parakkamabahu 1

72. 29

29 (Other) warriors crossed the bridge of the Sakkliaralaya-

30 gaiiga*, at once penetrated the grove called Sakkupdai &nd
having there in light deprived numerous warriors of life, they
took from the foe the desire to attack once more from this
quarter.

31 Hereupon the Saiikhanayaka by name Natha, stationed at
the Saro^ma* ford, after he had shattered an army of the

32 hostile king come hither for battle, crossed the stream him-
self at the village of YatiyamamJapa, cut up a strong hostile
force and returned again to his post.

33 In the same way a large army stationed at the Sami ford
cut up a strong hostile force which had marched for battle

34 in this direction and chased away its desire to come again.
A strong royal army that had its stand at the ford called

35 Cullanaga annihilated in like manner the whole large force
of the hostile king, that equipped with armour and weapons,

36 marched in this direction. At Burudatthall the two brothers,
the generals, scattered a hostile army that had advanced in
this direction.

37 The Adhikarin’ Hakkha by name, who guarded the ford

38 Nigupcjivaluka, the great hero, free from all fear, destroyed
a strong hostile force fain to cross, by carrying on the ever

39 renewed war for two months. In the same way the LahkS-
pura* known by the name of Kadakkuda, a great hero, hght-

Iioated at dilTei'ent places on the river, and that the; on]; united in
order to carr; out the attack on the advancing hostile arm;, wbieli
was probabl; superior to the single divisions. Cf. v. 32.

' D. Jatasstsa has com|iared Sakkharala;a with the present
Akurala on the S. W. coast of Ceylon, midway between Ambalangoda
and Hikkadava. If this is correct then the above piissage gives us a
very diSerent theatre of war. Manabharaga would not merely have
attacked along the Mabaveliganga, hot also in the extreme southwest.
This does not seem to be very probable.

* According to v. I and v. 9 fighting bad already taken place at the
two crossings mentioned in v. 31 and 33. The generals of Parakkama-
bdhu now seem to take the offensive at these two fords.

* As above in v. 21 stands here for laitkddkih'iriti.

* See note to 70. 218.

72. 62

ParakkamabShu I

323

ing a severe action at Yacitagania, scattered the raging armj 40
of the foe, destroying it root and branch, the courageous
(scattered) the discouraged (army), the mighty the hostile
might.

The SaiikhanSyaka Rakkhaka stationed at Hillapattakakha^da 41
crushed a hostile army that came to fight there. Another 42
great dignitary entrusted with the care of Titthagama, after
undertaking a great battle* and fighting a bitter action, put 43
to flight with his great army a royal army that had advanced
to fight, so that it lost the courage to renew the fight.
Another powerful (officer), stationed at Nandigama, fought a 44
great battle and scattered the raging army that had advanc-
ed thither.

At the place Hedillakbapdagama the Senapati Deva when 45
Prince Mahinda came on with strong forces in order to fight, 46
delivered battle against him four times with army and train 47
in fighting trim. He covered the battlefield witli the skeletons
of the hostile warriors and robbed the Prince of his troops
without loss to his (own) army and train, followed him at 48
his heels as he took flight with his army and pushed on at
once as far as the ford called Billagama. There for two months 49
terrible combats were waged. Even in bis position there the
Senapati put the army of the enemy to flight.

A high ofllcer stationed at the ford called Malagama’, 60
undertaking five times* the festival of a great battle, scattered 61
a mighty hostile army that bad come there to cross over, as
the rising sun (disperses) the mass of the darkness. Another 62
high officer appointed to watch the Golabaha ford, a man of

I P, saindraddhamahai/uddhakoeeho. The translation is very difficult,

W. translates thus "began the strife with the enemj with great vigour
when he essajed to make his way through is”. But 1 think one must
judge the passage in connection with v. 60 draddhamahahavasamussavo.
Possibly kaccha here is not skr. kaktii, but kathya.

* A Malagomuva-teva lies midway between Ambanganga and Ma-
faaveliganga, 12 miles N. E. of Etahera. A ford named after it would
have to be looked for not for from Yakkhaaukara.

3 P. tJ<i8(iddAai’«r«iK, thus not “ten times” as W. translates.

324

ParnHaiiinbahu 1

72.53

53 great strength and courage, routed in action a hostile force
with its officers who advanced to fight, as a lion a herd of

54 gazelles. Another officer stationed at the ford called Dlpala,
dispersed with his troops in combat the forces which had
advanced there.

56 The course of the war* being such, the Great King
Parakhamabahu who in his terrible courage was like King

uC Du{thagamuijr thought: “Not even in llohapa will I permit
King Manabharapa who is here crushed in war, so find a hold."

57 And the energetic (Prince) ordered the two Kesadhatus, Devila
and Loka, who were stationed in the district of Mahaniyynina*

53 and in Pahcayojana^ the Kammanatba Arakkha* and the Eah-

59 cukinayaka*, utterly warlike men, to enter liohaoa. And at
his command these doughty men fared forth thence even as the
four great kings*’ at the (command) of the King Sukka.

60 Hereupon having reached the district called Navayojana' and

61 having celebi-ated with the strong hostile army there twenty
times the main festival of a main battle and having cut up

62 the great army, they captured Navnyojaim. They then marched

' B; tlie siicci'ssfiil comWh nt th<‘ fords alnn^; tlie Malmvi'lignnpi
Die defence seemed sufegiianled. t’amkknmubiiliu now on liia side takes
the otTensivc in the southwest, from Dakkhioadesa, thus with the
clear intention of oulHanking the enemy's left wing. The success is at
once seen in the relief of the pressure on the line of the Malmveliganga.
Manabharana is forced to withdraw a part of liis troops from there. It
is true, n reverse soon takes place, on the one hand through the revolt
of Knrayana in Anuradhapiira and on the other by the enemy succeed-
ing in crossing the river at an unguarded spot.

^ Only mentioned here. A Maiiiyangama lies in the Panaval Koralc
not far from Avisavetla. So also (k>iiainoTOK (II).

^ Now I’asdun Korale, the territory to the cast of Kalutura.

^ A Kammanayaka Anjana is mentioned 72. 206. 74. 168. 1 think

therefore that the first i>art of ilriMimkammniintha contains the name.

^ “Chief of the chamberlains". The Kailcukinayaka mentioned here
is the Rakkba named so often 75. 20 ff.

The four raahariijas are the four protectors of the world, the
lokapdid: Yama, Vuruya, Indra, Knbera.

’’ Now Navadun Korale, the territory S. and S. E. of Ratnaiiura-

72.72

Parakkamahabii I

325

thence and came to K3laginbiiaQ<.{<i’. After fighting with the
army there tw enty battles, they brought it likewise into their 63
power, advanced thence farther and took likewise Dighalika-
inahaklietta’. When the Ruler Manabharaga received tidings 64
of these events be divided his own army and sent a part
thither.

Now at one time a great dignitary who had the care of 65
Anuradhapura, the general XaiayaQa, in his delusion reflected
thus; “I will bring this province into my power, build a CC
fortress and remain there independent of the kings.” When 67
the Lord of men Purakkama heard of the matter he thought:

“I will destroy him without letting him take root.” In all 68
haste the hero sent forth the Chief of the umbrella bearers.

As a lion of incomparable courage (falls) upon small gazelles 69
or even on elephants, so the great dignitary set forth, gave
battle to Narayapa, slew him along with bis army and set
the province free from the briers (of the rebels).

As the known fords at that time were everywhere guarded 70
by the high dignitaries of the great King, as if they were
under the dominion of rakkbasas, Manabharapa wa.s not able 71
to cross them, but he passed over at an unknown ford which 72
was made known to him by dwellers in lliljarattha who had
come under his influence*. Now' when King Parakkama-

* Identifieil tiy Couuinotox fll) with tlio Kalugalboi.la-nifa of Die Kailaim-
potii by which is understood the mountain country of the present Kornles
Kukulu, Atabalan, Kolonna nnd Moravak.

* As in 75. 60 and 75. 50 VfyhiUi and Muhakhetla are mentioned
separately wc have to do in this passage with the coalescence of the
names of two apparently adjoining localities, just as with Sukariilibheri-
pasuQa in 75. 98, 146. Coi>r>!)gtok (II) looks for Mahdkhetta at I’ara-
dnva, II miles N. N. W. of Matara, since here there are extensive rice
fields on the right bank of the Nilvaloganga. Mahakhetta means "largo
field”. On the opposite or left bank there is said to he a long canal.
This might be the Dtffhiili = Sinb. dik-fUa. I should however expect
both these localities to be farther east. Aystox has in fact I'omparcd
Digbali with Dikvela, east of Matara situated on the coast.

^ W's translation galehi vasam atlaiio “who were faithful to him”
is inexact.

