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COMMENTARY

ON THE

HOLY SCKIPTURES:

CRITICAL, DOCTRIML, AND HOMILETICAL,

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MINISTERS AND STUDENTS.

BT

JOHN PETER LAISTGE, D. D.,

ASSISTED BY A NTJMBEE OF EMINTINT EUEOPEAN DIVINES.

TRANSLATED FROM TBE GERMAN, REVISED, ENLARGED, AND EDITED

BT

PHILIP SCHAPF, D. D., LL. D.,

m CONNECTION WITH AMERICAN SCHOLARS OF VARIOUS
EV.iNGELICAL DENOMINATIONS.

VOLUME XV. OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, CONTAINING

THE APOCRYPHA.

NEW YORK:

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS.

1886.

THE

APOCKYPHA

OF

THE OLD TESTAMENT.

■WITH

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS, A REVISED TRANSLATION,
AND NOTES CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY.

BT

EDWIN CONE BISSELL, D.D.

04 yip tma/tt^a n KorSt T^f &X)i9dac, uM.' inip r^f o^j^tSeiaf.

2 Cob. xiii. 8.

NEW YORK:

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS,

188&

CopjT^ight, 1880,

Bt chaeles scribner'S sons.

BITEBSIDB, OAHBRIDOX:

■ TBBEOTTPED AND PRINTED B»

B. 0< H0XtaHT^O^j4NI> OOUf AHT*

PREFACE.

The apocryphal books of the Old Testament-have been greatly neglected by English
divines. No critical commentary in the English I^ua|;e has appeared since that of Richard
Arnald (died 1756), first published in London 1744, and for the fourth time (with correc-
tions by Pitman), in 1822, and embodied in the Critical Commentary of Patrick, Lowth,
Arnald, Whitby, and Lowman. Since the British and Foreign, and the American Bible
Societies have ceased to circulate them, it is even difficult for the ordinary reader to obtain
them.

They are, it is true, not equal in authority to the canonical books: they did not belong
to the Hebrew canon ; they were written after the extinction oE prophecy ; they are not
quoted in the New Testament (the Book of Enoch referred to by Jude is not among the
Apocrypha); the most learned among the Christian fathers, Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome,
excluded them from the canon in its strict sense, although they made frequent use of them;
they contain some Jewish superstitions, and furnish the Roman Catholics pi'oof-texts for their
doctrines of purgatory, prayers for the dead, and the meritoriousness of good works.

Nevertheless they have very great historical importance : they fill the gap between the
Old and New Testaments; they explain the rise of that condition of the Jewish people, their
society and religion, in which we find it at the time of Christ and the Apostles; they contain
much valuable and useful information. The books of the Maccabees make us acquainted
with the heroic period of Jewish history; Ecelesiasticus is almost equal to the Proverbs for its
treasures of practical wisdom; Tobit and Judith are among the earliest and most interesting
specimens of religious fiction. The Apocrypha are first found in the Greek Version of the
Old Testament (the Septuagint), from this they passed into the Latin Vulgate, and from
this into all the older Protestant versions and editions, though sometimes in smaller type, or
with the heading that, while they are useful and edifying reading, they must not be put on
a par with the inspired books of the Bible.

It has been deemed timely to issue, as a supplementary volume to Lange's Bible-work
(which is confined to the canonical books), a revised version of the Apocrypha, with critical
and historical introductions and explanations. Homiletical hints would, of course, be super-
fluous for Protestant ministers and students.

This work has been intrusted to the Rev. Dr. Edwin Cone Bissei.i,, who is well known
as the author of a work on " The Historic Origin of the Bible " (New York, 1873), and who
has for several years devoted special attention to the Apocrypha, in Germany and in this
country. Fritzsche's Greek text (Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testament^ Lipsiie, 1871) has been
used as the basis, and carefully collated with the Vatican Codex (II.) in the new edition of
Cozza, as well as with other important publications.

The author desires to express his very deep sense of obligation to Dr. Eberhard Nestle, of
the University of Tubingen, and to Dr. Ezra Abbot, of Cambridge, Mass., for invaluable sug-
gestions and corrections as the work was passing through the press.

