HAhOLD B. Lee L^^^
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THE
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OF
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS,
BISHOP OF OESAREA, IN PALESTINE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL, WITH AN INTEODUCTION,
BY
CHRISTIAN FREDERICK CRUSE, D.D.
AND
AN HISTOEICAL VIEW
OF
THE COUNCIL OP NICE,
BY ISAAC BOYLE, D.D. KINTH EDITION.
NEW YORK:
STANFORD & SWORDS, 137 BROADWAY.
1850.
Entered according to Act of Congress, m tne year 1833, by the Rev. R. Davis & Brother, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
BR.GHAMVOUNO--iivBI^S'«
INTRODUCTION
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF EUSEBITJS.
Note — In Part T. of the following Introduction, the references show the Book and ohapter ; in Part II, they show the page. Occasionally there is a double reference.
Part I.— GENERAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS.
This work, the most important that has come down to us from Eusebius of Cesarea, and the most important of any, perhaps, that have came to us from the earlier Fathers of the Church, em- braces the events of the first three centuries, down to the time when Constantine became sole master of the Roman w^orkl. It is divided into ten books, in chronological order, and opens with a preliminary discourse, the matter of which is strictly theological. It is an apology and exposition of Christian doctrine. The de- sign is chiefly to exhibit the Christian Religion in its true antiquity, dignity and excellence, on grounds derived from the titles, offices, and exalted Nature and Dignity of its Blessed Author, and from a comparative view of facts and passages of the Old Testament, showing that the Person and Doctrine of Christ had been the object of faith and hope from the most remote ages.
Here, then, we have a summary of Christian Doctrine in the Primitive Church. In this connection also, Eusebius accounts for the seeming: difficulty that the Gospel was not sooner introduced ;
or rather, why this Divine Dispensation was so long delayed. After this summary of Christian Theology, commences what is properly the object of the work — the History of the Church. (B. I. p. 28.)
The time when our Lord was born, being an important histori- cal fact, authorities are given corroborating the statement of St. Luke, and settling the question in general, to what particular period this happy event is to be referred. (B. I. ch. 5.) The coincidence with the language of Prophecy is then illustrated by a reference to the slate of the Jewish Government at the time, and the seeming discrepancy between the gospels of Matthew and Luke on the genealogy of Christ, is reconciled. (B. I. ch. 7.) Historical sketches are given respecting those who acted a promi- nent part in our Lord's trial and death, elucidating both the time of His Ministry and the retributive visitations of Providence, (ch. 8.)
The last chapters of this book are chiefly occupied with accounts of John the Baptist, in his relation to the Messiah, and closes with the correspondence attributed to Christ and Agbarus. and which Eusebius translated from the records of Edessa.
The second book, in connection with the martyrdom of Stephen and James the Just, shows the organization of the mother Church at Jerusalem, under the latter of these martyrs as its bishop. The origin of the Syrian Church, at Edessa, is interwoven with the ac- count of Thaddeus, deputed thither by St. Thomas. The perse- cutions at Jerusalem having scattered the disciples, and. Providence overruling this calamity for greater good, the truths of the Gospel were also scattered abroad with this dispersion. The apostles had, thus far, limited their operations to the .Jews ; but henceforth commences the period of extension and catholicityo
Phenice, Cyprus, Antioch, are thus visited by believers, and even Ethiopia receives intelligence of Christ, (ch. 1 ;) but the apostles were not fully prepared to establish the Church among the Gentiles, until the vision of Peter and the conversion of St. Paul dissipate all doubts. A period of peace under Tiberius is
favorable to their work. Churches now every where arise, and Greeks at Antioch are the founders of the Christian name, and of the first Church among the Gentiles. The churches of Pales- tine and Syria are the mothers of all other churches, (ch. 3.)
The celebrated Judao-platonic Philo, flourished under Tiberius and Caligula, and becomes prominent as an expounder of mystical philosophy. He is also noted for an embassy to Rome in behalf of the Jews. The storm that had been gathering, burst upon that people under Caligula, and ended with the destruction of their city and temple, under Vespasian. Returning to the prominent actors at our Lord's death, the historian characterizes Pilate and Herod, noting the manner and circumstances of their death, (ch. 9, 10.) St. Luke's account of the impostor Theudas is con- firmed by a passage from Josephus, together with other facts stated by the evangelist, from monuments existing in the days of Eusebius.
The Gospel now spreads in the city of Rome. Simon Magnus is conspicuous as its antagonist, and as a leader in heresy and li- centiousness, Eusebius, following Justin, IrenaBus, Clement, Papias, and a general tradition, (ch. 13, 14,) speaks of Peter's successful mission against Simon, and the compilation of St. Mark's gospel, under the authority of the apostle. Tradition also refers the foun- dation of the Church in Egypt, to St. Mark. (ch. 15, 16.) The extracts from Philo, in regard to the Therapeuta, incline the his- torian to the opinion that they were either a sect of Christians, or else derived their institutions from the latter, (ch, 17.) The works of Philo are now stated and briefly noticed, when the history re- turns to the condition of the Jews at this time ; their seditions and their sufferings under the emperors Claudius and Nero ; their in- surrections under the notorious Egyptian impostor, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, when Felix was governor, (ch. 18-21.)
The history next traces the different parts visited by St. Paul, as deduced from his own writings, with a view to determine also the time of his death, (ch. 22.) Now follows a more full account of the death of James the Just, (coll. p, 49, 77,) the first bishop of
Jerusalem, of whose Epistles there is a brief notice in connection with what are called the Seven Catholic Epistles, (ch. 23.)
The history then relates the martyrdoms of Peter and Paul, re- ferring as authority to Caius, an Ecclesiastical writer who flourished soon after the events ; and also to Dionysius of Corinth. This book closes with a review of the great miseries now thickening around the Jews ; but does not carry us yet, as far as the destruc- tion of Jerusalem, and may be said to comprise between thirty and forty years after our Lord's ascension.
The third book commences with a succinct statement of the re- gions evangelized by some of the apostles. The epistles of the aposdes are reviewed according to their canonical authority, and in a digression, is subjoined to this the account of those who im- mediately succeeded the Aposdes Peter and Paul in their labors, (ch. 4.) The narrative returns then to the aflfairs of the Jews ; details the destruction of Jerusalem under Titus ; compares the predictions of our Lord with the sign of the times, and refers to the contemporary testimony of Josephus. The works of the latter are mentioned and reviewed, together with the Canon of the Old Testament, (ch. 10,) and a notice of those who, under Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, were bishops of Jerusalem, Rome, and Alex- andria, (ch. 11, 13.)
About this period occurred the dissensions in the Church of Corinth, (ch. 16 ;) the persecution also under Domitian, which, connected with the origin of the Apocalypse, furnishes occasion to detail some parts of St. John's history, and the relatives of our Lord, (ch. 20,) John's return from the Isle of Patmos, the episco- pate of Ignatius at Antioch, the history of the youth recovered to the Church by the efforts of St. John, are spread before us from the writings of the Alexandrian, Clement and Irenseus.
Eusebius now, from the writings of St, John, passes to the order and authors of the gospels, and reconciling apparent discrepancies, lays down that important statement of the Canon of the New Testament, which was received in the primitive Church, together
'y
with the distinction between the acknowledged {ofxchywfjimi,) the disputed (avTjg^o^gro;,) and the spurious (voQu.) (ch. 25.)
A new subject offers next, in the rise of heresies, (ch. 27.) The gross errors taught by Menander, the Ebionites and Cerinthus, the delusions of the Nicolaitans are exhibited en the authorities of Irenseus, Justin, Clement, and the Caius, already quoted above. The reference to the last of these errorists, as if by contrast, intro- duces the subject of marriage, and an account of those apostles who lived in this state, (ch. 30.) The Epistle of Polycrates of Ephesus, throws light on this subject, whilst the extracts from Hegesippus also shows the purer state of the Church, and the period about which the apostolic chair became extinct, (ch. 23.)
Persecution now reared itself again under Trajan, and this oc- casions the Epistle of Pliny, and the answer of the Emperor. At Rome, Clement is succeeded by Euarestus, whilst Simeon, who died at 120 years of age, is succeeded by Justus at Jerusalem. The Epistles of Ignatius, and his martyrdom, are noticed from the writings of Irenseus and Polycarp. A general account of some, about this time distinguished for prophetical gifts and miracles, (ch. 37,) the notice of the genuine epistle of Clement, with inter- esting extracts from the last works of Papias, close the third book. This brings the history down to the beginning of the second century, comprising a range of more than thirty years.
The fourth book exhibits the churches of Rome and Alexandria, becoming more and more prominent in their influence on the rest of the Christian world. With the growth of Christianity we also see the growing misery of the Jews. The eighteenth year of Trajan's reign was a time of great calamity to them, in consequence of insurrectionary movements. In the reign of Adrian, his suc- cessor, the enemies of Christianity created persecutions which drew forth apologies from Quadratus and Aristides. The series of bishops at Jerusalem, before the destruction of the city, the delu- sion of the impostor Barchochebas in the eighteenth year of Adrian's reign, (ch. 6,) and the entire exclusion of the Jews from their an-
cient Jerusalem, now called ^Elia, fix our attention on the re- markable changes of that city.
Turning aside from political events to doctrines, Eusebius reviews the heresies that grew out of those already mentioned, of which Menander Saturninus and Basilides were the leaders. They were successfully opposed by Agrippa Castor, (ch. 7.) A new aspect is given to heretical speculations by Carpoerates, who is pronounced the father of Gnosticism. The effects of these wild speculations, and the successful triumph over them, stand con- nected with a notice of the writers who shared in the defence of the truth. Hegesippus is marked with much distinction. From Justin Martyr extracts are also given against Cerdon and Marcion. Melito, bishop of Sardis, is also quoted, (ch. 13.) Much space is allotted to the character and martyrdom of Polycarp, as detailed by Irenseus. (ch. 14.) The machinations of Crescens against Justin, the death of the latter, and the martyrdom of many Christians, are followed by extracts from the works of Justin, (ch. 18.) The works of Hegesippus are reviewed, (ch. 22,) on whose authority the names of different sects, both Christian and Jewish, are given, with a reflection on the Apocrypha, sufficient to exclude them from the Canon, (ch. 22.)
We are now introduced to an acquaintance with the character and writings of the excellent Dionysius of Corinth, the loss of whose works we are led to deplore, from the value of the frag- ments here preserved. His Christian lenity in regard to certain rigid measures proposed, the good effects of his epistles, his sound judgment on the writings of others, and the deep interest he every where manifests for the true edification of the Church, entitle him to high consideration. Theophilus of Antioch, and Philip of Gortyna, were distinguished by their writings — the former against Herraogenes and Marcion ; the latter, with great perspicuity, against Marcion. The works of Melito, bishop of Sardis, and Apollinaris of Hierapolis, are enumerated, particularly the termer, whose epistle to Onesimus, gives us the Canon of
the Old Testament as we have it at the present day. (ch. 26.) Tatian was a disciple of Justin, but according to Irenaeus, fell into some errors on Christian duty. His Diatessaron, a kind of Harmony of the Gospels, is noticed by Eusebius. The last author noticed in the fourth book, is the Syrian Bardesanes, against Marcion, and it closes about A. D. 170, comprising nearly fifty years of the second century.
The fifth book opens with the persecutions under Verus. Lyons and Vienna, the two capitals of Gaul, are distinguished for mar- tyrs. Remarkable instances of Christian faith and fortitude are exhibited in Vittius Epagathus, Maturus, Attalus, Blandina and others. The restoration of the lapsed, through the mediation of the martyrs, a remarkable vision of Attalus, one of them, and the successful prayer of the Christian legion, are among the mcidents related, (ch. 4-6.)
The succession of Roman bishops is given from Irenaeus, from whom also the account of miracles performed by believers, is taken. Irenaeus is also cited on the Canon, (ch. 8,) particularly on the Septuagint. The school founded by Pantsenus, at Alexandria, who was succeeded by Clement, together with the eulogium ol the latter on his master, gives a favorable view of the Egyptian Church. The succession of Gentile bishops in the Church of Jerusalem, now, seems to have been a consequence of the exclusion of Jews from iElia. Rhodo of Asia Minor, wrote about this time, on the divisions caused by Marcion. (ch. 13.) The Phrygian heresy and the schism of Blastus at Rome, are among the troubles of the Church noticed by the same writer. He has also transmitted to us what we know of Miltiades and his works, especially on the Montanists. Extracts from Apollonius of Rome, caused much zeal in refuting the pretended prophets, (ch. 18.) Serapion, bishop of Antioch, is cited on the same subject ; Irenaeus writes against schism, and the learned Apollonius dies a martyr at Rome, under Commodus. The question on the Passover being started about this time, occasions great offence. Victor presumes to excom-
municate the eastern churches, — a memorable prelude to the arro- gance of other days, (ch 20.) The fifth book ends with an account of the errors of Artemon, revived by Paul of Samosata. The close of the book coincides with the reign of Severus, about the beginning of the third century.
The sixth book begins with the persecutions under S. Severus. It is occupied chiefly with the life and labors of Origen. These memoirs are introduced with accounts of Clement, Origen's mas- ter, Narcissus of Jerusalem, Serapron of Antioch, Heraclas, the translator Symmachus, Ambrose of Alexandria, and other writers, consulted by Eusebius in the library of ^Ha. Origen's review of the Scriptures, the deference paid him by the bishops of Alexandria, Cesarea, and Jerusalem, (ch. 27,) show the estimation in which he was held. About this time flourished Africanus, author of a Chronography, who also wrote to Aristides on the geneology of Christ, (coll. p. 31, 32 and 250.) Beryllus of Bostra, noted for his errors, is refuted by Origen. An instance of ecclesiastical dis- cipline in the case of the emperor Philip, Origen's controversy with Celsus, the Arabian errorists and the Helcesaites, the Decian persecution, which occurred about the middle of the century ; these events, with the sufferings of Origen, are prominent features of this book. It closes with some account of the Novaiian agita- tions. For the removal of these, a council is held, and both Cor- nelius and Cyprian write to heal the threatened breach. Dionysius of Alexandria, in an epistle to Germanus, gives an account of his own sufferings, (ch. 40,) and those of the Alexandrian Church, in an epistle to Fabius of Antioch. (ch. 41.) The latter is also ad- dressed in an epistle from Cornelius, (ch. 43.) An extract from Dionysius, relates the death of the aged Serapion, and the same Dionysius addresses Novatus in an epistle, urging peace and re- conciliation. His different works are enumerated in the last chap- ter of the book, which embraces about half of the third century.
The seventh book continues the extracts from Dionysius, and the persecution under Decius. About this time is agitated the
question on the rebaptism of heretics, (ch. 3.) The eastern
churches act independently of the west, in this matter, (ch. 5.) Stephen of Rome holds no communion with them, and Cyprian writes to him. About the same time arose the erroneous loctrine of Sabellius, and the Novatian schism reached its height, (ch. 8.)
Besides these points, Dionysius writes on others of interest to the Church, details the persecutions under Valerian, and his own suf- ferings (ch. 9) at that time, makes his defence against the insinua- tions of Germanus on that occasion, (coll. p. 255, 283,) and gives many names of sufferers for the faith, in Egypt, (ch. 11.)
The persecution was not as violent in Palestine, but yet not without its victims (ch. 12) at Cesarea. Paneas (Cesarea Philippi) acquires celebrity for two remarkable traditions, (ch. 17, 18.) The see of Jerusalem is held in great veneration in these times.
Eusebius now states the labors of Dionysius on the Canon for Easter, the first attempt of the kind in the Church. The misery and sufferings of Alexandria during the plague, are graphically de- scribed by Dionysius, who also relates the schism caused by Nepos in Egypt, takes part in the controversy on the book of Revelation, (ch. 20,) in which he displays much critical acumen. He dies after an episcopate of seventeen years.
Paul of Samosata, notorious about this time, for his errors and arrogance, is refuted by Malchion, and deposed in a council, (ch. 29, 30.) The heresy of Manes now appears in the Church, (ch. 31,) a sad mixture of oriental philosophy and perverted truth. The seventh book gives us an account of the prominent characters contemporary with Eusebius, of the school established by his friend Pamphilus, at Cesarea, and the martyrdom of Peter, bishop ot Alexandria, (ch. 32.) It embraces more than half a century. Eusebius gives the number three hundred and five years from the beginning to the present time.
The eighth book relates the greatest and last of the memorable persecutions during the first centuries of the Church. Churches are demolished. Martyrs in Egypt, Svria, Phrygia, attest the faith.
Nicomedia is distinguished for violence to the Christians. Max- entius and Maximian are the great enemies, (ch. 14.) Violence reigns the whole time of the persecution, even among the persecu- tors themselves, (ch. 15.) To the eighth book is appended the celebrated Book of Martyrs, (p. 348-378.)
The ninth book records the revocation of the decrees against the Christians, as also various public acts in their favor. It also re- lates the calamities now assailing the empire, and the deaths of Maximian, Maxentius and Maximus.
The tenth book winds up the history with a view of the pleasing reverse of events, the oration of Eusebius commemorative of the happy change, and copies of public documents confirming privi- leges granted to Christians. »
C. F. CRUSE. March 1, 1850.
ANNOTATIONS
ON THE
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. BY VALESIUS.
TRANSLATED* BY THE REV. S, E. PARKER,
AUTHOR OF THE ARTICLES 'PROSODY,' 'QUANTITY,' AND 'VERSIFICATION,' IN
DR. REES S CYCLOPiEDIA.
According to the testimony of Socrates, t a book relative to the life of Eusebius, was written by Acacius, the scholar of that prelate, and his successor in the see of Caesarea. This book, however, through that negligence in antiquity to which the loss of many others is to be ascribed, is not now extant; but from the testimonies of the several writers that have mentioned Eusebius, no exertions of ours ihall be wanting to supply the defect.
It appears that Eusebius was born in Palestine, about the close of the reign of Gallienus. One proof of which is, that by the ancients, particularly by Basilius and Theodoret, he is frequently termed a Pa- estinian. It is not impossible, indeed, that he might have received hat name from his being the bishop of Caesarea, yei probability is in 'avour of his having derived it from his country. In short, he him- elf affirms,! ^^at he was educated, and when a youth, dwelt in Pales- ine, and that there he first saw Constantine, when journeying through Palestine in the suit of Diocletian Augustus. Eusebius, too, after •epeating§ the contents of a law, written in favour of the Christians, )y Constantine to the Palestinians, observes, " This letter of the Em- peror's is the first sent to us."
On the authority of Eusebius himself, it may be affirmed, that he
♦ In this version, the sense, more than the expression of Valesius, is regarded, j- Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 4.
\ In his first book concerning the life of Constantine, chap. 19. § Life of Constantine, book ii. chap. 43, where see note a. Cambr. edit. 1692» 1#
vi LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
was born in the last part of the reign of Gallienus; for, in histlc- clesiastic History, he informs us, that Dionysius, bishop of Alexan- dria, lived in his own age* Eusebius, therefore, since Dionysius died in the twelfth year of the reign of Gallienus, must have been born before, if he lived within the time of that prelate. The same inference, also, follows, from his stating,! that Paul of Samosata, had revived the heresy of Artemon, in hisX age. And in his history of the occurrences during the reign of Gallienus, before he begins the narrative of the error and condemnation of Paul of Samosata, he ob- serves, " but now, after the history of these things, we will transmit to posterity an account of our own age.^^
Whom he had for his parents is uncertain ; neither do we know by what authorities, Nicephorus Callistus is warranted in affirming, that his mother was the sister of Pamphilus the martyr. Eusebius of Cresarea, in Arius's letter,§ is termed brother to Eusebius of Nico- media. Though he possibly might, on account of his friendship, have received this appellation, yet it is more probable that he was nearly related to the Nicomedian bishop ; especially since, Eusebius of Caesarea only, though many others there are mentioned, is termed by Arius, brother to that prelate. Besides the Nicomedian Eusebius was a native of Syria, and bishop first of Berytus : nor was it then the usage, that foreigners and persons unknown, should be promoted to the government of churches.
Neither is it known what teachers he had in secular learning ; but in sacred literature, he had for his preceptor Dorotheus, the eunuch, presbyter of the Antiochian church, of whom he makes honourable mention, in his Seventh Book.|| Notwithstanding Eusebius there says only, that he had heard Dorotheus expounding the Holy Scrip- tures with propriety, in the Antiochian church, we are not inclined to object to any one hence inferring, with Trithemius, that Eusebius was Dorotheus's disciple. Theotecnus being at that time dead, the bishopric of the church of Caesarea was administered by Agapius, a person of eminent piety and great liberality to the poor. By him Eusebius was admitted into the clerical office, and with Pamphilus, a presbyter of distinction at that time in the Caesarean church, he
• See lib. 3. c, 28. f Eccles. Hist, book v. chap. 28. t Eusebius's.
^ Arius's letter to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, will be found in Theodoret's Ecdea. Hist, lib. 1. c 5. edit. Val. j Chap. 1. p. 2.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUa vii
entered into the firmest friendship. Pamphilus was, as Photius re- lates, a Phoenician, born at Berytus, and scholar of Pierius, a pres- byter of the Alexandrian church. Who, since he was animated with the most singular attachment to sacred literature, and was with the utmost zeal collecting all the books, especially Origen's, of the eccle- siastic writers, founded a very celebrated school and library at Caesa- rea, of which school Eusebius seems to have been the first master. Indeed, it is affirmed* by Eusebius, that Apphianus, who suffered martyrdom in the thira year of the persecution, had been instructeo by him in the sacred Scriptures, in the city of Caesarea. From that time Eusebius's intimacy with Pamphilus was so great, and his at- tention to him, as his inseparable companion till his death such, that from this attachment he acquired the name of Pamphilus. Neither did that attachment terminate with the death of the latter, but survived with the former, who ever mentioned his deceased friend in the most respectful and affectionate manner; this, indeed, is exemplified by the three books, eulogized by St. Jerome, and written by Eusebius, con- cerning the life of Pamphilus, and by many passages in his Eccle- siastic History, and in his account of the martyrs of Palestine. In his Second Book, also, against Sabellius, written by Eusebius, after the Nicene Council, he frequently commends Pamphilus, though he suppresses his name. In the commencement of that discourse, Euse- bius observes, *' I think that my ears are as yet affected by the me- mory of that blessed man ; for I seem to be yet hearing him utter that levout word, * the only begotten Son of God,' a phrase he constantly mployed ; for it was the remembrance of the only begotten to the lory of the unborn Father. Now we have heard the apostle com- nanding that presbyters ought to be honoured with a double honour, hose especially who have laboured in the word and doctrine." And It page 29, he thus again speaks of his friend : " With these things rom the memory of that blessed man, I am not elated, but wish I lovld so speak, as if, together with you, I were always hearing from lim. And the words now cited may be pleasing to him, for it is the ;lory of good servants to speak truth concerning the Lord, and it is he honour of those fathers, who have taught well, if their doctrines )e repeated."! Some, it is true, *' may insinuate, that these were
• In his book concerning the martyrs of Palestine.