326

ParalikatHobahu I

72.73

73 bahu heard of this event be thought to destroy him along
with his whole army at the crossing of the river, occupied

74 a stronghold at the place UayurapasSpa and sent off the
Adhikarin Rakkha, surrounded by many soldiers, a man of

75 extraordinary bravery, with a strong army and train. But
this man in his great envy could not bear the great, favour

7g which the pleased and grateful King Parakkama showed to
his enemy, the Senapati Deva, after the great battle fought

77 by him. He bore resentment to the great King and was not
zealous in the war. Groaning in the fever of his jealousy he

7g was careless and developed no energy. Now an officer of the
Lord of men Qajabahu, a crafty man who had obtained from

79 the Uonarch Parakkamabahu freedom from punishment, had
gone with Kakkha. He rightly guessed bis mood and as he

80 had formerly given counsel to King Manabliarapa, so now
he sent quickly to King Manabharapa the message to come

81 in all haste before the fortifications were begun’. When the
Monarch Manabharapu heard these tidings, he entrusted his

82 army with warlike enterprises at different places*. The Prince
Mahinda marched to Vallitittlia and fought with the officers

83 of the Senapati Deva. These killed there many warriors in
bitter fight and vanquished in one moment the Prince, the

84 powerful the powerless. The King himself fought a great
battle with the Adhikarin Rakkha in which sparks flew from

86 the clash of swords. Many doughty warriors perished there
on both sides, finally the followers of the Adhikarin Rakkha

86 were scattered. Thereupon this man with his own band alone

' All .MSS. have adsanam twice over, first in puda a tbeu in c. The
Cul. Ed. has altered the second into ({saNnam. I could not svdopt this
emendation. It is not impossible that it U a case of carelessness on
the part of the compiler. But if there is to be an alteration, I should
suggest reading instead of fasnnnm in c sampat'on “now” = skr.
sdmiirntam (in contrast to pagera in 79 d). The unusual form — one says
generally = skr. aatnprati — in conjunction with the preceding

peieifi may have occasioned the erroneous sdsanam.

- Be wants in this way to conceal bis action against Rakkha and
make it impossible for ParnkkaniabShu's other generals to come to
his aid.

72. 94

Paraklamabahu I

327

continued the combat and fell himself after slaying many a
good soldier. When King Parakkamabahu, that man of ter- 87
rible courage, heard of this event he thought with smiling
lotus face: “As long as I am there what matters it whether 88
they are alive or dead? The lion seeks not allies when he
tears elephants in pieces. Even to-day I shall fulfil in combat 89
the long awakened wish of my two arms which are filled
with lust of battle. This earth ravished by intercourse with 90
many kings who plotted only evil, will I bathe in the water
of the blood of the limbs of my foes and then make her at 91
once my spouse purchased by combat*. For heroes such as
I am she forms in her whole expanse but a hall*. How 92
can any other power aid me, perhaps as a firebrand the sun
in extinguishing the mass of hostile darkness?” After reflect- 93
ing thus he came to the battlefield comparable to the fifth
sun* in the great ocean that was for him the army of the
hostile king. Arrived he tarried there hearkening to the sing- 94
ing given forth by numerous songstresses, feeling out the
underlying motif, as one who is first* among those versed in
the knowledge of moods.

' There U no need to depart from the reading of the MSS. paifi-
katam. Tho word belong* to (kr. paita “trade, purchase", puRi “trader".

The allusion is to the old custom of purchasing the bride.

* The meaning seems to be this: It ia to me a matter of indifference
at wbat place 1 i-elebmte mj marriage with the earth — this is of course
a symbol for its dominion. In whnt place so over 1 begin the combat
there is a fitting chamber {sdid) for the festival. He then goes on to
show why he c.in at once perform tbe ceremony. He needs not to wait
for outside aid, for in comparison to him it would be os a firebrand
to the sun.

^ W: “alluding to the seven suns that are said to rise in succession
at the destruction of the world, the fifth drying up the waters of tbe
deep" (note).

4 The compiler shows here his knowledge of tbe Indian Hasa doc-
trine. Every work of art, poetry like music, mnst have its special rasa,
its underlying motif. Theory distinguishes eight, nine or ten of these.

The most important are: SrAgdra “love", rira “heroic mood", bhaydnaka
“horror engenderiog" and hdsya “merriment arousing motif".

328

Parakkamabdha I

72. 95

95 Against the hostile army’ with which was the Monarch
(Manabbarana) approaching in pursuit of the scattered great

96 army, the great diguitaries of the Great King Parakkama hasten-
ed forth and fought with it a terrible battle near- the village

97 Badaravalil. Although the victorious army (Manabharana’s)
was scattered, they nevertheless after theai.selves fighting the
great battle and suffering heavy losses in combat, but having

98 also slain many soldiers — beat a retreat exhausted, and wended
their way to their own country. Now the great army of the

99 foe displayed redoubled energy. Parakkanmbahu left those
who had received wounds, to the care of physicians. He

100 gazed smiling merrily at the fleeing army. The dignitaries
who had bidden their bearers* turn, he forced with stern glance

101 and wrinkled brow to go back. The bearers he sent himself
against the hostile army, and in order to hold high festival

102 for the meeting with Lakkhi i. e. the foe*, and to send a clever
maiden herald, bis sword liaue^, to the field of battle, he,
wishing to begin the feast of war, called to tbe bearer of bis

103 band weapons: Give me the Sihala sword! Now when this
man out of ignorance brought as Sihala sword the weapon

^ W. has not rigblly understocKl the context. TIic gerund
does not belong to the subj. mi(<A()ui<icc<? but is subordinate to Ibe part,
past dgaldya in 95 c. Manabharapa is pursuing tbe defeated troops
of the Adbikfirin Kakkba. His army is therefore vailed yaycisenfi
in 07. Then he is met by Parakkainabahu's generals. On account of
the great losses they suffer, they have to retire. Paiakkaina trie.s to
prevent nn absolute collapse. His generals Kakkba Keaadhutu and
Natha (v. 107) restore the balance for (he time being. There follows
Knally however, the geneml retreat to I'utatthinagara.

* Their palanquin bearers. For the high officers tbe palanquin was
the method of transport also in the field.

^ The alteration of reri’ into rfrn® in the Col. Ed. is wrong. The
image is again borrowed from a wedding (cf. v. 90-91). As in wedlock
tbe man becomes master of the woman, in this ease I.akkbl, tbe goddess
of fortune and victory, so in l>attlc the victor of the foe. The picture
here is quite different to that of 72. 112 according to which the correc-
tions of S. and B. have evidently been made.

* In Skr. literature also the sword or tbe blade is compared with a
liane. The combination khadijalaid (as here P. A'A<ijr(?o(ntd) occurs fre-
quently in the Kathasaritsagara (BR. s. v. lata 1 c).

72. 109

Parakkamabdhu I

329

called the Jambudipa blade', he spake: ‘'That is not the 104
Sihala blade. Leave this (sword) that could put an end to
all the lines of hostile kings in Jambudipa and bring me
quickly the Sihala blade*”. Now when, after these words, 105
they handed him the terrible Sihala blade the King thought
again, full of pride, he who wa.s an elephant for the binding
of elephants*, namely the foe: In Sihaladipa I am unable to 106
grasp the weapon with my arm, and looked significantly' ut 107
the face of the Kesadhatu named Kakkha standing near him
and in that of the Nagaragiri Natha. And these twain car- 108
ried out the hint of the King and flung themselves with the
courage of lions into the midst of the great (hostile) army.

The twain seemed in consequence of their incomparable bra- 109

* r. Jiimbmlipaptitnca. We may take for pdtaea without ncruple
the meaning “abarpnese, edge, blade". Skr. potii mentis ‘'sharp, cutting"
and pd^uva is the abstract noun, derived from polii.

* We have here in the MSS. a liloka of 6 padaa and wluit fallows
becomes badly confused if we do not accept it. In the present case it
is certainly possible that it arose through a later interpolation of the
line Jambudipamki ni$iseiiareTirriJakulanliikain.

* What is thought of here is the capture of wild elephantn. When
the herd has been surrounded and enclosed in the corral tame elephants
are brought in with whose aid the wild elephants are chained.

' I have interpreted the passage wrongly in my edition where 1 have
tried to put saradhdranain in the oratio recta with the nie.aning
"with the esoeption {of my arm)”. That is too forced. W's translation
"that there was not a man who could even |)lace in his hand a (proper)
weapon" is also quite impossible. The text has literally: "in Sihaladipa
with ray arm unable to take the weapon, so thinking . . Thus the
subject to asuMattlio is missing. It ciin only be ahanj “1". With the
uratio indirecta this can be clearly seen : he thought he was incapable
etc. The idea is this; At sight of the sword the King has scruples
whether he should use the Sihala sword on the island of Sihala, that
is in civil war against Sihalas. He looks therefore saendharanam ot
bis ablest generals, handing over the task to them. With undoubted
skill Dhammakitti manages the transition from the heroic pose which
he has ascribed to the King, to the real stole of affairs and the later
conditions in which the King is no longer the first among his soldiers,
the leader of the army, as in the heroic age of Dutthagamaci, but makes
his generals carry out warlike enterprises according to his instructions.

