DA

396

B

..."

OF THE UNIVERSITY

A

DISCOURSE

CONCERNING

Unlimited Submiffion I

AND

Non-Refiftance I

TO THE

HIGHER POWERS:

With fome REFLECTIONS on the RESISTANCE made to

King CHARLES I. J

AND ON THE

Anniverfary of his Death :

In which the MYSTERIOUS Do&rine of that Prince's Saintfhip and Martyrdom is UNRIDDLED :

The Subftance of which was delivered inaSERMON preached in the Weft Meeting-Houfe in Bofton the LORD'S- DAY after the 3Oth of January, 1749 1 5°-

Publijhed at the Requfft of the Hearers.

By JONATHAN [MAYHEW, A. M.

Paftor of Ihe Weft" Church in Bofion.

Fear GOD, honor the King. Saint PAUL.

He that ruleth ' over Men, muft be juft, ruling in the Fear of GOD.

Prophet SAMUEL.

1 have faid, ye are Gods — hut ye Jhall die like Men, and fall like one of the PRINCES. King DAVID.

Quid memorem infandas caedes ? quid fada TYRANNJ Effera ? Dii CAPITI ipfius GENERIQUE refervent— Necnon Threicius longa cum vefle SACERDOS Obloquitur Rom. Vat. Priir.

BOSTON, Printed and Sold by D. FOWLE in Queen- ftreet ; and by D. GOOKIN over-againft the South-Meeting- Houfe. i7S°*

P R E F A C

CT^H E enfuing difcourfe is the lafl of three upon the

JL fame fuljeft, with feme little alterations and addi

tions. It is hoped that but few will think the

fubjeft of it an improper one to be difcourfed on in the

pulpit, under a notion that this is preaching politics, inftead

of CHRIST. However, to remove all prejudices cf this

fort, I beg it may be remembred, that " all fcripture — is

profitable for do5trine,for reproof, for CORRECTION Jor

inftrufiion in right eoufnefs" * Why, then,JJoould not thofe

parts of fcripture which relate to civil government, be ex

amined and explained from the dejk, as well as others ? Obe

dience to the civil magistrate is a chri&ian duty : and if

fo, whyjhould not the nature, grounds and extent of it be

conftdered in a Christian ajfembly ? Eefides, if it be faid, that

it is out of character for a chriflian mini ft er to meddle with

fuch a fubjeft, this cenfure will at laft fall upon the holy

apoftles. They write upon it in their epislles to chrlfiian

churches : And furely it cannot be deemed either criminal or

impertinent, to attempt an explanation of their doftrine.

If was the near approach of the Thirtieth of January, that turned my thoughts to this fubjeft : on which folemnity the flavifh doftrins of pajjive obedience and non-rejiftance^

* Z Pet. iii. 1 6,

PREFACE.

is often warmly averted -, and the diff enters from the efta- blijhed church, reprefented, not only as feifmatics, (with more of triumph than of truth, and of choler than Christianity) but alfo as perfons of /editions, traiterous and rebellious principles — GOD be thanked one may^ in any part of the britifli dominions, fpeak freely (if a decent regard be paid to thofe in authority) both of government and religion ; and even give feme broad hints, that he is engaged on the fide ef Liberty, the BIBLE and Common Senfe, in oppofition to Tyranny, PRIEST-CRAFT and Non-fenfe, without being in danger either of the baftile or the inquifuion : — 'Though there will always be fome interejied politicians, contracted bigots, and hypocritical zealots for a parly, to take offence at fuch freedoms. Their cenjure is praife : Their praife is infamy — A fpirit of domination is always to be guarded again/I both in church and ft ate, even in times of the greatefl fecurity ; fuch as the prefent is amongft US -, at leajl as to the latter. Thofe nations who are now groaning under the iron fcepter of tyranny, were once free. So they might ^ probably, have remained, by a feafonable precaution againfl defpotic meafures. Civil tyranny is ufually fmall in its be ginning, like " the drop of a bucket," * /;'// at length y like a mighty torrent, or the raging waves of the fea, it tears down all before it, and deluges whole countries and empires. Thus it is as to ecclejiajlical tyranny alfo, — the wosJ cruel, intolerable and impious, of any. From fmall beginnings, " // exalts itfelf above all that is called GOD *' and that is worjhipped" f People have no fecurity

* Ifai. xi. 15. f 2 Thef. ii. 4;

againft

PREFACE.

againSt being unmercifully prieft-ridden, but by keeping all imperious BISHOPS, and other CLERGTMEN who love to " lord it over God's heritage" from getting their foot into the ftirrup at all. Let them be once fairly mounted, and their " bsajls, the laiety," 4. may prance and flounce about to no purpofe : And they will, at length, be fo jaded and hack'd by thefe reverend jockies, that they will not even have fpirits enough to complain, that their backs are galled ; or, like Balaam' s afs, to " rebuke the madnefs ^ of the prophet." \\

" THE mysJery of iniquity began to work" f even in the days of fome of the apo files. But the kingdom of Antichrift was then, in one refpeft, like the kingdom of heaven, however different in all others. — •// was " as a " grain of muftard-/eed. " * <Tbis grain was fown, in Italy, that fruitful field : And though it were " the leaft " of all feeds," it foon became a mighty tree. It has, long fence, overfpread and darkned the greatejl part of Chriftendom, fo that we may apply to it what is faid of the tree which Nebuchadnezzar faw in his vifien — " The " height thereof reacheth unto heaven, and the fight thereof *c to tie end of all the earth— And THE BEASTS OF *c THE FIELD have Jhadow under it." Tyranny brings ignorance and brutality along with it. It degrades men from their juft rank, into the clafs of brutes. It damps their fpirits. It fuppreffes arts. It extinguijhes every fpark of noble ardor and generofity in the breafts of thofe who are en/laved by it. It makes naturally-ftrong and great minds,

4- Mr. LcJRe. \\ 2 Pet. ii. 16. f 2 Thef. ii 7. * Mat. xin. 31.

feebh

P R E F A C E.

feeble and little ; and triumphs over the ruins of virtue and humanity. This is true of tyranny in every Jhape- There can be nothing great and good, where its influence reaches. For which reafon it becomes every friend to truth and human kind ; every lover of God and the chriftian religion, to bear a part in oppojing this hateful monjler. It was a defire to contribute a mite towards carrying on a war againft this common enemy , that produced the following dif- courfe. And if ii ferve in any meafure, to keep up a fpirit of civil and religious liberty amongfl us, my end is anr fwered. — There are virtuous and candid men in all fetls ; all fuch are to be efleemed : There are alfo vicious men and bigots in all Jefts ; and all fuch ought to be defpifed.

W.Xft #'liSP^Pp|^pBp-^^ - - .-inyl

" To virtue only and her friends, a friend ;

" The world befide may murmur or commend.

" Know, all the diftant din that world can keep

" Rolls o'er my grotto, and but fooths my deep.55

ii'i ^,5? v T, •••'. J':M uVvJ\??

^u

,aa-'aui ^^

•

Jonathan May hew.

v J

Concerning Unlimited Submifllon and Non-Reliftance to the

Higher Powers.

ROM. XIII. i. 8.

..

1. Let every foul be fubjeft unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God : the powers that be, are ordained of God.

2. Whofoever therefore refiftetb the power, rejtftetb the ordinance of God : and they that refift, Jhall receive to themf elves damnation.

3. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good, and thou Jhalt have praife of the fame :

4. For he is the minifer of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid-, for he btaretb not the fword in vain : for he is the minifter of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil.

5. Wherefore ye mufl needs be fubjeft, not only for wrath 9 but alfo for conference fake.

6. For, for this caufe pay you tribute al/o : for they are God's tnlniflers, attending continually upon this very thing.

7. Render therefore to all their dues : tribute to whom tribute is due ; cuflom, to whom cuftom \fear, to whom fear ; honour, to whom honour.

IT is evident that the affair of civil government may properly fall under a moral and religious confidera- tion, at leaft fo far forth as it relates to the general nature and end of magiftracy, and to the grounds and extent of that fubmifiion which perfons of a private charafter, ought to yield to thofe who are vefted with

B authority.

2 Of unlimited Submiffion^ and

authority. This muft be allowed by all who acknow ledge the divine original of chriftianity. For although there be a fenfe, and a very plain and important fenfe, in which Chrift's kingdom is not of this world ; f his in- fpired apoftles have, neverthelefs, laid down fome general principles concerning the office of civil rulers, and the duty of fubjects, together with the reafon and obligation of that duty. And from hence it follows, that it is pro per for all who acknowledge the authority of Jefus Chrift, and the infpiration of his apoftks, to endeavour to under. Hand what is in fact the doctrine which they have deli vered concerning this matter. It is the duty of chriftian magiflrates to inform themfelves what it is which their religion teaches concerning the nature and defign of their office. And it is equally the duty of all chriftian peo ple to inform themfelves what it is which their religion teaches concerning that fubjection which they owe to the higher powers. It is for thefe reafons that I have attempted to examine into the fcripture- account of this matter, in order to lay it before you with the fame freedom which I conftantly ufe with relation to other doctrines and precepts of chriftianity ; not doubting but you will judge upon every thing offered to your conn* deration, with the fame fpirit of freedom and liberty with which it is fpoken. -SttLQn bnfiWrcifc .

THE paffage readris the moft full and exprefs of any in the new-teftament, relating to rulers and fubjedls : And therefore I thought it proper to ground upon it, what I had to propofe to you with reference to the

f John xviii. 36.

authority.'

Non-Re f^Jlance to the Higher Powers. 3

authority of the civil magiftrate, and the fubjecYion which is due to him. But before I enter upon an ex planation of the feveral parts of this pafiage, it will

be proper to obferve one thing which may ferve as a

i4*' L L i r-*

key to the whole of it.

* '.. ;•- •;;«-• 7 ..

IT is to be obferved, then, that there were fome perfons amongft the chriftians of the apoftolic age, and particularly thofe at Rome, to whom St. Paul is here writing., who feditioufly difclaimed all fubjeclion to civil authority ; refuting to pay taxes, and the duties laid upon their trafic and merchandize ; and who fcrupled not to fpeak of their rulers, without any due regard to their office and character. Some of thefe turbulent cbriftians were converts from judaifm, and others from paganifm. The jews in general had, long before this time, taken up a ftrange conceit, that being the pecu liar and eleft people of God, they were, therefore, ex empted from the jurifdicYion of any heathen princes or governors. Upon this ground it was, that fome of them, during the public miniflry of our bleffed Saviour, came to him with that queftion — Is it lawful to give tribute unto Cefar or not ? * And this notion many of them retained after they were profelyted to the cbri- JlianKith. As to the gentile converts, fome of them, grofly miftook the nature of that liberty which the gof- pel promifcd ; and thought that by virtue of their fubjecYion to Chrift, the only King and Head of his church, they were wholly freed from fubjeclion to any other prince ; as tho' Chrift's kingdom bad been of this

* Matth. xxii. 17.

w&itt,

4 Of unlimited Submijjion^ and

world) in fuch a fenfe as to interfere with the civil powers of the earth, and to deliver their fubjects from that allegiance and duty, which they before owed to them. Of thefe vifionary chriftians in general, who dif- owned fubjection to the civil powers in being where they refpectively lived, there is mention made in feveral places in the new-teftament : The apoftle Peter in par ticular, characterizes them in this manner — them that— *" defpi/e government — prefumptuous are they, felf -willed, they are not afraid to fpeak evil of dignities, f Now it is with reference to thefe doting chriftians, that the apoftle fpeaks in the paflage before us. And I fhall now give you the fenfe of it in a paraphrafe upon each verfe in its order, defiring you to keep in mind the character of the perfons for whom it is defigned, that fo, as I go along, you may fee how juft and natural this addrefs is •, and how well fuited to the circumftances

of thofe againft whom it is levelled.