\ Again, in the same book, p. 37: "These words we always heard from that lessed man, for they were oflen thus spoken by him."
viii LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
phrases, the creatures of his lips, and no proof of the feelings of his heart. I remember, however, in what a satisfactory manner, I have heard with you, his solemn asseveration, that there was not one thing on his tongue and another in his heart." Shortly after, he says : *' But now on account of the memory and honour of this our father, so good, so laborious, and so vigilant for the church, let these facts be briefly stated by us. For we have not mentioned yet his family, his education or learning, nor narrated the other incidents of his life, and its leading or principal object.''^* These passages in Eusebius were pointed out to us by the most learned Franciscus Ogerius. Hence it may be satisfactorily inferred, that it was not any family alliance, but the bond of amity that connected Eusebius with Pam- phius. Eusebius, though he mentions Pamphilus so frequently, and boasts so highly of his friendship, yet never speaks of him as a relative. The testimony of Eusebius alone is sufficient to decide that Pamphilus, though his friend, was not his kinsman. Since in the close of his Seventh Book of Ecclesiastic History, where he is making mention of Agapius, bishop of Caesarea, he says : " In his time, we became acquainted with Pamphilus, a most eloquent man, and in his life and practices truly a philosopher,! and in the same church, ennobled with the honour of the presbytery." Since
* " Propositum" is the word employed by Valesius, doubtless in that accepta- tion in which its precise sense is so easily appreciated by the classic reader in Horace, Car. lib. iii. ode iii. line i. ''Justum et tenacem propositi virum, non civium ardor prava jubentium, non vultus instantis tyranni mente quatit solida," &c. Should not Christians have, universally, a far more vivid perception of this beautiful picture of mind than heathens 1 St. Paul had ; see Philip, chap. iii. ver 13 & 14.
f The term philosopher, in the modern sense in which it is commonly under- Btood, by no means expresses the precise meaning of the word (?»\o<ro<?o;, here used ; by Eusebius. By Isocrates, it is frequently employed to express an eloquent per ; son, or teacher of eloquence. Its generic sense is a lover of xvisdom. Wisdom i by the Sophists, was of course confined to their own doctrines. But according to i the sense in which Joscphus and other Grecian writers employed the word <?.;^o(ro(?of, the lover of -wisdom, seems not to be searching for wisdom, either in the doctrines of the Sophists, or in the Cartesian vortices, but in the vohtmes of inspired truth. This character, then, is equivalent to what in modern language is calbd a theolo- gian, in which sense, I have no doubt, Eusebius is here to be understood. Hence Pamphilus was a character not only devoted to the attainment of that -wisdom, which is developed in the sacred code, but his life and practices were such as to | recommend it to others ; consequently, a true theologian.— Trans/a<or.
LIFE OF EUSEBITJS. IX
;heil, Eusebius attests that Pamphilus was then first known to him, t is sufficiently evident, that family alliance was not the tie that con- lected them.
In these times occurred that most severe persecution of the Chris- ians, which was begun by Diocletian, and by his successors con- inued unto the tenth year. During this persecution, Eusebius, at hat time being a presbyter of the church of Cassarea, abode almost constantly in that city, and by continual exhortations, instructed nany persons in order to martyrdom. Amongst whom was Ap- )hianus, a noble youth, whose illustrious fortitude in martyrdom is •elated in Eusebius's book concerning the martyrs of Palestine. In he same year Pamphilus was cast into prison, where he spent two vhole years in bonds. During which time, Eusebius by no means leserted his friend and companion, but visited him continually, and n the prison wrote, together with him, five books in defence of Ori- ren ; but the sixth and last book of that work, he finished after the leath of Pamphilus. — That whole work was by Eusebius and Pam- )hilus dedicated* to Christian confessors,! living in the mines of Pa- estine. In the time of this persecution, on account, probably, of ome urgent affairs of the church, Eusebius went to Tyre. During lis residence there, he witnessed ± the glorious martyrdom of five Egyptian Christians ; and afterwards, on his arrival in Egypt and rhebais, the persecution then prevailing there, he § beheld the admi- able constancy of many martyrs of both sexes. Some have in- inuated that Eusebius, to exempt himself in this persecution, from he troubles of a prison, sacrificed to idols ; and that this was ob- ected against him, as will be hereafter related, by the Egyptian )ishops and confessors, in the synod at Tyre. But we doubt not hat this is false, and that it was a calumny forged by the ene-
* This is affirmed by Photius in his Bibliotheca, chap. 118.
■j- Though the word here employed by Valesius, is confessores, yet there cannot e the least doubt, that the characters to v/hom he alludes were very different from hose which a more recent application of the term might intimate. Confessores v^ere simply persons that had confessed and acknowledged openly, during the time •f the persecution, that they were Christians, and would not, to save either their ives or property, deny their Master or his sacred cause. They were decided cha- acters, tenaces propositi. This term was employed by Valesius, who lived in aB ige of the church when its use was popular.
t Eusebius informs us of this in his Eighth Book, chap. 7.
% This he relates in the ninth chapter of the same Book.
^,... LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
p..ses. the c.atu.es of Ms lips, and ^^^^^^^ heart. I remember, however, ^^J^^^^^^'ls not one thing heard with you, his solemn asseveration that « ere __
on his tongue and '^^o^l^^^J^^'^ J^l^ ,,^ ^^ J,, .. But now on account of the memory a ^_^^^
ocj^ - >S;;- -i-;f *: r:^^^^^^^^ yet ^s famHy,
iiritrot£i.^or—
-^ ''^'i"^::rXtrmo:t ier:i^;^ifciscus ogerh-s.
HelTly h s tisfLLy inferred, that tt was not atry f.nily "neb" he bond of amity that connected Eusebms with Pam- Ss 'Lebius, though he mentions Pamphilus - -^nUy-' J^^ boasts so highly of his friendship, yet never ^P-JT f '^^j^jj^ relative. The testimony of Eusebius alone is .^"ffi"«"' ° ~ that Pamphilus, though his friend, was not his kmsmrn^ Since in the close of his Seventh Book of Ecclesiastic History, where he is making mention of Agapius, bishop of Caesarea, he -7- J" his time, we became acquainted with Pamphilus, a most loqu nt man, and in his life and practices truly a philosopher,! and in the same church, ennobled with the honour of the presbytery. Since . ..Propositura" is the word employea by Valerius, Joubtless in that accepta- tion in which its precise sense is so easily appreciated by the classic reader m Horace, C.ir. lib. iii. ode iii. line i. '• Justum et tenacem propositi yirum non civium ardor prava jubentium, non vultas instanlis tyranni mente quatit sohda, &c Should not Christians have, universally, a far more vivid perception of this beauUful picture of mind than heathens 1 St. Paul had ; see Philip, chap. m. ver
13 & 14. . , 1
+ The term philosopher, in the modern sense in which it is commonly under- stood, by no means expresses the precise meaning of the word f.K,,,,,;, here used by Eusebius. By Isocrates, it is frequently employed to express an eloquent per son, or teacher of eloquence. lU geMric sense is a lover of msclom. Wisdom by the Sophists, was of course confined to their own doctrines. But according to the sense in which Joscphus and other Grecian writers employed the word ?.»..r.,f.!, the lover of voisrfoui, seems not to be searching for wisdom, either in the doctrines of the Sophists, or in the Cartesian vortices, but in the volumes of inspired truth. This character, then, is equivalent to what in modem language is ealbd a theolo- gian, in which sense, I have no doubt, Eusebius is here to be understood. Hence Pamphilus was a character not only devoted to the attainment of that -wisdom, which is developed in the sacred code, but his life and practices were such as to recommend it to others; consequently, a true theologian. — Translator.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. ix
then, Eusebius attests that Pamphilus was then first known to him, it is sufficiently evident, that family alliance was not the tie that con- nected them.
In these times occurred that most severe persecution of the Chris- tians, which was begun by Diocletian, and by his successors con- tinued unto the tenth year. During this persecution, Eusebius, at that time being a presbyter of the church of Cassarea, abode almost constantly in that city, and by continual exhortations, instructed many persons in order to martyrdom. Amongst whom was Ap- phianus, a noble youth, whose illustrious fortitude in martyrdom is related in Eusebius's book concerning the martyrs of Palestine. In the same year Pamphilus was cast into prison, where he spent two whole years in bonds. During which time, Eusebius by no means deserted his friend and companion, but visited him continually, and in the prison wrote, together with him, five bocks in defence of Ori- gen ; but the sixth and last book of that work, he finished after the death of Pamphilus. — That whole work was by Eusebius and Pam- philus dedicated* to Christian confessors,! living in the mines of Pa- lestine. In the time of this persecution, on account, probably, of some urgent affairs of the church, Eusebius went to Tyre. During his residence there, he witnessed ± the glorious martyrdom of five Egyptian Christians ; and afterwards, on his arrival in Egypt and Thebais, the persecution then prevailing there, he § beheld the admi- rable constancy of many martyrs of both sexes. Some have in- sinuated that Eusebius, to exempt himself in this persecution, from the troubles of a prison, sacrificed to idols ; and that this was ob- jected against him, as will be hereafter related, by the Egyptian bishops and confessors, in the synod at Tyre. But we doubt not that this is false, and that it was a calumny forged by the ene-
* This is affirmed by Photius in his Bibliotheca, chap. 118.
f Though the word here employed by Valesius, is confessores, yet there cannot be the least doubt, that the characters to whom he alludes were very different from those which a more recent application of the term might intimate. Confessores were simply persons that had confessed and acknowledged openly, during the time of the persecution, that they were Christians, and would not, to save either their lives or property, deny their Master or his sacred cause. They were decided cha- racters, tenaces propositi. This term was employed by Valesius, who lived in au age of the church when its use was popular.
ii- Eusebius informs us of this in his Eighth Book, chap. 7.
% This he relates in the ninth chapter of the same Book.
S LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
mics of Eusebius. For had a crime so great been really committed by him, how could he have been afterwards appointed bishop of CjEsarea ? How is it likely that he should, in this case, have been invited by the Antiochians to undertake the episcopate of their city ? And yet Cardinal Baronius has seized on that as certain and un- doubted, which by his enemies, for litigious purposes, was objected against Eusebius, but never confirmed by the testimony of any one. At the same time, a book was written by Eusebius against Hierocles. For Hierocles of Nicomedia, about the beginning of the persecution, when the Christian churches were everywhere harassed, in the city of Nicomedia, published, as an insult to a religion then assailed by all its enemies, two* books against the Christian faith. In which books he asserted, that 4pollonius Tyaneu§ performed more and greater thingst than Christ. These impious assertions, Eusebius answered in a very short book, as if he regarded the man and his cause of little consequence.
. Agapius, bishop of Caesarea during this interval, being dead, the persecution subsiding, and peace being restored to the church, Euse- bius, by common consent, succeeds to the episcopal dignity at Caesa- rea. Others represent Agricola, who subscribed to the synod of Ancyra, at which he was present in the 314th year of the Christian era, to be the successor of Agapius. This is affirmed by Baronius in his Annals J and Blondellus.§ The latter writes, that Eusebius un- dertook the administration of the church of Caesarea, after the death of Agiicola, about the year 315. But these subscriptions of the bishops extant only in the Latin collections of the canons, seem in our judgment to be entitled to little credit. For they occur not either in the Greek copies, or in the Latin versions of Dionysius Exiguus, Berides, Eusebius, || enumerating the bishops of the principal dio- cesses, where the persecution began and raged, ends with the men- tion of Agapius bishop of Caesarea ; who, he observes, laboured much, during that persecution, for the good of his own church. The ne- cessary inference, therefore, is, that Agapius must have been bishop until the end of the persecution. But Eusebius was elevated to the
• Which he termed 9)X«\„5£.;,
f No word for " miracles'* occurs in the text of Valesius,
^ Ad. annum Christi, 314.
§ In his Apology pro Sententia Hieronymi. c. 19. VaL
I In the 7th Book of his Ecclesiactic Hist. chap. 32.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. xi
episcopal function immediately after that persecution. For after peace was restored to the church, Eusebius* and other prelates being in- vited by Paulinus bishop of Tyre, to the dedication of a cathedral. Eusebius made there a very eloquent oration. Now this happened before the rebellion of Licinius against Constantine, in the 315th year of the Christian era, about which period Eusebius wrote those celebrated books concerning Evangelic Demonstration and Prepara- tion. And these books were certainly written before the Nicenc Synod, since they are expressly mentioned in his Ecclesiastic His- tory, which was written, as proved in our Annotations, before that council.
Meanwhile, LitrMrusJ-who managed the government in the eastern parts, excited by"^STrdden rage, began to persecute the Christians, es- pecially the prelates, whom he suspected of showing more favour, and of offering up more prayers for Constantine than for himself. Constantine, however, having defeated him in two battles by land and sea, compelled him to surrender, and restored peace to the Christians of the eastern countries.
A disturbance, however, far more grievous, arose at that time, amongst the Christians themselves. For since Arius, a presbyter of the city of Alexandria, would in the church, publicly advance some new and impious tenet relative, to the Son of God, and notwith- standing repeated admonition by Alexander the bishop, persisted, he and his associates in this heresy, were at length expelled. Highly resenting this, Arius sent letters with a sketch of his own faith to all the bishops of the neighbouring cities, in which he complained, that since he asserted the same doctrines that the rest of the east- ern prelates maintained, he had been unjustly deposed by Alexander. Many bishops imposed on by these artifices, and powerfully excited by Eusebius of Nicomedia, who openly favoured the Arian party, wrote letters in defence of Arius to Alexander bishop of Alexandria, entreating him to restore Arius to his former rank in the church. Our Eusebius was one of their number, whose letter written to Alex- ander is extant in the acts of the seventh Oecumenical Synod, which we have inserted amongst the testimoniest of the ancients. The
"^ As we are informed in the tenth book of his Ecclesiastic Hist. Val. See chap. 4, where Eusebius has inserted this oration.
+ Of these, Valesius, after his account of Eusebius's life and writings, presents a collection made by himself, both for and against Eusebius. q. v,
b
xii LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
example of Eusebius of Csesarea, was soon followed by Theodotius and Paulinus, the one bishop of Laodicea, the other of Tyre, who interceded with Alexander for Arius's restoration. Of which letter, since Arius boasted on every occasion, and by the authority of such eminent men, drew many into the participation of his heresy, Alex- ander was compelled to write to the other eastern bishops, that the justice of the expulsion of Arius and his associates might be under- stood. Two letters of Alexander's are yet extant; the one to Alex- ander bishop of Constantinople, in which the former complains of three Syrian bishops, who, agreeing with Arius, had more than ever inflamed that contest, which they ought rather to have suppressed. These three, as may be learned from Arius's letter to Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, are Eusebius, Theodotius, and Paulinus. The other letter of Alexander's, written to all the bishops throughout the world, Socrates records in his first book.* To these letters of Alexander's, almost all the eastern bishops subscribed, amongst whom the most eminent were Philogonius bishop of Antioch, Eustathius of Beraea, and Macarius of Jerusalem.
The bishops who favoured the Arian party, especially Eusebius of Nicomedia, imagining themselves to be severely treated in Alexan- der's letters, devoted themselves with much greater acrimony to the defence of Arius. For our Eusebius of Caesarea, together with Pa- trophilus, Paulinus, and other Syrian bishops, merely voted that liberty to Arius might be granted of holding, as a presbyter, assem- blies in the church, subject notwithstanding to Alexander the bishop, and of imploring for reconciliation and church fellowship. The bishops disagreeing thus amongst themselves, some favouring the party of Alexander, and others that of Arius, the contest became sin- gularly aggravated ; to remedy this, Constantine, from all parts of the Roman world, summoned to Nicoea, a city of Bythinia, a general synod of bishops, such as no age before had seen. In this greatest and most celebrated council, our Eusebius was not one of either party. For he both had the first seat on the right hand, and in the name of tlie whole synod addressed the emperor Constantine, who sat on a golden cliair, between the two rows of the opposite parties. This is alTirmed by Eusebius himself in his Lifet of Constantine, and by
• Chap. 6.
f In his preface to the first book concerning the life of Constantine, and in hia third book of the same work, chap. ii.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. xiii
Sozomen* in his Ecclesiastic History. Afterwards, when there was a considerable contest amongst the bishops, relative to a creed or form of faith, our Eusebius proposed a formula, at once simple and ortho dox, which received the general commendation both of the bishops and of the emperor himself. Something, notwithstanding, seeming to be w^anting in the creed, to confute the impiety of the new opinion, the fathers of the Nicene Council, determined that these words, ** Very God of very God, begotten not made, being of one sub- stance v/iTH THE Father," should be added. They also annexed anathemas against tliose who should assert that the Son of God was made of things not existing, and that there was a time when he ex- isted not. At first, indeed, our Eusebius refused to admit the term " consubsfantial,^''\ but when the import of that word was explained to him_by the other bishops, he consented, and as he himself relates in his letter::): to his diocess atCaesr.rea, subscribed to the creed. Sfijne afiirm that it was the necessity of circumstances, or_the fear of the emperor, ^nd not the conviction of his own mind, that compelled Eusebius to subscribe to the Nicene Council. Of some, present at the synod, this might be believed, but this we cannot think of Euse- biusHSIshop of Ca^sarea. After the Nicene Council, tqo^ Ejasebius ai- rways condemned^ those who assei1,ed that the Son of God was niade of tilings not existing. Athanasius likewise affirms the same con- cerning him, who though he frequently mentions that Eusebius sub- scribed to the Nicene Council, nowhere intimates that he did that in dissimulation. Had Eusebius subscribed to that Council, not accord- ing to his own mind, but fraudulently and in pretence, why did he afterwards send the letter we have mentioned to his diocess at Caesarea, and therein ingenuously profess that he had embraced that faith which had been published in the Nicene Council ?
After that Council, the Arians through fear of the emperor, were, for a short time quiet. But by artfully ingratiating themselves into the favour of the prince, they resumed boldness, and began by every
• In the first book of that work, chap. 19.
■j- •Ojttoov(r«os, consubstantial, of the same substance, or of the same essence, co-ee- «ential.
^ See this letter in Socrates, book i. chap. 8.
§ This is evident from his books against Marcellus, particularly from the 9th and 10th chapters of his first book, De Ecclesiasticd Theolqgid.
2
xiv LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
method and device, to persecute the Catholic prelates.* ThgijJJrsfi attack fell on Eustathius, bishop of the city of Antioch, eminent both V for_the glory of his confession, and for the rank he sustained amongst
\J"^ the advocates of the Nicene faith. Eustathius was, therefore, accused
V Jief"!' ihr ( inncror of maintaining the Sabellian impiety, and of slan-
' dering Helena Augusta, the emperor's mother. A numerous assembly
of bishops was convened in the city of Antioch, irTwhicTEuseTrms of Nicomedia, the chief and ring-leader of the whole faction, presided. In addition to the accusation advanced at this assembly by Cyrus bishop of the Beraeans, against Eustathius, of maintaining the impious doctrine of Sabellius, another! is devised against him of incontinency, and he is therefore expelled from his diocese. On this account, a very impetuous tumult arose at Antioch. The people divided into two factions, the one requesting that the episcopacy of the Antiochian church might be conferred on Eusebius of Caesarea, the other, that Eustathius their bishop might be restored, would have resorted to measures of violence, had not the fear and authority of the emperor and judges prevented it. The sedition being at length terminated, and Eustathius banished, our Eusebius, though entreated both by the people, and the bishops that were present, to undertake the adminis- tration of the church at Antioch, nevertheless refused. And, when the bishops by letters written to Constantine, had acquainted him M^th their own vote, and with the suffrages of the people, Eusebius wrote his letters also to that prince, and Eusebius's resolution is highly commended in the emperor's answer.
Eustathius, having been in this nianner deposed, which occurred, as remarked in our annotations± in the year 330, the Arians turned the vio- lence of their fury on Atlianasius; and in the prince's presence they complained first of his ordination ; secondly, that he had exacted§ the "Impost of a linen garment from the provincials; thirdly, that he had
• " Catholicos Antistites'^ are the words of Valesius ; but, doubtless, to be under- stood here, as signifying, not the prelates of the Arian, or of any other seceding party, but of the orthodox church universally, according to the meaning of the terra catholicus, universal.
f The story is given in Theodoret's Eccles. Hist. Booki. chap. 21. edit. Vales.
\ See Life of Constantine, book 3, chap. 59, note e.