330

Parakkaiii(d)ahu I

72. no

rery like thousands in number appearing in the midst of

110 the battlefield. From morning until far into the night they
fought a great battle terrible by reason of the bodies of

111 hostile soldiers hewn in pieces by sword strokes. With folded
hands the great dignitaries then informed the King: “Shattered

112 is the whole great army, we few people alone are left. But
even in our small number, 0 Lord of men, fighting a great
battle, we have not let the luck of heroes (away froui us)

118 turn to the other side. As if from fear of the sight of the
combat the sun has hidden himself behind the western mount.
We will return^ to Pulatthinagara and take up to-morrow
the destruction of the foe. Now is not the right time*.“

114 When the King heard that, such action found no favour in
his sight, as he desired to spend the night on the spot and

116 renew the combat in the morning. Now the King void of
all fear, gave himself up to slumber for a moment during
which the dignitaries brought him to Pulatthinagara. Now
when at midnight they came to PancavihSra, the King awoke
and asked what name the place bad. When the Lord of men
heard from the people that it was Pancavifaara, he fiew into a
rage: “That ye brought me hither while I slept was wrong of
you". But as be wished to take every single one of his
retinue without exception with him, he remained there. He
filled the village with the din of the five loud clanging shell
trumpets ‘ and after he had himself (awaited) his retinue that

120 had not yet appeared, (and) surveyed (them), he sent his
train on in front, kept behind them himself and came when
morning time was near to Pulatthinagara.

121 When then the sun, the ancestor of his race, had risen,
Parakkamabahu who by bis singular courage had the whole

^ Important, aa we see from this, aa also from what follows^ that
the scene of these fights laj in the immediate vicinity of the capital.

^ Again a illoka with 6 padas in all the MSS. Here also there is
the possibility of a later interpolation of the line ranadassanabhito va
lino atthacale ravi.

^ These are the five musical inatraments, of which one, the shell
trumpet, is named as the most warlike.

72. 129

Parakkamabahu I

331

world in bis power^, heard that at the ford called’ Billa- 122
(gama) the Senapati Dera and the Adhikarin, named Eitti,
at the head of a great arm; had poured an uninterrupted 123
rain of arrows on the Adhikarin of the name of Natha’, on
the Prince Mahinda, the Senapati Sukha, the Lahkagiri 124
Natha and on others who had approached in that direction
and who came with their arm; to 6ght; that the; had rob- 125
bed of life the Senapati Sukha and the Laukagiri Natha
along with man; warriors and had pursued the Adhikarin 126
Natha and the Prince Mahinda who had fled with their troop
divisions; that when the; had penetrated far into the pro- 127
vince, the whole arm; of tlie foe togetlier with the troops
belonging to the countr; bad made the road impassable and 128
hiding themselves on all sides had captured them*. At these
tidings the foe-tamer (Parakkamabahu) who took ever the
greatest pleasure in dought; deeds, marched forth to relieve
the generals. But here in order to persuade the Monarch in 129

‘ Verses 122 up to the beginning of 128 tirokatcH ffoJitsi form one
sentence (cf. however, note on 128), the content of the news whicli
Parakkamabahu receives nest da; and which must lead to an alteration
of bis decisions. W. has understood that. In my edition this is not
made sufficiently clear (but cf. the eraendations in vol. 11). Because of
the new tidings the King determines in the first place to relieve bis
surrounded generals. The action planned against Manabbamoa is de-
ferred.

’ There bad been fighting before at this ford (see 72.48) under the
Senapati Deva who had pushed forward there from Hedillabhaodagiiinn
in pursuit of the defeated Mahinda.

’ Mentioned above in 70. 298.

* The construction of the whole sentence is not correct in the
original. The subject is changed as happens in the latest parts of the
Culavs., chiefly in sentences with many gerunds: in the first place
Devasenddhindyako Kittiiidmddhikari ea is the sabject, then sakald
nrdlivdhini. The construction would be right if it ran: Detasenudhiiid-
yake Kitiindmddhikdrini ca . . . tattelrd . . . papelvd . . . aniibaiidiya . . .
pavillhesu, sakali ardtiva/uiii . . . yahtsi. Here the gerunds vattetva &c.
would be sobordinate to the past part. pactiMesii. The word gahesi
refers only to the encirclement by which Deva and Kitti have lost
their freedom of action.

332

Parakkamabdlta I

72. 180

whom had awakened the resolve for combat, to return, the

ISO great dignitaries with folded hands spake to him: “Save thy
exceeding great ability, scarce to be surpassed, O Lord of

131 men, we have no further might left; and the iuhabitanis of
the country are all under hostile influence. We must betake
ourselves from here to Nandamula and from there begin tlie

132 fight". With these and like representations they induced the
Lord of men to turn back; they started from there and set

133 out with the King on their way. When the retainers native
to the country stationed in Nandamula, beheld the Monarch

134 approaching with few followers they began to rain from
all sides a hail of arrows. The Ruler who had halted at

135 the place called Karavajagiri' sent thence certain dignitaries
acknowledged to be excellent warriors and brought it to pass

13G that that division of the army gave up iis desire to tight. While
thus the great hero, the Ruler, sent on his retinue in advance
and followed after on the march, he came to Jambukolu,

187 Starting thence to relieve the Senapati Deva, he came on the
march to a place named Navagamapura.

138 At that time the SenSpali Deva and the Adhikarin Kitti,
because they had not obeyed tbe instructions given them by

139 tlie Great King, lay exhausted there with their army. They
had given up the flght and had fallen* into tbe power of

140 tbe enemy at the village named Surulla. In order to persuade
the Ruler (Parakkama) — who was advancing* with the

^ The Census 1021 (II. 290) hsis a Karavalugala in the Tittaveli-
gaoduho Koriile, thus in tbn mountains east of Hiripitiya, IS miles
north of Kurunegala. But there arc difficulties about identifying the
two names. We expect rather a position between Polonnaruva and
Dambul. Cf. note to 72. 147.

* They are probably still surrounded by the enemy but have not
yet capitulated. All we learn further is that Parakkaioa bad to give
up the plan of relieving them, as apparently their capitulation could
no longer be prevented. Of their later IHte we hear nothing. It sceiAs
however that they were freed or ransomed. The Adhikarin Kitti
appears again 74. 90 If. and tbe Lankapura Deva mentioned 75. 130,
76. 260 ff., might be identical with tbe Senapati Deva.

^ P. vibhajited nijaraikhSga. The verb ribhajali seems to be used

72, 147

Parakkamahahtt I

333

strong intention of rescuing his generals — to turn back,
they sent him the following message: “We have fallen here HI
in the midst of Maharaljha* into the power of the enemy;
but our Lord has no other means of power than his extra-
ordinary courage. Even the country folk have turned away 142
from us and are on the side of the foe. But if there
are Lords of exceeding ability, then there is no doubt that 143
by uniting the ocean-girt earth under one umbrella they are
heedful of the furtherance of the laity and of the Order. We 144
to whom this boon belongs, in consequence of which we shall
have the comfort of again beholding the lotus flowers of thy 145
feet, shall be set free by the protector of the castes and of the
hermitages*. But (now) thou must give up thy resolve to come
hither." When the Qreat King heard that, the far-seeing one 14C
perceived that even before his march thither ruin would ensue.
Entreated by all his dignitaries witli folded hands the discern- 147
ing one turned and betook himself to Vikkaniapura*.

hfvc in II finite peculiar menninK “to be intent U{wn something". The
lilei'iil translation of v. 140 would be “they, wjsbitig to cause to return
the Kuler who mlvnticed, being intent upon their own protection, sent
the messnge . The meaning of Ibe nicwage in this; Give up the plan
of rescuing us now. We know that a great king like you will linally
giiin the victory, and then we will be set free and again join your retinue.

' Cf. note to 72- 147.

* P. ronvUnmn aisamaiiam eti is here synonymous with the ustml
lokasc'tsann.

* Tho actiohs deseribe<l vv. 121-147 are not easy to understand.

The reason probably lies in the fact that the narrator gives as short
an account as possible of a series of catastrophes which overtook
Parakkamnbabu and which led to complete reversal of the situation.

As regards the encirclement of Deva and Kitti in the first place, one
would have expected it from the account to have taken place some-
where in hostile territory, in Rohapa. What does not agree with this
is that the starting-point of the relief should be Jambukola, whether
we understand by this Dambul, which I think the more likely, or
Dambagolla (note to 70. 72) west of Blahera. The generals themselves
speak in v. 141 of Maharattha. But that is according to v. 163, a
district bordering (eastwards) on the Salavapi, if indeed the mohdraUha-
tmijjhe in v. 141 altogether contains a proper name, and not an appella-

334

Paralcltamdbaha I

72. 148

148 Now when the high dignitaries learned that the Monarch
ManSbharaija had come with his whole army to Pulatthina-

149 gara and again marching thence had reached the place called
Giritataka’ and other matters, they informed the King truth-

150 fully according to the facts, as they had heard them, and
also that the army had been here and there destroyed in

161 6ght. They reported further it would be best to march to
Parakkamapura* or even to the village called Kalyapi* to
gather together the army there and then begin the war

162 again. But when the lion-king heard that he answered in
the fire of his wrath, discernible in the fume of his wrinkled

163 brow*; “For the fearful I have no use, they may go where
they like. Men like myself possess a great army in the

164 courage of their arms. From the King of the gods down-
wards I know none in the three worlds capable so long as I

165 am in life, of crossing the frontier of my realm. A hostile

tive “in the midst of the great province" (i. e. Rohaoa). The final re-
sult of all the military events is clear. Parakkamababu is forced to
give up Pulatthinagara and K^araKfaa and to retire to Dakkbipadesa.
The first halt is at Vikkamapura. The position of the town can be
pretty well fixed. It is mentioned v. 263 in connection with Eyanagama
which in its tarn occurs next to MangalabegSma, thus not far distant
from Pulatthinagara. Vikkamapura must thus have been situated in
Jimapada. Is it perhaps the name for the town belonging to SIhagiri ?