Biblical students will welcome this book as an important contribution to exegetical litera-
ture.

It is not without profound gratitude to God, and to the many friends and patrons, that
now, after sixteen years of editorial labor, I take leave of this voluminous Commentary, the
success of which in America and England has surpassed my most sanguine expectations.

PHILIP SCHAFF.

New York, June 14, 1880.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION.

PART FIRST.

EEVIEW OF JEWISH HISTORY IN THE PERSIAN AND GRECIAN PERIODS.

1. The Jems under Persian Rule.

From the time of Cyrus and the reestabUshnient of the Jews in Palestine to Alexander
lies a period of two Imrulred years. Eventful years in Israelitish history they can
scarcely be called when considered apart from the notable event that preceded ^^^^^
and shaped them. But in all that relates to the inner development of Ju<hiism
there is no period of greater importance. Up to this time tlie Jews had been simply a peo-
ple existing under the sliadow of other and more powerful peoples on their borders. They
came back fiom the exile in Babylon to develop, and, as it were, become a religious system,
a system so original, so universal and indestructible in its nature, that political revolutions and
dynastic changes could have but little effect upon it. Political freedom liad disappeared; but
BO, too, had idolatry and the traditional love for it. Tribal relations had fallen into confusion,
but the controlling idea that underlay all Israelitish institutions was still safe. It was felt that
Judaism was more than Judali, and the commonwealth than the nation. The conception of a
world religion gradually took possession of the minil, and proselytisni came to be included
within the circle of the higher duties. Prophecy ceased; prayer, however, pulilic and private,
assumed on every hand a new importance. Beside the formal ceremonies of the temple .sprang
up the simpler and more spiritual worship of the synagogues. Inward conflicts, moreover,
and outvfard oppression did for the Israel of this period what it did for the Israel of a later
day, — fixed needed attention on the written " oracles of God." A new office arose, unknown
before the captivity, and the scribe became the crjual of the priest. Above all, repeated dis-
appointments in outward material things on which the heart had too exclusively fastened re-
vealed a deeper need, awakened a spiritual apprehension such as no prophet's appeal had
been able to do. Faith was recognized as somelhing more tlian bare belief. The veil was
drawn from the unseen world, and Jacob's vision became a reality in the experiences of men.
But tlie false and the exaggerated were not always distinguished from the true. Tlie wisest
and best in Israel did not always avoid dangerous and wicked extremes. From this very
period fanaticism lias some of its worst examples, and the noble word '• hierarchy" is stamped
with its evil other sense. Still all had an evident purpose. Parallel instances are not want-
ing' in history where something simply strong has feemed to be the almost sole resultant of
the mightiest moral forces, but it has later proved to be the welcome strength of the iron
casket that carries a precious jewel safely within it.

It is no longer in dispute that the Cyrus of profane history and of the Old Testament are
identical.! That Greek historians did not know of the intimacy of the relations jjj,„ti„„ „j
which sprang up between the great conqueror and the Israelitish peoj)le, or, know- ihe.iews to
ing it, that they dlil not appreciate its real character, should not surprise us. And, ''•>''■"'■
on the other hand, admitting the reality of these relations, and estimating them at their full
worth, it ought not to prevent us from acknowledging that Cyrus may also have had weighty
political reasons for what he did. When, after the capture of Siirdis, the Greek cities of
Asia Minor unitedly made to him offers of allegiance, he refused the tender with one excep-
tion. The submission of Jliletus, the strongest and most influential of these cities, he ac-
cepted; that of the others he preferred to enforce by the might and terror of his arms. The

1 See Studien u. Kril., 1833, pp. 624-700.

THE APOCRYPHA.

policy clearly was to "divide and conquer."^ And it may also be safely assumed that
political motives were not wanting in liis peculiarly friendly treatment of the Jews. We
know that, for many years, the conquest of Egypt had formed a part of his gigantic plans.'
Could he have acted more wisely than in binding to himself and his throne, throu;^h generous
treatment, the land that lay between it and his own dominions? Others choose to say that,
in this act of apparent clemency, Cyrus was simply true to himself, since it was a principle
with him not to carry the subjection of conquered provinces to (he point of extinguishing
their nationality. Hence, regarding the wholesale deportation of the Jews from Palestine
by Nebuchadnezzar as a political mistake, he did his best to repair the injury: removed at
once this foreign element from Babylon, and won thereby the lasting gratitude of the liber-
ated people.'