§ This calumny, the Mcletians, instigated by Eusebius of Nicomedia, invented ; as Athanasius tells us in his Apology to Constantine. See his works, torn. 1, p. 778. Edit. Paris, 1627.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. XV
broken a sacred cup ; and lastly, that he had murdered one Arsenius, a bishop. Constantine, wearied with these vexatious litigations, appointed a council in the city of Tyre, and directed Athanasius the bishop to pro- ceed there, to make his defence. In that synod, Eusebius bishop of n^cov^Q^ -tirLr^m rffl^stgr^tj^if. hMldf^mifil].^^'^''''^ be present, sat amongst others, as judp;-e. Potamo bishop of Heracleopolis, who had come with Athanasius the bishop and some Egyptian prelates, seeing him sitting in the council, is said to have addressed him in these words : "Is it fit, Eusebius, that you should sit, and that the innocent Athanasius should stand to be judged by you ? Who can endure this ? Were you not in custody with me, during the time of the persecution 1 And I truly, in defence of the truth, lost an eye ; but you are injured in no part of your body, neither did you undergo martyrdom, but are alive and whole. In what manner did you escape out of prison, unless you promised to our persecutors that you would commit the d-e testable* thing ? And perhaps you have done it." This is related by Epiphanius, in the heresy of the Meletians. Hence it appears, that they are mistaken who affirm, that Eusebius had sacrificed to idols, and that he had been convicted of the fact in the Tyrian synod. For Potamo did not attest that Eusebius had sacrificed to idols, but only that he was dismissed out of prison safe and whole ; a cir- cumstance that favoured the malevolent surmise of Potamo. It was, however, evidently possible that Eusebius might have been dismissed from confinement in a manner very different from that of Potamo's insinuation. From the words of Epiphanius, it seems to be inferred that,JEuagto.^.his.l\Qp. of C^Qsa^^ presided at tliis synodj,^ for he adds, that Eusebius being previously affected in hearing the accusation against Jbim b^ Potamo, dismissed the council. Yet by other writers we are informed, that not Eusebius bishop of Ca3sarea, but Eusebius of Nicomedia, presided at the Tyrian synod.t
After that council, all the bishops who had assembled at Tyre, re paired, by the emperor's orders, to Jerusalem, to celebrate the conse
* That is, to sacrifice to idols.
-j- Is it not a possible case that both presided 1 viz., First, Eusebius of Caesarea, until the insult he sustained in the disparagement of his character by Potamo's insinuation. Feeling then, that his character stood arraigned by that insinuation, that he judged it expedient either to dismiss the council, or at least to leave it to the presidential jurisdiction of one less objectionable to Potamo, viz., to Eusebius of Nicomedia,
xvi LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
cration of the great church, which Constantine in honour of Christ had erected in that place. There our Eusebius graced the solemnity, by the several sermons he delivered. And when the emperor, by very strict letters, had summoned the bishops to his own court, that in his presence they might give an account of their fraudulent and litigious conduct towards Athanasius, our Eusebius, with five others, went to Constantinople, and furnished that prince with a developement of the whole transaction. Here also, in the palace, he delivered his ^cennalian oration, which the emperor heard with the utmost joy, not sirmuch on account of any praises to himself, as on account of the praises of God, celebrated by Eusebius throughout the whole of that oration. This oration was the second delivered by Eusebius in that palace.* For he had before made an oration there, concerning the sepulchre of our Lord, which the emperor heard standing : nor could he, though repeatedly entreated by Eusebius, be persuaded to sit in the chair placed for him,t alleging that it was fit that discourses con- cerning God should be heard standing.
How dear and acceptable our Eusebius was to Constantine, may be known both from the facts we have narrated, as well as from many other circumstances. For he both received many letters from him, as may be seen in the books already mentioned, and was not unfre- quently sent for to the palace, where he was entertained at table, and honoured with familiar conversation. Constantine, moreover, related to our Eusebius, the vision of the cross seen by him when on his expedition against Maxentius ; and showed to him, as Eusebius in- forms! us, the labarum§ that he had ordered to be made to represent the likeness of that cross. Constantine also, committed to Eusebius, since he knew him to be most skilful in Biblical knowledge, the care and superintendency of transcribing copies|| of the Scriptures, which he wanted for the accommodation of the churches he had built at Constantinople. Lastly, the book concerning the Feast of Easter, dedicated to him by our Eusebius, was a present to Constantine, so acceptable, that he ordered its immediate translation into Latin ; and by letter entreated Eusebius, that he would communicate, soon as
* According to his own testimony, in his fourth Book, concerning the Life of Constantine, chap. 46.
I As Eusebius relates in the 33d chapter of the Life of Constantine.
^ Life of Constantine, lib. 1. c. 28 & 30. § An imperial standard,
I Life of Constantine, lib. 4. c. 34 & 35.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. xvii
possible, works of this nature, with which he was engaged, to those concerned in the study of sacred literature.
About the same time, Eusebius dedicated a small book to the em- peror Constantine, in which was comprised his description of the Jerusalem church, and of the gifts that had been consecrated there. — Which book, together with his tricennalian oration, that he had placed at the close of his Life of Constantine, is not now extant. At the same time, Eusebius wrote five books against Marcellus ; of which the three last, De Ecclesiastica Theologiti, he dedicated to Flaccil- lus bishop of Antioch. Flaccillus entered on that bishopric, a little before the synod of Tyre, whidh was convened in the consulate of Constantius and Albinus, A. D. 335. It is certain that Eusebius, in his First Book* writes in express words, that Marcellus had been deservedly condemned by the church. Now Marcellus was first con- demned in the synod held at Constantinople, by those very bishops that had consecrated Constantine's church at Jerusalem, in the year of Christ 335, or, according to Baronius, 336. Socrates,! indeed, ac- knowledges only three books written by Eusebius against Marcellus, namely, those entitled, "De Ecclesiastica Theologia;" but the whole work by Eusebius, against Marcellus, comprised Five Books. The last books written by Eusebius, seem to be the four on the life of Con- stantine ; for they were written after the death of that emperor, whom Eusebius did not long survive, since he died about the beginning of the reign of Constantius Augustus, a little before the death of Con- stantine Junior, which happened, according to the testimony of So- crates' Second J Book, when Acindynus and Proculus were consuls, A. D. 340.
We cannot admit, what Scaliger§ has afhrmed, that Eusebius's books against Porphyry, were written under Constantius, the son of Constantine the Great, especially since this is confirmed by the tes- timony of no ancient writer. Besides, in what is immediately after asserted by Scaliger, that Eusebius wrote his threell last books of the Evangelic Demonstration, against Porphyry, there is an evident error. St. Jerome says, indeed, that Eusebius in three volumes, (that is, in
* De Ecclesiastica Theologia, chap. 14. •j- Eccles. Hist, book 2. chap. 20 : where see note k, + Chap. 4 & 5.
§ In his Animadversions on Eusebius, page 250, last edit. I Namely, the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth. 2#
x^^ LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth,) answered Porphyry, who in the Twelfth and Thirteenth of those books which he published against the Christians, had attempted to confute the book of the prophet Daniel. St. Jerome,* however, does not mean, as Scaliger thought, Eusebius's Books on Evangelic Demonstration, but the books he wrote against Porphyry, entitled, according to Photius's Biblio- theca, '^'c '^x-^^z^u x.t. '*^o\oj..:*s, Refutation and Defence. We are also persuaded that Eusebius wrote these books after his Ecclesiastic History ; because Eusebius, though on other occasions he usually refers to his own works, does not in the Sixth Bookf of his Eccle siastic History, where he quotes a notorious passage from Por- phyry, J make any mention of the books he wrote against him.
We avail ourselves of the present opportunity to make some re marks relative to Eusebius's Ecclesiastic History, the chief subject of our present labour and exertions. Much, indeed, had been written by our Eusebius, both against Jews and Heathens, to the edification of the orthodox and general church, and in confirmation of the verity of the Christian faith, nevertheless, amongst all his books, his Eccle- siastic History deservedly stands pre-eminent. For before Eusebius, many had written in defence of Christianity, and had, by the most satisfactory arguments, refuted the Jews on the one hand and the Hea- thens on the other, but not one, before Eusebius, had delivered to pos- terity a history of ecclesiastic affairs. On which account, therefore, because Eusebius, not only was the first to show this example, but has transmitted to us, what he undertook, in a state so complete and perfect, he is entitled to the greater commendation. Though many, it is true, induced by his example, have, since his time, furnished accounts of ecclesiastic affairs, yet they have not only uniformly commenced their histories from the times of Eusebius, but have left him to be the undisputed voucher of the period of which he yet re- mains the exclusive historian, and consequendy he only is entitled to the epithet of the father of ecclesiastic history.
By what preliminary circumstances Eusebius was led to this his chef-d'oeuvre, it is not difficult to conjecture. Having in his Chro- nological Canons accurately stated the time of the advent and passion of Jesus Christ, the names of the several bishops that had presided in the four principal churches, and of the eminent characters therein,
• In his preface to his Commentary on Daniel.
t Chap. 19. i, From Porphyry's third book against the Christians.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. xix
and having also detailed an account of the successive heresies and persecutions, he was, as it were, led by insensible degrees to write a history specially on ecclesiastic affairs, to furnish a full developement of what had been but briefly sketched in his Chronological Canons. This, indeed, is expressly confirmed by Eusebius in his preface* to that work ; where he also implores the forbearance of the candid reader, on account of his work being less circumstantial, consequent on his travelling in a path before untrod, and liis being precluded from the intimations on that subject of any previous writer. Though this, it is true, in the view of some, may appear not so much an apology, as an indirect device of acquiring praise.
Though it is evident from Eusebius's own testimony, that he wrote his Ecclesiastic History, after his Chronological Canons, it is re- markable that the twentieth yearf of Constantino is a limit common to both those works. Nor is it less singular, that, though the Nicene Council was held in that year,:|: yet no mention is made of it in either work. But in his Chronicle, at the fifteenth year of Constantino, we read that " Alexander is ordained the nineteenth bishop of the Alex- andrian church, by whom Arius the presbyter being expelled, joins many to his own impiety. A synod, tEerefore, of tKree hundrecT and eighteen bishops, is convened at Nice, a city of Bithynia, who by their agreement on the term 'o/^oouj.o,, (consubstantial, or co-essential) suppressed all the devices of the heretics." It is sufficiently evident that these words were not written by Eusebius, but by St. Jerome, who in Eusebius's Chronicle inserted many passages of his own. For, not to mention that this reference to the Nicene Council is inserted in a place with which it has no proper connexion, who could believe that Eusebius would thus write concerning Arius, or should have in- serted the term 'o/.oou;<o5 in his own Chronicle ; which word, as we shall hereafter state, was not satisfactory to him. Was it likely that Eusebius should, in the Chronicle, state that three hundred and eigh- teen bishops were present at the Nicene synod, and in his Third§ Book on the Life of Constantino, say expressly that something more than two hundred and fifty sat in that council ? We doubt not, how- ever, that the Ecclesiastical History was not completely finished by Eusebius till some years after the council at Nice. As Dionysius of
* Book 1. chap. 1. f i. e. A. D. 325.
+ On Constantine's Vicennalia, that is, on the twentieth year of his empire, § Chap. 8.
XX LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
Halicarnassus, in his Comparison of Herodotus and Thucydides, had long since intimated to the writers of histories, the propriety of ter- minating their narratives at the consummation of some illustrious event, Eusebius had, therefore, it is likely, resolved to close his his- tory with that peace, which after Diocletian's persecution shone, as he observes, like a light from heaven upon the church ; on this ac- count, probably, he avoided mentioning the Nicene synod, lest he should be compelled to commence a narrative of renewed litigation, and that too of bishops one amongst another. Now what event more illustrious could have been desired by Eusebius, than that re- pose, which after a most sanguinary persecution, had been restored to the Christians by Constantine ; when the persecutors, and Licinius being every where extinct, not a fear of past afflictions could exist. This epoch, therefore, rather than that of the Nicene council, afford- ed the most eligible limit to his Ecclesiastical History. For in that synod, the contentions seemed not so much appeased as*renewed; and that not through any fault of the synod itself, but by the perti- nacity of those who refused to acquiesce in the very salutary decrees of that venerable assembly.
Having said thus much relative to the life and writings of Euse bius, it remains to make some remarks in reference to the soundness of his religious faith and.sentiments. Let not the reader, however, here expect from us a defence, nor even any opinion of our own, but rather the judgment of the church and of the ancient fathers concern- ing him. Wherefore, certain points shall be here premised, as pre- liminary propositions, relying on which, we may arrive at the greater certainty relative to the faith" of Eusebius. ' As^ the opinions of the ancients concerning Eusebius, are various, since some have termed him a pgtfiolhcyyothers a heretic, others a }^yx<^TTov* a person of a double tongue, or wavering faith, it is incumbent on us to inquire to which opinion we should chiefly assent. Of the law it is an inva- riable rule, to adopt, in doubtful cases, the more lenient opinion as*^ the safer alternative. Besides, since all the westerns, St. Jerome ex- cepted, have entertained honourable sentiments relative to Eusebius, and since the Gallican church has enrolled t him in the catalogue of saints, it is questionless preferable to assent to the judgment of our
• See Socrates, lib. 1. c. 23.
f As may be learned from Victorius Aquitanus, the Martyrology of Usuardus, und from others.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. xri
fathers, than to that of the eastern schismatics. In short, whose au- thnrity niigh^ tp |i^,iftQyp ^^cisive in this matter than that of the bi^lmjlS-oLJiome ? But Galesius, in his work on the Two Natures, has recounted our Eusebius amongst the catholic writers, and has quoted two authorities out of his books. Pope Pelagius,* too, terms him the most honourable amongst historians, and pronounces him to be free from every taint of heresy, notwithstanding he had highly eulogized heretical Origen. Some, however, may say, that since the easterns were better acquainted with Eusebius, a man of their own language, a preference should be given, in this case, to their judg- ment. Even amongst these, Eusebius does not want those, So- cratest and Gelasius CyzicenusJ for example, who entertained a favourable opinion concerning him. But if the judgment of the Seventh Oecumenical Synod be opposed to any inclination in his fa- vour, our answer is ready. The faith of Eusebius was not the sub- ject of that synod's debate, but the worship of images. In order to the subversion of which, when the opponents that had lately assem- bled in the imperial city, had produced evidence out of Eusebius's letter to Constantia, and laid the greatest stress thereon, the fathers of the Seventh Synod, to invalidate the authority of that evidence, exclaimed that Eusebius was an Arian. But this was done merely casuallj^jJVom the impulse of the occasion, and hatred of the letter, not advisedly, or from a previous investigation of the charge. They produce some passages, it is true, from Eusebius, to insinuate that he was favourable to the Arian hypothesis ; but they avoid all discrimina- tion between what Eusebius wrote prior to the Nicene Council, and what he wrote afterwards, which, questionless, ought to have been done as essential to a just decision relative to Eusebius's faith. In short, nothing written by Eusebius before that synod is fairly charge- able injhis res£ect, against Iiim. Eusebius's letter to Alexander, con- taining his intercession with that prelate for Arius, was of course, written before that council. The affirmation, therefore, of the fathers of the Seventh Synod, notwithstanding it has the semblance of the highest authority, seems rather to have the character of temerity and premature judgment, than to be the verdict of a synod derived from a judicial investigation of the cause. The Greeks may assume the
* In Epist. Tertia ad Eliam Aqueleiensem et alios Episcopos Istri. ■|- Sec his Defence of him, in book 2. chap. 21. + De Synod. Nicsena, book 2. chap, 1.
xxii LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
liberty to think as Aey please concerning Eusebius, and to term him
an Arian,^r a favourer of that heresy ; but who can patiently endure St. Jerome, who, not content with calling him heretic and Arian, fre- quently terms him the ring-leader of that faction ? Can he be justly termed a rin^-leader of the Arians, who, after the Nicene Council, always condemned their opinions ? Let his books De Ecclesiastica Theologia be perused, which he wrote against Marcellus long after the Nicene Council ; and we shall find what we have affirmed, that he condemned those who asserted that the Son of God was made of things not existing ; and that there was a time when he existed not. Athanasius, likewise, in his letter relative to the decrees of the Nicene Council, attests the same fact concerning Eusebius, in the following words : "In this, truly, he was unfortunate : that he might clear himself, however, of the imputation, he ever afterwards opposed the Arians, particularly since their denial of the pre-existence of the Son of God applied equally to his conception or incarnation." With this testi-' mony, too, Eusebius was favoured by Athanasius, notwithstanding the personal differences between them. But St. Jerome, who had no cause of enmity against Eusebius, who had profited so liberally by his writings, who had translated his Chronological Canon, and his Book de Locis Hebraicis, into Latin, brands, notwithstanding, Euse- bius with a calumny, which even his most malignant enemies never fastened on him. The reason of this we cannot conjecture, except it is, that St. Jerome, in consequence of his enmity to Origen, per- sisted in an unqualified persecution of all that maintained his opinions, particularly Eusebius.
On the other hand, we do not conceal the fact, that Eusebius, though he cannot be deservedly esteemed a ring-leader of the Arian faction, yet after the Nicene Council, was perpetually conversant with the principals of that party, and, together with them, opposed the catholic bishops, as Eustathius, and Athanasius, the most strenuous advocates for the adoption of the term 'o/^oou<r<oj. Though Eusebius always asserted the eternity of the Son of God, against the Arians, yet in his disapproval of that word,* he seems censurable. It is cer- tain that he never made use of that term, either in his books against Marcellus, or in his orations against Sabellius. Nay, in his Second Book against Sabellius, he expressly declares, that since that word is not in the Scriptures, it is not satisfactory to him. On this occasion,
• Viz. 'o/«oow(riOf.
LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. xxiii
he speaks to the foUowmg effect : "As not inquiring into truths which admit of investigation, is indolence, so prying into others, where the scrutiny is inexpedient, is audacity. Into what truths ought we then to search ? Those which we find recorded in the Scriptures. But what we do not find recorded there, let us not search after. For had the knowledge of them been incumbent on us, the Holy Spirit would doubtless have placed them there." Shortly after, he says : " Let us not hazard ourselves in such a risk, but speak safely ; and let not any thing that is written be blotted out." And in the end of his oration, he thus expresses himself: "Speak what is written, and the strife will be abandoned." In which passages, Eusebius, no doubt, alludes to the word 'o/^oouo-.o?.
Finally* we now advert to the testimonies of the ancients concern-
ir^ F^nsp.hins. Here one thing is to be observed, namely, however
various the opinions of men have been, relative to the accuracy of the religious sentiments of Eusebius, all however, have unani- mously esteemed him<:gs a person of the most profound learning, x To this we have to mention one solitary exception, Joseph Scaliger, who within the memory of our fathers, impelled by the cuiTcnt of teme- rity, and relish for vituperation, endeavoured to filch from Eusebius those literary honours, which even his adversaries never dared to im- pugn. Scaliger's words,* we have inserted amongst the testimonies of the ancients, not as any proof of our value of his judgment on this point, but for the accommodation of those desirous of knowing them, and with the design that his unwarrantable detraction might meet with the exposure it deserved ; who having resolved to write a commentary on the Chronological Canon of Eusebius, does not hesi- tate to arraign St. Jerome himself, because he speaks of Eusebius as a most learned character. On Scaliger's opinion, we had at first de- termined to bestow a more ample refutation ; but this we shall defer, until more leisure on the one hand, or a more urgent claim on the part of the reader, on the other, shall again call our attention to the subject.
* See Scaliger's Elench. Trihseres. chap. 27 ; and book 6 de Emend. Temp, chap. 1, about the end : and his Animadversions on Eusebius's Chronicle, page 8.
PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR.
When the proposition was started, to issue a new translation of the present worI\V'(Tie"qliesWn^6~3^ir&t~rrequently arose, Cm bono? Have we not ecclesiastical histories enough, and do not these give us all the inforn:iation that we can reasonably expect, presented too in a form and style which is not likely to be sur- passed by any age? Many may here have thought of the judi- cious and learned Mosheim, or of the popular Milner, some per- haps of the voluminous Schra^.ckh, and Fleury,* whose researches into primitive ages have condensed the labours of their predeces- ^ors. Some, indeed, who, in distinct and separate works, have confined their histories to the three first centuries of the church, as Mosheim in his Commentary de Rebus Christianis ante Con- stantinum, Walchii Historia Ecclesiastica Novi Testamenti, and others of less notoriety, might seem to preclude the necessity of any additional aids, or of recurring to the fountains whence they drew. But whatever be the superiority of modern ecclesiastical history, however justly it may represent the times recorded, it cannot give us the spirit of these times without the authors from which it is derived. It^cannot^ therefore, supersede the necessity of examining tlie__same ground in the express statement of an original or primitive writer.
It will not, therefore, be pronounced an indifference to thesupe- riorjjierature of our own age, when we hold up to view ajproduc- tiQn._of_ages long passed away. Every age has its distinctive features, its advantages as well as defects ; ours may, without arro- gance, claim the character of more systematic precision in every de- partment of learning. It has been reserved for this age, under Providence, by whose operations the human mind has attained an unprecedented expansion, to reduce the accumulated materials of
• Schroeckh has written an Ecclesiastical History in forty-two octavo, and Fleuiy in twenty quarto volumes ; the former in German, the latter in French.
3 XXV
xxvi PREFACE.
the past, to their correlative positions, to compress them into space that brings them more within our grasp, and by rejecting the superfluous, and digesting the essential, to enable us to traverse the vast ground of human attainment with pleasure and profit.
The author, however, whose history is here presented to the English reader, in order to be duly estimated, must not be mea- sured by a standard Hke this. To be appreciated, he must be measured by his own times. Neither are we to expect of him the condensed proportions, the judicious selections, and the com- prehensive distribution of materials, that mark the productions of the scientific historian ; nor was it the intention of our author. If we may be allowed to judge from the work itself, his object appears more like furnishing the materials, which himself or the future historian should handle with a more masterly hand or a more enlarged view. The work, therefore, abounds with ex- tracts from the writers that flourished in the early ages of the church, in which our author presents either a striking event, ex- pressions of sentiments or doctrine, to illustrate the religious as- pect of times and places, and by the express testimony of another, perhaps often obviates the odium which would devolve upon his own narrative. Hence the history contains rather accounts of particular churches, than a history of the church generally, and is more like detached incidents scattered in memoirs of the in- dividuals that successively rise and pass away before us.