‘ As GiritatSka (now Qiritala), lies about 7 miles W. N. W. of
Pulatthinagara, Maiiabbarapa has thus occupied the capital advancing
from K. or S. and now advances witbont delay against the hostile front
at Vikkamapura.

^ The building of Parakkaiuapura is first described later 74. 16.
It was probably a case of rebuilding on an older site. Should the town
be looked for at the Parakkamasamudda, the reservoir Paod^vapi ? See
68. 40 and note to 60. 60.

^ Now Kelaniya at the mouth of the Kelaniganga not far from
Colombo, The officers thus advise giving up the fight entirely for the
time being and retiring to Dakkhiriadesa.

* The reading of the MSS. gives no sense. In my edition 1 have
followed the Col. Ed. But 1 should like now to suggest; the reading
bhaftAonpadfiuniariBfieyyailopa^pi paecahhiU’ ato. This keeps more closely
to the text of the MSS., assumes merely the change of a single letter
(v into s) and gives the expected sense.

72. 168 Paraklamahshu I 335

prince can force his way into the realm ruled by me as little
as a king of elephants into a lion-guarded den. Who would 156
not become a hero when my glance falls on him? If I so
will, boys who still drink milk will fight. In two or three 167
months I shall no longer permit the Ruler Manabharaua to
establish himself in his own province, let alone in Rajarattha.

It is just for such an occasion which is quite hopeless that 158
the worth of the courage of the arms of heroes of my breed
holds good.” In this Avay he made the discouraged courageous 159
by speaking a self-confident word filled with heroic spirit’.
Then experienced in warcraft, he sent the Adhikarin Rakkha 160
and the officer (Kitti) the .\dipotthakin*, forth to take up a
position’ at the village of Uangalabegama. Hereupon after 161
distributing dignities to people who deserved dignities, the
illustrious one, versed in the right expedients, entrusted the
Mahalekha called Rakkha and the Jivitapotthakin Mandin, as 162
well ns the two brothers, the generals, Sankhadhstu and Kitti,
with a great army and he, the mighty one, sent it to Pillavi^thi 163
in Mahara(tha which borders on the KalavHpi tank to take
possession of it*. Likewise the exceeding brave (Prince) placed 164
the MSragiri Nigrodha’ in UddhavSpi with an army. In order 166
to carry on the war in this way in different directions he
placed a strong army with officers at various places.

Now the troops stationed in Janapada, skilled in the game 166
of war, offered battle and put to flight at the locality called
Janapada, the Mahalekha called Mahinda who bad come hither 167
to fight at the command of Manabharapa, so that his courage
for a renewal of the conflict was broken. To the Lord of 168
men, Parakkama, who while ever bringing forth all kinds of

’ P. r{rflra*<i, *ee note to 72. 94.

* Cf. 72. 27 together with note.

* The theatre of the war ia very much the same as in tfie operations
against Gajabahu described 70. 281 ff.

* For MahSrattha see note to 72. 147. The district is mentioned
again twice (v. 190, 199). Pillavitthi ia certainly identical with the
Pilavitthiba mentioned 69. 8 (aec note to the i>assagc).

® See note to 72. 11.

336

I'arakkamabahtt I

72. 1G9

meritorious works in profusion and, like to the King of tlie

169 gods, enjoying dirersion in divers games, sojourned in KS-
landa', the army sent a report of the events in accord with
the truth.

170 Thereupon the officers stationed in Pillavilthi with the
Mahalekha Kakkha at the head* fought for eight day.H an

171 embittered battle with Buddhanayaka* and the general Maha-

172 maladeva stationed at Kalavapi, slew many warriors, put the
enemy to flight, brought Kalavapi into their power and freed

173 it shortly from the briers (of the foe). Then carrying out
the instructions of the Lord of men Parakkama, they threw
up an entrenchment and remained with the army on the spot.

174 The Maragiri Nigrodha stationed at Uddbavapi, fought

175 three times, scattered the hostile army and having fortified
the monastery grove at the village called Tannaru, he took
up a position there at the command of the Great King.

176 The Monarch Manabharaua now granted to the Prince
Mahindn a post of honour and a province of considerable

177 extent and spake to him: “Take up, marching in the direction
of Moravapi, in order to conquer Dakkliioadesa, tliy position

178 with strong forces in Anuradhapura*. 1 will betake myself
to Pallavavala, to march in the direction of Buddhagama^.’’

179 Thus haring sent him in advance with a strong army to fair
Anuradhapura, ho himself took up a position again at tlie
same place* in Itajarattha.

180 When the great councillors of the Great King who were
stationed in Kalavapi, learned that Prince Mahinda had betaken

> Nalandii was thus again Parakknma's faeiulquartt'rs as in tbe
cainijaigns against Gajabaliu (si^e 70. 167. 207).

* See above v. 161 ff. * Sei- note to 70. 296.

* For Moravapi see notes to 69. 9, 70.67. From all tbe passages in
wbicb it is mentioned it is clear that it was sitaated south of Anuradha-
pura and west of Kalavapi. Manabbamqa's plan is evidently to turn
Parakkamabahu's left flank in order to force bim to withdraw bis front
which threatened Pulatthinagara.

^ See notes to 5S. 43 and 66. 19.

° It is only later that Manabharaua gom to Pallavavala (see v. 220);
thus Uitlh’ era here probably nn-ana GirUnlOke (a v. 149).

72. 194

P()ri]i('A*<ima6<ihu I

337

himself with large forces to Anuradhapura, they at once, in 181
order to destroy him before he had taken root, entrusted the 182
Mahalekha Rakkha and the Bhauilarapottbakin Kitti* with
the charge there and marched tliemselves with army and train
to the locality called Kanainula, threw up an entrenchment 183
here and took up their position here after they them.selves
had left Kalavapi. When the Great King Parakkarua who 184
was skilled in expedients not to be thwarted, hoard of this
undertaking and had as expert examined it, (he told the of-
ficers): “As people who do not know the country, ye should 186
not without my order, penetrate into the innermost part of
the district to take up the fight. Such a command he whose 186
commands were like those of Pakasasana*, far-seeing and
discerning, issued repeatedly (to the officers). But they hastened 187
thither, neglecting the command of the King and believed in
their folly that they would immediately seize Anuradhapura.

The unhappy ones who themselves discovered not the object 188
and left the King’s command unheeded’, came to the locality
named Katuvandu, ignorant of the localities and without the 189
right precautions, as if desirous of ta.sting the effects of their
disobedience to the King’s command. When they, carrying 190
out their ill-starred undertaking, had penetrated there, their
followers dispersed themselves over the various places in
Mahiiraltha. When the Prince Mahinda heard of the affair, 191
he held a council, surrounded them and began the combat,
and owing to the faulty concentration of the army, the Prince 192
Mahinda scattered the whole of the forces on the battlefield.
Completely beaten in this battle, the officers returned to 193
Kalavapi remembering the neglected royal command. But the 194

‘ See note to 72. 27, as well as to 72. 196.

^ P. peikasdsana = skr. pat'itMisenn is an ojiithct of the (;od Indra.
The meaning attached to the word here is probably “whose coinniands
become ripe, i. e. are fulfilled or carried out".

* Verse 188 is mutilated in the MSS. as four syllables are missiiiK.
The text of the Col. Ed. differs from mine. W. translate.^ thus: ‘‘and
those among them who were not fortunate would not be advised by
the king’s message".

338

ParailrA'ania&nftu I

1-i. 195

PriDce (Mahinda) returned to Anuradhapura, collected in haste

195 the division of the army belonging to his province and sent
it off, as he intended taking Kalavapi with large forces.
When the discerning Ruler (Parakkama) received tidings of

19G this, he scut in haste the BbaviOnrapotthakiD Bhuta* thither
to whom he gave a considerable army consisting only of

197 skilled warriors. They all met there together and three months

198 long the valiant heroes fought bitter battles day by day. Not
neglecting the royal instructions the doughty ones fought a
hard fight and (finally) shattered the four-membered army of

190 Mahinda. They took Maharattha which bordered on Kalavapi
and remained at the spot awaiting the command of the King.

200 The Prince (Mahinda) made exultant by his afore mentioned
crafty fight with the people who bad transgressed the King's

201 command, came on* himself in full armour. An officer who
was stationed at Moravapi not neglecting the in.structions of

202 the far-seeing King, distributed his followers on both sides of
the road and as soon as the hostile army were completely

203 inside (the ambush) he surrounded it on all sides, slew while

20-1 delivering a terrific action, numerous high officers, vanquished

the Prince and sent many heads of enemies slain on the battle-
field to the King.