;tf \<ner*i3:v .-:•;}

THE apoftle begins thus — Let every foul * be fubjett unto the higher powers ; || for there is no power § but of

, 'a^$ *YttAt2l

f 2 Pet. 11. 10.

* E<v ery JouL This is an bebraifm, which fignifies every man ; fo that the apoftle does not exempt the clergy : fuch as were endow ed with the gift of prophefy, or any other miraculous powers which fubfifted in the church at that day. And by his ufing the Hebrew idiom, it feems that he had thejewt/% converts principally in his eye.

|| The higher powers : more literally, the over-ruling powers : which term extends to all civil rulers in common.

§ By power, the apoftle intends not lawlefs/rarg-/£ and brutal force, without regulation or proper direction ; but juft authority ; for fo the word here ufed properly fignifies. There may be power where there is no authority. No man has any authority to do what is wrong and injurious, though he may have/<?w*r to do it.

God:

Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 5

God : the powers that le * are ordained of God -f- ver. i . q. d. " Whereas fome profefTed chriftians vainly ima- " gine, that they are wholly excufed from all manner " of duty and fubje&ion to civil authority, refufing to " honour their rulers, and to pay taxes ; which opini- " on is not only unreafonablc in itfelf, but alfo tends to " fix a lafting reproach upon the chriftian name and " profefiion, I now, as an apoftle and ambaffador of " Chrift, exhort every one of you, be he who he will, " to pay all dutiful fubmifiion to thofe who are vef- " ted with any civil office. For there is, properly " fpeaking, no authority but what is derived from " God, as it is only by his permifiion and providence " that any poffefs it. Yea, I may add, that all civil ** magiftrates, as fuch, altho* they may ^ heathens ^ are ** appointed and ordained of God. For it is certainly " God's will, that fo ufeful an inftitution as that of " magiftracy, fhould take place in the world, for the " good of civil fociety." The apoftle proceeds — Who- foever, therefore, rejifteth the power , rejifteth the ordinance

* The powers that le : thofe perfons who are in faft vefted with authority ; thofe who are in pofleflion. And who thofe are, the apoftle leaves chriflians to determine for themfelves ; but who ever they are, they are to be obeyed.

f Ordained of God : as it is not without God's providence and per- miffion, that any are clothed with authority ; and as it is agree able to the pofitive will and purpofe of God, that there mould be fame perfons vefted with authority for the good of fociety : not that any rulers have their commiffion immediately from God the fupreme Lord of the univerfe. Jf any affert that kings, or any other rulers, are ordained of God in the latter fenfe, it is in cumbent upon them to mow the commiffion which they fpeak of, under the broad feal of heaven. And when tkey do this, they will, no doubt, he believed.

of

6 Of unlimited Sulmiffion^ and

of God ; and they that refift /hall receive to themfehes damnation, ver. 2. q. d. " Think not, therefore, that " ye are guiltlefs of any crime or fin againft God, " when ye faftioufly difobey and refift the civil au- " thority. For magtftracy and government being, as £ " have faid, the ordinance and appointment of God, " it follows, that to refift magiftrates in the execution of <c of their offices, is really to refift the will and ordi- " nance of God himfclf : And they who thus refift> " will accordingly be punifhed by God for this fin in " common with others.5* The apoftle goes on — For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, -j- Wilt thou then^ not be afraid of the power ? Do that which is goody and thou /halt have praife of the fame. For he is the minifter of God to thee for goody ver. 3d, and part of the 4th. q. d. " That you may " fee the truth and juftnefs of what I aflert, (viz. that " magiftracy is the ordinance of God, and that you " fin againft him in oppofing itj confider that even " pagan rulers, are not, by the nature and defign of " their office, enemies and a terror to the good and " virtuous actions of men, but only to the injurious " and mifchievous to fociety. Will ye not, then, re- " verence and honor magiftracy, when ye fee the good

-J- For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. It can not be fuppofed that the apoftle defigns here, or in any of the fucceeding verfes, to give the true chara&er of Nero, or any other civil powers then in being, as if they were in fad fuch perfons as he defcribes, a terror to evil works only, and not to the good, For fuch a character did not belong to them ; and the apoftle was nc^ifycophant, or parafite of power, what ever fome of his pretended fucceflbrs have been. He only tells what rulers would be, proyiied they ailed up to their character and office.

" end

Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 7

" end and intention of it ? How can ye be founreafona- " ble ? Only mind to do your duty as members of " fociety ; and this will gain yon the applaufe and " favour of all good rulers. For while you do thus, they are, by their office, as minifters of God, obli ged to encourage arid protect you ; it is for this very purpofe that they are clothed with power." The apoftle fubjoins — But if thou do tbat which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the fword in vain. For he is the minifter of God^ a revenger ', to execute Watb upon him that doth evil* ver. 4. latter part. q. d. " But " upon the other hand, if ye refufe to do your duty " as members of fociety ; if ye refufe to bear your " part in the fupport of government ; if ye are dif- " orderly, and do things which merit civil chaftifement., .*' then, indeed, ye have reafon to be afraid. For it is

, * It is manifeft that when the apoftle fpeaks of it, as the' office of civil rulers, to encourage what is good, and to punifh what is evil, he fpeaks only of civil good and evil. They are to confalt the good of fociety as fucb ; not to dictate in religious concerns ; not to make laws for the government of men's confciences ; and to inflict civil penalties for religious crimes, it is Efficient to over throw the doctrine of the authority of the civil magiftrate, in af fairs of a fpiritual nature, (fo far as it is built upon any thing which is here faid by St. Paul, or upon any thing elfe in the new-teftament ) only to obferve, that all the magiftrates then in the world were heathen, implacable enemies to chriftianity : fo that to give them authority in religious matters, would have been, in effect, to give them authority to extirpate the chriftian religion, and to eftablifh the idolatries and fuperllitions of pagan- ifm. And can any one reafonably fuppofe, that the apoille had any intention to extend the authority of rulers, beyond con cerns merely civil and political, to the overthrowing of that reli gion which he himfelf was fo zealous in propagating ! But it is natural for thofe whofe religion cannot be Supported upon the footing of reafon and argument, to have recourfe to power and fores', which will ferve a bad caufe as well as a good one; and indeed much better.

" not

8 Of unlimited Sulmlffion^ and

" not in vain that rulers are vefted with the power of " inflicting punifhment. They are, by their office* " not only the minifters of God for good to thofe that " do well ; but alfo his minifters to revenge, to dif- " countenance and punifh thofe that are unruly, and in- " jurious to their neighbours." The apoftle proceeds — Wherefore ye muft needs be fubjeft not only for wrath* but alfo for conscience fake, ver. 5. q. d. " Since there - " fore, magiftracy is the ordinance of God ; and fince " rulers are, by their office, benefactors to fociety, by " difcouraging what is bad, and encouraging what is " good, and fo preferving peace and order amongft " men ; it is evident that ye ought to pay a willing " fubje&ion to them ; not to obey merely for fear of u expofing yourfelves to their wrath and difpleafure, " but alfo in point of reafon, duty and confcience : " Ye are under an indifpenfable obligation, as chriflians, " to honour their office, and to fubmit to them in " the execution of it.'* The apoftle goes on — For, for this caufe pay you, tribute alfo : for they are God's minifters, attending continually upon this very thing, ver. 6. q. d. " And here is a plain reafon alfo why ye fhould " pay tribute to them ; for they are God's minifters, " exalted above the common level of mankind, not u that they may indulge themfelves in foftnefs and " luxury, and be entitled to the fervile homage of their <c fellow- men ; but that they may execute an office no *' lefs laborious than honourable ; and attend continually ^ upon the public welfare. This being their bufmefs

and

, Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 9

" and duty, it is but reafonable, that they fliould be re- " quited for their care and diligence in performing it ; " and enabled, by taxes levied upon the fubjecl, effe&u- " ally to profecute the great end of their inftitution, " the good of fociety." The apoftle fums all up in the following words — Render therefore to all their dues : tribute, * to whom tribute is due ; cuftom, * to whom cuftom ; fear, to whom fear -, honour, to whom honour, ver. 7. q. d. " Let it not, therefore, be faid " of any of you hereafter, that you contemn govern- " ment, to the reproach of yourfelves, and of the " chriflian religion. Neither your being jews by na- <c tion, nor your becoming the fubje&s of Chrift's king- " dom, gives you any difpenfation for making diftur- " bances in the government under which you live. " Approve yourfelves, therefore, as peaceable and du- " tiful fubje&s. Be ready to pay to your rulers all <c that they may, in refpect of their office, juftly de- " mand of you. Render tribute and cuftom to thofe " of your governors to whom tribute and cuftom be- " long : And chearfully honor and reverence all who " are vefted with civil authority, according to their « deferts."

THE apoftle's doctrine, in the paflage thQs explained, concerning the office of civil rulers, and the duty of

** Grotius obferves that the greek words here ufed, anfwer to the tributum and <ve£iigal of the Romans ; the former was the money paid for the foil and poll ; the latter, the duties laid upon fome forts of merchandize. And what the apoftle here fays, deferves to be ferioufly confidered by all chriftians concerned in that com mon practice of carrying on an illicit trade, and running of -goods.

C fubjeds,

io Of unlimited Submlffion^ and

fubjefts, may be fummed up in the following obfer- vations ; * viz.

THAT the end of magiftracy is the good of civil fociety, as fucb :

THAT civil rulers, as fucb> are the ordinance and mi- nifters of God ; it being by his permiflion and provi dence that any bear rule ; and agreeable to his will, that there fhould be fome perfons vefted with authority in fociety, for the well-being of it :

THAT which is here faid concerning civil rulers, ex tends to all of them in common : it relates indifferently to monarchical, republican and ariftocratical government •, and to all other forms which truly anfwer the fole end of government, the happinefs of fociety ; and to all the different degrees of authority in any particular (late •, to inferior officers no lefs than to the fupreme :

THAT difobedience to civil rulers in the due exer- cife of their authority, is not merely a political fin^ but an heinous offence again/I , God and religion :

'• THAT the true ground and reafon "f of our obliga tion to be fubjeft to the higher powers, is the ufefulnefs

of

*'The feveral obfervations here only mentioned, were handled at large in two proceeding difcourfes upon this fubjeft.

-Jv Some fuppofe the apoftle in this paffage inforces the duty of lubmiflion, with two arguments quite diftinft from each other ; one taken from this confideration, that rulers are the ordinance, and the minifters of God, (ver. i. 2. and 4.) and the other, from the benefits that accrue to fociety, from civil government, (ver. 3, 4, and 6.) And indeed thefe may be diftincl motives and arguments for fubmiflion, as they may be feparately viewed

and

Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 1

ofmagiftracy (when properly exercifed) to human fociety, and its fubferviency to the general welfare :

THAT obedience to civil rulers is here equally requi red under all forms of government, which anfwer the fole end of all government, the good of fociety •, and to every degree of authority in any ftate, whether fupreme or fubordinate :

(From whence it follows,

THAT if unlimited obedience and non-refiftance, be here required as a duty under any one form of govern ment, it is alfo required as a duty under all other forms ; and as a duty to fubordinate rulers as well as to the fupreme.)