Our author, as the first that professedly entered the ground, has been justly called the father of ecclesiastical history. Priority gives him a just claim to the title. If his performance be examined by all the tests, which would be applied to the scientific historians this praise would indeed be awarded to a prominent name of modern date. But Eusebius is the first, and the only historian of the church bordering on primitive times. No just parallel therefore can be drawn between the Ecclesiastical History here translated, and the scientific labours of the present day. The business of the modern historian, is to survey, with comprehensive eye, to digest, to reduce to proper dimensions, and with a skilful hand to mould, his materials into the form of pleasing yet faithful narration ; that of the primitive historian, was rather to trans-
PREFACE. xxvii
cribe what was most important from the existing documents of the day.
Our author hag Ihepraisjs, even fror^^^ Scaliger,
of being a man v/hoijhiad made extensive use of the historical sources ol his day. Si eruditlssimus vocandus, says he, qui mulia legit, sane nemo illi hanc laudem invidere potest. This writer does not, indeed, allow him all the qualifications of an historian, to use his own words, judicium cum multa lectione, but the selections that he has left to posterity are nevertheless invaluable. He was at least faithful to his purpose, by culling, as he himself expresses it, (cog av £x T^oyLKidv Xel^icovov) the appropriate extracts from an- cient writers.
In making this selection, we have only to regret that he did not give us more of the distinguished writers of those ages, and thus supplied, in some measure, the loss of their works. In the testimony thus preserved, however, we have a body of evidence, both to the existing events of the day, and to the truth of those Scriptures which, without the formality of a regular system of proof, carries its conviction to the mind. Whether this testimony appeared in a plain or polished style, whether simple or embel- lished, the great object of our author is the evidence that it fur- nishes, and which therefore he gives us, as one who, by the ad- vantages of his situation, whilst Christianity was yet in the fresh- ness of its morning sun, could arrest and seize some of its fleeting images, ere they were erased from the memory of man. __And in order to let these images appear, Eusebius with his tes- timony must be suffered to speak for himself His history, inde- pendently of its practical utility and its literary store, is unques- tionablyjlie rnost interesting and the most important work that appeared in the first ages of the church. A work adapted to all ages and classes, to furnish materials of reflection to the man of letters, to supply the retired Christian with examples of unreserved devotion and sacrifice to duty, and to furnish all, some original views of primitive times, at the hand of one who may be pro- nounced a primitive man.
In undertaking the present work, the translator was influenced by a firm persuasion of its utility, and the necessity of a new ver-
xxviii PREFACE.
sion. A more general circulation of primitive works, whether by copious extracts, or by entire translations, appears to be one of the best means at least, of giving a primitive tone to modern Christianity. And though we might not conceive ourselves bound to acknowledge everything as biblical, merely because . it was primitive, yet were it possible that we could ascertain the real state of Christianity in every respect as it was then, doubtless it would prove a salutary check upon many of our errors.*'
To show that we are not singular on this subject, we here give the sentiments of a foreign journal, which will never be regarded as enthusiastic by those who are at all acquainted with its cha- racter. " Independently of the importance of studying the fa- thers with respect to doctrine and ecclesiastical history, and even with respect to exegesis, the perusal of their writings serves, among other objects, to awaken and excite rehgious views and ideas in the minds of the young, much more than any course of instruction, however logically exact, and in accordance with the rules of hermeneutics. And we are convinced that the ex- cessive abuse that has been of late made of manuals, journals, magazines, &c., for clergymen, which for the last twenty years, and longer, has been the order of the day in many places, and by which the spirit of young clergymen has been warped and per- verted to indolence and carelessness, would not have made such inroads, if, together with the Holy Scriptures, which should un- quc'jtionably form the basis of every discourse, the study of the fathers had also been zealously encouraged."f
It was well observed by a modern philosopher, that if every age had had its Aristotle, philosophy would long since have reached its climax ; and we may observe with regard to ecclesi-
* The importance of a more general acquaintance with the opinions and doc- trines prevalent in the church, before the Council of Nice, is obvious. No attempt, however, has as yet been made to bring them into such general circulation, that all could have and read them, laity as well as clergy. With a view to supply this de- fect, among others, the translator has projected a publication to appear periodically, embracing copious extracts from the fathers on doctrine, and dissertations in refer- ence to the Archseology of Christianity, with the title Repertory of Primitive Theology. See the Prospectus of this publication.
t Hall. AUgem. Lit. Zeitung. No. 10. 1817.
PREFACE. XXIX
astical history, that if every period in primitive times had had Its Eusebius, we should, besides his own, be in possession of an amount of ecclesiastical information at this day, that would sub- serve the most salutary purposes. Whut our author, however, has secured fr9m, the wrecks of time, only leaves us room to re- gret what. ;we haye.DQt. As to the matter, therefore, which the history of Eusebius embraces, no apo-logy is necessary for presenting this to the public. It belongs to the archoeology of Christianity ; and therefore, to Christians at least must appear in an interesting light.
As to the manner in which this is presented, various opinions will doubtless prevail. The critic will form his opinion of Euse- b'ius from the original, and tlierc he v.'ill perceive what cannot always be m.ade to appear in a translation. One thing will strike him on the first survey, that the style of an ecclesiastical writer, three centuries after the birth of Christ, is far different from the style that prevailed three centuries before, and that the Greek authors, in the age of Constantino, are not the authors of the age of Alexander. Our Eusebius is not without his beauties, but they are so rarely scattered, that we can hardly allow him an eminent rank, as a writer, although his subject may be offered as his apology. His use of words is sometimes without sufficient precision, which subjects him occasionally to ambiguity, and his sentences are sometimes so involved as to require the hand of critical dissection. His periods, too, are sometimes of enormous length, and by their copious fulness incline much to the pleonastic and hyperbolical. We are not here to expect the uniform suavity of an Herodotus, the terse brevity of a Thucydides, though we may occasionally meet with features that would not be over- looked as elegant even in these fathers of history. From the great variety of authors that he quotes, our author indeed, could not aim at the same kind of excellence, neither are his quota- tions from others like those of Plutarch, Diodorus Siculus, and others, for the mere purpose of embellishment or illustration, but for positive information ; and, therefore, they assume all the sim- plicity of a plain reference to authority. In a work so unosten- tatious, it would be absurd to measure our author bv a standard 3^
XXX PREFACE.
he never adopted, as a production, which like those of the fathers of history, should contend for the prize as a literary performance. The only part of the work that could perhaps aspire to this honour, is contained in the last book, where he is altogether the panegyrist, and where he has left us, perhaps, what may be re- garded as one of his most elaborate, if not one of his happiest performances as an orator.
Whether the present translator has succeeded in presenting his author to the public in a costume that shall appear worthy of the original, must be left to the judgment of others. He is not so con- fident, as to presume his labour is here immaculate, and a more frequent revision of the work may suggest improvements which have thus far escaped him. Some allowances are also due to a work like this, which may not obtain in those of a different de- scription. The translator does not stand upon the same ground as one who renders a work of elegance and taste, from profane antiquity. The latter leaves more scope for the display of genius and taste. The great^obj^ct^ofjthe former is to give a faithful transcript of his author's statement, that the reader may derive, jf possible, the same impression that he would from the original, in^case it were his vernacular language. He is not at liberty to improve his author, whatever may be the occasional sugges- tions of elegance or taste, for there is scarcely any such improve- ment but what involves the fidelity of the version. The more experienced reader and critic may, perhaps, discover instances where the translator might perhaps have been more easy, with- out sacrificing much of the meaning ; and the present version is not without passages where perhaps a little liberty might have obviated an apparent stiffness in the style. Bui^ the translator has some times preferred the latter, to what appeared a sacrifice of thcLsense.*
The office of a translator, Hke that of a lexicographer, is an ungrateful office. Men who have no conception of the requi- sites for such a task, who measure it by the same rough standard
* Among some of the apparent anomalies of the translation, may perhaps be num- bered many of the passages from Scripture. It will be recollected these are trans- lated from our author, who quotes the Alexandrian version.
PREFACE. xxxi
that they do a piece of manual labour, are apt to suppose he has nothing to do but to travel on from word to word, and that it amounts at last to scarcely more than a transcription of what is already written in his ow^n mind. In the estimate which is thus made, there is little credit given, for the necessary adaptation of the style and phraseology to that of the original. No alIo\v-„ ance for that degree of judgment, which the interpreter must con- stantly exercise in order to make his version tell what its original says. And yet, with all this, there is generally discrimination enough to mark what may be happily expressed ; but by a sin- gular perversion, such merit is sure to be assigned to the original work, whilst the defects are generally charged to the account of the translator. Some, ignorant of the limits of the translator's office, even expect him to give perfection to his author's deficien- cies, and if he fails in this, he is in danger of having them heaped upon himself.,
To preclude any unwarrantable expectations, the translator does not pretend to more in the present work, than to give a faithful transcript of the sense of his author. Occasionally, he thinks he has expressed that sense with more perspicuity than his original, and wherever the ambiguity seemed to justify it, it has been done, not with a view to improve his author, but to prevent mistaking his meaning.
The present version is from the accurate Greek text published by Valesius,* a learned civilian of the Gallican church. The most noted Latin versions besides that of Valesius, are those of Rufiiuis, M usculus, Christophorson, and Grinceus. Curterius also published a translation, but it is rather a revision of Christo- phorson.
Stroth among the Germans,! and Cousin among the French, appear to be the latest that have given versions in the modern languages. The first translation in English was made by Han- mcr, 1584, which passed through five editions. A translation by T. Shorting was published more than a century afterwards, and
* The best cdilion of Valesius is that published at Cambridge by Reading— the edition used in the present work.
•j- There is also an abridged translation in German, in Ra^sler's Bibliothek der KirchcnvjEtcr.
xxxii PREFACE.
this last, with the exception of an abridgment by Parker, is the best translatl-on hitherto extant in the Enghsh language.
The present translator originally contemplated merely a revi- sion or improvement of the last English version, but a slight ex- amination will satisfy any one, that such labour would be equi- valent to that of an original translation itself, whilst it could at best present little better than a mutilated aspect. The present, therefore, is a version entirely new. It has been finished in the midst of other vocations, and the author expected to have brought it to a state of readiness, for the press, before or about the beginning of the past winter. At the commencement of the work he anticipated a period of leisure, which would have enabled him to meet this expectation fully. But this period of expected leisure was absorbed by care and solicitude, amid sick- ness in his family, whilst his own health was but little calculated for the necessary effort.
It was one of the translator's original intentions to make the work more useful by the addition of many notes. Eusebius admits of a constant commentary, and there are some parts of the work, which besides mere illustration, require a separate dis- cussion. Valesius has interspersed notes, w^hich are more ex- tensive than the whole work. They are mostly verbal criti- cisms, and refer to the various readings of the Greek text, and as such have but little interest for the general reader. Who- ever wishes to consult these, will find the most of them trans- lated in Shorting's Eusebius. The few notes that are scattered through the following pages, are by the present translator. He was diverted from his original plan of commenting on his author, partly by an apprehension of swelling the work ; chiefly however, by a conviction that the time under existing circumstances would be better employed in a more diligent revision, and lastly, because he contemplates a prosecution of the author's historical w^orks, in which abundant room and materials will be furnished for this purpose. In the mean time, the work is committed to the hands of the public, and in the quaint but expressive words of the oldest English translator of Eusebius : " If aught be well done, give the praise to God, let tlie pains be the translator's, and the profit the reader's." — Hanmer.
CONTENTS.
Page BOOK I.— Pages 13—47.
Chapter I.— Subject of the work, 13
Chap. II. — Summary view of the pre-existence and divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, - - 15
Keasons why the gospel was not prodaimed sooner, 18
Chap. III. — The name Jesus, as also that of Christ, was both known and honoured from ancient times, by the inspired prophets, ----- 21
Chap. IV. — The reUgion announced by Christ among all nations, was nei- ther unexpected nor strange, - - 25
Chap. V. — The times of our Sa- viour's manifestation among men, - 28
Chap. VI. — About the time of our Lord, agreeably to prophecy, those rulers ceased that had formerly go- verned the nation of the Jews by re- gular succession; and Herod was the first foreigner that reigned over them, 29
Chap. VII. — On the discrepancy which is supposed to exist in the gos- pels, respecting the genealogy of Christ, - 31
Chap. VIII. — Herod's cruelty against the infants, and his wretched end, -----35
Chap. IX.— Of the times of Pilate, 38
Chap. X. — The high priests of the Jews, under whom Christ promul- gated his doctrines, ----- 39
Chap. XI. — The testimonies re- specting John the Baptist and Christ, 41,
Chap. XII. — Of the disciples of our Lord, --------42
Chap. XIII. — Narrative respecting the prince of Edessa, ----- 43
BOOK II.— Pages 48—81.
Chapter I. — The course pursued bv the apostles after the ascension of Christ, - . - 48
Chap. II. — How Tiberius was af-
Page
fected, wh.cn informed by Pilate re- ipecting Christ, -------51
Chap. III. — How the Christian doctrine spread throughout the whole world, - 53
Chap. IV. — Caius (Cahgula) after the death of Tiberius, appointed Agrippa king of the Jews, after pu- nishing Herod with perpetual exile, 53
Chap. V. — Philo was sent on an embassy to Caius, in behalf of the Jews, ----------64
Chap. VI. — What evils overwhelm- ed the Jews, after their presumption against Christ, -------55
Chap. VII. — How Pilate destroyed himself, --> -57
Chap, VIII. — The famine that happened in the reign of Claudius, - it>.
Chap. IX. — The martyrdom of the apostle Jam^gg. -------58
Chap. X, — Herod Agrippa perse- cuting the apostles, immediately ex- perienced the divine judgment, - - 59
Chap. XI. — Concerning the im- postor Theudas and his followers, - 61
Chap. XII. — Helen, queen of the Osrhoenians, ib.
Chap. XIII.— Simon Magus, - - 62
Chap. XIV. — The preaching of Peter in the city of Rome, - - - 6S
Chap. XV. — The gospel according to Mark, 64
Chap. XVI. — Mark first proclaim- ed Christianity to the inhabitants of Egypt, - 65
Chap. XVII. — The account given by Philo respecting the Ascetics of Egypt, 66
Chap. XVni.— The books of Philo that have come down to us, - - - 70
Chap. XIX. — The calamity which befel the Jews at Jerusalem, on the day of the passover, ----- 72
Chap. XX. — The deeds done at Jerusalem in the reign of Nero, - ib. xxxiii
CONTENTS.
Page;
Chap. XXI.— The Egyptian men- i tioncd in the y\cts of the Apostles, - 73
Chap. XXII.— Paul being sent pri- | soner from Judea to Rome, after his defence, was absolved from all crime, 74
Chap. XXIII.— The martyrdom of James, who was called the brother of | the Lord, 75
Chap. XXIV. — Annianus was ap- pointed the first bishop of Alexan- dria, a.ter Mark, 79
Chap. XXV. — The persecution under Nero, in which Paul and Peter were honoured with martyrdom in the cause of religion at Rome, - - ib.
Chap. XXVI.— The Jews were afflicted with innumerable evils, and finally commenced a war with the Romans, 81
BOOK III.— Pages 82—127.
Chapter I. — The parts of the world where Christ was preached by the apostjgs. 82
Chap. II. — The first that presided over the church at Rome, - - - ib.
Chap. III.— Of the Epistles of the apostles, -- -83
Chap. IV. — The first succession of the apostles, 84
Chap. V. — The last siege of the Jews after Christ, 85
Chap. VI. — The famine which op- pressed the Jews, -*'"-'" -" - - - 87
Chap. A^II. — The predictions of Christ, 92
Chap. VIII. — The signs that pre- ceded the war, 94
Chap. IX. — Of Josephus and the works he has left, 96
Chap. X. — The manner in which Josephus mentions the Holy Scrip- tures, 97
Chap. XI. — Simeon ruled the church of Jerusalem after James, - 99
Chap. XII. — Vespasian commands the descendants of David to be sought, ib.
Chap. XIII. — Anencletus, the se- cond bishop of Rome, 100
Chap. XIV. — Avilius, the second bisiiop of Alexandria, ----- ih.
Chap. XV.— Clement, the third bishop of Rome, ib.
Chap. XVI.— The Epistle of Cle- ment, 101
1 Page
I Chap. XVII.— The persecution of the Christians under Domitian, - - 101
Chap. XVIII.— Of John the apos- tle, and the Revelation, - - - - ib.
Chap. XIX. — Domitian commands the posterity of David to be slain, - 102
Chap. XX.— Of the relatives of our Lord, -------- zi.
Chap. XXI.— Cerdon, the third bishop of Alexandria, . - - - 104
Chap. XXII. — Ignatius, the second bishop of Antioch, ib.
Chap. XXIII. — Narrative respect- ing the apostle John, - - - - - ib.
Chap. XXIV.— The order of the Gospels, 107
Chap. XXV.— The sacred Scrip- tures acknowledged as genuine, and those that are not, 110
Chap. XXVI. — Menander the im- postor, -Ill
Chap. XXVIL— The heresy of the Ebionites, 112
Chap. XXVIII.— Cerinthus the Heresiarch, --------113
Chap. XXIX. — Nicolaus and his followers, --------114
Chap. XXX.— The apostles that lived in marriage, - - - - - -115
Chap. XXXI.— The death of John and Philip, *T^ll6
Chap. XXXII.— The martyrdom of Simeon, bishop of Jerusalem, - 117
Chap. XXXIII.— Trajan forbids the Christians to be sought after, - 119
Chap. XXXIV.— Euarestus, the fourth bishop of the church at Rome, 120
Chap. XXXV.— Justus, the third bishop of Jerusalem, ----- ^3.
Chap. XXXVI.— The epistles of Ignatius, - - ib.
Chap. XXXVII. — The preaching evangelists that were yet living in that age, 123
Chap. XXXVIII.— The epistle af Clement, and those that are falsely ascribed to him, -124
Chap. XXXIX.— The writings of Papias, - - - . j^,
BOOK IV.— Pages 128—167.
Chapter I. — The bishops of Rome and Alexandria, in the reign of Trajan, 128
Chap. II — The calamities of the Jews about this time, - .... t^
Page Chap. III. — The authors that wrote in the defence of the faith, in the reign of Adrian, ------ 129
Chap. IV. — The bishops of Alex- andria and Rome, under the same emperor, --------- 130
Chap. V. — The bishops of Jerusa- lem, from the period of our Saviour until these times, ------ 26.
Chap. VI. — The last siege of the Jews under Adrian, - - - - -131
Chap. VII. — Those who were con- sidered leaders in false doctrine at this time, 132
Chap. VIII. — The ecclesiastical writers then flourishing, - - - - 135
Chap. IX.— The epistle of Ha- drian, forbidding the Christians to be punished without trial, - - - - 136
Chap. X. — The bishops of Rome and Alexandria, in the reign of An- tonine, -.-. 137
Chap. XI. — The heresiarchs of these times, --- ib.
Chap. XII. — The apology of Jus- tin, addressed to Antoninus, - - -
Chap. XIII.— The epistle of Anto- nine, to the assembly of Asia, respect- ing our doctrine, - - - -
Chap. XIV. — Circumstances relat- ed of Polycarp, an apostolic man,
Chap. XV.— The martyrdom of Po- lycarp, with others at Smyrna, - - 143
Chap. XVI. — How Justin the phi- losopher suffered martyrdom, assert- ing the doctrines of Christ, - - - 150
Chap. XVII. — The martyrs men- tioned by Justin in his books, - - 152
Chap. XVIII.— The books of Jus- tin that have come down to us, - - 154
Chap. XIX. — Those that presided over the churches of Rome and Alex- andria, in the reign of Verus, - - 156
Chap. XX. — The bishops of An- tioch, ib.
Chap. XXI. — The ecclesiastical writers that flourished in these times, ib.
Chap. XXII. — Of Hegesippus, and those whom he mentions, - - - 157
Chap. XXIII.— Of Dionysius, bi- shop of Corinth, and his epistles, - 158
Chap. XXIV.— Of Theophilus, bishop of An tioch, - - --- -161
Chap. XXV.— Of Philip and Mo- destus, ib.
CONTENTS. XXXV
Page
Chap. XXVI.— Of Melito, and the circumstances he records, - - - 162
Chap. XXVIL— Of Apollinaris bishop of Hierapolis, ----- 165
Chap. XXVIII.— Of Musanus and his works, ib.
Chap. XXIX.— The heresy of Ta- tianus, - ib.
Chap. XXX. — Of Bardesanes, the Syrian, and the works of his extant, 167
BOOK v.— Pages 168—216.
Chapter I. — The number and suf- ferings of those that suffered for the faith in Gaul, 169
Chap. II. — Those that had fallen away, lundly restored by the pious martyrs, --------- 180
Chap. III. — The vision that ap- peared to Attains the martyr, in a dream, 182
Chap. IV. — The martrys commend IrenjBus in their epistles, - - - - 183
Chap. V. — God sent rain from hea- ven to Marcus Aurelius, the emperor, ] 39 at the prayers of our brethren, - - 184
Chap. VI. — Catalogue of the bi- shops of Rome, -------185
Chap. VII. — Miracles were per- formed in those times by the believers, 186
Chap. VIII.— The statement of Irenaeus respecting the sacred Scrip- tures, 187
Chap. IX. — The bishops under Commodus, -------- 190
Chap. X. — Of Pantaenus the phi- losopher, - ib.
Chap. XI. — Clement of Alexandria, 191
Chap. XII. — The bishops of Jeru- salem, 192
Chap. XIII.— Of Rhodo, and the dissension occasioned by Marcion, which he records, ------ ib.
Chap. XIV.— The false prophets of the Phrygians, ------194
Chap. XV. — Of the schism of Blastus, at Rome, ' ib.
Chap. XVI.— 'J'he affairs of Mon- tanus. and his false prophets, - - 195
Chap. XVII.— Of Miltiades and his works, -------- 19ft
Chap. XVIII. — Apollonius also re- futes the Phrygian heresy, and those whom he has mentioned, - - - - 200
Chap, XIX. — ^The opinion of Se-
140
141
«
B
CONTENTS.