205 Hereupon King Parakkamabahu, a man of terrible courage,
gathered together* his army which was distributed in divers

206 places, and in order to drive the Ruler Manabharapa out of
Rajaratfha, he placed the MahSleklia railed Rakkha, the

207 Kamiuanayaka Afijana* and the .\dipottbakiD Kitti at Kyana-
gama and sent the Adhikarin Rakkha to Mahgnlabegama.

’ The title hhanfldrapottkaliH is also borne hj Kitti. See 73. 182
together with the note to 72. 27.

* As the mention of Moravapi shows, we have to do here with Ma-
hinda's main thrust against Dakkhipadesa announced in v. 177.

* By the victory at Moravapi Parakkamabahu has done away with
the pressure on bis left wing (cf. note to v. 177) and can now under-
take liis action against Pulatthini^'ara. As to the localities si-e 70.
281 ff.

■* See note to 72. 58.

72. 221

I’arakkamabahu I

339

Then he sent his train of hunters, robbers' and the like who 208
were skilled in wandering by night in the wildernesses of
forest and mountain, and had many people in divers places 209
slain’ by them by night and day. Like birds shut up in a
cage’ the dwellers in Pulatthinagara for long dared not even 210
by day leave their houses and go outside of the gate when
they wanted supplies of water and wood. For the work for 211
which they needed wood each robbed his house completely of
its roof* and so destroyed it. In the shops here and there 212
on the outskirts of the town the various businesses were
completely given up. As circulation in all the approaches to 213
the town had been stopped by the King, the whole town
trembled with excjtement. Great harassment he caused to the 214
King Manabharapa in that he vexed the town even to the
royal castle. In his great distress the Kuler MSnabharaoa 215
whose heart was sore weighted with cares, reflected thus:

“If I would betake myself to my province of Rohaya the 216
inhabitants of Rajarattha who are there would not permit me
to go thither, to show their affection for the Sovereign 217
Parakkania, if by my taking flight they discover my weakness.

But if I think it is right for me to stay here, that too for 218
me is hard, since day and night I must suffer such hardships.

The best thing for me is to fight a decisive battle with the 210
foe and to suffer the fortune or misfortune that issues from
it.” After putting his large four*membered army in fighting 220
trim, he betook himself, his loins girt for combat, to Pallava-
vala’. When thereupon King Parakkamabahu, who po.ssessed 221

' Theic were probably Vilddaa who wore in the king's retinue.
Kimta “hunter" is also used in Skr. to describe savage mountain tribes.

’ Verses 205-214 form a single sentence which I have split up in
the translation into its coraponent parts. The principal verb is akdst
pilaw in 214 which governs directly three ‘'that" sentences with yathu
1) V. 209 C-2U, 2) V. 212, S) v. 218. Then to alusi belongs gMtayanto
in V. 209 a and subordinate are the various gerunds in vv. 206-208.

’ The same simile in 70. 292.

* Lit.: “they made it grassless", i. e. they turned the grass which
served as roof into fuel and so ruined the whole house.

^ See above v. 178.

340

72. 222

the courage of a lion, and (yet) was wont to act with reflec-

222 tion, heard of all these events, he sent off the Lahkapuva,
the two brothers, the generals, and the Lokagalla', after

223 instructing them in divers plans of war, in three directions,
as he, the prudent one, intended to separate* the hostile army

224 that was marching hither from that direction. They betook
themselves with large forces thither and spent a month de-

225 livering day by day a sharp action. In his double distress
the Kuler Manabbarapa reflected thus: “I have left my
entrenched camp and have come hither, desirous of fighting.

226 There is no breathing freely for me; my misfortune is deep-

227 rooted and grows at its pleasure day and night. Since I have
come hither without tasting the good and the evil that were
my lot in tiiat wilderness*, I deserve this misfortune bard to

228 be borne. And an attempt to come thither* again? That is
also hard to carry out, since hostile forces are posted at dif-

229 ferent places on the main road. Here in this place where
wo are .so confined, I may not tarry, .since the hostile army

230 i-s marching from every side towards the centre. 1 will in-
quire of people well acquainted with this part and will march

231 forth by some little known way which they tell me of,” Tliu.s
having asked the inhabitants be betook himself by a way

232 told him by them to the village of Konduruva*. Thereupon
the Adhikarin Hakkha who, carrying out the command of the
Great King, had taken up a position at the village named

233 Mihirnpabibbila, had stakes made like spearpoints and had
them bound together driven into the ground in such a way

234 that they were not even to be shaken by elephants. Then

‘ Tbe Laiikapura is RadakkuUa (72. 39). Wbo is meant by tbe
I.okagallii wc do not know, but the word occurs also as title ia 76. 138.

* P. rjiiiiiAfiam kiilukdmo. [ take rimikha here in the lopaning of
“turned in different directions".

* By the “wilderness" (idNo) he me:ins hi.s former country, Rohaiia
with which he ought to have been satisfied.

* Namely to Rohaqa.

^ There is a Eonduruveva S. W. of Girilale, W. S. W. of Pulatthi-
nagara.

72.245

341

outside (of these) he had strong stakes of still greater size
driven in, so tliat there was no gap and had them interwoven
with wattle-work of branches. Then in the middle (between 235
the two rows of stakes) he had a trench dug twenty to thirty
cubits broad for a distance of a hundred lengths of a man*.
There he placed sharpened stakes and* thorns and also in 23G
the ground lying outside he had sharpened sticks driven in
and a hedge of thorns put up, tightly closed and unbroken 237
and between these a trench dug as before. There also lie 288
placed sharpened sticks and thorns and outside of the hedge
he had a trench dug which reached to the underground
water*. There also he again placed pointed stakes and thorns 239
and outside of the trench he had the big forest felled at a
blow over a tract two or three bowshots in extent, as well 240
as great pits dug beyond this tract on the robber paths*.

Here again he placed everywhere sharp thorns, had them 24i
covered on all sides with sand and withered leaves, and pre- 242
pared (everything) in such a way that at first glance it
looked like a passable road. Then in order to destroy without
remnant the hostile army when it approached this way, he 243
had robber paths made in every direction and posted sharp
shooting archers on them. In tlie middle of the stockade he 244
built a structure* of four storeys and distributed archers about
it at divers places. But in order to entice hither the hostile 245
army (from where it was marching), he sent out two or three
thou.sand archers who understood shooting by the Hash of

* The ''cubit” (rntunci) e<iuala S7. 82 inches. Thus tbe breadth was
about SO to 45 ft. a “uian's length” {porina) is about fire cubits, that
is 89. 10 in. So the length of tbe trench ineasured 740 to 745 ft.

^ I should now prefer tbe reading cu instead of ro. Also in what
follows the stakes alwajs appear along with the thorns. It often
happens in the Colavs. that ea is not enclitic, but stands between the
objects which it connects. Cf. v. 236 b.

* Thus I interpret odatniid'A'a. 4ye must assume that it is derived
from a sbr. udakdnia, audakdnlika. W'a view is probably tbe same.

^ What is meant are the footpaths leading through the wilderness.

^ P. pasdda. The passage is cbaiacteristic of the general meaning
of “structure” given to the word pdsd<f<i.

342

TaraHamabahu I

72.246

246 lightning *. Now when amid a rain of arrows pouring from
all sides the irresistible, terrible hostile army approached,

247 they cunningly feigned as if they had been routed by it and
turned back. When then the others approached in pursuit

248 of them, then suddenly skilled warriors, doughty soldiers,
experienced in the war game, a thousand in number like

249 singly marching elephants*, made a dash at them and fought
an action, appearing in front of the hostile forces like the

25 0 army of King Yama*. A hail of arrows began to rain on
all sides and the people who stood on the structure began

251 to shoot at those who were on the ground. There followed
a hail* of stones which hurled from engines, flew* here and

252 there vast in size. From the burning, sharp-pointed* bamboo

‘ P. flH'ftn^ar«f7AMio. Cf. also JiCo. III. 322**, V. 129”. I accept
the exjjlanation in JaCo. II- 91”. H. Rehh, ToevocKselcn op'tWoorden-
boek ran ChiMers I. 69, compares skr. (Uliiitia “target". Tiiis seems
to me too I'olourleM. Uoreover Mhvs. 23. 86 distSDguisbea tin- sadda-
redhi, “who shoots according to the sound" (without neeing the
mark), the vulavedhl “who bits a bair" and the vijjuvedhl “who shoots
by the gleam of the lightning". To these threo categories JaCo.
V. 129” adds that of the soravedfttno who can shoot a second arrow
on to the hrst one already sticking in the target. The art is still
practised in India. 1 know a young Indian who claims to be both a
ivlloi'cdfti and a aaddavedhi.

* I read paccekahalthino. What is meant are the solitary or rogue
elephants who are known for attacking furiously and ore therefore much
dreaded. The* word is formed on the paceekabuddiM model-

* The god of death. In the whole section from v. 232 to v. 249
rnttesniH (samorom) in 249 is the first and only finite verb. We have
thus to do with a single sentence. The construction meanwhile is not
correct. The subject changes HakkhadJMarl in 232 and t'frcl Bubhata
in 248. An alteration of pest*ca (246) into pescst would got over the
difficulty. I dare not suggest it however, as I believe that irregular
sentences with accumulated gerunds are typical of the compiler's style.
Cf. note to 72. 128.

* Lit. “a spreading out" (a broad throwing).