Be this as it may, it is clear that the simple fact of a generous deliverance and restoration
to their homes was by no means the only event that served to awaken the thankfulness of the
Jews, and nourish in them a warm attachment toward the Persian king. The same providen-
tial blow that struck off their fetters had also given a, fatal wound to that vast system of
idolatry which, for two thousand years, had been incorporated with the highest forms of
Semitic civilization, and been the mightiest antagonistic and corrupting influence of the world
to prevent the spread of a pure religion. From Baal to Ormuzd was a real step in advance,
and Cyrus was its immediate promoter. If he had no special sympathy with the details of
the Jewish faith, still he was the champion and foremost representative of the great mono-
theistic idea underlying and governing it. One has but to examine the picture that is given
of him in Isaiah and Daniel to learn how fully this championship was realized, and how ten-
derly it was cherished by his Jewish wards. ^

In his personal character, moreover, Cyrus was not without noble qualities. His immense

His per- power he generally wielded with discretion. He was not upset by the suddenness

Bonal char- of his elevation. Surrounded with all the splendors of an oriental court, he pre-
acter. ... ' r

served, to a good extent, his previous simplicity of mind and manners.^ He was

mild and generous in his treatment of the conquered. His personal ambition never led him
to forget or ignore the interests of his people, or the religion of his fathers. He enjoyed
more than the admiration of his subjects, — their affection. It is a fact full of suggestion
that they were wont to make his countenance the very type of perfect physical beauty.^ lu
his domestic relations he was a model of abstemiousness in a corrupt age. Along with ex-
hausting military duties and a restless spirit of conquest, he knew how to value and encour-
age the amenities of art. But suddenly', in the midst of vast, unexecuted plans which
embraced a world-wide empire, he was wounded in battle, and died soon after, in the twenty
ninth year of his reign (b. c. 529).

The elder of his two sons, Cambyses, succeeded him. Cyrus had also made arrange-
ments in his will that the younger son, Smerdis, should have a subordinate share
in the government. The good intention, however, was defeated through the jeal-
ousy of Cambyses, who had the latter privately put to death. In fact, the deed was of so
private a nature that it naturally furnished occasion, not long after, for the rise of a pseudo-
Smerdis, who impersonated the murdered brother, and introduced serious complications into
the affairs of the empire. In the mean time, Cambyses determined on carrying out the un-
completed military conquests of his father. Four years were spent in maturing his plans
and collecting the necessary forces for a descent upon Egypt. During this period self-inter-
est, if there had been no other motive, would have led him to cherish the friendship of the
late captive Israelites.

The long-planned expedition, as far as simple subjugation was meditated, was in the end
liiaexpedi- successful. But embittered by unlocked for resistance and revolt which had
tion against sprung up during his temporary absence, Cambyses laid aside his earlier concilia-
'^^ ' tory policy, and enforced submission by the harshest measures. Inasmuch as the

priests had been the chief promoters of the new rebellion, he expended upon them and the
national religion the utmost violence of his fury and contempt. Their god Apis he ruth-
lessly stabbed, and publicly scourged its honored priests; forced his way into places held
sacred, opened the receptacles of the dead, and gave to the flames the most revered and in-

1 Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 378. 2 TJerofl., i. 153.

8 Fritzsche in Scllenkel's Bib. Lex.. Art. " Cyrus " 4 Is, xliv. 28 ;. xlv. 13 ; xlvi. 1 J xl?iii. 14 ; Dan. y. 28, 30 ; vi.