Page rapion respecting the heresy of the Phrygians, -------- 203
Chap. XX.— The writings of Ire- naeus against the schismatics at Rome, ib.
(;hap. XXL— The martyrdom of Apollonius, at Rome, 205
Chap. XXII.— The bishops that flourished at this time, - - - - 206
Chap. XXIIL— The question then agitated respecting the passover, - 207
Chap. XXIV.— The dissension of the churcl^os in Asia, ----- 208
Chap. XXV.— All agree to one opinion respecting the passover, - 211
Chap. XXVI.— The elegant works of Irena;us that have come down to us, 212
Chap. XXVII.— The works of others that flourished at the time, - ib.
Chap. XXVIII.— Those that fol- lowed the heresy of Artemon, in the beginning. Their character and con- duct; and their attempt at corrupt- ing the Scriptures, - - - - - -213
BOOK VI.— Pages 217—270.
Chapter I. — The persecution un- der Severus,- - 217
Chap. II. — The education of Ori- gen, from his earliest youth, - - - ib.
Chap. III. — When a very young man he preached the gospel, - - - 220
Chap. IV. — The number of 1 .s catechumens that suffered martyrdom, 223
Chap. V. — Of Potamiaina, - - - ib,
Chap. VI.— Clement of Alexandria,225
Chap. VII. — The historian Judas, ib.
Chap. VIII.— The resolute act of Origen, 226
Chap. IX.— The miracle of Nar- cissus, 227
Chap. X. — The bishops in Jeru- salem, 229
Chap. XL— Of Alexander, - - 230
Chap. XIl. — Serapion, and the writings ascribed to him, - - - 231
Chap. XIIL— The works of Cle- ment, 232
Chap. XIV.— The works that Cle- ment mentions, 233
Chap. XV.— Of Heraclas, - - 235
Chap. XVI.— The great study which Origen devoted to the Holy Scriptures, -------- ii,
Chap. XVn.— Of the translator Symmachas -------- 236
Pa?c
Chap. XVIIL— Of Ambrose, - - 237
Chap. XIX. — The accounts given of Origen by others, ----- ifi
Chap. XX.— The works of the writers of the day still extant, - - 241
Chap. XXL— The bishops that were noted at this time, - - - - 242
Chap. XXIL— The works of Hip- poly tus, that have reached us, - - ib.
Chap. XXIIL — Origen's zeal, and his elevation to the priesthood, - - 243
Chap. XXIV. — The expositions he gave at Alexandria, - - - - 244
Chap. XXV. — His review of the collective Scriptures, ib.
Chap. XXVI. — Heraclas succeeds to the episcopate of Alexandria, - 247
Chap. XXVII. — How the bishops regarded hirn, - - ib.
Chap. XXVIII. — The persecution under Maximinus, 243
Chap. XXIX.— Of Fabianus, who was remarkably appointed bishop of Rome, bv divine communication, - ib.
Chap.XXX.— The pupils of Origen,249
Chap. XXXL— Of Africanus, - 250
Chap. XXXIL— The commenta- ries that Origen wrote in Palestine, - ib.
Chap. XXXIIL— The error of Be- ryllus, 251
Chap. XXXIV.— Of Philip Cesar, 252
Chap. XXXV. — Dionysius suc- ceeds Heraclas in the episcopate, - ib.
Chap. XXXVL— Other works written by Origen, 253
Chap. XXXVII. — The dissension of the Arabians, ------ j^
Chap. XXXVIIL— The heresy of the Helcesaites, - 254
Chap. XXXIX.— The persecution of Decius, - - ib.
Chap. XL. — What happened to Dionysius, -------- 255
Chap. XLI. — Of those who suf- fered martyrdom at Alexandria, - - 257
Chap. XLIL — Other accounts given by Dionysius, - - - - - 261
Chap. XLIIL— Of Novatus, his ,^ manners and habits, and his heresy, 263
Chap. XLIV. — Dionysius's ac- count of Serapion, ------ 267
Chap. XLV.— The epistle of Dio- nysius to Novatus, ------ 268
Chap. XLVL— Other epistles of Dionysius, -------- 269
CONTENTS.
Page BOOK VII.--Pages 271—316.
Chapter I. — The great wickedness of Decius and Gallus, - - - - 271
Chap. II. — The bishops of Rome at this time, -------- ^i.
Chap. III. — Cyprian, and the bi- shops connected with him, maintain- ed, that those who had turned from heretical error, should be baptized again, 272
Chap. IV.— The epistles that Dio- nysius wrote on this subject, - - - ib.
Chap. V. — The peace after the per- secution, --------- 273
Chap. VI.— The heresv of Sabel- lius,- - - - -.'---- 274
Chap. VII. — The execrable error of the heretics, ihe divine vision of Dionysius, and the ecclesiastical canon given to him, ib.
Chap. VIII. — The heterodoxy of Novatus, 276
Chap. IX. — The ungodly baptism of heretics, -------- i^.
Chap. X. — Valerian, and the per- secution raised by him, - - - - 278
Chap. XI. — The sufferings of Dio- nysius, and those in Egypt, - - - 280
Chap. XII. — The martyrs of Ce- sarea of Palestine, 285
Chap. XIII.— The peace after Gal- lienus, - - ib.
Chap. XIV.— The bishops that flourished at this time, - - - - 286
Chap. XV. — The martyrdom of Marinus at Cesarea, - - - - - ib.
Chap. XVI. — Some account of Astyrius, 287
Chap. XVII. — The miracles of our Saviour at Paneas, 288
Chap. XVIII.— The statue erected by a woman having an hemorrhage, ib.
Chap XIX. — The episcopal seat of James, 289
Chap. XX.— The episties of Dio- nysius on festivals, in which he gives the canon of the passover, - - - 2&0
Chap. XXI. — The events that oc- curred at Alexandria, - - - - • ib.
Chap. XXII. — The pestilence which then prevailed, 292
Chap. XXIIL— The reign of Gal- lienus, 294
Chap. XXIV.— Of Nepos, and his schism, 295
4
Page Chap. XXV. — The apocalypse of John, 297
Chap. XXVI.— The epistles of Dionysius, - 301
Chap. XX VII.— Paul of Samosata, and the heresy introduced by him at Antioch, 302
Chap. XXVIII.— The different bi- shops then distinguished, - - - - (b.
Chap. XXIX. — Paul refuted by a certain Malchion, one of the presby- ters who had been a sophist, was de- posed, 303
Chap. XXX.— The epistle of the council against Paul, ----- 304
Chap. XXXI.— The error of the Manichees, which commenced at this time, 309
Chap. XXXII.— Of those distin- guished ecclesiastical writers of our own day, and which of them survived until the destruction of the churches, 310
BOOK VIII.— Pages 317—348.
Chapter I. — The events that pre- ceded the persecution in our times, - 317
Chap. II. — The demolition of the churches, --. 319
Chap. III. — The nature of the conflicts endured by the martyrs, in the persecution, ------ 330
Chap. IV. — The illustrious martyrs of God, who filled every place with the celebrity of their name, and ob- tained various crowns of martyrdom for their piety, -321
Chap. V. — The affairs of Nicome- dia, 322
Chap. VI. — Those that were m the palace, 323
Chap. VII.— The Egyptians that suffered in Phoenice, ----- 325
Chap. VIII. — ^Those who suffered in Egypt, 327
Chap. IX. — Of those in Thebais, tb.
Chap. X.— The writings of Phi- leas, which give an account of the martyrs of Alexandria, - - - . 329
Chap. XL— The events in Phrygia, 332
Chap. XII. — Of many others, both men and women, who suffered in dif ferent ways, - 333
Chap. XIII. — Those prelates that evinced the reality of the religion they proclaimed with their blood, - 335
CONTENTS.
Page
Chap. XIV.— The morals of the persecutors, '^''^
Chap. XV.— The events that hap- pened to the heathen, 342
Chap. XVI.— The change of af- fairs for the better, - 343
Chap. XVII.— The revocation of the emperors, "
BOOK OF MARTYRS.
Pages 349—378.
Chapter I.— Procopius, Alpheus, and Zaccheus, 349
Chap. II.— The martyr Romanus, 350
Chap. III.— Timotheus, Agapius, Thccla, and eight others, - - - - 352
Chap. IV.— Apphianus, - - - 353
Chap, v.— The martyrs Ulpian and ^dcsius, ------- 357
Chap. VI.— The martyr Agapius, 358
Chap. VII.— The martyrs Theodo- sia, Domninus, and Auxentius, - - 359
Chap. VIII. — Other confessors ; also Valentina and Paulus, - - - 361
Chap. IX. — The renewal of the persecution with greater violence. Antoninus, Zebina, Germanus, and others, 364
Chap. X. — Petrus Ascetes, Ascle- pius the Marcionite, and other mar- tyrs, 367
Chap. XI. — Of the martyrdom of Pamphilus and others, 368
Chap. XII.— The prelates of the church, 374
Chap. XIII. — Silvanus and John, and thirty other martyrs, - - - - 375
BOOK IX.— Pages 379—402.
Chapter I. — The pretended relaxa- tion, 379
Chap. II. — The subsequent reverse, 382 Chap. III. — The new statue erect- ed at Antioch, ------- t6,
Chap. IV. — The decrees against us, 383 Chap, v.— The false acts, - - - 384 Chap. VI. — Those who suffered martyrdom at this time, - - - . ib.
Page
Chap. VII. — ^The measures decreed against us, and engraved on pillars, 385
Copy of the translated epistle of Maximinus, in answer to the ordinan- ces (of the cities) against us, taken from the brazen tablet at Tyre, - - 386
Chap. VIII. — The events that oc- curred after these ; famine, pestilence, and war, -- 389
Chap. IX.— The death of the ty- rants, and their expressions before their end, -- 391
Copy of the translated epistle of the tyrant Maximinus, - - - - 394
Chap. X. — The victory of the
pious emperors,
397
Copy of the tyrant's ordinance, in regard to the Christians, translated from the Latin into the Greek, - - 398
Chap. XI. — The total destruction of the enemies of religion, - - - 401
BOOK X.— Pages 403—439.
Chapter I. — The peace which was granted us by divine interposi- tion, - - - 403
Chap. II. — The restoration of the churches, 404
Chap. III. — The dedications of the churches in all places, 405
Chap. IV. — Panegyric on tae splendour of our affaii-s, - - - - 406
Panegyric on the building of the churches, addressed to Paulinus, bi- shop of Tyre, ....... ib.
Chap. V. — Copies of the imperial decrees, ----.---. 426
Chap. VI. — Of the property be- longing to the Christians, - - - 431
Chap. VII. — The privileges and immunities of the clergy, - - - 432
Chap. VIII. — The wickedness which Licinius afterwards exhibited, and his death, 433
Chap. IX. — The victory of Con- stantino, and the blessings which under him accrued to the whole Roman world, 437
THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OF
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER L
Subject of the present work.
^s it is my purpose to record the successions of the holy apos- tles, together with the times since our Saviour, down to the pre* sent, to recount how many and important transactions are said to have occurred in ecclesiastical history, what individuals in the most noted places eminently governed and presided over the church, what men also in their respective generations, whether with or without their writings, proclaimed the divine word ; to describe the character, times and number of those who, stimu- lated by the desire of innovation, and advancing to the greatest errors, announced themselves leaders in the propagation of false opinions, like grievous wolves, unrnercifully assaulting the flock of Clirist ; as it is my intention, also, to describe the calamities that swiftly overwhelmed the whole Jewish nation, in consequence of their plots against our Saviour; how often, by what means and in what times, the word of God has encounterecT Oie1i(5stility of the nations ; what eminent persons persevered in contending for it through those periods of blood and torture, beside the mar- tyrdoms which have been endured in our own times : and after all, to show the gracious and benign interposition of our Saviour; these being proposed as the subjects of the present work, I shall go back to the very origin and the earliest introduction of the dispensation of our Lord and Saviour the Christ of God.
13
14 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
But here, acknowledging that it is beyond my power to present the work perfect and unexceptionable, I freely confess it will crave indulgence, especially since, as the first of those that have entered upon the subject, we are attempting a kind of trackless and unbeaten path. Looking up with prayer to God as our guide, we, trust indeed, that we shall have the power of Christ as our aid, though we are totally unable to find even the bare ves- tiges of those who may have travelled the way before us ; unless, perhaps, what is only presented in the slight intimations, which some in diiferent ways have transmitted to us in certain partial narratives of the times in which they lived ; who, raising their voices before us, like torches at a distance, and as looking down from some commanding height, call out and exhort us where we should walk, and whither direct our course with certainty and safety. Whatsoever, therefore, we deem likely to be advan- tageous to the proposed subject, we shall endeavour to reduce to a compact body by historical narration. For this purpose we have collected the materials that have been scattered by our predecessors, and culled, as from some intellectual meadows, the appropriate extracts from ancient authors. In the execution of this work we shall be hap£y to rescue from oblivion, the succes- sions, if not of all, at least of the most noted apostles of our Lord, in those churches which even . at this day are accounted the most eminent; a labour which has appeared to me necessary^ in the highest degree, as I have not yet been able to find that an}^ of the ecclesiastical writers have directed their efforts to pre- sent any thing complete in this department of writing. But as on the one hand I deem it highly necessary, so also I believe it will appear no less useful, to those who are zealous admirers of historical research. Of these matters, indeed, I have already heretofore furnished an epitome in my chronological tables, but in the present work I have undertaken a more full narrative. As I said above, I shall begin my treatise with that dispensa- tion, and that doctrine of the divinity which in sublimity and excellence surpasses all human invention, viz. that of our Sa- viour Christ. And indeed, whoever would give a detail of eccle- siastical history to posterity, is necessarily obliged to go back to
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 15
the very origin of the dispensation of Christ, as it is from him, indeed, that we derive our very epithet, a dispensation more di- vine than many are disposed to think.
CHAPTER II.
Summary vieiv of the pre-existence and Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
As the mode of existence in Christ is twofold, the one resem- bling the head of the body, indicating his divinity; the other compared to the feet, by which he, for the sake of our salvation, assumed that nature which is subject to the sam.e infirmities with ourselves ; hence our account of the subsequent matter may be rendered complete and perfect, by commencing with the princi- pal and most important points in his history. By this method, at the same time, the antiquity and the divine dignity of the Chris- tian name will be exhibited to those who suppose it a recent and foreign production, that sprung into existence but yesterday, and was never before known.
No language, then, is sufficient to express the origin, the dig- nity, even the substance and nature of Christ. Whence even the divine Spirit in the prophecies says, " who will declare his genera- tion?' For as no one hath known the Father, but the Son, so no one on the other hand, can know the Son fully, but the Fa- ther alone, by whom he was begotten. For who but the Father hath thoroughly understood that Light which existed before the world was — that intellectual and substantial wisdom, and that living Word which in the beginning was with the Father, before all creation and any production visible or invisible, the first and only ofispring of God, the prince and leader of the spiritual and immortal host of heaven, the angel of the mighty council, the agent to execute the Father's secret v/ill, the maker of all things with the Father, the second cause of the universe next to the Father, the true and only Son of the Father, and the Lord and
God and King of all created things, who has received power, and 4#
16 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
dominion with divinity itself, and power and honour from the Father. All this is evident from those more abstruse passages in reference to his divinity, " In the beginning was the word, and the word was with God, and the word was God." " All things were made by him, and without him nothing was made." This, too, we are taught by the great Moses, that most ancient of all the prophets, when under the influence of the divine Spirit, he de- scribes the creation and arrangement of all things, he also informs us that the Creator and maker of the universe yielded to Christ, and to none but to his divine and first begotten word, the forma- tion of all subordinate things, and communed with him respect- ing the creation of man. " For," says he, " God said let us make man according to our image and according to our likeness." This expression is confirmed by another of the prophets, who, discoursing of God in his hymns, declares, " He spake, and they were made ; he commanded, and they were created." Where he introduces the Father and maker as the Ruler of all, commanding with his sove- reign nod, but the divine word as next to him, the very same that is proclaimed to us, as ministering to his Father's commands. Him too, all that are said to have excelled in righteousness and piety, since the creation of man ; Moses, that eminent servant of God, and Abraham before him, the children of the latter, and as many righteous prophets as subsequently appeared, contemplated with the pure eyes of the mind, and both recognized and gave him the worship that was his due as the Son of God. The Son himself, however, by no means indifferent to the worship of the Father, is appointed to teach the knowledge of the Father to all. The Lord God, therefore, appeared as a common man to Abraham, whilst sitting at the oak of Mamre. And he, immediately fall- ing down, although he plainly saw a man with his eyes, never- theless worshipped him as God, and entreated him as Lord. He confesses, too, that he is not ignorant who he is in the words, " Lord, the judge of all the earth, wilt not thou judge righteously ?" For as it were wholly unreasonable to suppose the uncreated and un- changeable substance of the Almighty God to be changed into the form of a man, or to deceive the eyes of beholders with the phantom of any created substance, so also it is unreasonable to
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 17
suppose tliat the Scriptures have falsely invented such things as tiiese. " God and the Lord who is judge of the whole earth, and exccuteth judgment" appearing in the shape of man, who else can he be called, if it be not lawful to call him the author of the universe, than his only pre-existing word? Concerning whom also in the Psalms it is said, " He sent his word and healed them, and delivered them from their corruptions." Of Him, Moses ob- viously speaks as the second after the Father, when he says, " The Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord." Him also again appearing to Jacob in the form of man, the sacred Scriptures call by the name of God, saying to Ja- cob, "'Thy name shall no longer be called Jacob, but Israel shall be thy name, because thou hast prevailed with God." Whence also Jacob called the name of that place the vision of God, say- ing, " I have seen God face to face, and my soul has lived." To suppose these divine appearances the forms of subordinate angels and servants of God, is inadmissible ; since, as often as any of these appeared to men, the Scriptures do not conceal the fact in the name, expressly saying that they were called not God nor Lord, but angels, as would be easy to prove by a thousand references, Joshua also, the successor of Moses, calls him as the ruler of ce- lestial angels and archangels, of supernal powers, and as the power and wisdom of God, intrusted with the second rank of sovereignty and rule over all, " the captain of the Lord's host," although he saw him only in the form and 'shape of man. For thus it is written : "And it came to pass when Joshua was by Je- richo, that he lifted up his eyes, and looked, and behold there stood a man over against him, with his sword drawn in his hand ; and Joshua went unto him, and said unto him. Art thou for us, or for our adversaries. And he said, Nay but as captain of the Lord's host am I now come. And Joshua fell on his face to the earth, and said unto him, What saith my Lord unto his servant ? And the captain of the Lord's host, said unto Joshua, Loose thy shoe from off thy foot : for the place whereon thou standest i^ holy." Josh, v.
Here then you will perceive from the words themselves, that this is no other than the one that also communicated with Moses.
C
18 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
Since the Scriptures in the same words, and in reference to the same one says, " When the Lord saw that he drew near to see. the Lord called to him from the midst of the bush, saying, Moses, Moses. And he answered. Here am I. But he said. Draw not nearer, loose thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place on which thou standest is holy ground. And he said to him, I am the God of thy fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob."
That there is also a certain antemundane, living, and self-ex- isting substance, ministering to the Father and God of all unto the formation of all created objects, called the word and the wisdom of God, besides the proofs already advanced, we may also learn from the very words of wisdom, speaking of herself in the clear- est manner, through Solomon, and thus initiating us into her mysteries. Prov. viii. " I wisdom make my habitation with pru- dence and knowledge, and have called to understanding. By me kings reign and princes define justice. By me the great are magnified, and rulers subdue the earth." To which he subjoins the following : " The Lord created me in the beginning of his ways, for his works ; before the world he established me, before the formation of the earth, before the waters came from their fountains, before the foundation of the mountains, before all hills, he brought me forth. When he prepared the heavens, I was present with him, and when he established the fountains under the heavens, I was with him, adjusting them. I was his delight; daily I exulted before him at all times, when he rejoiced that he had completed the world." That the divine word, therefore, pre- existed and appeared, if not to all, at least to some, has been thus briefly shown.
THE REASONS WHY THE GOSPEL WAS NOT PROCLAIMED SOONER.
The reason, however, why this was not also proclaimed before in ancient times, to all men and all nations, as it is now, will ap- pear from the following considerations. The life of men, in an cient times, was not in a situation to receive the doctrine of Christ, in the all-comprehensive fulness of its wisdom and its virtue Foi immediately in the beginning, after that happy state, the first
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 19
man, neglecting the Divine commands, fell into the present mortal and afflicted condition, and exchanged his former divine enjov- ment for the present earth, subject to the curse. The descend- ants of this one, having filled our earth, and proved themselves much worse, excepting one here and another there, commenced a certain brutal and disorderly mode of life. They had neither city nor state, no arts or sciences, even in contemplation. Laws and justice, virtue and philosophy they knew not, even in name. They wandered lawless through the desert, like savage and fierce ani- mals, destroying the intellectual faculty of man, and exterminate ing the very seeds of reason and culture of the human mind, by the excesses of determined wickedness, and by a total surrender of themselves to every species of iniquity.