* P. phflra»i<d/ion». The verb pftar is a favourite one for expressing
the flashing of the lightning.

® Indian dictionaries give tihma “sharj)", "pointed” as the meaning
of candii.

72. 266

Parakkamabiihu I

343

rods which cut into single pieces were hurled’ down there
spread an unbearable heat. With maiij glowing iron rods 253
which were tied to strings and which they drew up again,
they performed seven days long their terrible deeds. Thus 254
the discerning great dignitaries of the Great King carried on
the combat in accordance with the instruction of their King.
Seized by fear the army of the foe dispersed at once like the 255
wave-crowned flood* when it breaks on the ocean’s shore.

Thus the army with tlie Monarch were wiped out on the battle- 266
field as the stars with the moon at the rising of the dawn.

Then at Rajatakedara day by day for six months in bitter 257
fight they weakened the forces of the foe. The Monarch 258
MSnabharaua set about building a stronghold for his sojourn*
by making a stockade of thorns. When King Parakkamabahu, 259
the energetic, the exceeding wise, the lotus-eyed, in his vigi-
lance heard of this proceeding, he thought in his heart: 260
“This plan is clever. If he now sets about building a strong-
hold be roust, methinks, as his army is weakened, be about 261
to retire. Now is the right moment to get Manabharapn
entirely into one’s power. I also must march thither and it 262
is well If I march, to march in such manner that he notices
nothing, else he will take flight." With this resolve he left 263
Vikkamapura* and while feigning that he was going to the
chase, he betook himself to Kyanagamn accompanied by many 264
skilful musicians, who made music on the lute and the flute.
While now the wise Ruler versed in moods, sojourned like 265
Yasava* in that village, he sent a message to the Adhikarin
Rakkha to put bis division of the army with all speed in 266
fighting trim and to hold a war festival with the officer of

' P. panfn; cf. akr. prarMa.

* To Bupplement kaiMantalim ‘‘bearing wave-a aa wreatba" one must
take I’aftint aa a aabatantive of more general meaning “flood".

it should be remembered, generally denotes “river".

* I take sa in sasamniceaum as equivalent to the skr. sett, W. trans-
lates “with an encampment".

* The headquarters of Parakkamabahu, see 72. U7 and note.

* A name of the god India.

344

Parakkauiabahu I

72.267

267 King ManabliaraQa, Buddlianayaka by uame*. Wlien the
discerning Adhikann bad hearkened carefully to all of the
message sent, he at ouce carrying out the order of the Great

268 King, put his army in readiness, and sent the war-practised
(host) forth, which was like to a whirlwind when it scatters

269 cotton, namely the enemy. The four-membered army marched
to Kajatakedara, delivered there till sunset a bitter action,

270 slew Buddhsnayaka and the other officers, put the rest of the

271 army to flight and stayed the night on the spot. When the
SuveB'eign Pnrakkamabuliu heard of this event the prudent

272 one betook himself to the village called Mihirapahibbila*. Ue
had fetched the Laukapura Kadakkuc.la who was endowed
with extraordinaiy courage, and the two brothers, the generals:

273 ‘‘King Manabharapa will certainly to-day in the night take

274 flight, his heart swayed by great fear; betake yourselves to
him on his way and cut off his flight“, such was the order

276 given them by the discerning (king). While the heavens
without ceasing drizzled and rained, while thickest darknes.s

276 held sway, these marched in black night, but were not able
to overtake the Monarch ManSbliaraija on the way who was
fleeing tortured by dread.

277 Tlie Munarrb Maniibliaruva had at tliat time thought thus:

278 “In the stronghold occupied to-day by tlie hostile army, a
terrible noise can be heard like the raging of the vast ocean.

279 The hostile king has, methinks, entered the fort. If instead
of fleeing. I remain here during the night, to-morrow I shall

280 certainly be delivered helplessly into his hands. Without lett-
ing any single one of all my companions know it, 1 must

281 leave this place.” Hacked by fear, with such thoughts he
left his own children in the lurch and while heavy rain

282 streamed down and thick darkness reigned, lie hastened hither
and thither, every now and again falling into a deep pit,
stumbling amid the undergrowth of the forest, ever and anon

283 starting with fear his heart filled with terror, to the Maha-

• See note to 70. 296, as well as below v. 270.
' Cf. above v. 232.

72. 296

Parakkam<^ahu I

345

valukagai'iga. But fearing that if he fled by a well known
ford, the foe pursuing might take him ali7e, he crossed the 284
river with difficulty at some unknown ford and regained 285
courage for a moment. But as ho bad exceeding fear of the
able-bodied inhabitants of the country, he wandered in dis- 286
guise full of terror from village to village aud so fleeing came
to his own province stripped of everything*.

When the warriors of the Great King 1‘arakkamabahu 287
who were posted at divers places, noticed that King Manabliarapa
had departed, then thousands of them joyfully waved their 288
garments*, they lit around hundreds of thousands of torches,
and while taking the lives of many thousands of warriors, 289
they clapped their hands, shouted with joy, jumped about,
and broke at one swoop from all sides into the great entrench- 290
ment which King Manabharapa had occupied, captured alive 291
the Prince called Sirivallabha who hud been left behind and
other great dignitaries, seized the rich treasures scattered here 292
and there of the hostile king, elephants and hoi'ses, equipment
and an array of weapons, liaving made tho necessary ar- 293
rangements for their custody, they all set off in pursuit of the
Ruler Miinabiiaraua, reached in the shortest (possible) time the 294
Mahavalukagahga, cut to pieces there also a hostile army
down to the last man*, and haring seen to it that the whole 295
river carried* along with it naught but flesh and blood, they
were fain to press on farther, resolved not to turn back before
they had captured the Ruler MSnabharapa even if they had 296
to march to the ocean*. But Parakknmabaliu of the strength-

‘ P. galivitojjilo. For the meaniDg of skr. g<iti “reROurce" 8. UR. 8. v,
nr. 6. W’s translation “undisguised" (in contrast to amiatarcseiia in
pads a) ia certainly wrong.

* Lit. “tbey instituted thousands of wavings of garments". Celukkhepa
signifies expression of approval. See JaCo. [I. 90*; 111. 292*^; Mbve. 15,

App. B, 7.

3 P. apiiricchinam, lit. unlimited, unrestricted, complete.

* Pun on vdhwl with threefold meaning 1) army (291 d), 2) river
(295 a), 3) adj. for “carrying with it" (295 b).

^ The past part. ni^kAanta takes the place of a finite verb.

346

1‘arakkaniabdhu I

72. 297

297 defyiiiff arms, whose command.s were scarce to be evaded, gave
them the order not to cross to the other bank of the stream,

298 and thus made them turn back. Thereupon King Parakkama-
bahu, the unvanquished sovereign, put on all his ornaments

299 and surrounded by his army, with Prince Sirivallabha in front,
he filling the heavens witli great rejoicings of victory, enter-

300 ed the fair city of Pulattliinagara, even as the King of the
gods (entered) the city of the gods after his victory in the
battle with the asurash

301 Now the Monarch Manabharaua by reason of a disease
caused by bis fear of Prince Parakkama had come to the end

302 of his life force. As he lay there on his bed, near to death,
enmeshed in misery amongst Ills wives who wailed with out-

303 spread arms, he liad Prince Kittisiriraegba and yet other high

304 dignitaries fetched and spake these words; “Rich treasures,
that sacrificed to the venerable Tooth Relic and to the sacred

305 Alms-bowl by believing sons of good family, and besides these
divers villages belonging to the bhikkbu order have I seized

306 and destroyed, swayed by the lust for kingly power. Now I
lie on that bed from which there is no rising. Whence shall
I find salvation from hell*, if by death I unwillingly quit

807 this world. Qo thou, without ruining thyself as I (have ruined)
myself, to the Sovereign Parakkama, do that which he orders

808 thee and lire devoted to him as he shall direct thee.” After

309 these words he-wept more distressfully and entered the dwell-
ing of god Yama difficult of approach, as if be wished to
betake himself to a territory which lay not in the realm of
the good soldiers of the Great King Parakkama.

' In the Devanagala inscription, line 13/14 Parakkamababu mentions
his war with Gajababu. After this name an illegible space of about
seven akkharas is following, and then we read dedeha (instead of dedena
hd) yuddha kola “having made war with the two [princes] Gajababu
and . . . ." It is very probable that we have to supply after Gajabdhit
the name of Muiidbbarana. Sec H. C. P. Bst.i., Report on the Kcgalla
District (1892), p. 74-5.

* Tliere are four apdyd or possibilities of rebirth for the sinner —
1) in hell, 2) as animal, 3) in the world of ghosts, 4) in the world of
demons.

72- S21

Partxkkamabaku T

347

When King Parahkaniabahu who had captivated all those 310
of good disposition without exception, heard that King Mana*
bhara;?a was dead, he had the Prince Kittisirimegha fetched
thence. Then the great dignitaries met together and with 311
clasped hands pra;ed the Ruler to celebrate the festival of tiie
king’s consecration'. At a favourable moment and under a lucky 312
star the Ruler (now) without rivals held the happy festival
of the coronation. The loud noise of the divers kinds of 313
drums was then terrible as the raging of the ocean when
lashed by the storm wind of the destruction of the world.
Elephants equipped with gilded armour made the royal road 314
look as if it were traversed by lightning-flashing cloud moun-
tains. The whole town in which the colours of the horses* 315
gave rise, as it were to waves, was in agitation like the ocean.