AND laftly, that thofe civil rulers to whom the apoftle injoins fubjedtion, are the perfons in po/effion;

and contemplated. But when we confider that rulers are not the ordinance and the miniiters of God, but only fo far forth as they perform God's will, by acting up to their office and cha- rafter, and fo by being benefactors to fociety, this makes thefe arguments coincide, and run up into one at lad : At leaft fo far, that the former of them cannot hold good for fub- miffion, where the latter fails. Put the fuppofition, that any man bearing the title of a magistrate, fliould exercife his power in fuch a manner as to have no claim to obedience by virtue of that argument which is founded upon the ufefulnefs of magi- / ftracy ; and you equally take off the force of the other argu ment alfo, which is founded upon his being the ordinance and the minifter of God. For he is no longer God's ordinance and minifter, than he acts up to his office and character, by exer- cifing his power for the good of fociety — This is, in brief, the reafon why it is faid above, in the Jtngular number, that the true ground and reafon, &c. The ufe and propriety of this remark may poffibly be more apparent in the progrefs of the argument concerning refinance.

j 2 Of unlimited Sulmlffion^ and

the powers that be •> thofe who are actually vefted with authority. *f

THERE is one very important and interefling point which remains to be inquired into •, namely, the extent of that fubjection to the higher powers, which is here enjpined as a duty upon all chriftians. Some have thpught it warrantable and glorious, to difobey the civil powers in certain circumftances ; and, in cafes of very great and general oppreflion, when humble remonftrances fail of having any effedl ; and when. the publick welfare can. not be otherwife provided for and fecyred, to rife una- nimoufly even againft thq fovereign himfelf, ia order to redrefs their grievances 5 to vindicate their natural and legal rights : to break the yoke of tyranny, and free themfelves and pofterity from inglorious fervitude and ruin. It is upon this principle that many royal oppref- fprs hav£ been driven from their thrones into baniflv ment ; and many (lain by the hands of their fubjecls.

•f This muft be underftood with this pro<vifot that they do not grofly abuje their power- and truft, but exercfe it for the good of thofe that are governed. Who thefe perfons were, whe ther Nero, &c. or not, the apoftle does not fay ; but leaves it to:be determined by thofe to whom he writes. God does not interpofe, in a miraculous way, to point out the perfons who {hall bear rule, and to whom fubjeftion is due. And as to the unalienable, indefeafible right of primogeniture, the fcriptures are intirely ftlent : or rather plainly contradid it : &w/ being the firft king among the Ijraelites ; and appointed to the royal dig nity, during his own father's life- time : and he was fucceeded, or rather fuperfeded, by David, the laft lorn among many bre thren — Now .if God has cot invariably determined this matter, it muft, of courfe, be determined by men. And if it be deter mined by men, it muft be determined either in the way of force, or of compatf. And which of thefe is the moft equitable? can be no queftipn,

it

Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 3

It was upon this principle that ^arquin was expelled from Rome \ and Julius Cefar, the conqueror of the world, and the tyrant of his country, cut off in the fenate houfe. It was upon this principle, that king Charles' I, was be headed before his own banqueting houfe. It was upon this principle, that king James II. was made to fly that country which he aim'd at enflaving : And upon this principle was that revolution brought about, which has been fo fruitful of happy confequences to Great-Britain. But, in oppofition to this principle, it has often been af- ferted, that the fcripture in general (and the pafiage un der confideration in particular) makes all refiftance to princes a crime, in any cafe whatever — If they turn ty rants, and become the common oppreflbrs of thofe, whofe welfare they ought to regard with a paternal af fection, we muft not pretend to right ourfelves, unlefs it be by prayers and tears and humble intreaties : And if thefe methods fail of procuring redrcfs, we muft not have recourfe to any other, but all fuffer ourfelves to be robbed and butchered at the pleafure of the Lord's anointed •, left we mould incur the fin of rebellion, and the punimment of damnation. For he has God's au thority and commimon to bear him out in the worft of crimes, fo far that he may not be withftood or controuled. Now whether we are obliged to yield fuch an abfolute fubmimon to our prince ; or whether difo- bedience and refiftance may not be juftifiable in fome cafes, notwithftanding any thing in the paflage before us, is an inquiry hv which we are all concerned ; and this is the inquiry which is the main defign of the prefenfc

difepurfc.

Now

14 Of unlimited Submijffion> and

Now there does not feem to be any necefiity of fup- pofing, that an abfolute, unlimited obedience, whether adtive or paffive, is here injoined, merely for this reafon, that the precept is delivered in abfolute terms, without any exception or limitation expreQy mentioned. We are enjoined, (ver. i.) to be fubjeft to the higher powers: and (ver. 5.) to be fubjeft for conscience fake. And becaufe thefe expreffions are abfolute and unlimited, (or more properly, general) fome have inferred, that the fubjedtion required in them, muft be abfolute and unli mited alfb : At lead fo far forth as to make paffive obedience and non -refiftance, a duty in all cafes what ever, if not adlive obedience likewife. Though, by the way, there is here no diftinftion made betwixt adive and paflive obedience ; and if either of them be requi red in an unlimited fenfe, the other muft be required in the fame fenfe alfo, by virtue of the prefent argument ; becaufe the exprefiions are equally abfolute with refpecl: to both. But that unlimited obedience of any fort, cannot be argued merely from the indefinite expreflions in which obedience is enjoined, appears from hence, that expreffions of the fame nature, frequently occur in fcrip- ture, upon which it is confefled on all hands, that no fuch abfolute and unlimited fenfe ought to be put. For example, Love not the world ; neither the things that are in the world ; f Lay not up for yourfelves treafures upon earth -, * I'ake therefore no thought for the morrow •, || are precepts expreffed in at lead equally abfolute and unli mited terms : but it is generally allowed that they are to be underftood with certain reftrictions and limicati-

f i John ii. 15. * Matt. vi. 19. |j Matt. vi. 34.

ons ;

Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 5

ons •, fome degree of love to the world, and the things of it, being allowable. Nor, indeed, do the Right Re- verend Fathers in God, and other dignified clergymen of the eftablifhed church, feem to be altogether averfe to admitting of reftricYions in the latter cafe, how warm foever any of them may be againft reftricYions, and limitations, in the cafe of fubmiffion to authority, whe ther civil or ecclefiaftical. It is worth remarking alfo, that patience and fubmiffion under private injuries, are injoined in much more peremptory and abfolute terms, than any that are ufed with regard to fubmiffion to the injuftice and oppreffion of civil rulers. Thus, 1 fay unto you, that ye refift not evil; but whofoever jhall fmite thee en the right cheek, turn to him the other alfo. And if any man will fue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloke alfo. And whofoever Jhall compel thee io go a mile with him, go with him twain, f Any man may be defied to produce fuch ilrong expreffions in favor of a paffive and tame fubmiffion to unjuft, tyran nical rulers, as are here ufed to inforcc fubmiffion to private injuries. But how few are there that underftand thofe expreffions literally ? And the reafon why they do not, is becaufe ( with fubmiffion to the quakers ) common fenfe mows that they were not intended to be fo underftood.

BUT to inftance in fome fcripture- precepts, which are more directly to the point in hand. — Children are commanded to obey their parents, and fervants, their matters, in as abfolute and unlimited terms asfubjects

t Mat. v. 39,40,41.

are

1 6 Of unlimited Submiffion^ and

are here commanded to obey their civil rulers. Thus this fame apoftle — Children obey your parents in the Lord*, for this is right. Honour thy father and mother, — which is thefirft commandment withpromife. — Servants, be obe dient to them that are your nuaflers according to the flefh, with fear and trembling, with Jinglenefs of your heart as unto Chrlft. * Thus alfo wives are commanded to be obedient to their hnfbands — Wives, fubmit your f elves unto your own hujbands, as unto the Lord. For the hufband is head of the wife, even as CHRIST IS THE HEAD OF THE CHURCH —Therefore, as the church is fubjefl unto Chrift, fo let the wives be to their own hujbands IN EVERY THING, f In all thefe cafes, fubmiffion is required in terms ( at lead ) as abfolute and univerfal, as are ever ufed with refpeft to rulers and fubjecls. But who fuppofes that the apo- ftle ever intended to teach, that children, fcrvants and wives, mould, in all cafes whatever, obey their pa rents, matters and hufbands refpeftively, never making any oppofition to their will, even although they mould require them to break the commandments of God, or mould caufelefly make an attempt upon their lives ? No one puts ftich a fenfe upon thefe exprefllons, how ever abfolute and unlimited. Why then fhould it be fuppofed, that the apoflle defigned to teach univerfai obedience, whether active or palTive, to the higher pow ers, merely becaufe his precepts are delivered in abfolute and unlimited terms ? And if this be a good argument in one cafe, why is it not in others alfo ? If it be faid

* Eph. vi. i, &c, f Eph. v. 22, 23, 24.

that

Non-Refeftance to the Higher Powers. 1 7

that refiftance and difobedience to the higher powers^ is here faid pofitively to be a fin, fo alfo is the difobedience of children to parents •, fervants, to mafters ; and wives, to hufbands, in other places of fcripture. But the quef- tion flill remains, whether in all thefe cafes there be not fome exceptions ? In the three latter, it is allowed there are. And from hence it follows, that barely the ufe of abfolute exprefiions, is no proof, that obedience to civil rulers, is, in all cafes, a duty ; or refiftance, in all cafes a fin. I fhould not have thought it worth while to take any notice at all of this argument, had it not been much infifted upon by fome of the advocates for pafiive obedience and non- refiftance: For it is, in itfelf, perfectly trifling -, and render'd confidera- ble, only by the ftrefs that has been laid upon it for want of better.

THERE is, indeed, one paffage in the new-teftament, where it may feem, at firft view, that an unlimited fubmiffion to civil rulers, is injoined.— Submit your fehes to every ordinance of man for the Lord's fake.^— To every ordinance of man. — However, this expreffion is no ftronger than that before taken notice of, with relation to the duty of wives — So let the wives be fubjeft to their own hujbands— IN EVERY THING. But the true folution of this difficulty ( if it be one) is this : by every ordinance of man, * is not meant every command of the civil magiftrate without exception ; but every

t i Pet. 2. 13.

* Literally, every human injlitution, or appointment. By which manner of expreffion the apoflle plainly intimates, that rulers de rive their authority immediately, not from Godt but from men.