Hence, at one time they corrupted each other by criminal in- tercourse; at another, they murdered; and at others, fed upon human flesh. Hence too, their audacity, in venturing to wage war with the Deity himself; and hence those battles of the giants, celebrated by all. Hence too, their attempts to wall up the earth against heaven, and by the madness of a perverted mind, to pre- pare an attack upon the supreme God himself. Upon these men, leading a life of such wickedness, the Omniscient God sent down inundations and conflagrations, as upon a forest scattered over the earth. He cut them down with successive famines and pestilence, with constant wars and thunderbolts, as if to suppress the dread- ful and obdurate disease of the soul, with his more severe punish- ments. Then it was, when the excess of malignity had nearly overwhelmed all the world, like a deep fit of drunkenness over- shadowing and beclouding the minds of men — then it was, that the first begotten wisdom of God, existing before all creatures, and the self-same pre-existing word, induced by his exceeding love of man, appeared at times to his servants, in visions of angels; at others, in his own person. As the salutary power of God, he v/as seen by one and the other of the pious in ancient times, in the shape of man, because it was impossible to appear in any other way. And as by these pious men, the seeds of godliness had been already scattered among the mass of mankind, and the whole na- tion that claimed its origin from those ancient Hebrews, continued
20 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
devoted to the worship of God— to these, therefore, as to a multi tude still affected bj former corrupt practices, he imparted, through Moses, images and signs of a certain mystical Sabbath and circumcision, and instructions in other spiritual principles, but did not yet grant the privilege of an immediate initiation. But when their law obtained celebrity, and like a fragrant odour was spread abroad among all men ; and by means of this law, the dispositions of men, even among most of the gentiles, were improved by legis- lators and philosophers every where, who softened their wild and savage ferocity, so as to enjoy settled peace, friendship, and mu- tual intercourse; then it was, when men at length throughout the whole world, and in all nations had been, as it were, previously pre- pared and fitted for the reception of the knowledge of the Father, that he himself again appeared, the master of virtue, the ministei of the Father in all goodness ; the divine and celestial word of God. He appeared in a human body, in substance not differing from our own nature, at the commencement of the Roman empire; per- formed and suffered such things as were to follow, according to prophecy, viz. that man and God, the author of miraculous works, would dwell in the world, and would be exhibited to all the na- tions as the teacher of that piety which the Father will approve. In these prophecies, also, were foretold the extraordinary fact of his birth, his new doctrine, and his wonderful works ; as also the manner of his death, his resurrection from the dead, and finally his divine return to the heavens. The prophet Daniel, under the influence of the divine Spirit, foreseeing his kingdom in the end, was inspired thus to write and describe his vision, in adaptation to human capacity, in the following language: "I beheld," said he, " until the thrones were placed ; and the Ancient of Days sat, and his garment was white as snow, and the hair of his head was as pure wool ; his throne was a flame of fire, his wheels burning fire ; a river of fire rolled before him; thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand thousands stood near him. He ap- pointed judgment, and the books were opened." " And next, I be- held," says he, " and lo ! one coming with the clouds as the Son of Man, and he advanced as far as the Ancient of Days, and he was brought into his presence. Aji^ to him was given the dominion,
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. il
and the glory, and the kingdom, and all people, tribes, tongues shall serve him. His power is an everlasting power, which shall not pass away; and his kingdom shall not be destroyed." These passages can evidently be referred to no one but to our Saviour, that God word* which was in the beginning with God ; called tlie Son of God, by reason of his final appearance in the flesh. But having collected the prophetic declarations concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ, in distinct commentariesf on this subject, and having else- where digested whatever is revealed concerning him, in a more demonstrable form, what has been said upon the subject here may suffice for the present.
CHAPTER IIL
The name Jesus, as also that of Christ, icas both known and ho- Jjf nouredfrom ancient times, hy the inspired prophets.
It is novv^ the proper place to show that the very name of Jesus, as also that of Christ, was honoured by the pious p'-ophets of old. And first, Moses himself, having intiinated how exceedingly au- gust and illustrious the name of Christ is, delivering types and mys- tical images, according to the oracle which declared to him, " See that thou make all things according to the pattern which was shown thee on the mount," — the same man whom, as far as it was lawful, he had called the high priest of God, the self-same he calls Christ.J And in this way, to the dignity of the priesthood, which surpasses with him, all superiority among men, as additional ho- nour and glory, he attaches the name of Christ. Hence he evi- dently understood that Christ was a Being divine. The same Moses, under the divine Spirit, foreseeing also the epithet Jesus, likewise dignifies this with a certain distinguished privilege. For
* God toord. The literal expression is retained here.
•j- Commentaries, Eusebius here refers to two other works of his, written be- fore this history, his Preparation and Demonstration.
i Christ. Christ and Messiah, the same epithets in different languages, signilj anointed, or the anointed one.
2a ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
this name, which had never been uttered among men, before Mo- ses, he applies first to him alone who, by a type and sign, he knew would be his successor after his death, in the government of the na tion. His successor, therefore, who had not assumed the appella- tion Jesus,* (Joshua,) before this period, being called by his other name Osliea, which his parents had given, was called by Moses Jesus, (Jehoshua, Joshua.) Num. xiii. 17. This name, as an ho- nourable distinction, far superior to any royal diadem, was con- ferred on Joshua, because Joshua the son of Nun bore a resem- blance to our Saviour, as the only one after Moses, and the com- pletion of that symbolical worship given through him, that should succeed him in a government of pure and undefiled religion. Thus Moses attaches the name of our Saviour Jesus Christ, as the greatest honour to two men, who, according to him, excelled all the rest in virtue and glory ; the one to the high priest, the other to him that should have the government after him. But the prophets that lived subsequently to these times, also plainly announced Christ before by name; whilst at the same time they foretel the machinations of the Jews against him, and the calling of the Gentiles through him. Jeremiah bears testimony, speaking thus: "The breathf (the spi- rit,) before our face, Christ the Lord, was taken away in their destructions; of whom we said, under his shadow will we live among the nations." Lam. iv. 20. David also, fixed in astonish- ment, speaks of him as follows: " Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine vain things? The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered together against the Lord and against his Christ." To which he afterwards adds, in the person of Christ himself: " The Lord said to me, thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee ; ask of me, and I will give thee the na- tions for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession." Ps. ii.
• Jesus. By some corruption of the name of Joshua, Eusebius calls him Auses. Jesus is the Greek form, for the more Hebrew Joshua. The Septuagint invariably use the former, and in one instance it is retained in our English version. Heb. iv. 8. ■j- This passage from Jeremiah is rendered as the above from the Septuagint, as quoted by Eusebius. In our English version, the force of the allusion is not per- ceptible, and one might look in vain for the passage as rendered here ; but the He- brew fully admits the Greek version here given.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 23
Nor was the name of Christ among the Hebrews, given solely as an honour to those that were dignified with the priesthood, in consequence of their being anointed with oil prepared for the pur- pose, as a sacred symbol; the same was done also to the kings, whom the prophets, after anointing them under a divine impulse, constituted certain typical Christs, as they themselves also were, the shadows of the royal and princely sovereignty of the only and true Christ, of that divine word which holds sovereignty over all. Moreover, we are also told respecting the prophets, that some v^^ere typical Christs, by reason of their unction; so that all these have a reference to the true Christ, the divine and heavenly word, the only high priest of all men, the only king of all creation, and the Father's only supreme Prophet of the prophets. The proof of this is evident, from the fact that none of those anciently anointed, whether priests, kings, or prophets, obtained such power with di- vine excellence as our Saviour and Lord Jesus, the only and true Christ, has exhibited. For these, although illustrious among their countrymen in dignity and honour, and for a long series of genera- tions, never called their subjects after themselves by a similar epi- thet. Christians , and neither was there ever divine honour paid to any of these from their subjects ; nor even after their death, was there ever so strong a disposition in any, as to be prepared to die for the honoured individual. And never was there so great a com- motion among the nations of the earth, respecting any one then existing, since the mere force of the type could not act with such efficacy among them, as the exhibition of the reality by our Sa- viour. Though He received no badges and emblems of priest- hood from any ; though he did not even derive his earthly origin from a sacerdotal race, nor was raised to empire under the escort of guards ; nor installed a prophet, like those of old ; nor obtained a peculiar, or even any dignity among the Jews, yet notwith- standing all this, he was adorned by the Father with all these, not merely typical honours, but with the reality itself Although He did not obtain then the same honours with those mentioned above, yet he is called Christ by a far superior claim ; and as he is the only, and the true Christ of God, he has filled the whole world with a name really august and sacred, the name of Christians. To 5
24 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
those who are admitted among these, he no longer imparts mere types and similitudes, but undisguised virtues, and a heavenly hfe, in the doctrines of truth. He received an unction, not formed of material substances, but that which comports with Deity, the di- vine Spirit itself, by a participation of the uncreated divinity of the Father. This is shown by Isaiah, who seems to exclaim in the very person of Christ : " The spirit of the Lord is upon me, wherefore he hath anointed me, (he hath sent me) to proclaim glad tidings to the poor, to heal the broken hearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the recovery of sight to the blind.'* And not only Isaiah but David also, addressing him, says, " Thy throne, O God, is from everlasting to everlasting. A sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of thy kingdom. Thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity. Therefore hath God, thy God, anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows." In which words, he calls him God in the first verse; and in the second he ascribes to him the royal sceptre, and thus proceeding after the divine and royal power, in the third place, he represents him as Christ, anointed not by the oil of material substances, but by the divine oil of gladness. By this also, he shows his excellence and great superiority over those who, in former ages, had been anointed as typical images with the material substance. The same speaks of him in another place, thus: " The Lord said unto my Lord, sit thou at my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool ;" and a little after, " From the womb before the morning star did I beget thee; the Lord hath sworn and he will not repent, thou art a priest for ever after the order of Mel- chisedech." This Melchisedek is mentioned in the holy Scrip- tures, as a priest of the Most High God, not consecrated by any unction prepared of any material substance, and not even suc- ceeding to the priesthood of the Jews, by any descent of lineage. Hence, Christ our Saviour is denominated, with the addition of an oath, Christ and priest after his own order, but not accord- ing to the order of those who received merely the badges and emblems. Hence, also, neither does history represent him anointed corporeally among the Jews, nor even as sprung from a tribe of the priesthood, but as coming into existence from God himself,
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 25
before the morning star; that is, before the constitution of the world, obtaining an immortal priesthood, subject to no infirmity of age, to all endless ages. But the great and convincing evi- dence of that incorporeal and divine power in him, is the fact that he alone, of all that have ever existed to the present day, even now is known by the title of Christ, among all men over the world; and with this title he is acknowledged and professed by all, and celebrated both among Barbarians and Greeks. Even to this day, he is honoured by his votaries throughout the world, as a king ; he is admired as more than a prophet, and glorified as the only true high priest of God. In addition to all these, as the pre- existing word of God, coming into existence before all ages, and who has received the honours of worship, he is also adored as God ; but what is most remarkable, is the fact, that we who are conse- crated to him, honour him not only with the voice and sound of words, but with all the affections of the mind ; so that we prefer giv- ing a testimony to him, even to the preservation of our own lives.
CHAPTER IV.
The religion announced by Christ among all nations, ivas neithe? unexpected nor strange.
These matters have thus been necessarily premised before our history, that no one may suppose our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was merely a new comer, on account of the date at which he appeared among men, in the flesh. And now, that no one may suppose his doctrine is new or strange, as if springing from one of recent origin, and in no respect differing from the rest of men, let us also briefly examine this point.
It is evident, that but a short time after the appearance of our Saviour Jesus Christ had been made known to all men, a new nation suddenly came into existence ; a nation confessedly neither small nor weak, nor situated in a remote corner of the earth, but the most populous and the most religious of all, and so much the more indestructible and invincible, as it has always had the power D
26 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
of God as its support. This nation, appearing at the time ap- pointed by inscrutable wisdom, is that which among all, is ho- noured with the name of Christ. One of the prophets, foreseeing with the eye of the spirit of God, that this people would arise, was so struck with amazement that he exclaimed : " Who hath heard such things as this ? and who hath ever declared thus ? hath the earth brought forth in a single day, and hath a nation been born at once ?" The same prophet also gives some intimation of the name that would be introduced: "They who serve me shall be called by a new name, which shall be blessed upon the earth." And indeed, though we are evidently a new people, this new name also of Christians has lately become known to all nations. The practice, however, and the walk and conversation, the prin- ciples of piety prevalent among this people, have not been re- cently invented, but were established, we may say, by the Deity in the natural dictates of pious men of old, from the very origin of our race ; an assertion which we shall endeavour to prove, in the following manner.
That the nation of the Hebrews is not new, but honoured among all for its antiquity, is well known. The writings and literature of this nation concern ancient men, rare and few in number, but yet excelling in piety, righteousness, and every virtue. And in- deed, even before the flood, there were some who were distin- guished for their virtue ; and after this others, both of the sons and posterity of Noah, among whom we would mention Abraham, celebrated by the Hebrews as the founder and progenitor of their nation. Should any one, beginning from Abraham, and going back to the first man, pronounce those who have had the testimony of righteousness. Christians in fact, though not in name, he would not be far from the truth. For as the name Christians is intended to indicate this very idea, that a man, by the knowledge and doctrine of Christ, is distinguished by modesty and justice, by patience and a virtuous fortitude, and by a profession of piety towards the one and only true and supreme God; all this was no less studiously cul- tivated by them than by us. They did not, therefore, regard cir- cumcision, nor observe the Sabbath, neither do we ; neither do we abstain from certain foods, nor regard other injunctions, which
I
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 97
Moses subsequently delivered to be observed in types and sym- bols, because such things as these do not belong to Christians. But they obviously knew the Christ of God, as he appeared to Abra- ham, communed with Isaac, spoke to Jacob; and that he com- muned with Moses and the prophets after him, has already been shown.
Hence you will find, also, these pious persons honoured with the name of Christ, as in the following expression : " Touch not my anointed ones (my Christs,) and do my prophets no harm." Whence we should plainly suppose, that the first and most an- cient religion known, that of those pious men that were connect- ed with Abraham, is the very religion lately announced to all in the doctrines of Christ. Abraham is said to have received the command of circumcision, and yet long before this, was proved to have received the testimony of righteousness through faith. " Abraham," the Scriptures say, " believed, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness." And, indeed, the divine communi- cation was given to him from God, who appeared to him when he bore this character before circumcision. And this was Christ himself, the word of God announcing that all who should come in future times should be justified in a similar way ; saying, ^* and in thee shall be blessed all the nations of the earth." And again, " when he shall become a great and mighty nation, in him all the nations of the earth shall be blessed." We may obviously understand this by its fulfilment in us ; for he indeed was justified by his faith in Christ, the word of God that appeared to him ; and having renounced the superstition of his fathers and the former errors of his life, confessed the one supreme God, and served him by deeds of virtue, and not by the service subsequently enjoined in the law of Moses.
To him, then, being such, it was declared that all the tribes and all the nations of the earth should be blessed in him. But the course of piety which was pursued by Abraham, has appeared thus far cultivated only by Christians, and that too by works more efficacious than words. What, then, should prevent us henceforth from acknowledging that there is one and the same principle of life and conduct, the same course of piety common 5*
28 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
lo us, who have come after Christ, with those pious men who lived in times long before ? Whence it is evident that the reli- gion dehvered to us in the doctrine of Christ is not a new nor a strange doctrine ; but if the truth must be spoken, it is the first and only true religion. Thus much may suffice on this point.
CHAPTER V.
The times of our Saviour's manifestation among men.
After the necessary preliminary to the Ecclesiastical History which we have proposed to write, it now remains that we com- mence our course, invoking God, the Father of the word, and Jesus Christ himself, our revealed Saviour and Lord, the heavenly word of God, as our aid and fellow-labourer in the narration of the truth. It was the forty-second year of the reign of Augustus, but the twenty-eighth from the subjugation of Egypt and the death of Antony and Cleopatra, which terminated the dynasty of the Ptolemies, when, according to prophetic prediction, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judea; the same year, when the first census was taken, and Quirinius* was governor of Syria. — This census is mentioned by Flavins Jo- sephus, the distinguished historian among the Hebrews, who also adds another account respecting the sect of the Galileans, which arose about the same time, of which also mention is made by our Luke in his book of Acts, in the following words — " After this man arose Judas of Galilee, in the days of the taxing (assessment), and drew away much people after him, he also preached ; and all, even as many as obeyed him were dispersed." Acts v. 37. The aforesaid author agreeing with this statement in the 18th
* Quirinius. — This Quirinius is the same Cyrenius mentioned by St. Luke. The former is the original Roman name, the latter the Latin mode oi transferring the name from the Greek. Had it been recollected that the Greek name was not the original, this proper name would not have been returned to its own language, in a form so disguised.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 39
book of his Antiquities, adds the following : " But Quirinius, who belonged to the senate, and Iiaving enjoying other offices, advanced through all the grades of office to the consulship, a man also of great dignity in other respects, by the appointment of Cesar, came to Syria, with a small force, and with judicial power over the people, to take a valuation of their property." A httle after he says : " But Judas, the Gaulonite, sprung from the town called Gamala, together with Sadducus, a Pharisee, headed a revolt of the people, saying that the assessment had nothing else in view but manifest slavery ; and they exhorted the people to assert their liberty." He also writes in the second book of the history of the Jewish War, concerning the same man : " About this time a cer- tain Judas of Galilee, stimulated the inhabitants to revolt, urging it as a reproach, that they endured paying tribute, and that they who had God for their master, suffered mortals to usurp the so- vereignty over them." Thus far Josephus.
CHAPTER VI.
About the time of our Lord, agreeably to prophecy , those rulers ceased that had formerly governed the nation of the Jews by re- gular succession, and Herod was the first foreigner that reigned over them.
At the time that Herod was king, who was the first foreigner that reigned over the Jewish people, the prophecy recorded by Moses received its fulfilment, viz. " That a prince should not fail of Judah, nor a ruler from his loins, until he should come for whom it is reserved."* The same, he also shows, would be the expecta- tion of the nations. The prediction was evidently not accom- plished, as long as they were at liberty to have their own native rulers, which continued from the time of Moses down to the reign of Augustus. Under him, Herod was the first foreigner that ob- tained the government of the Jews. Since, as Josephus has writ-
* This celebrated passage we here give after the Septuagint, which Eusebius invariably quotes.
80 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
ten, he was an Idumean by the father's side, and an Arabian by the mother's. But, as Africanus, who is also no common writer, says, " They who have written more accurately respecting him, say that he was the son of AntipateT; and that the latter was the son of a certain Herod of Ascalon, one of those called the minister^ of the temple of ApoUb, in that city. This Antipater, when a boy, having been taken prisoner by some Idumean robbers, lived with them, because his father being a poor man, was unable to pay his ransom. Thus growing up in their practices, he was afterwards befriended by Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews. His son was that Herod that flourished in the times of our Sa- viour. The government of the Jews, therefore, having devolved on such a man, the expectation of the nations was now at hand, according to prophecy; because with him terminated the regular succession of governors and princes, from the time of Moses. For before their captivity and their transfer to Babylon, they were first governed by Saul and David as their kings ; and before the kings, the government was administered by magistrates called judges,) who came after Moses and his successor Joshua. After the re- turn from the captivity of Babylon, they continued to retain the aristocratical form of government, together with an oligarchy. The high priests had then the direction of aflairs, until PompejT) the proconsular general of the Romans, took Jerusalem by force of arms, and defiled the sacred places, entering the sanctuary of the temple. AristobuTus, who had been both king and high priest by regular succession until then, was sent with his children in chains to Rome, and the priesthood was given to his brother Hyrcanus, whilst the whole nation of the Jews was made tri- butary to the Romans from that time.
But Hyrcanus, who was the last of the high priests by succes- sion, having been soon after taken prisoner by the Parthians, He- rod, as I said before, had the,^overnment of the Jews conferred upon him -by the senate of Rome and the emperor Augustus. About this time, the advent of Christ being nigh at hand, the ex- pected salvation of the nations received its fulfilment, and was followed by the calling of the Gentiles, according to prophetic de- clarations. From this time also, the princes and rulers of Judah,
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 31
i. e. of the Jewish nation, ceasing, by a natural consequence, the priesthood, which had descended from a series of ancestors in the closest succession of kindred, was immediately thrown into confu- sion. Of this, you have the evidence of Josephus ; who shows thai when Herod was appointed king by the Romans, he no longer no- minated the chief priests from the ancient lineage, but conferred the honour upon certain obscure individuals. A course similar to that of Herod, in the appointment of the high priest, was pur- sued by Aichelaus, his soi^ ; and next by the Romans, who, after him, took the government of the Jews into their own hands. The same Josephus shows that Herod was the first that locked up the sacred vesture of the high priest, and having se- cured it under his own private seal, no longer permitted the high priests to have it at their disposal. The same thing was done by Archelaus his successor, as also by the Romans. It may suffice then, to have said thus much, in proof of another prophecy, which has terminated in the appearance of our Saviour Jesus Christ. Most clearly indeed does the book of Daniel, expressly embracing a number of certain weeks, until the government of Christ, con- cerning which we have treated in another work, predict that after the termination of these, the sacred unction amongst the Jews should be totally abolished. And this is evidently proved to have been fulfilled at the time of our Saviour's birth. Let this be suffi- cient, however, as a necessary preliminary, to establish the truth in reference to the times.
CHAPTER VIL
On the discrepancy which is supposed to exist in the Gospels, i e specting the genealogy of Christ.
As the genealogy of Christ is differently given to us by Mat- thew and Luke, and they are supposed by the generality to disa- gree in their statements ; and as every believer, for want of know- ing the truth, has been led to apply some investigation to explain the passages, we may also subjoin the account which has come
12 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
down to us. We refer to the history which has been handea down on these passages by Africanus, in an epistle to Aristides, respecting the harmony of the genealogy of the gospels. After having refuted the opinions of others as forced and fictitious, he sets forth the account that he had ascertained himself, in the fol- lowing words. " It was customary in Israel to calculate the names of the generations, either according to nature, or accord- ing to the law; according to nature, by the succession of legitimate affspririg*; according to the law, \vhen another raised children to the name of a brother who had died childless. For as the hope of a resurrection was not yet clearly given, they imitated the pro- mise which was to take place by a kind of mortal resurrection, with a view to perpetuate the name of the person who had died. Since then, there are some of those who are inserted in this gene- alogical table, that succeed each other in the natural order of father and son, some again that were born of others, and were as- cribed to others by name, both the real and reputed fathers have been recorded. Thus, neither of the gospels has made a false statement, whether calculating in the order of nature, or accord- ing to law. For the families descended from Solomon, and those from Nathan, were so intermingled, by substitutions in the place of those who had died childless, by second marriages and the rais- ing up of seed, that the same persons are justly considered, as in one respect, belonging to the one of these, and in another respect belonging to others. Hence it is, that both of these accounts being true, viz. of those who were reputed fathers, and those who really were fathers, they come down to Joseph with considerable intri- cacy, it is true, but with great accuracy. That this, however, may be made evident, I will state the series of generations. If (in the genealogy of IMatthew,) you reckon the generations from David through Solomon, Matthan, who begat Jacob the father of Joseph, is found to be the third from the end. But if, with Luke, you reckon from Nathan the son of David, in like manner, Melchi, whose son was Eli, the father of Joseph, will be found to be the third. As Joseph, then, is our proposed object, we are to show how it happened that each is recorded as his father ; both Jacob, as deduced from Solomon, and Eli from Nathan ; also, how it hap-
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 33
pened that these two, Jacob and Eli, were brothers ; and more- over, how the fathers of these, Matthan and Melchi, being of different families, are proved to be the grandfathers of Joseph.