By the variegated umbrellas and wreaths and the rows of gol- 31 G
den flags the heavens were hid as it were, ou all sides. Gar- 317
ments were shaken and Angers snapped*, the inhabitants of
the town sent forth the cry: Live (o King)! live! Covered 818
with arches of bananas and thickly studded with jars and
wreaths the whole universe consisted of a mass of festivals*.
Songs of praise were heard hymned by many hundreds of 319
singers and the smoke of (kindled) aloe wood filled the firma-
ment. Clad in many-coloured garments, adorned with divers 320
ornaments* and bearing sundry weapons in their hands,
practised warriors strutted around here and there with well- 321
rounded limbs goodly to look at with their heroic forms, like

' Cf. above 71. 19, in wbicb the first consecration n.s king is described,
the eflect of wbirb seems to have dis.ippeared, since Panikkiunabaliu
had for a time to evacuate R^'arattha and Pulnttbinagara.

* Pnn on lurahga, rahga, taranga. The dark-coloured borsea are
like the waves, the light-coloured ones their crowns of foam.

* Lit.: “The shaking of clothes took place (see note to 72. 288) and
Bnger-snapping took place”.

■* P. nekamangcUam (dsi). If the reading sakalan-tv-ekamahgnlam
could be reconciled with the MSS. the sense, undoubtedly good, would
be: the universe was a single, vast festival.

* The abharanani “ornaments'' were bestowed on (bem by the king
for their bravery, corresponding to oor medals.

348

Parul'kamabahii I

72 . 322

322 rutting elephants. The many thousands oi‘ archers with their
bows in their hand made it look as if the army of the gods

323 trod the earth. Filled with hundreds of state chariots^ of
gold, jewels and pearLs the town looked like the starry hrma-

324 ment. While the mighty King whose eye was large as a
lotus flower, thus performed a long series of marvellous things,

325 he ascended himself, adorned with a wealth of ornament, to
the golden baldachin that rested on a couple of elephants

326 covered with golden cloths, wearing on his head a diadem
sparkling with the brilliance of its jewels, like to the eastern

327 mountain when it bears the rising sun, vanquishing the
fairness of the spring by the power of his own fairness and
making moist the eyes of the women in the town by the

328 water of their tears of joy. Thus beamed on by auspicious
signs, after he had encircled the town with his right side
turned towards it, he entered liko unto the thousand'eyed
(Indra) into the beautiful royal palace.

329 While thus as ruler of the middle world*, he filled the
chief and the intermediary regions of the heavens with festive
glory, King Parakkamabaliu, the excellent ruler of the uni-
verse, carried out the second con-secralion os king in the se-
cond year (of his reign).

Here ends the seventy-second chapter, called “The Descrip-
tion of the festival of the Iloyal Consecration”, in the Maha-
vaiiisa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

> i*. vinuhiO. I do not think that the wont lueans ‘'palai'e” here,
but rather that it is equivalent to rathn (cf. I’TS. P. D. s. v. rimilua with
detuilc<l explanation of the term). What is meant are the chariots
takinj^ part in the processions with their sparkling ornaments of ^old
and precious stones.

^ The King is here made an equal of the four (or eight) iokapaiu,
the rulers of the heavenly regions of whom he appears as the central
figure.

349

Additions and Corrections

(Ed. » edition, Tr. = Imnslalion)

37.79 Ed. Put the whole vene between marks of suspension. It is a
parenthesis.

87. 103 Ed. Pat: after ratanamaqdt^pain.

37.114 Ed. Read: onogo roipti niccha;aip«.

37.202 Ed. We have probably to read: catuddasim pailcadaaim yii ca
pakkbassa atthamt.

37.206 Ed. Read; coram rattiyam, ug^etc &c.

88. S Ed. Read : chattagahakigantuno.

88.29 Ed. Read: cuto, patto I'arindo pi tatiye, tassa bhatuko &e.

88.05 Ed. I propose to read: Akosi patimagehe Babumniigalacetiye I
bodhisatte ca, tatthapi Kalaselassa sattbuno II &c.

38.08 Tr. Add in the note: It ie however probable that in the Malta-
vantsa not the Buddhist yojann but the common Indian yojana
ie meant which has the double length (a little more than 9 miles).
See Parkrb, Ancient Ceylon, p. 255 f.

88. 79 Ed. Expunge the ? after nidassitatp and put it after samattho.

88. iS Ed. Read : ‘’kule instead of °kiile.

41.33 Ed. Read: Puratthimam instead of pur°.

41.82 Ed. Read: guhetva kbipi; tlb' evam angiillhi sa tarn chupi.

41.96 Ed. Read: Uttare instead of utt°.

43.67Tr. Add in the note; The Giritata is the present Giritalaveva,
and the Gaugdta(a the present Kantalai lake. Cf. the notes
to 70. 286. 312.

44. 66 Ed. Read : Janapadam instead of jan°.

44.71 Ed. Read; Gttaram insL of ult”.

44.90 Ed. Read: sakka hantum ti darakain«.

47.66 Ed. Read on p. 89*; tatth' eva instead of lath' eva.

48.66 Tr. Add in note 4, line 8 after *gehani: (Cf. Ceylon Journal of
Science I, p. 145 IT.).

49. 17 f. Ed. Read : pa^imayo ca karayi |[ pasade cetiye e'eva vihaie ca
anappake.

49 7A Eft F.TniiTKFA file full gfjin ntfer nviOnVIva

350

49.81 E«l. Expunge the comma after sadbukam.

50.84 Ed. Read: Parade Ratanc sabbaeova^oam Ac.

50.48 Ed. Read: ’sarao instead of same.

51.88 Ed. Read: Euttbaka^ instead of Tuttbaka°.

54.57 Ed. Read: rajaip instead of raja.

59. 2 Ed. Read: uAbhisekamangatattham pasadadim anekakain
kiccam &c.

59.49 Ed. Read: Sundarivbam instead of Sunarivham.

Gl, 4 Ed. Read: 'kbila instead of kbila.

01.36 Ed. We have probably to read AriyadesTso.

01.40 Ed. Read; samgamam tena r^ina.

01.53 Ed. Read: te 'kbioatoad instead of te khl>.ia°

05. 6 Ed. Read: Pa^iladdha° instead of Patitaddfaa^.

00.26 Ed. Read: kumaram instead of kuqiaram.

00. 59 Ed, I propose reading tea' ato instead of te tato.

00.80 Ed. Read: Ranamburaqi instead of Ratamb°.

00. 143 Ed. Road; *oi>aya® instead of *opaya®.

70.64 Ed. Read: Kajarattbaqi instead of raja^

70.98 Ed. Read: Ambavanani instead of Ambuv^.

70.103 Ed. Read; Janapadam instead of jana”.

70. 112 and 120 Ed. Read; gaiiga* instead of Gai'iga*’.

70. 181 Ed. Read: vast karita'’ instead of vasikarita”.

73.58 Ed. Road: .Vrakkba** instead of arakkba°.

78. 106 Ed. Expunge tbe » « before and after savadhlranatp.

72.121-2 Ed. Put: at tbe end of v. 121 and » at the beginning of
V. 122.

72. 127 Ed. Expunge » before sakalarativabinT.

72. 170 Ed. Read Ealavapiyatn instead of

351

Genealogical Tables

(See J. Still, Index to the Mabawansa, p. 79 ff.; WicKREUAsiHonii, EZ.
I, p. 184, II, p. 58)

I

From Sirimeghavanna to the Chattaggahaka

Mabosena

1 . Sirituegbavappa
87. 53

4. Upatiaea I
87. 179

6. Sottfaisena
38.1,2

brother?

87. 100

2. Jettbatiesa II

87. LOO

3. Bnddbadilta

37. 105

5. MabSaama
87. 209

Samgba
married to the
7. Chattaggabaka
88.8

8. Mittaaeaa to 14. Pl^biya
88. 4—34

352

From Dhatusena to Kittisirimegha

353

Ilia

From Mahanaga to Aggabodhi II

Bba^aaiva

Aggabodhi
41, 70. 93
Upar^a_
of Mahanaga

Prince

41.93

Sister of Bhayaslva

26. Mahanaga Sister of M.
41.70,91 41.74

27. Aggabodhi I Princess
42. 1

I

D&tba
42. 10

26. Aggabodhi II
42. 6, 38.40

lllb

Brother of M.
42.6
UparKa
AggaDodhi'a 1

Prince
42. 6
Yuvar^a

Samghatissa and his successor

29. Sainghatissa
asiggaba
44. 1

Prince
41.18, 86

38. JeHhatissa II
44. 28, 96

Prince
44. 24

354

IV

From Silameghavanna to Udaya I

Senapati of (29) Samgbatisaa

SI. Silameghavaooa Aeiggaha’
44. 8, 65

Maliatiaaa
of Robaija
46. 88

I

12, Aggabodbi III SSB.^ Mana S6.Ka88apan Princess x 36. Dappula I
44.83,118 44.123 44,124,137,144 45.36,80

I

Manaka? = 41. Maaavatnma
46.6 47.1,62

ManaTamma? Mana
46.52 45.8,11,70

:2. Aggabodbi V
48-1

43. Kasaapa III
43.20

44. Mabinda I adipdda
48. 26

Princeas 46. Aggabodhi VI SM.