D order

v • '"*' "* **

1 8 Of unlimited Submi/wn, and

order of magistrates appointed by man j — whether fuperior or inferior : For fo the apoftle explains himfelf in the Tery next words — Whether it le to the king as fupreme, or to governors, as unto them that are fent, &c. But although the apoftle had not fubjoined any fuch expla nation, the reafon of the thing itfelf would have obli ged us to limit the expreflion [every ordinance of man ] to fuch human ordinances and commands, as are not in- confiflent with the ordinances and commands of God3 the fupreme lawgiver -y or with any other higher, and antecedent, obligations,

IT is to be obferved, in the next place, that as the duty of univerfal obedience and non-refiftance to the higher powers, cannot be argued from the abfolute unli mited exprefllons which the apoftle here ufes ; fo neither can it be argued from the fcope and drift of his rea- fonjng, confidered with relation to the perfons he wa& here oppofing. As was obferved above, there were fome profeffed chriftians in the apoftolic age, who dif- claimed ail magiftracy and civil authority in general, defpijing government, and f peaking evil of dignities-, fome under a notion tl^at jews ought not to be under the •jurifdicYion of gentile rulers \ and others, that they were let free from the temporal powers, by. Ch rift. Now it is with perfons of this licentious opinion and character, that the apoftle is concerned. And all that was directly -jto his point, was to fhow, that they were bound to fub- rrjit to magiftracy in. general. This is -a circumftance very material to be taken notice of, in order to afcertain

the

Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 9

the fenfe of the apoftle. For this being confidered, it is fufHcient to account for all that he fays concerning the duty of fubjecYion, and the fin of refinance, to the bigber powers, without having recourfe to the doctrine of unlimited fubmiflion and pafiive obedience, in all cafes whatever. Were it known that thofe in oppofi- tion to whom, the apoftle wrote, allowed of civil au thority in general, and only aflerted that there were fome cafes in which obedience and non-refiftance, were not a duty ; there would, then, indeed, be reafon for interpreting this paflage as containing the dodlrine of unlimited obedience, and non-refiflance, as it muft, in this cafe, be fuppofed to have been levelled againft fuch as denied that do&rine. But fince it is certain that there were perfons who vainly imagined, that civil government in general, was not to be regarded by them, it is mod reafonable to fuppofe, that the apoftle defigned his dif- courfe only againft them. And agreeably to this fuppo- fition, we find that he argues the ufefulnefs of civil ma- giftracy in general ; its agreeablenefs to the will and purpofe of God, who is over all ; and fo deduces from hence, the obligation of fubmiflion to it. But it will not follow, that becaufe civil government, is, in general, a good inftitution, and neceflary to the peace and happi- nefs of human fociety, therefore there are no fuppofeable cafes in which refiftance to it can be innocent. So that the duty of unlimited obedience, whether active or paf- five, can be argued, neither from the manner of expref- fion here ufed, nor from the general fcope and defign of the paflage.

AND

2O Of unlimited Submijjlon^ and

AND if we attend to the nature of the argument with which the apoftle here inforces the duty of fubmif- fion to the higher powers, we fhall find it to be fuch an one as concludes not in favor of fubmifllon to all who bear the title of rulers, m common ; but only, to thofe who aftually perform the duty of rulers, by exercifing a reafonable and juft authority, for the good of human fociety. This is a point which it will be proper to en large upon •, becaufe the queftion before us turns very much upon the truth or falfhood of this pofition. It is obvious, then, in general, that the civil rulers whom the apoftle here fpeaks of, and obedience to whom he prefles upon chriftians as a duty, are good rulers^ f fnch as are, in the exercife of their office and power, bene factors to fociety. Such they are defctibed to be, thro'- out this pafTage. Thus it is faid, that they are not a terror to good works , but to the evil ; that they are God's minifters for good ; revengers to execute wrath upon him that doth evil ; and that they attend continually upon this •very thing. St. Peter gives the fame account of rulers : They are for a praife to them that do well, and the pu- nijhment of evil doers. * It is manifeft that this cha racter and defcription of rulers, agrees only to fuch as are rulers in fact, as well as in name : to fuch as govern well, and act agreeably to their office. And the apo- ftle's argument for fubmiffion to rulers, is wholly built

•f By good rulers, are not intended fuch as are good in a moral or religious, but only in a political, fenfe ; thofe who perform their duty fo far as their office extends ; and io far as civil fociety, as fuch, is concerned in their actions.

* See the marginal note, page 6. See alfo the marginal note, p. 7.

and

Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 2 1

and grounded upon a preemption that they do in fa& anfwer this character ; and is of no force at aH upon fuppofition of the contrary. If rulers are a terror to good works, and not to the evil •, if they are not minifters for good to fociety, but for evil and diftrefs, by violence and oppreffion ; if they execute wrath upon fober, peace able perfons, who do their duty as members of fociety ; and fuffer rich and honourable knaves to efcape with impunity ; if, inftead of attending continually upon the good work of advancing the publick welfare, they attend only upon the gratification of their own luffi and pride and ambition, to the deftmdlion of the public welfare ; if this be the cafe, it is plain that the apoftle's argument for fubmiffion does not reach them ; they are not the fame, but different perfons from thofe whom he cha racterizes ; and who mud be obeyed according to his reafoning. — Let me illuilrate the apoftle*s argument, by the following fimilitude : (it is no matter how far it is from any thing which has, in fact, happened in the world.) Suppofe, then, it was allowed, in general, that the clergy were an ufeful order of men •, that they ought to be etteemed very highly in love for their works fake ; -f* and to be decently fupported by thofe whom they ferve, the labourer being worthy of his reward. * Sup pofe farther, that a number of Reverend and Right Re verend Drones, who worked not ; who preached, perhaps, but once a year, and then, not the gojpel of Jefus Chrift ; but the divine right of tythes ; — the dignity of their office as ambaffadors of Chrift, the equity of fine-cures, and

\ i Thcf. v, 1.3. * i Tim. v. 18.

a

2 2 Of unlimited Submijfion^ and

a 'plurality of benefices -, — the excellency of the devotions in that prayer book, which fome of them -hired chap lains to ufe for them ; — or fome favourite point of church- tyranny, and antichriftian ufurpation ; fuppofe fuch men as thefe, fpending their lives in effeminacy, luxury and idlenefs ; (or when they were not idle, doing that which is worfe than idlenefs ; fuppofe fuch men,) mould, merely by the merit of ordination and confecration, and a pecu liar, odd habit, claim great refpedt and reverence from thofe whom they civilly called the beafts of the laiety ; || and demand thoufands per annum, for that good fervice which they — never performed ; and for which, if they had performed it, this would be much more than a quan tum meruit : fuppofe this mould be the cafe, ("it is only by way of Jimile, and furely it will give no offence,) would not every body be aftonimed at fuch infolence, injuftice and impiety ? And ought not fuch men to be told plainly, that they could not reafonably expect the efteem and reward, due to the minifters of the gofpel, unlefs they did the duties of their office ? Should they not be told, that their title and habit claimed no regard, reverence or pay, feparate from the care and work and various duties of their function ? And that while they neglected the latter, the former ferved only to render them the more ridiculous and contemptible ? — The appli cation of this Jimilitude to the cafe in hand, is very eafy. — If thofe who bear the title of civil rulers, do not perform the duty of civil rulers, but act directly counter to the fole end and defign of their office ; if they

|| Mr. Lf/Iie.

injure

Non-Refiftance to tie Higher Powers. 2 3

injure and opprefs their fubjects, inftead of defending their rights and doing them good ; they have not the leaft pretence to be honored, obeyed and rewarded, ac cording to the apoftle's argument. For his reafoning, in order to Ihow the duty of fubjection to the higher powers, is, as was before obferved, built -wholly upon the fuppofition, that they do, in faff, perform the duty of rulers;

IF it be faid, that the apoftlq here ufes another ^ar gument for fubmiffion to the higher powers, befides that which is taken from the ufefulnefs of their office to civil fociety, when properly difcharged and executed ; namely* that their power is from God 5 that they are ordained of God ; and that they are God's minifters : And if it be faid, that this argument for fubmiffion to them will hold good, although they do not exercife their power for the benefit, but for the ruin, and deftruction of human foeiety ; this objection was obviated, in part, before, f Rulers have no authority from God to do mi.fchief. They are not God's ordinance, or God's minifters, in any other fenfe than as it is by his permiffion and pro vidence, that they are exalted to bear rule ; and as magiftracy duly exercifed, and authority rightly applied, in the enacting and executing good laws, — laws attem pered a^nd accommodated to the common welfare of the fubjects, muft be fuppofed to be agreeable to • the will of the beneficent author and fupreme Lord of the uni- verfe ; whofe kingdom rulelh over all \ * and whofe

t See the margin, page 10, note f. * PfuL ciii. 19.

tender

24 Of unlimited Sulmlffion^ and

Under mercies are over all his works, f It is blafphemy to call tyrants and opprefibrs, God's minifters. They are more properly the meffengers of fatan to buffet us. * No rulers are properly God's minifters, but fuch as are jusJ, ruling in the fear of God. \\ When once magiftrates act contrary to their office, and the end of their infti- tution ; when they rob and ruin the public, inftead of being guardians of its peace and welfare ; they imme diately ceafe to be the ordinance and minifters of God ; and no more deferve that glorious character than common pirates and highwaymen. So that whenever that argu ment for fubmifiion, fails, which is grounded upon the ufefulnefs of magiftracy to civil fociety, (as it always does when magiftrates do hurt to fociety inftead of good) the other argument, which is taken from their being the ordinance of God, muft neceiTarily fail alfb ; no perfon of a civil character being God's minisler, in the fenfe of the apoftle, any farther than he performs God's will, by exercifmg a juft and reafonable authority 5 and ruling for the good of the fubject.

THIS in general. Let us now trace the apoftle's reafoning in favor of fubmifiion to the higher powers , a little more particularly and exactly. For by this it will appear, on one hand, how good and conclufive it is, for fubmifiion to thofe rulers who exercife their power in a proper manner : And, on the other, how weak and trifling and inconnected it is, if it be fuppofed to be meant by the apoftle to mow the obligation and duty of

f Pfal. cxlv. 19, * 2 Cor. xii. 7. |j 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.

obedience

Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 25

obedience to tyrannical, opprefllve rulers in common with others of a different character.

THE apoftle enters upon his fubjeft thus— Let every foul be fubjeft unto the higher powers ; for there is no power but of God : the powers that be, are ordained of God. * Here he urges the duty of obedience from this topic of argument, that civil rulers, as they are fuppofed to fulfil the pleafure of God, are the ordi nance of God. But how is this an argument for obe dience to fuch rulers as do not perform the pleafure of God, by doing good •, but the pleafure of the devil, by doing evil ; and fuch as are not, therefore, God's r.iinifters, but the devil's ! Whofoever, therefore, refifleth the power, refifteth the ordinance of God ; and they that reftfl, fhall receive to themf elves damnation, -f Here the apoftle argues, that thofe who refift a rea- fonable and juft authority, which is agreeable to the will of God, do really refift the will of God himfelf- and will, therefore, be punifhed by him. But how does this prove, that thofe who refift a lawlefs, unreafonable power, which is contrary to the will of God, do therein refift the will and ordinance of God ? Is re. fifting thofe who refift God's will, the fame thing with refilling God ? - Or (hall thofe who do fo, receive to themselves damnation ! For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? Do that which is good -, and thou /halt have praife of the fame. For he is the minifter of God to

thee for good. 4. Here the apoftle argues more explicitly * Ver. i. f Ver. 2. 4- Ver. 3d. and part of the 4th.