Matthan and Melchi. having married in succession the same woman, had children, who were brothers by the same mother, as the law did not prohibit a widow, whether she became such by divorce, or by the death of her husband, to marry again. Mat- than, therefore, who traces his lineage from Solomon, first had Jacob, by Estha, for this is her name as handed down by tradition. Matthan dying, and Melchi, who traces his descent from Nathan, though he was of the same tribe, but of another family, having as before said, married her, had a son Eli. Thus, then, we shall find the two of different families, Jacob and EH, brothers by the same mother. Of these, the one Jacob, on the death of his bro- ther, marrying his widow, became the father of a third, viz. Jo- seph ; his son both by nature and calculation. Wherefore, it is written, Jacob begat Joseph. But according to the law, he was the son of Eli, for Jacob being his brother, raised up seed to him. Wherefore, the genealogy traced also through him, will not be rendered void, which, according to Matthew, is given thus — " but Jacob begat Joseph." But Luke, on the other hand, says, " who was the son, as was supposed, (for this he also adds,) the son of Joseph, the son of Eli, the son of Melchi." For it was not possible to ex- press the legal genealogy more distinctly, so that he entirely omits the expression, " he begat,^^ in a generation like this, until the end ; having traced it back as far as Adam, " who was the son of God," he resolves the whole series by referring back to God. Neither is this incapable of proof, nor is it an idle conjecture. For the re- latives of our Lord, according to the flesh, whether to display their own illustrious origin, or simply to show the fact, but at any rate adhering strictly to the truth, have also handed down the following accounts : That robbers of Idumea, attacking Ascalon, a city of Palestine, led lAntipater away captive together with other booty, from the tempte"6TApollo, which was built close to the walls. He was the son of one Herod, a minister of the temple. The priest, however, not being able to pay the ransom for Ins son, Antipater was trained up in the practices of the Idumeans, and
E
«4 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
afterwards in great favour with Hyrcanus the high priest of Ju- dea. He was subsequently sent by Hyrcanus on an embassy ta Pompey, and having restored the kingdom to him, which had been invaded by Aristobulus, the brother of the latter, Antipater himself had the good fortune to be nominated the procurator of Palestine. Antipater, however, having been treacherously slain, by those who envied his good fortune, was succeeded by his son Herod. He was afterwards, by a decree of the senate, appointed king of the Jews, under Antony and Augustus. His sons were Herod and the other tetrarchs. These accounts of the Jews also coincide with those of the Greeks. But, as the genealogies of the Hebrews had been regularly kept in the archives until then, and also of those who referred back as far as the ancient proselytes ; as for mstance, to Achior the Ammonite, and Ruth the Moabitess, and to those that were intermixed with the Israelites at their depar- ture from Egypt ; and as the lineage of the Israelites contributed nothing to Herod's advantage, he was goaded by the conscious- ness of his ignoble extraction, and committed all these records of their families to the flames. Thinking that himself might ap- pear of noble origin, by the fact that no one else would be able to trace his pedigree by the public records, back to patriarchs or proselytes, and to those strangers that were called georae^* A few however of the careful, either remembering the names, or having it in their power in some other way, by means of copies, to (^' have private records of their own, gloried in the idea of preserving the memory of their noble extraction. Of these were the above- mentioned persons, called desposyni,f on account of their affinity to the family of our Saviour. These coming from Nazara and Cochaba, villages of Judea, to the other parts of the world, explain-
* The word >£'u>pxi,-, used here byEusebius, is taken from the Septuagint, Exod. xii. 1 9. It is evidently a corruption of the Hebrew word nj, a stranger, and is inter- preted by Theodoret, in loc. yi^^f^iv tov Trpoo-nwroi/ 5rpor^> opjuo-s, he called the prose- lyte ys'cop^s;, stranger.
•f- The word desposynos signifies, in general, one who belongs to a master; it is here applied according to the usage of the primitive church, to indicate the rela- tives of our Lord, as those who were the Lord's according to the flesh. Suidas explains the word T»if tou Jfo-iroTow j<ti.
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. SB
cd the aforesaid genea.^gy from the book of daily records, as faithfully as possible. Whether, then, the matter be thus or other- wise, as far as I and every impartial judge would say, no one certainly could discover a more obvious interpretation. And this, then, may suffice on the subject ; for, although it be not sup- ported by testimony, we have nothing to advance, either better or more consistent with truth. The gospel, altogether, states the truth." At the close of the same epistle, this writer, (Africanus,) adds the following : " Matthan, whose descent is traced to Solo- mon, begat Jacob, Matthan dying, Melchi, whose lineage is from Nathan, by marrying the widow of the former, had Eli, Hence, Eli and Jacob were brothers by the same mother. Eli dying childless, Jacob raised up seed to him, having Joseph, according to nature belonging to himself, but by the law to Eli. Thus, Jo- seph was the son of both." So far Africanus ; and the lineage of Joseph thus being traced, Mary, also, at the same time, as far as can be, is evinced to be of the same tribe, since, by the Mosaic law, intermarriages among different tribes were not permitted. For the injunction is, to marry one of the same kindred, and the same family, so that the inheritance may not be transferred from tribe to tribe. And this may suffice, also, on the present point
CHAPTER Vin.
Herod^s cruelty against the infants, and his wretched end,
Christ, then, having been born, according to the prophecies, in Bethlehem of Judea, about the times that had been revealed, He- rod was not a little alarmed at the intelligence. Having ascer- tained, on the incj^uiry of the eastern Ptiagi, where the king of the Jews should be born, as they had seen his star, and this had been the cause of so long^ a journey to them, glowing with zeal to wor- ship the infant as God; he was under great apprehensions, as sup- posing his own kingdom to be in danger. Having, therefore, inquired of the doctors of the law in the nation, where they ex- pected Christ should be born, and ascertained the prophecy of 6
so ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
Micah, announcing that it would be in Bethlehem, in a single edict he orders the male infants from two years and below to be slain, both in Bethlehem and all its parts, according to the time that he had accurately ascertained from the Magi; thinking at all events, as seemed very prpbable, that he would carry off Jesus also, in the same destruction with those of his own age. The child, however, anticipated the snare, being carried into Egypt by his parents, who had been informed by the appearance of an angel of what was about to happen. These same facts are also stated in the sacred text of the gospel.
It is also worth while to observe the reward which Herod re- ceived for his criminal audacity against Christ and the infants; hoWj without the least delay, the Divine justice immediately over- took him; and even before his death, exhibited the prelude to those jiunisliments that awaited him after death. It is not possi- ble for mc hero, to relate in what ways he tarnished what was sup.po'^ed to be the felicity of his reign, bj the successive calami- ties of Lis family, the slaughter of his wife and children, and the _rest of his Liindred, allied to him by the closest and most tender ,, relations. The whole subject of these particulars, which casts all the representations of tragedy into the shade, has been han- dled to its full extent in the histories written by Josephus. But to understand in wliat manner also, the chastisement of Heaven scourged him onwards to the period of death, it may not be less proper to hear the words of the same author, describing the end of his life, in the seventeenth book of his Antiquities, as follows: *'T)ut tl]e (ljge,ase of Hprod hprr^mr^ d^^^ virulent, God in-
flicting punishment for his crijries.^ For it^ was a slow fire, not only
exhibiting to those who touched him a heat in proportion to the internal wasting of his body, but there was also an excessive de- sire and craving after food, whilst no one dared to refuse. This was attended with swellings of the intestines, and especially ex- cessive pains of the colon. A moist and transparent humour also covered his feet. Similar also was the disease about the ventri- cle, so that the corruption causing worms in the lower part of the abdomen, there was an increased violence of breathing, which, of itself was very offensive; both on account of the disagreeable
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 37
effluvia, and the rapidity of the respiration. He was also so con- vulsed in every part of his body, that it added an almost insupera- ble strength. It was said, therefore, by those who are conversant with divine things, and to whose wisdom it appertained to declare such things, that God inflicted this punishment upon the king on account of his great impiety."
These are the particulars which are stated by the aforesaid writer, in the book mentioned ; and in the second book of his his- tory, he gives very much the same account concerning him, in the following words: " Then the disease pervading his whole body, distracted it by various torments. For the fever became more intense, the itching of the whole surface was insupportable, and the pains of the lower abdomen were incessant. On his feet were swellings, as of one labouring with the dropsy. There was also an inflammation of the ventricle, and a putrefaction that gene- rated worms. Beside this, a more violent breathing, and difficult respiration, and convulsions of all the limbs ; so that they who re- ferred to a divine agency, said that tliis disease was a punish- ment. But, though struggling with so many sufferings, he never- theless clung to life, and did not relinquish the hope of deliverance, but was ever devising new remedies. Crossing the Jordan, there- fore, he used the warm baths near CaUirhoe. These flow into the lake Asphaltites, (Dead sea,) but by reason of their sweetness, they are also potable. As the physicians here deemed it neces- sary to use some soothing application, his whole body was bathed in tepid oil, in a bathing tub filled with oil for that purpose, when he was so overcome that his eyes began to break, and turn up like one dead. His servants then being alarmed and raising an outcry, he indeed returned to himself at the noise ; but after that, despairing of recovery, he ordered about fifty drachms to be dis- tributed to the soldiers, and considerable sums to be given to his generals and friends. Returning, he came to Jericho; where, being seized with despair, and now only threatening death him- self, he proceeded to a crowning act of most nefarious character. He collected the distinguished men of every village from the whole of Judea, and commanded them to be shut up in what was called the Hippodrome. He then sent for Salome, his sister, and hei
38 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
husband Alexander. I know," said he, " that the Jews will rejoice at my death ; but I may be lamented by means of others, and have splendid funeral rites, if you are willing to perform my commands. As soon as I have expired, surround these men that are now un- der guard with soldiers, as soon as possible, and slay them, that all Judea and every house, though against their will, may be com- pelled to weep at my death." And soon after, he adds, " again, he was so tortured, partly by the want of food and by a convul- sive cough, that, overpowered by his pains, he contemplated an- ticipating his fate. Having taken an apple, he also demanded a knife, for he was accustomed to cut and eat it. Then, looking around, lest there should be any one to hinder him, he raised his right arm as if to strike himself." The same author, in addition to these, says, " that he slew another of his own sons before his death, being the third that had already been slain by his orders, and that immediately after this, he breathed out his Ufe, not with- out excessive torture."
Such, then, was the end of Herod, who thus suffered the just punishment for the crimes that he committed in the murder of the children of Bethlehem, when he designed the destruction of our Saviour. After this, an angel appearing in a dream to Joseph, who was then in Egypt, directed him to return with the child and his mother, revealing to him that they were dead who had sought the life of the infant. To this account the Evangelist adds : " But he hearing that Archelaus reigned in Judea, in the place of Herod, his father, was afraid to go thither, and being warned in a dream, he retired into the parts of Galilee."
CHAPTER IX.
Of the times of Pilate,
The same historian also agrees with the statements respecting the government of Archelaus after Herod's death ; and relates in what manner he succeeded to the kingdom of the Jews, by the will of Herod, his father, and the confirmation of it by Cesar Au-
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. W
giistus ; as also, that he having lost his kingdom after ten years, his brothers Philip and Herod, the younger, together with Lysa- nias, had the government of their tetrarchies. The same author, in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, says, " that about the twelfth year of the reign of Tiberius, (for he succeeded to the empire after Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years,) Pontius Pilate was appointed over Judea, and remained there upon the whole ten years, almost to the death of Tiberius. Hence the fraud of those persons is plahily proved, who lately, and at other times have given currency to certain spurious acts against our Saviour. In which the very time of the date proves the false- hood of the inventors. For in the fourth consulship of Tiberius, w^hich was in the seventh year of his reign, those things are said to have occurred, which they have dared to say respecting his salutary suffering. At which time, indeed, it is plain, that Pilate was not yet appointed over Judea, if Josephus is to be credited, who plainly says, in the work already cited, that Pilate was ap- pointed procurator of Judea, by Tiberius, in the twelfth year of his reign.
CHAPTER X.
The high priests of the Jews, under whom Christ promulgated his doctrines.
It was about the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius, ac- cording to the Evangelist, in the fourth year, that Pilate was procurator of Judea, when Herod, Lysanias, and Philip, as te- trarchs, held the government of the rest of Judea, when our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ w^as in his thirtieth year, that he came to the baptism of John, and then made the beginning of promulgating his gospel. The holy Scriptures, moreover, relate that he passed the whole time of his public ministry under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas; intimating, that during the years of their priesthood, the whole time of his ministry was termi- nated. For, beginning with the pontificate of Annas, and continu- es
40 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
ing after that of Calaphas, the whole of this interval does not even give us four years. The rites, indeed, of the law^, having been already abolished since that period, with it were also an- nulled the privileges of the priesthood, viz. of continuing it for life, and of hereditary descent. Under the Roman governors, however, different persons at different times were appointed as high priests, who did not continue in office more than a year. Josephus, indeed, relates that there were four high priests in succession from Annas to Caiaphas. Thus, in his book of Anti- quities, he writes in the following manner : " A^alerius Gratus, having put a period to the priesthood of Annas, promoted Ishmael, the son of Baphi, to the office ; and, removing him also, not long after, he appointed Eleazar. the son of Annas, wlio had been high priest, to the office. After the lapse of a year, removing also him, he transfers the priesthood to Simon, the son of Cami- thus. But he, also, did not continue to hold the honour longer than a year, when he was succeeded by Josephus, surnamed Caiaphas." Hence the whole time of our Saviour's ministry is proved not to embrace four entire years ; there being four high priests for four years, from Annas to the appointment of Caia- phas, each of which held the office a year respectively. Caia- phas, indeed, is justly shown, by the gospel narrative, to have been high priest in that year in which our Saviour's sufferings were finished. With which present observation, the time of Christ's ministry is also proved to agree. Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, not very long after the commencement of his public ministry, elected the twelve, whom he called Apostles, by way of eminence over the rest of his disciples. He also appointed seventy others beside these, whom he sent, two and two, before him into every place and city whither he himself was about to ga
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 41
CHAPTER XL
The testimonies respecting John the Baptist and Christ
As it was not long before this that John the Baptist was be- headed by Herod the younger, the holy Scriptures record the fact, which is also confirmed by Josephus, who has expressly made men- tion of Herodias by name, and the circumstance of her being mar- ried to Herod, though she was the wife of his brother ; Herod having first divorced his former lawful wife. She was a daugh- ter of Aretas, king of Arabia Petraea. But having forced Hero- dias from her husband yet living, and on whose account also he slew John, he was involved in a war with Aretcis for the disgrace inflicted on his daughter; in which war he relates that, when coming to battle, the army of Herod was completely destroyed ; and that he suffered all this, on account of the crime that he com- mitted against John. But the same Josephus, in this account, in which he confesses that John was a most righteous man, also bears testimony to what is recorded of him in the narratives of the gos- pels. He relates, also, that Herod lost his kingdom on account of the same Herodias, and that he Was driven into exile with her, and condemned to dwell at Vienna, a city of Gaul. These facts are stated by him in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, where in the same paragraphs, he also writes thus concerning John: " To some of the Jews, the army of Herod seemed to have been destroyed by God; who thus, with signal justice, avenged John, called the Baptist. For Herod slew him, a good man, and one who exhorted the Jews to the practice of virtue, and with the pursuit of righteousness and piety towards God, to receive bap- tism. For this baptism appeared to have been imparted to him for this object, not with the view to avoid a few trifling sins, but for the purification of the body, as far as the mind had been first purified by righteousness.
" And when many others flocked to him, for they were also much delighted with listening to his discourses, Herod, dreading the great confidence of men in him, lest, perhaps, he might stimu- late them to a revolt, (for they seemed disposed to do any thing
F
42 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
at his suggestion,) considered it much better, before any change should be attempted by him, to anticipate by destroying him; than after a revolution, when involved in difficulties, to repent when it was too late. In consequence of Herod's suspicions, there- fore, he was sent in bonds to the aforesaid prison of Machaerus, and there slain." After relating these things concerning John, Josephus in the same work, also makes mention of our Saviour in the following manner: "About the same time, there was a certain Jesus, a wise man, if indeed it is proper to call him a man. For he was a performer of extraordinary deeds ; a teacher of men, that received his doctrine with dehght; and he attached to him- self many of the Jews, many also of the Greeks. This was Christ Pilate having inflicted the punishment of the cross upon him, on the accusation of our principal men, those who had been attached to him before did not, however, afterwards cease to love him: for he appeared to them alive again on the third day, according to the holy prophets, who had declared these and innumerable other wonderful things respecting him. The race of the Christians, who derive their name from him, likewise still continues." When such testimony as this is transmitted to us by an historian who sprung from the Hebrews themselves, both respecting John the Baptist and our Saviour, what subterfuge can be left, to prevent those from being convicted destitute of all shame, who have forged the acts against them 1 This however, may suffice on this subject.
CHAPTER XII.
Of the disciples of our Lord.
The names of our Saviour's apostles are sufficiently obvious to every one, from his gospels ; but of the seventy disciples, no cata- logue is given any where. Barnabas, indeed, is said to have been one of them, of whom there is distinguished notice in the Acts of the Apostles ; and also in St. Paul's epistle to the Galatians, Sosthenes, who sent letters with Paul to the Corinthians, is said to have been one of these. Clement, in the fifth of his Hypoty-
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 48
poses or Institutions, in which he also mentions Cephas, of whom Paul also says, that he came to Antioch, and " that he withstood him to his face ;" — says, that one who had the same name with Peter the apostle, was one of the seventy ; and that Matthias, who was numbered with the apostles in place of Judas, and he who had been honoured to be a candidate with him, is also said to have been deemed worthy of the same calling with the seventy. They also say that Thaddeus was one of them ; concerning whom, I shall presently relate a narrative that has come down to us. More- over, if any one observe with attention, he will find more disciples of our Saviour than the seventy, on the testimony of Paul, who says, that "he appeared after his resurrection, first to Cephas, then to the twelve, and after these to five hundred brethren at once." Of whom, he says, " some are fallen asleep," but the greater part were living at the time he wrote. Afterwards, he says, he appeared to James ; he, however, was not merely one of these disciples of our Saviour, but he was one of his brethren. Lastly, when beside these, there still was a considerable number who were apostles in imitation of the twelve, such as Paul himself was, he adds, saying " after- wards he appeared to all the apostles."
This account may suffice respecting these apostles ; but the history of Thaddeus, already mentioned by us, was as follows.
CHAPTER XIIL
Narrative respecting the prince of Edessa,
The divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, being famed abroad among all men, in consequence of his wonder-working power, attracted immense numbers, both from abroad and from the remotest parts of Judea, with the hope of being cured of their diseases and various afflictions. Agbarus, therefore, who reigned over the nations beyond the Euphrates with great glory, and who had been wasted away with a disease, both dreadful and incurable by human means when he heard the name of Je- sus frequently mentioned, and his miracles unanimously attested
44 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
by all, sent a suppliant message to him, by a letter-carrier, en- treating a deliverance from his disease. But, though he did not yield to his call at that time, he nevertheless condescended to write him^j)£ivate letter, and to send one of his disciples to heal his disorder J at the same time, promising salvation to him and all his relatives. And it was not long, indeed, before the promise was fulfilled. After the resurrection, however, and his return to the heavens, Thomas, one of the twelve apostles, by a divine im pulse, sent Thaddeus, who was also one of the seventy disciples to Edessa, as a herald and evangelist of the doctrines of Christ And by his agency all the promises of our Saviour were ful filled. Of this, also, wc have the evidence, in a written an swer, taken from the public records of the city of Edessa, then under the government of the king. For in the public registers there, which embrace the ancient history and the transactions of Agbarus, these circumstances respecting him are found still pre- served down to the present day. There is nothing, however, Hke hearing the epistles themselves, taken by us from the archives, and the style of it as it has been Hterally translated by us, from the Syriac language;
COPY OF THE LETTER WRITTEN BY KING AGBARUS, TO JESUS, AND SENT TO HIM, AT JERUSALEM, BY ANANIAS, THE COURIER.
Agbarus, prince of Edessa, sends greeting to Jesus the excel- lent Saviour, who has appeared in the borders of Jerusalem. I have heard the reports respecting thee and thy cures, as performed by thee without medicines and without the use of herbs. For as it is said, thou causest the blind to see again, the lame to walk, and thou cleansest the lepers, and thou castest out impure spirits and demons, and thou healest those that are tormented by long disease, and thou raisest the dead. And hearing all these things of thee, I concluded in my mind one of two things : either that thou art God, and having descended from heaven, doest these things, or else doing them, thou art the son of God. Therefore, now I have written and besought thee to visit me, and to heal the disease with which I am afflicted. I have, also, heard that the Jews murmur against
m
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 45
thee, and are plotting to injure thee ; I have, however, a very small but noble state, which is sufficient for us both."
This epistle, he thus wrote, whilst yet somewhat enlightened by the rays of divine truth. It is, also, worth the time to learn the epistle sent to him from Jesus, by the same bearer, which, though very brief, is yet very nervous, written in the following style :
THE ANSWER OF JESUS, TO KING AGBARUS, BY THE COURIER, ANANIAS.