48.42

47. Mabinda H
48.76
Dappula (2) I
48.90,117 48. ,

49.1

Snmgha (2) 46.Aggabodbi VII
48. 64 48. 89, 68

Mabinda
48. 69, 76

1 His predeceaaor was 80. Moggallana III., Scnapati of Aggabodbi 11 (44.2,22).
* His succeason were 33. Je^batiasa II and 34. Ilatbopatiaaa I (a. Ill**, V).

V

Collateral Line

Dathasiva Sister of D.

= 34. DSibopatiaaa I I

44. 68, 128 I

Hatthadatha 38. Aggabodbi IV SSB.'

= 37. Dathopatissa II 4C. 1

44. 154; 45.22

1 His successors were 39. Oatta (46.41) ami 40. Hatthadd(ha (46.46). Tlien
1. Manavamma (see IV) ascends the throne.

355

28 '

tna 11 xMabinda(ll)

60. 69-60

67.¥ikkamabahu I
(Easaapa 56. 10) 56. 1

356

S 5 2.g «

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W PiV ^

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■O'® P S

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From Sena II to Vikkamabahu I

357

VIII

From Vikkamabahu I to Vijayabahu I

Brother of Kitti Kitti x Maliinda IV

Mahinda V

Devald
B7. 27

Lokita X Kaeeapa
67. 27 67. 28 (65. 10)

= 67. ti

kkamabihu I
56. 1

Bodbi X Buddha

aus dem Oetcblecht dea Da^hopaliaaa

Lokita X .... X Moggallana Loka

57.41 67.29,41,42 67.20

Kitti

= 74, Vijayabahu I*

Uitta

hfabinda

Rakkhitn

* Kinf^a between Vikkauiabahu I and Vyayabahu 1 were 68. Kitti,
69. Mahallnakitti, 70. Vikkamapao<ilu, 71. JagatTpalu, 72. Parakkama*
panda I. 78. Loka (66. 7—57. 2 ).

IX

Vijayabahu's I Family

74. Vijayabahu I
X a) 1. LilavatT x

69. 26

Yaeodhara
X VIravamma
69. 27

2. LBavatT Sugala

59. 28 59. 28

X Vikkamabahu n XI. Sirivallabha
69. 50 69. 46

b) Tilokaeundarl
59. 29

a) Subhadda

X Virabahu 69.43

b) Sumitta

X Jayabaha 59. 43

c) Lokanatba

X Eittjeirimegha 69. 44

d) RatanaratT

X 1. Manabbaraoa 69.44
e} EapavatT
died 59. 45

f) Vikkamabahu II

X a. Sundarl x b. LilaTatl
59. 49 69. 60

See Table IX

358

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359

Supplementary Notes

1) Introduction, p. XXII. Mr. A. M. Hocart, C. J. Sc. 6. 11, p. 34
refers to the part played by the aister's son in Ancient Germany,
according to Tacitus, Germania 20: Sororum filiis idem apud
avunculum qui apud patrem honor. Quidam aanctiorem artioreiu-
que hunc nexum sanguinis arbitrantur. '‘The sister's son is in as
great honour with the uncle as with the father. Some consider
this tie of blood more sacred and closer."

2) Introduction, p. XXV ff. I wish to direct the reader's attention

to the inscriptions on the pillars of King Nissafika Malla's “Council
Chamber" in Polonnnruva. They supply us with useful information
as to the highest officials and the constituent members of the royal
council at the time of that king. At the king's right hand there
sat 1) the 21 the S'lipthlat, 3) the teiuipnli, 4) the

atlltik<iras (principle chiefs), 5) the Chief Secretary Oiuihulekhn); —
and on his left side 11 the mandalikut (governors of the provinces),
2) the eighty four (chiefs of smaller districts), SI the heads of the
merchants. — The number 84 exactly correspond.^ to the 84 xdinaiila
appointed by i’arakkamabahn in Dakkhipadesa, Mbvs. 69. 16. —
See H. W, CoimiJinTOK, JR.4S. C. Br. XXIX, Nr. 77, 1924, p. 804 If.;
the same, HC. p. 68.

8) 37. 213 (p. 32, n. 4) The DbQmarakkba is situated on the right
bank — not left bank — of the Mahavoliganga. It is, no doubt,
identical with the Dimbulagala-kanda, the so-called "Gunner's Quoin",
near Mahagantota (ancient Kacchakatittba), E. of Polonnaruva. In
my Transl. of the Mahavaipsa. p. 72. n. 1 and p. 289 —90 must be
corrected accordingly. H. Storsv. C. A. L. R. III. 3, p. 229.

4) 63. 80. For the daily ritual in the Dalada-Maligava, Randy, see
Arthur A. PsaEKi, C. A. L. R. VI. 2, p. 67 f.

5) For tdre identification of the topographical names in cb. 66 &c.
I refer also to H. Storet, Paiakrania Biihu the Great, C. A. L. R.
VII. I, p. 17 ff.

361

List of Abbreviations

A. = Afigattara NikSya (ed. PTS.).

Abhp. = Abhidbanappadlpika.

AIC. = Ed. Mullih, Ancient Inscrip*
tions of Ceylon, 1883.

Ann.Rop. * Annual Report.

ASC. = Anbaeological Survey of
Ceylon.

13R. = Boutlinok und Roth, Sanskrit
Worterbuch.

C. A. L. H. = Ceylon Antiquary and
Literary Register.

C. J. Sc. G. = Ceylon Journal of
Science, Sect. 6.

Col, Ed. = Colombo Edition of the
"Mabawivnsa from the thirtyao*
venth Chapter”, 1877.

D. = DTgha Nikaya (ed. PTS.)

Dh. = Dhammapada (ed. PTS.)

DhCo. — Dhammapada Commentary

(ed. PTS.)

El. = Epigraphia Indica.

EZ. = Epigraphia Zeylanica (ed.
Wickbshssikohr).

HC. = H. W. CdoaniOTON, A Short
History- of Ceylon, 1926.

Ja. = Jataka.

JaCo. = The Jataka together with
its Commentary, ed. PansnOLi,
1877 ff.

JAe. = Jonmal Aeiatiqne.

JPTS. = Journal of the Pali Text
Society.

JRAS. = Jonmal of the Boyal
Asiatic Sockty.

JRAS. C. Br. = Journ. Roy. As. Soc.,
Ceylon Branch.

Kh. ss Ehuddaka Patha, together
with ite Commentary, ed. Hxlker
Smith (PTS.), 1915,

LSI. = Linguistic Survey of India
(Sir Geoboe Gbikbsob).

M. = Maijhima Nikaya (cd. PTS.)

Mem. = Memoirs (of the ASC.)

Mhbh. =’ Mahabharata.

Mhvs. = MabSvamsa.

Milp.= Milindapanha ed. Tkbnckhkb,
1880.

Nett. = Nettipakaniija (ed. PTS.)

Nik..8.= Nikaya8Bhgra)ia(ed.Wii:KRE*
habinqhe).

P. = Pali.

PiEBis 1 = Ceylon, the Portuguese
Era, by P. E, Pieris, 2 Bde.
1913-4.

PiERis 2 = Ceylon and the Portu-
guese 1505 — 1668, by P. E. PiRBis,
1920.

PiBBis 3 = Ceylon and the Hol-
landers 1658—1796 byP.E.FiEBis,
1924.

PTS. = Pali Text Society.

PTS. P. D. = The PTS.’s Pali Dic-
tionary by Rhts Davids and
Stsds.

POjav. = A Contribution to the Hi-
story of Ceylon, extracted from
the "PQjavaliya'', 1899.

Pv. B Petavatthn (ed. PTS.)

S62

Rajaratn. = Rajariitnakaraya or Hi-
story of Ceylon, ed. Saddbananda,
1887.

Rsyav. = Tbe RajdTaliya, ed. by
B. Gapaaekara, 1899; — tr»ial.
by the same, 1900.

Ram. = Ramayaoa.

S. = Sarpyutta Nikaya (ed. PT8.)

S. and B. = Suuamoai.a and Ba-
TUwANTDDAwa, editors of Mhvs.,
Col. Ed. — Tbe same, Mhvs.
transl. (into Sinhalese), 1917.

Sn. SB Suttanipata (ed. PTS.)

SHV. « Silameghavapoa.

S. P. = Sessional Papers.

SSB. = Sirisaipghabodhi.

Thag. = Theragatba (ed. PTS.)
ThTg. = Therigatha (ed. PTS.)

Vin. = Vinsya Pitaka, ed. Oldrn-

BEBO.

Vr. = Vimanavattbn (ed. PTS.)

W. = Tbe Mabivaosa, part II, con-
taining Chapters XXXIX to C,
by L. C. WuasiNH*.

ZIL ~ Zeitschrifl fQr Indologie nnd
Iranistik.

•■•"'v.'Vv,'

:*V'5r,-