Us*7 , E than

26 Of unlimited Submi/ton) and

than he had before done, for revereing, and fubmitting to, magiftracy, from this confideration, that fuch as really performed the duty of magiftrates, would be enemies only to the evil actions of men, and would befriend and encourage the good •, and fo be a common bleffing to fociety. But how is this an argument, that we muft honor, and fubmit to, fuch magiftrates as are not enemies to the evil aclions of men •, but to the good ; and fuch as are not a common bleffing, but a common curfe, to fociety ! But if tbou do that which is evil, be afraid : For he is the minifter of God Y a revenger ', to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, t Here the apoftle argues from the nature and end of magiftracy, that fuch as did evil, (and fuch only) had reafon to be afraid of the higher powers •, it being part of their office to punifh evil doers, no lefs than to de fend and encourage fuch as do well. But if magiftrates are unrighteous -, if they are refpeflers of perfons ; if they are partial in their adminiftration of juftice ; then thofe who do well have as much reafon to be afraid, as thofe that do evil : there carvbe no fafety for the good, hdr any peculiar ground of terror to the unruly and in- jufious. So that, in this cafe, the main end of civil government will be fruftrated. And what reafon is there for fubmitting to that government, which does by no means anfwer the defign of government ? Where fore ye muft needs be fitly eft not only for wrath, but alfo for conscience fake. * Here the apoftle argues the duty . of a chearful and confcientious fubmiffion to civil go-,

f Ver. 4th, latter part. * Ver. 5.

vernment,

Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 27

vernment, from the nature and end of magiftracy as he had before laid it down, i. e. as the defign of it was to punifh evil doers, and to fupportand encourage fuch as do well ; and as it muft, if fo exercifed, be agreeable to the will of God. But how does what he here fays> prove the duty of a chearful and confcientious fubje&ion to thofe who forfeit the chara&er of rulers ? to thofe who encourage the bad, and difcourage the good ? The argument here ufed no more proves it to be a fin to refift fuch rulers, than it does, to refift the devil, that he mzy flee from us* For one is as truly tht'minifttr of God as the other. For, for this caufe pay you tribute alfo -, for they are God's minijlers, attending continually upon this very thing, f Here the apoftle argues the duty of paying taxes, from this confideration, that thofe who perform the duty of rulers, are continually attending upon the public welfare. But how does this argument conclude for paying taxes to fuch princes as are conti nually endeavouring to ruin the public ? And efpecially when fuch payment would facilitate and promote t wicked defign ! Render therefore to all their dues ; tri bute, to whom tribute is due ; cuftom, to whom cuftom ; fear to whom fear -, honor, to whom honor. \\ Here the apoftle fums up what he had been faying concerning the duty of fubjeas to rulers. And his argument ftanc thus — " Since magi ft rates who execute their office well, « are common benefadors to fociety ; and may, in « that refpea, be properly ftiled the miniflers and ordi- « nance of God -, and fince they arc conftantly employed

* James iv. 7- 't Ver. 6. || Ver. 7

in

2 8 , Of unlimited Submijffion, and

" in the fervice of the public ; it becomes you to pay " them tribute and cuftom ; and to reverence, honor, " and fubmit to, them in the execution of their re- " fpective offices." This is apparently good reafoning. But does this argument conclude for the duty of paying tribute, cuftom, reverence, honor and obedience, to fuch perfons as (although the^ bear the title of rulers) ufe all their power to hurt and injure the public? fuch as are not God's minifters, but fattn's ? fuch as do not take care of, and attend upon, the public intereft, but their own, to the ruin of the public ? that is, in fhort, to fuch as have no natural and juft claim at all to tribute, cuftom, reverence, honor and obedience ? It is to be hoped that thofe who have any regard to the apoftle's character as an infpired writer, or even as a man of common underftanding, will not reprefent him as reafoning in fuch a loofe incoherent manner ; and draw ing conclufions which have not the Jeaft relation to his premifes. For what can be more abfurd than an argu ment thus framed ?• " Rulers are, by their office, bound " to confult the public welfare and the good of fo- " ciety : therefore you are bound to pay them tribute, *e to honor, and to fubmit to them, even when they " deftroy the public welfare, and are a common peft to *• fociety, by acting in direct contradiction to the nature " and end of their office.51

THUS, upon a careful review of the apoftle9s reafoning

•; ifi this pafiage, it appears that his arguments to enforce

fubmiffion, are of fuch a nature, as to conclude only in

favour of fubmiffion to fuch rulers as be bimfelf defer ibes •,

Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 29

i. e. fuch as' rule for the good of fociety, which is the only end of their inftitution. Common tyrants, and public oppreflbrs, are not intitled to obedience from their fubjefts, by virtue of any thing here laid down by theinfpired apoftle^

h o/ gmL-io'rjfi 3J5ifo bnn ; fjfbi pi bris <rnii< I NOW add, farther, that the apoftle's argument is

fo far from proving it to be the duty of people to obey, and fubmit to, fuch rulers as aft in contradiction to the public good, f and fo to the defign of their office, that it proves tie 'direft . contrary. For, "pleafe to obferve, that if the end of all civil government, be the good of fociety •, if this be the thing that is aimed at in conftituting civil rulers ; and if the motive and argument for fubmiflion to government, be taken from the apparent ufefulnefs of civil authority \ it follows, that when no fuch good end can be anfwered by fub- miflion, there rernains no argument or motive to enforce it •, if inftead of this good end's being brought about by fubmifilon, a contrary end is brought about, and the ruin and mifery of fociety effected by it, here is a plain and pofitive reafon againft fubmiffion in all fuch cafes, fliould they ever happen. And therefore, in fuch cafes, a regard to the public welfare, ought to make us with-hold from our rulers, that obedience and fub- jedion which ic would, otherwife, be our duty to render to them. If it be our duty, for example, to obey our king, merely for this, reafon, that he rules fpr the pub*

f This does nofc intend,- their-a&ng fo in-.^ fenv particular inftances, which the bed of rulers may do through miftake, &c. but their afting fo habitually ; and in a manner which plainly {hows, that Sbey aim at making themfelves great, by the ruin of their fubje&s.

lie

30 Of unlimited SulmlJJlon^ and

lie welfare, ( which is the only argument the apoftle makes ufe of) it follows, by a parity of reafon, that when he turns tyrant, and makes his fubjecls his prey to devour and to deftroy, inftead of his charge to defend and cherifh, we are bound to throw off our allegiance to him, and to refift -, and that according to the tenor of the apoftle's argument in this paflage. Not to dif- continue our allegiance, in this cafe, would be to join with the fovereign in promoting the flavery and mi- fery of that fociety, the welfare of which, we ourfelves, as well as our fovereign, are indifpenfably obliged to fe- cure and promote, as far as in us lies. It is true the apoftle puts no cafe of fuch a tyrannical prince ; but by his grounding his argument for fubmifiion wholly upon the good of civil fociety ; it is plain he implicitly autho- rifes, and even requires us to make refiftance, whenever this mall be neceffary to the public fafety and happinefs. Let me make ufe of this eafy and familiar fimilitude to illuftrate the point in hand — Suppofe God requires a family of children, to obey their father and not to refift him ; and inforces his command with this argument ; that the fuperintendence and care and authority ofajuft and kind parent, will contribute to the happinefs of the whole family -, fo that they ought to obey him for their own fakes more than for his : Suppofe this parent at length runs diftra&ed, and attempts, in his mad fit, to cut all his children's throats : Now, in this cafe, is not the reafon before afllgned, why thefe children mould obey their parent while he continued of a found mind,

namely, their common good, a reafon equally conclufive

for

Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 31

for difobeying and refitting him, fince he is become delirious, and attempts their ruin ? It makes no alteration in the argument, whether this parent, properly fpeaking, lofes his reafon ; or does, while he retains his underftand- ing, that which is as fatal in its confequences, as any thing he could do, were he really deprived of it. This fimilitude needs no formal application —

. BUT it ought to be remembred, that if the duty of

univerfal obedience and non-refiftance to our king or prince, can be argued from this pafTage, the fame unli mited fubmiflion under a republican, or any other form of government \ and even to all the fubordinate powers in any particular ftate, can be proved by it as well : which is more than thofe who alledge it for the menti oned purpofe, would be willing mould be inferred from it. So that this paflage docs not anfwer their purpofe ; but really overthrows and confutes it. This matter deferves to be more particularly confidered. — The ad vocates for unlimited fubmiflion and paflive obedience, do, if I miftake not, always fpeak with reference to kingly or monarchical government, as diftinguimed from all other forms ; and, with reference to fubmitting to the will of the king, in diftindlion from all fubordinate officers, acting beyond their commiflion, and the autho rity which they have received from the crown. It is not pretended that any perfon befides kings, have a di vine right to do what they pleafe, fo that no one may refift them, without incurring the guilt of factioufnefs and rebellion. If any other fupreme powers opprefs the

people.

3 2 Of unlimited Submiffion^ and

people, it is generally allowed, that the people may get redrefs, by refinance, if other methods prove inef- feftual. And if any officers in a kingly government, go beyond the limits of that power which they have de rived from the crown, (the fuppofed original fource of all power and authority in the ftate) and attempt, ille gally, to take away the properties and lives of their fel low- fubjefts, they may be forcibly refitted, at lead till application can be made to the crown. But as to the fovereign himfelf, he may not be refitted in any cafe ; nor any of his officer?, while they confine themfelves within the bounds/ which he has prefcribed to them. This is, I think, a true fketch of the principles of thofe

who defend the do6lrine of paffive obedience and non-

*

refinance. Now there is nothing in fcripture which fupports this fcheme of political principles. As to the pafTage under confideration, the apoflle here fpeaks of civil rulers in general •, of all perfons in common, vefted with authority for the good of fociety, without any par ticular refeYehce to one form of government, more than to another; or to the fupreme power in any particular flate, more than to fubordinate powers. The apoftle does not concern himfelf with the different forms of go vernment, f This he fuppofes left intirely to human

prudence 'j|j.-: - l i^&vStil

•f- The effence of government (.1 mean good government; and this is the only government which the apoitle treats of in this paf- fage ) confilis in the making and executing of good laws — laws attempered to the common felicity of \kt governed. And if this be, infaiJ, <lon-e, ins evidently,, in it felf, a t'hing of no confequence at all, what the particular form of government is .; — whether the • JegifUtiye and executive power be lodged in one and the fame per-

«*

Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 3 3

prudence and difcretion. Now the confequence of this is, that unlimited and paffive obedience, is no more enjoined in this pafTage, under monarchical government ; or to the fupreme power in any ftate, than under all other fpecies of government, which anfwer the end of government ; or, to all the fubordinate degrees of civil authority, from the highed to the lowed. Thofe, therefore, who would from this paflage infer the guilt of refiding kings, in all cafes whatever, though acYmg ever fo contrary to the defign of their office, mud, if they will be confident, go much farther, and infer from it the guilt of refidance under all other forms of government ; and of refilling any petty officer in the date, tho* afling beyond his commifilon, in the mod arbitrary, illegal manner poflible. The argument holds equally drong in both cafes. All civil rulers, as fuch, are the ordinance and minifters of God ; and they are all, by the nature of their office, and in their refpective fpheres and dations, bound to confult the public welfare. With the fame reafon therefore, that any deny unlimited and paffive obedi-

fon, or in different perfons ; — whether in one perfon, whom we call an abfolute monarch ; — whether in a/fw, fo as to conftitute an arijlocrafy ; — whether in many, fo as to conftitute a republic ; or whether in three co-ordinate branches, in fuch manner as to make the government partake fomething of each of thefe forms ; and to be, at the fame time, effentially different from them all. If the end be attained, it is enough. But no form of government feems to be fo unlikely to accomplifh this end, as abfolute mo narchy Nor is there any one that has fo little pretence to a

divine original, unlefs it be in this fenfe, that God/Vy? introduced it into, and thereby overturned, the common wealth of Ifrael, as zcurfe upon that people for their folly and <wickednefs, particularly in drfiring fuch a government. (See I Sam. viii. chap.) Jult fo God, before, fent Quails amongft them, as a plague, and a cur/et and not as a ble/mg. Numb. chap. xi.

F ence

34 Of unlimited Sulmiffion^ and

cnce to be here injoined under a republic or ariftocrafy, or any other eftablifhed form of civil government ; or to fubordinate powers, acting in an illegal and oppreflive manner •, (with the fame reafon) others may deny, that fuch obedience is enjoined to a king or monarch, or any civil power whatever. For the apoflle fays nothing that is peculiar to kings \ what he fays,extends equally to all other perfons whatever, vetted with any civil office. They are all, in exactly the fame fenfe, the ordinance of God ; and the minifters of God ; and obedience is equally enjoined to be paid to them all. For, as the apoflle exprefies it, there is NO POWER but of God: And we are requi red to render to ALL their DUES ; and not MORE than their DUES. And what thefe dues are, and to vpbom they are to be rendered, the apofrkfayetb not\ but leaves to the reafon and confciences of men to determine.