Blessed art thou, O Agbarus, who, without seeing, hast believ- ed in me. For it is written concerning me, that they who have seen me will not believe, that they who have not seen, may be- lieve and live. But in regard to what thou hast written, that I should come to thee, it is necessary that I should fulfil all things here, for which I have been sent. And after this fulfil- ment, thus to be received again by Him that sent me. And after I have been received up, I will send to thee a certain one of my disciples, that he may heal thy affliction, and give life to thee and to those who are with thee."
To these letters there was, also, subjoined in the Syriac lan- guage : " After the ascension of Jesus, Judas, who is also called Thomas, sent him Thaddeus, the apostle, one of the seventy; who, when he Came, remained at the house of Tobias, the son of Tobias. When the report was circulated concerning his ar- rival, and he became publicly known by the miracles which he performed, it was communicated to Agbarus, that an apostle of Jesus had came thither, as he had written. Thaddeus, therefore, began in the power of God to heal every kind of disease and in- firmity ; so that all were amazed. But when Agbarus heard the great deeds and miracles which he performed, and how he healed men in the name and pov^er of Jesus Christ, he began to suspect that this was the very person concerning whom Jesus had written, saying, after I have been received up again, I will send to thee one of my disciples, who shall heal thy affliction. Having, there- fore, sent for Tobias, with whom he staid, I have heard, said he, that a certain powerful man, who hath come from Jerusalem, is staying at thy house, and is performing many cures in the name
46 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
of Jesus. He answered, Yea, my lord, a certain stranger has come, who hath lodged with me, and is performing many wonders. And he repHed, Bring him to me. Tobias, then, returning to Thaddeus, said to him, Agbarus the king having sent for me, has told me to conduct thee to him, that thou mayest heal his disorder. And Thaddeus replied, I will go, since I have been sent with power, to him. Tobias, therefore, arose early the next day, and taking Thaddeus with him, came to Agbarus. When he came, his nobles were present, and stood around. Immediately on his entrance, something extraordinary appeared to Agbarus, in the countenance of the apostle Thaddeus ; which Agbarus observing, paid him re- verence. But all around were amazed ; for they did not perceive the vision which appeared to Agbarus alone : he then asked Ag- barus whether he were truly a disciple of Jesus the Son of God, who had said to him, I will send one of my disciples to thee, who will heal thy sickness, and will give life to thee and to all thy connexions? And Thaddeus answered. Since thou hast had great confidence in the Lord Jesus, who hath sent me, therefore, I am sent to thee. And, moreover, if thou believest in him, with increasing faith, the pe- titions of thy heart shall be granted thee, as thou believest. And Agbarus replied. So much did I believe in him that I had form- ed the resolution to take forces, in order to destroy those Jews who had crucified him, had I not been deterred from my purpose by a regard for the Roman empire. Thaddeus replied. Our Lord and God, Jesus the Christ, hath fulfilled the will of his Fa- ther, and having fulfilled it, was taken up again to his Father. Agbarus saith to him, I have believed both in him and in his Fa- ther.. Then said Thaddeus, Therefore, I place my hand upon thee in the name of the same Lord Je.^;us. And tbjs being done, he was immediately healed of the sickness and sufferings with which he was afflicted. And Agbarus was amazed, that just as he had heard respecting Jesus, so in very deed he received it through his disciple and apostle Thaddeus, who had healed him without any medicine and herbs, and not only him, but Ab- das also, the son of Abdas, who was afflicted with the podagra. He also, approaching, fell down at his feet, and received his bene- diction, with the imposition of his hand, and was healed. Many
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 47
of the same city were also healed by the same apostle, who per- formed wonderful and great deeds, and proclaimed the word of God. After this, said Agbarus, Thaddeus, thou doest these things by the power of God, and we are filled with wonder. But, be- side these things, I request thee, also, to inform me respecting the coming of Jesus, how he was born, and as to his power, with what power he performed these things which we have heard. And Thaddeus answered. Now, indeed, I will not tell thee, since I have been sent to proclaim the word abroad ; but to-morrow assemble all thy citizens, and before them I will proclaim the word of God, and will sow among them the word of life, both respecting the coming of Jesus, as lie was, and respecting his m^ission, and for what purpose he was sent by the Father ; also, concerning the power of his works, and the mysteries which he declared in the world ; by what power, also, he did these things, concerning his new mode of preaching, his lowly and abject condition, his humi- liation in his external appearance, how he humbled himself, and died, and lowered his divinity ; what things, also, he suffered from the Jews ; how he was crucified, and descended into hell, (hades,) and burst the bars which had never yet been broken, and rose again, and also raised with himself the dead that had slept for ages. And how he descended alone, but ascended with a great multitude to his Father. And how he sitteth at the right hand of God and the Father, with glory, in the heavens ; and how he is about to come again with glory and power, to judge the living and dead. — Agbarus, therefore, commanded his subjects to be called early in the morning, and to hear the annunciation of Thaddeus ; and after this, he commanded gold and silver to be given him ; but he would not receive it, saying. If we have left our own, how shall we take what belongs to others? These things were done in the three hundred and fortieth year. Which also, we have literally translated from the Syriac language, op- portunely as we hope, and not without profit. 7
BOOK IT.
PRELIMINARY.
Whatsoever particulars it was necessary for us to premise in this Ecclesiastical History, both respecting the divinity of the saving word and the antiquity of the doctrines which we teach, as also of the antiquity of that evangelical life which Christians lead, these particulars we have already discussed, together with the circumstances of his late appearance among men, of his suf- ferings, of the election of his apostles, and have exhibited the proofs in the condensed subjects of the preceding book. Let us now, also, examine the circumstances that followed his ascension, presenting some from the divine Scriptures, and others from such other documents to which we shall have occasion to refer.
CHAPTER L
The course pursued by the Apostles after the ascension of Christ
First then, in the place of Judas the traitor, Matthias was chosen by lot, who, as was shown above, was also one of the disciples of the Lord. There were appointed also, with prayer and the imposition of hands, by the apostles, approved men, unto the office of deacons, for the public service ; these were those seven of whom Stephen was one. He was the first, also, after our Lord, who at the time of ordination, as if ordained to this very purpose, was stoned to death by the murderers of the Lord And thus he first received Jhc crown answering to his name, of the vkloxious martyrs of Clirist. Then also James, called the brother of our Lord, because he is also called the son of Joseph*
■ ""'^48"-' -
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 49
For Joseph was esteemed the father of Christ, because the Virgin being betrothed to him, "she was found with child by the Holy- Ghost before they came together," as the narrative of the holy gospels shews. This James, therefore, whom the ancients, on ac- count of the excellence of his virtue, surnamed the Just, was the first that received the episcopate of the church at Jerusalem. But Clement, in the sixth book of his Institutions, represents it thus : •' Peter, and James, and John, after the ascension of our Saviour, though they had been preferred by our Lord, did not contend for the honour, but chose James the Just as bishop of Jerusalem." And the same author, in the seventh book of the same work, writes also thus : " The Lord imparted the gift of knowledge to James the Just, to John and Peter after his resurrection, these de- livered it to the rest of the apostles, and they to the seventy, of whom Barnabas was one. There, were, however, two Jameses; one called the Just, who was thrown from a wing of the temple, and beaten to death with a fuller's club, and another, who was beheaded. Paul also makes mention of the Just in his epistles. " But other of the apostles," says he, " saw 1 none, save James the brother of our Lord." About this time also, the circumstances of our Saviour's promise, in reference to the king of the Osrhoenians, took place. For Thomas, under a divine impulse, sent Thaddeus as herald and evangelist, to proclaim the doctrine of Christ, as we have shown from the public documents found there.
When he came to these places, he both healed Agbarus by the word of Christ, and astonished all there with the extraordinary miracles he performed. After having sufficiently disposed them by his works, and led them to adore the power of Christ, he made them disciples of the Saviour's doctrine. And even to this day, the whole city of Edessa is devoted to the name of Christ ; exhibiting no common evidence of the beneficence of our Saviour likewise to them. And let this suffice, as taken from the accounts given in ancient documents. But let us pass again to the Holy Scrip- tures. As the first and greatest persecution arose among the Jews after the martyrdom of Stephen, against the church of Jerusalem, and all the disciples except the twelve were scattered throughout Judea and Samaria ; some, as the Holy Scriptures say, coming as
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50 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
far as Phoenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, they were not yet in a situation to venture to impart the faith to the nations, and there- fore only announced it to the Jews. During this time, Paul alsa was yet laying waste the church, entering the houses of the be- lievers, dragging away men and women, and delivering them over to prison. Philip, also, one of those who had been ordained to the office of deacons, being among those scattered abroad, went down to Samaria. Filled with divine power, he first proclaimed the divine word to the inhabitants of that place. But so greatly di(J the divine grace co-operate with him, that even Simon MaguSy with a great number of other men, were attracted by his dis- courses. But Simon had become so celebrated at that time, and had such influence with those that were deceived by his impos- tures, that they considered him the great power of God. This same Simon, also, astonished at the extraordinary miracles per- formed by Philip through the power of God, artfully assumed, and even pretended faith in Christ, so far as to be baptized ; and what is surprising, the same thing is done even to this day, by those who adopt his most foul heresy. These, after the manner of their founder, insinuating themselves into the church, like a pestilential and leprous disease, infected those with the greatest corruption, into whom they were able to infuse their secret, irremediable, and destructive poison. Many of these, indeed, have already been expelled, when they were caught in their wickedness ; as Simon himself, when detected by Peter, suffered his deserved punish- ment. For as the annunciation of the Saviour's gospel was daily advancing, by a certain divine providence, a prince of the queen of the Ethiopians, as it is a custom that still prevails there to be governed by a female, was brought thither, and was the first of the Gentiles that received of the mysteries of the divine w^ord from Philip. The apostle, led by a vision, thus instructed him ; and he, becoming the first fruits of believers throughout the world, is said to have been the first, on returning to his country, that proclaimed the knowledge of God and the salutary abode of our Saviour among men. So that, in fact, the prophecy obtained its fulfilment through him : " Ethiopia stretcheth forth her hands unto God." . After this, Paul, that chosen vessel, not of men, nor through
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 51
men, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ himself, and God the Father, who raised him from the dead, is appointed an apostle, being honoured with the call by a vision and voice of revelation from heaven.
CHAPTER 11.
How Tiberius was affected, when informed hy Pilate respecting Christ
The fame of our Lord's remarkable resurrection and ascension being now spread abroad, according to an ancient custom preva- lent among the rulers of the nations, to communicate novel occur- rences to the emperor, that nothing might escape him, Pontius Pilate transmits to Tiberius an account of the circumstances con- cerning the resurrection of our Lord from the dead, the report of which had already been spread throughout all Palestine. In this account, he also intimated that he ascertained other miracles re- specting him, and that having now risen from the dead, he was be- lieved to be a God by the great mass of the people. Tiberius re- ferred the matter to the senate, but it is said they rejected the proposition, in appearance, because they had not examined into this subject first, according to an ancient law among the Romans, that no one should be ranked among the gods unless by a vote and de- cree of the senate ; in reality, however, because the salutary doc- trine of the gospel needs no confirmation and co-operation of men.
The senate of the Romans, therefore, having thus rejected the doctrine of our Saviour as it was announced, and Tiberius still continuing to hold the opinion he had before eherished, formed no unreasonable projects against the doctrine of Christ. This is the testimony of Tertidlian, a man who made himself accurately ac- quainted with the laws of the Romans, and, besides his emi- nence in other respects, was particularly distinguished among the eminent men of Rome, and in his Apology for the Christians in the Roman tongue, which is also translated into the Greek, to give
his own words, writes after the following manner . " In order to
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give also an account of these laws from their origin, it was an an- cient decree, that no one should be consecrated a god by the em- peror, before it had been approved by the senate. Marcus Aure- lius has done this, in reference to a certain idol, Alburnus, so that this evidence has been given in favour of our doctrine, that divine dignity is conferred among you by the decrees of men. Unless a god pleases men he is not made a god ; and thus, according to this procedure, it is necessary that man should be propitious to the god. Tiberius, therefore, under whom the name of Christ was spread throughout the world, when this doctrine was announced to him from Palestine, where it first began, communicated with the senate, being obviously pleased with the doctrine ; but the senate, as they had not proposed the measure, rejected it. But he continued in his opinion, threatening death to the accusers of the Christians ; a divine providence infusing this into his mind, that the gospel having freer scope in its commencement, might spread every where over the world."
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CHAPTER III.
How the Christian doctrine soon spread throughout the whole world.
Thus, then, under a celestial influence and co-operation, the doctrine of the Saviour, like the rays of the sun, quickly irra- diated the whole world. Presently, in accordance with divine prophecy, the sound of his inspired evangelists and apostles had gone throughout all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world. Throughout every city and village, hke a replenished barn floor, churches were rapidly found abounding, and filled with members from every people. Those who, in consequence of the delusions that had descended to them from their ancestors, had been fettered by the ancient disease of idolatrous supersti- tion, were now liberated, by the power of Christ, through the teaching and miracles of his messengers. And, as if delivered from dreadful masters, and emancipated from the most cruel bondage, on the one hand renounced the whole multitude of gods and de-
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 53
mons, and on the other, confessed that there was only one true God, the Creator of all things. This same God they now also honoured with the rites of a true piety, under the influence of that inspired and reasonable worship which had been planted among men by our Saviour. But the gratuitous benevolence of God, being now poured out also upon the rest of the nations, Cornelius was the first of Cesarea in Palestine, who, with his whole house, received the faith in Christ, through a divine vision and the agency of Peter ; as did also a great number of Greeks at Antioch, to whom the gospel had been preached by those who were scattered by the persecution of Stephen.
The church at Antioch, also, now flourishing and abounding in members, and the greatest number of teachers coming hither from Jerusalem, with whom were Barnabas and Paul, and many other brethren with them, the epithet of Christians first sprung up at that place, as from a grateful and productive soil. Agabus, also, one of the assembled prophets, uttered a prediction respect- ing the impending famine, and Paul and Barnabas were delegated to proceed to the relief of the necessities of the brethren.
CHAPTER IV.
Cains {Caligula) after the death of Tibeiius, appoints Agrippa king of the Jews, after punishing Herod ivith perpetual exile.
Tiberius died after having reigned about twenty-two years, and Caius, receiving the empire next, immediately conferred the Jewish government on Agrippa, appointing him king over the tetrarchy both of Philip and Lysanias. To these, not long after, he adds also the tetrarchy of Herod, after having inflicted the punishment of perpetual exile upon Herod, together with his wife Herodias, for their numerous crimes. This was the Herod who was concerned in the passion of our Saviour. Josephus bears testimony to these facts. During the reign of this emperor, Philo became noted, a man most distinguished for his learning, not only among very many of our own, but of those that came
54 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
from abroad. As to his origin, he was a descendant of the He, brews, inferior to none at Alexandria in point of dignity of family and birth. As to the divine Scriptures, and the institutions of his country, how greatly and extensively he laboured, his work speaks for itself. And how well skilled in philosophy and the liberal studies of foreign countries, there is no necessity to say, since, as he was a zealous follower of the sect of Plato and Py- thagoras, he is said to have surpassed all of his contemporaries.
CHAPTER V.
Philo was sent on an embassy to Caius, in behalf of ike Jews.
Tms author has given us an account of the sufferings of the Jews in the reign of Caius, in five books. He there also relates the madness of Caius, who called himself a god, and was guilty of innumerable oppressions in the exercise of his power. He men- tions the miseries of the Jews under him, and the embassy which he himself performed when sent to the city of Rome, in behalf of his countrymen at Alexandria ; how that when he pleaded be- fore Caius, for the laws and institutions of his ancestors, he re- ceived nothing but laughter and derision in return, and had well nigh incurred the risk of his life. Josephus also mentions these things in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, in these words :
" A sedition having also arisen between the Jews dwelling at Alexandria and the Greeks, three chosen deputies are sent from each of the factions, and these appeared before Caius. One of the Alexandrian deputies was Apion, who uttered many slanders against the Jews ; among other things, saying, that they treated the honours of Cesar with contempt, that whilst all others, as many as were subject to the Roman empire, erected altars and temples to Caius, and in other respects regarded him as a god, they alone considered it disgraceful to raise statues to his honour, and to swear by his name. Apion having thus uttered many and severe charges by which he hoped that Caius would be roused, as was very probable, Philo, the chief of the Jewish embassy, a man
. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. '55
illustrious in every respect, being the brother of Alexander, the Alabarch,* and not unskilled in philosophy, was well prepared to enter upon a defence against these charges. But he was pre- cluded from this by Caius, who ordered him straightway to be gone, and as he was very much incensed, it was very evident that he was meditating some great evil against them. Philo departed, covered with insult, and told the Jews that were with him, they had good reason to console themselves, that although Caius was enraged at them, he was already in fact challenging God against himself." Thus far Josephus. And Philo himself, in the embassy which he describes, details the particulars of what was then done to him, with great accuracy. Passing by the greatest part of these, I shall only state those by which it will be made manifest to the reader, that these things happened to the Jews forth witli and at no distant period, on account of those things whicli they dared to perpetrate against Christ. First, then, he relates, that in the reign of Tiberius, at Rome, Sejanus, who was then in great favour with Tiberius, had made every effort to destroy the whole nation of the Jews from the foundation, and that in Judea Pontius Pilate, under whom the crimes were committed against our Saviour, having attempted something contrary to what w^as lawful among the Jews respecting the temple at Jerusalem, which was then yet standing, excited them to the greatest tumults.
CHAPTER VL
What evils overwhelmed the Jews, after their presumption against Christ.
After the death of Tiberius, Caius having received the go- vernment, besides many other innumerable acts of tyranny against many, did not a little afflict the whole nation of the Jews particu- larly. We may soon learn this, from the declaration of the same
* Jtlabarch.] The Alabarch was the chief magistrate among the Jews at Alexandria.
56 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
author, in which he writes as follows : " So great was the caprice c£ Caius in his conduct towards all, but especially towards the na- tion of the Jews. As he was excessively hostile to these, he appro- priated their places of worship to himself in all the cities, begin- ning with those at Alexandria, filling them with his images and statues. For having permitted it when others erected them of their own accord, he now began to erect them by absolute com- mand. But the temple in the holy city, which had been left un- touched as yet, and been endowed with privileges as an inviolable asylum, he changed and transformed into a temple of his own, that it should be publicly called the temple of Caius the younger^ the visible Jupiter. (e7ti<pavovg Atog-) Many other and almost in- describable calamities, the same author relates, as happening to the Jews of Alexandria, during the reign of the aforesaid emperor, in his second book, to which he gave the title^ * On the Virtues.^ Jo- sephus also agrees with him, who likewise intimates that the ca- lamities of the whole nation took their rise from the times of Pi- late, and the crimes against our Saviour. Let us hear then, whc,t he also says in the second book of the Jewish War. " Pilate being sent by Tiberias as procurator of Judea, at night carried the covered images of Caesar into the temple ; these are called statues. The following day, this excited the greatest disturbance among the Jews. For they that were near, were confounded at the sight, as a contemptuous prostitution of their legal institutions ; for they do not allow any image to be set up in their city." Com- paring these accounts with the v/ritings of the evangelists, you tvill perceive, that it was not long before that exclamation came upon them, which they uttered under the same Pilate, and by which they cried again and again that they had no other king but Caesar. After this, the same historian records, that forthwith another calamity overtook them, in these words : " But after these things, he (i. e. Pilate,) excited another tumult, by expending the public treasure which is called Corban, in the construction of an aqueduct. This extended nearly three hundred stadia, (furlongs, i. e. from the city.) The multitude were sorely grieved at it ; and when Pilate came to Jerusalem, surrounding the tribunal, they began to cry out against him. But having anticipated their
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 57
tumult, he planted his armed soldiers against the multitude, and previously intermixed them, concealed under the same com- mon dress with the people. He had also forbidden them to use their swords, but ordered them to strike the noisy with clubs. The signal he gave from the tribunal. The Jews being thus beaten, many of them perished in consequence of the blows, many also being trodden to death by their own countrymen in the flight. The multitude thus overawed by the misfortune of those slam, held their peace." The same writer mentions innumerable other commotions that were raised beside these, in Jerusalem itself; showing that from that time tumults, and wars, and plots of mis- chief, one after another, never ceased in the city and all Judea, until, last of all, the siege of Vespasian overwhelmed them. Thus, then, the divine justice overtook the Jews in this way, for their crimes against Christ.
CHAPTER VIL
How Pilate destroyed himself.
It is proper also, to observe, how it is asserted that this same Pilate, who was governor at our Saviour's crucifixion, in the reign of Caius, whose times we are recording, fell into such calamities that he was forced to become his own murderer, and the avenger of his own wickedness. Divine justice, it seems, did not long pro- tract his punishment. This is stated by those Greek historians, who have recorded the Olympiads in order, together with the transactions of the times.
CHAPTER VIIL
The famine that happened in the reign of Claudius,
Caius, however, had not reigned four years, when he was suc- ceeded by Oaudius, in the sovereignty of the empire. In his reign
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358 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.
there was a famine that prevailed over the whole world; an event, indeed, which has been handed down by historians very far from our doctrine ; and by which the prediction of the pro- phet Agabus, recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, respecting the impending famine over the whole world, received its fulfilment. Luke, however, in the Acts, after stating the famine in the time of Claudius, and after recording how by means of Paul and Barna- bas, the brethren at Antioch had sent to those of Judea, accord- ing to the ability of each one, also adds the following.
^ CHAPTER IX.
The martyrdom of the Apostle James.
" About this time, (it is manifest he means the reign of Clau- dius,) Herod the king prepared to afflict some of the church. But Via «1pw -T^ryips. the brother ofJohn.with the sword." Of this James, Clement adds a narrative worthy of note, in the seventh book of his Institutions, evidently recording it according to the tradition which he had received from his ancestors. He says, that the man who led him to the judgment seat, seeing him bearing his testimony to the faith, and moved by the fact, confessed him- self a Christian. Both therefore, says he, were led away to die.