! '

THUS it appears, that the common argument, grounded upon this paffage, in favor of univerfal, and paffive obedience, really overthrows itfelf, by proving too much, if it proves any thing at all , namely, that no civil officer is, in any cafe whatever, to be refilled, though acting in exprefs contradiction to the defign, of his office •, which no man, in his fenfes, ever did, or can

* * ' briij

aflfert.

.". . !

IF we calmly confider the nature of the thing itfelf, nothing can well be imagined more directly contrary to common fenfe, than to fuppofe that millions of people

fhould be fubjected to the arbitrary, precarious pleafure

of

Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 3 5

of one fingle man ; (who has naturally no fuperiority over them in point of authority,) fo that their eftates, and every thing that is valuable in Jife, and even their lives alfo, fhall be abfolutely at his difpofal, if he happens to be wanton and capricious enough to demand them. What unprejudiced man can think, that God made ALL to be thus fubfervient to the lawlefs pleafure and phrenzy of ONE, fo that it fhall always be a fin to refift him ! Nothing but the mod plain and exprefs revelation from heaven could make a fobef impartial man believe fuch a monftrous, unaccountable doctrine, and, indeed, the thing itfelf, appears fo ihocking — fo out of all propor tion^ that it may be queftioned, whether all the miracles that ever were wrought, could make it credible, that this do&rine really came from God. At prefent, there is not the lead fyllable in fcripture which gives any coun tenance to it. The hereditary, indefeafihle, divine right of kings, and the doctrine of non-refiftance, which is built upon the fuppofition of fuch a right, are altogether as Fabulous and chimerical, as tranfubftantiation \ or any of the moft abfurd reveries of ancient or modern vifionaries.' Thefe notions are fetched neither from divine revelation, nor human realon ; and if they are derived from neither of thofe fources, it is not much matter from whence they erne, or whither they go. Only it is a pity that fuch doctrines fhould be propagated in fociety, to raife fac tions and rebellions, as we fee they have, in fact, been both in the l-aft^ and in the prefent^ REIGN.

BUT then, if unlimited fubmiffion and paffive obedi ence to the higher powers, in all poflible cafes, be not a

duty,

3 6 Of unlimited Submijfion, a?id

duty, it will be afked, " How far are we obliged to " fubmit ? If we may innocently difobey and refift in " fome cafes, why not in all ? Where fhall we flop ? " What is the meafure of our duty ? This doftrine «c tends to the total difiblution of civil government ; cc and to introduce fuch fcenes of wild anarchy and con- ^ fufion, as are more fatal to 'fociety than the worfl of " tyranny."

rr

AFTER this manner, fome men object ; and, indeed, this is the mqft plaufible thing that can be faid in favor of fuch an abfolute fubmiffion as they plead for. But the worfl (or rather the beft) of it, is, that there is very- little flrength or folidity in it. For fimilar difficulties may be raifed with refpect to almofl every duty of natural and revealed religion. — Toinftance only in two, both of which are near akin, and indeed exactly parallel, to the cafe before us. It is unqueftionably the duty of children to fubmit to their parents ; and of fervants, to their mailers, But no one afTerts, that it is their duty to obey, and fubmit to them, in all luppofeable cafes ; or univerfally a fm to refift them. Now does this tend to fubvert the juft authority of parents and matters ? Or to introduce confufion and anarchy into private families ? No. How then does the fame principle tend to unhinge the govern^ ment of that larger family, the body politic ? We know> in general, that children and fervants are obliged to obey their parents and matters refpectively. We know alfo, with equal certainty, that they are not obliged to fubmit to them' in all things, without exception ; but

may, in fame cafes, reafonably, and therefore innocently,

refift

Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 37

refift them. Thefe principles are acknowledged upon all hands, whatever difficulty there may be in fixing the exact limits of fubmifTion. Now there is at lead as much difficulty in dating the meafure of duty in thefc two cafes, as in the cafe of rulers and fubjects. So that this is really no objection, at lead no reafonable one, againfl refiftance to the bigber -powers : Or, if it is one^ it will hold equally againft refiftance in the other cafes mentioned. — It is indeed true, that turbulent, vicious- minded men, may take occafion from this principle, that their rulers may, in Ibme cafes, be lawfully refilled, to raife factions and difturbances in the (late •, and to make refiftance where refiftance is needlefs, and therefore, fin- ful. But is it not equally true, that children and fer- vants of turbulent, vicious minds, may take occafion from this principle, that parents and matters may, in fome cafes be lawfully refitted, to refift when refiftance is un- neceflfary, and therefore, criminal ? Is the principle in either cafe falfe in itfelf, merely becaufe it may be abu- fed -, and applied to legitimate difobedience and refift ance in thofe inftances, to which it ought not to be applied ? According to this way of arguing, there will be no true principles in the world ; for there are none but what may be wrefted and perverted to ferve bad pur- pofes, either through the weaknefs or wickednefsof men.f «iv*- A

f WE may very fafeiy afTert thefe two things in general, without undermining government : One is, That no civil rulers are to be obeyed when they enjoin things that are inconfiftent with the commands of God : All fuch diiobedience is lawful and glorious ; particularly, if perfons refufeto comply with any legal eJiablijT^ment of 'religion , becaufe it is a grofs p.erverfion and corruption ( as to

do&rine,

3 8 Of unlimited Submijjlon^ and

A PEOPLE, really oppreiTed to a great degree by their fovereign, cannot well be infenfible when they are fo opprefifed. And fuch a people (if I may allude to art

ancient fable) have, like the befperian fruit, a DRAGON

for

doctrine, worfhip and difcipllne ) of a pure and divine religion, brought from heaven to earth by the Son of God, ( the only King and Head of the chrijlian church ) and propagated through the world by his infpired apoftles. All commands running counter to the declared will of the fupreme legislator of heaven and earth, are null and void : And therefore difobedience to them is a duty, not a crime. (See the marginal note, page 7.) — Another thing that may be afferted with equal truth and fafety, is, That no go vernment is to be fubmitted to, at the expence of that which is the fole end of all government, — the common good and fafety of fociety. Becaufe, to fubmit in this cafe, if it fhould ever happen, would evidently be to fet up the means as more valuable, and a- bove, the end-, than which there cannot be a greater folecifm and contradiction. The only reafon of the inftitution of civil govern ment ; and the only rational ground of fubmiflion to it, is the common fafety and utility. If therefore, in any cafe, the com mon fafety and utility would not be promoted by fubmifiion to government, but the contrary, there is no ground or motive for obedience and fubmiflion, but, for the contrary. WHOEVER confiders the nature of civil government muft, indeed, be fenfible that a great degree of implicit confidence, muft un avoidably be placed in thofe that bear rule : this is implied in the very notion of authority's being originally a trufl, committed by the people, to thofe who are vefted with it, as all juft and righ teous authority is ; all befides, is mere lawlefs force and ufurpa- tion ; neither God nor nature, having given any man a right of dominion over any fociety, independently of that fociety 's ap probation, and confent to be governed by him — Now as all men are fallible, it cannot be fuppofed that the public affairs of any ftate, ftiould be always adminiftred in the beft manner poffible, even by perfons of the greateft wifdom and integrity. Nor is it fufficient to legitimate difobedience to the higher powers that they are not fo adminiftred ; or that they are, in fome inftances, very ill-managed ; for upon this principle, it is fcarcely fuppofeable that any government at all could be fupported, or fubfift. Such a principle manifeftly tends to the diffoiution of government ; and to throw all things imo confulion and anarchy. — But it is equally evident, upon the other hand, that thofe in authority may abufe their trujl and power to fuch a degree, that neither the law of reafon, nor of religion, requires, that any obedience

or

Non-RefiJtance to tie Higher Powers. 39

fbr their proteffor and guardian : Nor would they have any reafon to mourn, if fome HERCULES fhould ap-

or fubmiffion fhould be paid to them ; but, on the contrary, that they fhould be totally diCcarded ; and the authority which they were before vefted with, transferred to other?, who may exercife it more to thofe good purpofes for which it is given. — Nor is this principle, that refinance to the higher powers, is, in fome ex traordinary cafes, juftifiable, fo liable to abufc, as many perfons feem to apprehend it. For although there will be always fome petulant, querulous men, in every ttate — men of ^factious, tur bulent and carping difpofitions, — glad to lay hold of any trifle to juftify and legitimate their caballing againft their rulers, and other feditious practices ; yet there are, comparatively fpeaking, but few men of this contemptible charafier. It does not appear but that mankind, in general, have a difpofition to be as fubmif- five and paflive and tame under government as they ought to be. ----Witnefs a great, if not the greateft, part of the known world, who are now groaning, but not murmuring, under the? heavy yoke of tyranny ! While thofe who govern, do it with any toler able degree of moderation and juftice, and, in any good meafurfi act up to their office and character, by being public benefactors ; the people will generally be eafy and peaceable ; and be rather inclined to flatter and adore, than to infuh and refift, them. Nor was there ever any general complaint againft any adminiftration, nvbick lafted longt but what there was good reafon for. Till people find themfelves greatly abufed and opprefTcd by their gover nors, they are not apt to complain; and whenever they do, in fact, find themfelves thus abufed and opprefled,they muftbeftupid not to complain. To fay that fubjectsin general are not proper judges when their governors opprefs them, and play the tyrant ; and when they defend their rights, adminifter juftice impartially, and promote the public welfare, is as great treafon as ever man utter ed ; — 'tis treafon, — not againrt one Jtngle man, but the ftate — againft the whole body politic ; — 'tis treafon againft man kind -t — 'tis treafon againft common fenfe ,• — 'tis treafon againft God. And this impious principle lays the foundation for juftify- ing all the tyranny and oppreffion that ever any prince was guilty of. The people know for what end they fet up, and maintain, their governors ; and they are the proper judges when they ex ecute their tntf as they ought to do it ; — when their prince ex- ercifes an equitable and paternal authority over them ; — when from a prince and common father, he exalts himfelf into a ty rant — when from fubjects and children, he degrades them into the clafsof flaves ; — plunders them, makes them his prey, and unnaturally fports himfelf with their lives and fortunes

pear

4o of King CHARLES'S •

pear to difpatch him — For a nation thus abufed to arife unanimoufly, and to refift their prince, even to the de throning him, is not criminal ; but a reafonable way of vindicating their liberties and juft rights ; it is making ufe of the means, and the only means, which God has put into their power, for mutual and felf-defence. And it would be highly criminal in them, not to make ufe of this means. It would be ftupid tamenefs, and unac countable folly, for whole nations to fuffer one unreafona- ble, ambitious and cruel man, to wanton and riot in their mifery. And in fuch a cafe it would, of the two, be more rational to fuppofe, that they that did NOT refift^ than that they who did, would receive to tbemfetoes damnation.

And

naturally brings us to make fome reflections upon the refiflance which was made about a century fince, to that unhappy prince, KING CHARLES I ; and upon the ANNIVERSARY of his death. This is a point which I fliould not have concerned myfelf about, were it not that fome men continue to fpeak of it, even to this day, with a great deal of warmth and zeal ; and in fuch a manner as to undermine all the principles of LIBERTY, whether civil or religious, and to introduce the moft abject flavery both in church and ftate : fo that it is become a matter of univerfal concern. — What I have to offer upon this fubject, will be comprifed in

a fhort anfwer to the following queries \ viz.

FOR

f • •

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 41

FOR what reafon the refiftance to king Charles the Firft was made ?

BY whom it was made ?

WHETHER, this refiftance was REBELLION, t or not ?

How the Anniversary of king Charles's death came at frft to be folemnized as a day of falling and humiliation ? And laftly,

WHY thofe of the epifcopal clergy who are very high in the principles of ecclejiaftical authority, continue to fpeak of this unhappy man, as a great SAINT and a MARTYR ?

FOR what reafon, then, was the refiftance to king Charles^ made ? The general anfwer to this inquiry is, that it was on account of the tyranny and oppre/ion of his reign. Not a great while after his accefiion to the throne, he married a french catholic -, and with her feemed to have wedded the politics, if not the religion of France^ alfo. For afterwards, during a reign, or rather a tyranny of many years, he governed in a perfectly wild and arbi trary manner, paying no regard to the conftitution and the laws of the kingdom, by which the power of the crown was limited ; or to the folemn oath which he had taken at his coronation. It would be endlefs, as well asneedlefs, to give a particular account of all the Illegal and defpotic meafures which he took in his adminiftra- tion ; — partly from his own natural luft of power, and partly from the influence of wicked councellors and

f N. B. I fpeak of rebellion, treafon, faintfhip, martyrdom, &c. throughout this difcourfe, only in the Jcriptural and theological fenfe. I know not how the taw defines them ; the ftudy of that not being my employment .

G minifters.— «

42 of King CHARLES'S

miniders. — He committed many illudrious members of both houfes of parliament to the tower ^ oppofing his ar bitrary fchemes. > — He levied many taxes upon the people without confent of parliament \ — and then imprifoned great numbers of the principal merchants and gentry for not paying them.— He ere&ed, or at lead revived, feveral new and arbitrary courts, in which the mod unheard-of barbarities were committed with his knowledge and approbation — He fupported that more than fiend, arch-bifliop Laud and the clergy of his damp, in all their church-tyranny and hellifh cruelties — He authorifed a book in favor of fports upon the Lord's -day •, and feveral clergymen were perfecuted by him and the mentioned pious bifhop, for not reading it to the people after divine fervice — When the parliament complained to him of the arbitrary proceedings of his corrupt miniders, he told that auguft body, in a rough, domineering, unprincely manner, that he wondred any one fliould be fo foolifli and infolent as to think that he would part with the meaneft of his fervants upon their account- — He refufed to call any parliament at all for the fpace of twelve years together, during all which time, he governed in an abfolute lawlefs and defpotic manner — He took all op portunities to encourage ihepapifts, and to promote them to the highed offices of honor and trud — He ( proba bly ) abetted the horrid mafTacre in Ireland, m which two hundred thoufand protedants were butchered by the roman catholics. — He fent a large fum of money, which he had raifed by his arbitrary taxes, into Germany, to raife

foreign troops, in order to force more arbitrary taxes

upon

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 43

upon his fubjefts. — He not only by a long feries of akli- OHSy but alfo in plain terms, afiferted an abfolnte uncon- troulable power •, faying even in one of his fpeeches to parliament, that as it was blafphemy to difpute what God might do •, fo it was fedition in fubjects to difpute what the king might do. — Towards the end of his tyranny, he came to the houfe of commons with an armed force, f and demanded five of its principal members to be delivered up to him— And this was a prelude to that unnatural war which he foon after levied againft his own dutiful fubjedls -, whom he was bound by all the laws of honor, humanity, piety, and I might add, of intereft alfo, to defend and cherifh with a paternal affedlion — I have only time to hint at thefe fads in a general way, all which, and many more of the fame tenor, may be proved by good authorities : So that the figurative language which St. John ufes concerning thejufl and beneficent deeds of our blefTed Saviour, may be applied to the unrighteous and execrable deeds of this prince, viz. And there are alfo many other things which king Charles did, the which, if they jhould be written every one, 1 fuppofe that even the world itfelf, could not contain the books that Jhould be written. * Now it was on account of king Charles $ thus afluming a power above the laws, in direct contra diction to his coronation-oath, and governing the greateft part of his time, in the mod arbitrary oppreffive manner ; it was upon this account, that that refi fiance was made f '• fi°it-

•}- Hiftorians are not agreed, what number of foldiers attended him in this monftrous invafion of the priviledges of parliament — Some fay 300, foine 400 : And the author of i'be bijiory of the kings of Scotland, fays 500. * John xxi. 25.

to

Of King C H A R L E S's

to him, which, at length, iflfued in the lofs of his crown, and of that bead which was unworthy to wear it.

BUT by whom was this refiftance made ? Not by a private junto -, — not by a fmall feditious party \— not by a few defparadoes, who, to mend their fortunes, would embroil the ftate ;— but by the LORDS and COMMONS of England. It was they that almoft unanimoufly oppofed the king's meafures for overturning the conftitution, and changing that free and happy government into a wretched, abfolute monarchy. It was they that when the king was about levying forces againft his fubjecls, in order to make himfelf abfolute, commiflioned officers, and raifed an army to defend themfelves and the public : And it was they, that maintained the war againft him all along, till he was made a prifoner. This is indifputable. Though it was not properly fpeaking the parliament, but the army, which put him to death afterwards. And it ought to be freely acknowledged, that moft of their proceed ing, in order to get this matter effected ; and particu larly the court by which the king was at lad tried and condemned, was little better than a mere mockery of juftice.—

THE next queftion which naturally arifes, is, whether this refiftance which was made to the king by the par liament^ was properly rebellion, or not ? The anfwer to which is plain, that it was not ; but a moft righteous and glorious ftand, made in defence of the natural and legal rights of the people,againft the unnatural and illegal

encroachments of arbitrary power. Nor was this a rafh

and

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 4.5

and too fudden oppofition. The nation had been patient under the oppreffions of the crown, even to hng-fuf- fering ; — fora coUrfe of many years ; and there was no rational hope of redrefs in any other way — Refiftance was abfoluteJy neceflary in order to preferve the nation from flavery, mifery and ruin. And who fo proper to make this refiftance as the lords and commons ; — the whole reprefentative body of the people ; — guardians of the public welfare ; and each of which was, in point of le- giflation, vetted with an equal, co-ordinate power, with

that of the crown ? -f- Here were two branches of the

legiflature

f The evglijh conftitution is originally and efTentially/r^. The charac ter which J. Cfefar and Tacitus both give of the ancient Britain* fo long ago, is, That they were extremely jealous of their liberties, as well as a people of a martial fpirit. Nor have there been wanting frequent inftances and proofs of the fame glorious fpirit ( in both refpedts ) remaining in their pofterity ever fince, — in the ftruggles they have made for liberty, both againft foreign

and domeftic tyrants. Their kings hold their title to the

throne, iblely by grant of parliament j i. e. in other words, by the voluntary confent of the people. And, agreably hereto, the prerogative and rights of the crown are dated, defined and limited by law ; and that as truly and ftriclly as the rights of any in ferior officer in the ftate ; or indeed, of any private fubjecl. And it is only in this refpeft that it can be faid, that " the king can " do no wrong." Being reftrained by the law, he cannot, while he confines himfelf within thofe juft limits which the law prefcribes to Jiim as the meafure of his authority, injure and opprefs the fubjecl. — The king, in his coronation oath, fwears to exerc.ife only fuch a power as the conftitution gives him: And. the fubjecl, in the oath of allegiance, fwears only to obey him in the exercife of fuch a power. The king1 is as much bound by his oath, not to infringe the legal rights of the people, as the people are bound to yield fubjec~Uon to him. From whence it follows, that as foon as the prince fets himfelf up above law, he lofes the king in the tyrant : he does to all intents and pur- pofes, unking himfelf, by acting out of, and beyond, that fphere which the conftitution allows him to move in. And in fuch cafes, he has no more right to be obeyed, than any inferior of- who acls beyond his commifiion. The fubje&s obligation

to

46 of King CHARLES'S

legiflature againft one 5— two, which had law and equity and the conftitution on their fide, againft one which was impioufly attempting to overturn law and equity and the conftitution ; and to exercife a wanton licentious fovereign- ty over the properties, confciences and lives of all the people: — Suchafovereignty as fome inconfiderately afcribe to the fupreme Governor of the world, — I fay, inconfi derately ; becaufe God himfelf does not govern in an abfolutely arbitrary and defpotic manner. The power of this Almighty King (I fpeak it not without caution and reverence ; the power of this Almighty King) is limited bylaw; nor, indeed, by afts of parliament, but by the eternal laws of truth, wifdom and equity ; and the ever- lafting tables of right reafon ; — tables that cannot be repealed, or thrown down and Iroken like thofe of Mofes. — But king Charles fat himfelf up above all thefe, as much as he did above the written laws of the realm ; and made mere humor and caprice, which are no rule at all, the only rule and meafure of his adminiftration. And now, is it not perfectly ridiculous to call refiftance to fuch a tyrant, by the name of rebellion ? — the grand rebellion ? Even that parliament, which brought king

to allegiance then ceafes of courfe : and to refift him, is no more rebellion, than to refill any foreign invader. There is an effential difference betwixt government and tyranny ; at leafl under fuch a conftitution as the (nglijh. The former confifts in ruling ac cording^ to law and equity ; the latter, in ruling contrary to law and equity. So alfo, there is an effential difference betwixt re- fifting a tyrant, and rebellion ; The former is a juft and reafona- ble felf- defence ; the latter confifts in refitting a prince whofe ad- miniftration is juft and legal ; and this is what denominates it a crime. — Now it is evident, that king Charleses government was illegal, and very oppreffive, through the greateft part of his reign : And, therefore, to refill him, was no more rebellion, than to op- pofe any foreign invader, or any other domeilic opprefibr

Charles

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 47

Charles II. to the throne, and which run loyally wad, feverely reproved one of their own members for condem ning the proceedings of that parliament which firft took up arms againft the former king. And upon the fame principles that the proceedings of this parliament may be cenfured as wicked and rebellious,the proceedings of thofe who, fince, oppofed king James II, and brought the prince of Orange to the throne, may be cenfured as wicked and rebellious alfo. The cafes are parallel. — But whatever feme men may think, it is to be hoped that, for their own fakes, they will not dare to fpeak againft the REVOLUTION, upon the juftice and legality of which depends (in part) his prefent MAJESTY'S right to the throne.

IF it be faid, that although the parliament which firft oppofed king Charles's meafures, and at length took up arms againft him, were not guilty of rebellion •, yet cer tainly thofe perfons were, who condemned, and put him to death ; even this perhaps is not true. For he had, in faft, unkinged himfelf long before, and had forfeited his title to the allegiance of the people. So that thofe who put him to death, were, at mod only guilty of murder ; which, indeed, is bad enough, if they were really guiky of that -, ( which is at leaft difputable. ) Cromwell^nd thofe who were principally concerned in the ( nominat) king's death, might poflibly have been very wicked and defigning men. Nor fhall I fay any thing in vindication of the reigning, bypocrify of thofe times j or of Cramwelfs male-adminlftrajioa- during, the inter* regnum\ ( for it is /n^ and not a party} that J ar# fpeak-

ing

48 Of King CHARLES'S

ing for. ) But ftill it may be faid, that Cromwell and his adherents were not, properly fpeaking, guilty of rebellion ; becaufe he, whom they beheaded was not, properly fpeak ing, their king •, but a lawlefs tyrant. — much lefs, are the whole body of the nation at that time to be charged with rebellion on that account ; for it was no national aft ; it was not done by a free parliament. And much lefs ftill, is the nation at prefent, to be charged with the great fin of rebellion, for what their ancestors did, (or rather did NOT) a century ago.

BUT how came the anniverfary of kingC^r/^j's death,1 to be folemnized as a day of fading and humiliation ? The true anfwer in brief, to which inquiry, is, that this faft was inftituted by way of court and complement to king Cbarles II, upon the reftoration. All were defirous of making their court to him •, of ingratiating themfelves ; and of making him forget what had been done in oppo- fition to his father, fo as not to revenge it. To effect this, they ran into the moft extravagant profefilons of affeflion and loyalty to him, infomuch that he himfelf faid, that it' was a mad and hair brained loyalty which they profefTed. And amongft other ftrange things, which his firft parliament did, they ordered the 'Thirtieth of January ( the day on which his father was beheaded ) to be kept as a day of foJemn humiliation, to deprecate the judgments of heaven for the rebellion which the nation had been guilty of, in that which was no national thing ; and which was not rebellion in them that did it — Thus

they foothed and flattered their new king, at the expence

of

•

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 49

of their liberties : — And were ready to yield up freely to Charles II, all that enormous power, which they had juftly refilled Charles I, for ufurping to himfelf.

THE laft query mentioned, was, Why thofe of the

epifcopal clergy who are very high in the principles of

ecclefiafiical authority, continue to fpeak of this unhappy

prince as a great Saint and a Martyr ? This, we know, is

what they conftantly do, efpecially upon the 3Oth of

January ; — a day facred to the extolling of him, and to

the reproaching of thofe who are not of the eflabli/hed

church. Out of the fame mouth on this day, proceedeth

lleffing and curfing ; *f there with blefs they their God,

even Charles, and therewith curfe they the diflenters : And

their tongue can no man tame •, // is an unruly evil, full

vf deadly poifon. King Charles is, upon this folemnity,

frequently compared to our Lord Jefus Chrift, both in

refpect of the -bolinefs of his life, and the greatnefs and

injuftice of his fufferings •, and it is a wonder they do not

add fomething concerning the merits of his death, alfq —

But blejfed faint and royal martyr, are as humble titles as

any that are thought worthy of him.

Now this may, at firft view, well appear to be a very] ft range phenomenon. For king Charles was really a mai black with guilt and laden with iniquity, |] as appears byj his crimes before- mentioned. He liv'd a tyrant ; an< it was the opprefTion and violence of his reign, thai brought him to his untimely and violent end at laftj Now what of faintfhip or martyrdom is there in all this

,vtJan,Hi.\9,.°. II «* '- 4- '

50 Of King C H A R L E S's

What of faintfhip is there in encouraging people to 'pro fane the Lord's Day ? What of faintfhip in falfhood and perjury ? What of faintfhip in repeated robberies, and depredations ? What of faintfhip in throwing real faints, and glorious patriots, into goals ? What of faint- Ihip in overturning an excellent civil conftitution ; — . and proudly grafping at an illegal and monflrous power ? .What of faintfhip in the murder of thoufands of inno cent people ; and involving a nation in all the calamities of a civil war ? And what of martyrdom is there, in a man's bringing an immature and violent death upon himfelf, by being wicked overmuch ? f Is there any fuch thing as grace, without goodnefs ! As being a follower of Chrift, without following him ? As being his difciple, without learning of him to be juft and beneficent ? Or, as faintfhip without fandity ? * If not, I fear it will be hard to prove this man a faint. And verily one would be apt to fufpect that that church muft be but

i Ecclef. vii. 17.

* Is it any wonder that even perfons who do not ivalk after their own lufts, fhould/ri^ at fucb faints as this, both in theory? and in the lajl days, even from everlafting to everlafting ? 2 Pet. iii. 3,4. —But perhaps it will be faid, that thefe things are MYSTERIES, which ( although very true in themfelves ) I ay -under {landings can not comprehend : Or, indeed, any other perfons amongft us, be- fides thofe who being INWARDLY MOVED BY THE HOLY GHOST, have taken a trip acrofs the Atlantic to obtain epifcopal ordination and the indelible character.— However, if thefe confecrated gentlemen do not quite defpair of us, it is hoped that, in the abundance of their charity, they will endeavour to illucidate thefe dark points ; and, at the fame time, explain the creed of another of their eminent faint 3 1 which we are told, that unlefs we believe faithfully, ( i. e. belien)ingly} nve cannot be fa<ved'. which creed, ( or rather riddle } notwithftanding all the labours

of the pious and metapbyjtcal Dr. Waterland, remains fome-

\vhat ^enigmatical ftill»

foorfy

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM; 51

foorly flocked with faints and martyrs, which is forced to adopt fuch enormous finners into her kalendary in order to fwell the number.

BUT to unravel this myftery of ( nonfenfe as well as of) iniquity, which has already worked for a long time amongft us ; * or, at leaft, to give the mod probable folution of it ; it is to be remembred, that king Charles, this lurlefque upon faintfhip and martyrdom, though fo great an oppreffor, was a true friend to the Church ; — fo true a friend to her, that he was very well affected towards the rowan catholics \ and would, probably, have been very willing to unite Lambeth and Rome. This appears by his marrying a true daughter of that true mother of harlots •, f which he did with a difpenfation from the Pope, that fupreme BISHOP •, to whom when he wrote, he gave the title of MOST HOLY FATHER. His queen was extremely bigotted to all the follies and fuperftitions, and to the hierarchy, of Rome ; and had a prodigious afcendency over him all his life. It was, in part, owing to this, that he (probably) abetted the maf- facre of the proteftants in Ireland ; that he affifted in ^extirpating the french proteftants at Rochelle ; that he all along encouraged papi/ls, and popifhly effected cler gymen, in preference to all other perfons, and that he upheld that monfter of wickednefs, ARCH -BISHOP LAUD, and the bifhops of his {lamp, in all their church- tyranny and diabolical cruelties. In return to his kindnefs ' and indulgence in which refpeds, they caufed many of

* 2 Their, ii. 7. f Rev. xvii, 5.

the

52 of King CHARLES'S

the pulpits throughout the nation, to ring with the divine abfolute, indefeafible right of kings; with the praifesof Charles and his reign ; and with the damnable fin of refitting the Lord's anointed, let him do what he would, So that not Chrift, but Charles, was commonly preached to the people. — In plain engli/h, there feems to have been an impious bargain (truck up betwixt the fcepter and the furplice, for enflaving both the bodies and fouls of men. The king appeared to be willing that the clergy fhould do what they would, — fct up a monftrous hierarchy like that of Rome, — a monftrous inquifition like that of Spain or Portugal, — or any thing elfe which their own pride, and the devil's malice, could prompt them to : Provided always, that the clergy would be tools to the crown ; that they would make the people believe, that kings had God's authority for breaking God's law •, that they had a commiffion from heaven to feize the eftates and lives of their fubjecls at pleafure -, and that it was a damnable fin to refift them, even when they did fuch things as delerved more than damnation.— This appears to be the true key for explaining the myfte- rlcus doctrine of king Charles's fain.tfhip and martyrdom, Ha was a faint, not becaufe he was in his life, a good ma#\ but a good churchman -, not becaufe he was a lover o£ . holinefs, but the hierarchy ; not becaufe he was a friend to Chrifi, but the Craft. And he was a martyr in his death, not becaufe he bravely fnffered death in the caufe of truth and righteoufnefs, but becaufe he died an enemy to liberty and the rights of confcience ; i. e. not becaufe

he died an enemy to Jin, but diffinters. For thefe rea-

fons

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 53

fons it is that all bigotted clergymen, and friends to church-power, paint this man as a faint in his life, though he was fuch a mighty, fuch a royal finner \ and as a martyr in his death, though he fell a facrifice only to his own ambition, avarice, and unbounded luft of power. And from proftituting their praife upon king Charles, and offering him that incenfe which is not his due, it is natural for them to make a tranfition to the diiTenters, (as they commonly do) and to load them with that re proach which they do not deferve -, they being generally profeffed enemies both to civil and ecclefiaftical tyranny. WE are commonly charged (upon the Thirtieth of Ja nuary) with the guilt of putting the king to death, under a notion that it was our anceftors that did it •, and fo we are reprefented in the blacked colours, not only as fcifmaticks, but alfo as traitors and rebels and all that is bad. And thefe lofty gentlemen ufually rail upon this head, in fuch a manner as plainly (hows, that they are either grofly ignorant of the hiftory of thofe times which they fpeak of ; or, which is worfe, that they are guilty of the mod fhameful prevarication, flanderand falfhood. — But every petty prieft, with a roll and a gown, thinks he mufl do fomething in imitation of his betters^ in "and (how himfelfa true fon of the church : And thus, through a foolifh ambition to appear conflderable^ they only render themfelves contemptible.

BUT fuppofe our fore-fathers did kill their mock faint and martyr a century ago, what is that to us now ? If I mi (lake nor, thefe gentlemen generally preach down the doctrine of the imputation of Adam's Jin to bis

as

54- Of King CHARLES'*

as abfurd and unreafonable, notwithftanding they have folemnly fubfcribed what is equivalent to it in their own articles of religion. And therefore one would hardly ex pect that they would lay the guilt of the king's death upon us, altho' our fore-fathers had been the only authors of it. But this conduct is much more furprifing, when it does not appear that our anceftors had any more hand in it than their own. — However, bigotry is fufficient to ac count for this, and many other phenomena, which cannot be accounted for in any other way.

ALTHOUGH the obfervation of this anniverjary feems to have been ( at lead ) fuperftitions in its original •, and al though it is often abufed to very bad purpofes by the efta- blimed clergy, as they ferve themfelves of it, to perpetuate ftrife, a party fpirit, and divifions in the chriftian church ; yet it is to be hoped that one good end will be anfwered by if, quite contrary to their intention : It is to be hoped, that it will prove a (landing memento, that Britons will not bejlaves ; and a warning to all corrupt councellors and minifters, not to go too far in aclvifing to arbitrary, def- potic meafures — -

To conclude : Let us all learn to be free, and to be loyal. Let us not profefs ourfelves vaflals to the lawlefs pleafure of any man on earth. But let us remember, at the fame time, government is facred, and not to be trifled with, It is our happinefs to live under the government of a PRINCE who is fatisfied with ruling according to law -, as every other good prince will — We enjoy under his ad-

minidration all the liberty that is proper and expedient

for

SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 55

for us. It becomes us, therefore, to be contented, and dutiful fubjedb. Let us prize our freedom ; but not ufe our liberty for a cloke of malicioufnefs. f There are men who flrike at liberty under the term licentioufnefs. There are others who aim at popularity under the dif- guife of patriotifm. Be aware of both. Extremes are dangerous. There is at prefent amongft us, perhaps, more danger of the latter, than of the former. For which reafon I would exhort you to pay all due Regard to the government over us ; to the KING and all in authority -, and to lead a quiet and peaceable life. 4- — And while I am fpeaking of loyalty to our earthly Prince, fuffer me juft to put you in mind to be loyal alfo to the fupreme RULER of the univerfe, by whom kings reign, and princes decree juftice. * To which king eter nal immortal, invifible, even to the ONLY WISE GOD, 0 be all honor and praife, DOMINION and thankfgiving, through JESUS CHRIST our LORD. AMEN.

f i Pet. ii. 1 6. 4^1 Tim. ii. 2. * Prov. viii. 15. || i Tim. i. 17.

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