6 See, for instance, bis alleged conversation ^vith Croesus, Herod. ^ i. 87-00.

6 KawUnson, Ancient Man., iii. 389.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION.

violable treasures. It is not strange that Herodotus should see in such conduct the vagaries
of an uneasy conscience developing into the frenzy of a madman. "So it seems certain to
me," he says, "by a great variety of proof, that Cambyses was stark mad; otherwise, he
would not have gone about to pour contempt on holy rites and time-honored customs." ^
"Whatever may have been the real ground of his action, it had, for the time being, the desired
effect, namely, tlioroughly to cow the Egyptian people, and leave to the conqueror the way
open to return to his capital. A great surpiise, however, was in store for him. Having
already led his army a part of the distance homeward, being in Syria, a herald suddenly en-
tered his camp, one day, unannounced, and proclaimed before the astonished soldiers and
their leader that Cambyses was no longer king, Smerdis, his brother, having ascended the
throne of Cyrus. Amazed, confused, and lialf in doubt, as it would seem, whether his agents
had really (lone the horrid work intrusted to them, the king uttferly lost courage, and, although
at the head of a victorious army, and as tlie elder son of his renowned father able, no doubt,
to count on the support of the masses of the Persian people, he took refuge in cowardlv
suicide (b. c. 522). The details of his death as given by Herodotus, who regarded it as a
judgment upon him for his crimes in Egypt, are more than suspicious, and have little historic
worth as compared with the record of the great Behistun inscriptifin, which distinctly states
that Cambyses killed himself because of tlie insurrection.^

The conspirators at the capital must have looked upon the king's death as an astounding
omen of final success. Still, caution was needful. A thousand things must be
thought of in order to prevent the suspicion from getting abroad that the Magus, smerdis.
Gomates, who impersonated him, was not actually the son of Cyrus. The greatest
danger lay iu the fact that the change of administration meditated involved a change in the
national religion. The destruction of Zoroastrian temples, the general substitution of Magians
in the place of tlie usual priest-caste, and other similar movements could not but attract at-
tention, and might awaken a too powerful opposition if entered upon before the new king
was fairly seated on his throne. Undue baste and bigotry seem, in fact, to have got the bet-
ter of discretion. Whispered rumors of the great fraud that had been committed began to
circulate among the Persian noblemen. The first uneasiness, which the pretender tried in
vain to repress, grew, at last, to a counter conspiracy. A company of leading Persians, with
Darius, the son of Hystaspes, at their liea^, forced their way into the presence of the false
Smerdis, and put him to death, along with a number of his retainers, after a reign of only
seven months. And now, religious fanaticism, combined with national pride, led the fully
aroused Persians to take bloody vengeance on the Magian priests and their adherents who
had betrayed them.

One event that happened in a distant province serves to clothe this short reign of the pseudo-
Smerdis with a peculiar interest. The reaction in religion at Susa and Ecbatana was felt no
less seriously at Jerusalem. The work on the temple, begun under Cyrus, had not been inter-
rupted by Cambyses, notwithstanding the embittered efforts of the Samaritans in that direc-
tion. With the idol-loving Magian, however, the enemies of the Jews were immediately suc-
cessful. The holy work ceased by his order, not again to be resumed till news had been
received of the accession of Darius.^ A clearer proof could scarcely be asked that the friend-
liness of the Persian kings for the Israelitish people was prompted, at least in some degree,
by a deeper and nobler motive than that of simple policy.

Darius Hystaspis was one of Persia's greatest rulers, second only to Cyrus, and even his
superior as an organizer and administrator. His reign extended over a period of
thirty-six years, and is marked by events that, without the coloring of a partial his- Hystaspis.
torian, are full of interest even when read amidst the absorbing concerns of the
present day. The revolts that early broke out in various parts of liis dominions he suppressed
with a hand at once so firm and wise that it left him, later, the needed repose for his wide-
reaching plans of administration. To him is due the honor of being the first to introduce a
really stable form of government among the heterogeneous elements of power and weakness
that had hitherto ruled in the empires of the East. He greatly improved the prevailing mili-
tary system, and took wise precautions that the immense resources of his kingdom should not
be needlessly wasted. If he did not originate and introduce among the Persians a metnllic
currency, its more general use certainly dates from him ; and his gold and silver darics carried

J jii 38, 2 See Bawlioson's Herod.^ ii. 591 ff.

8 Cf. Ez V 2 ; Hag i. 14.

6 THE APOCRYPHA.

the name of Darius far buyond the bounds of his age and empire. He was before the Romans
in appreciating the importance of safe and easy communication from place to place.^ His
couriers found Ihe streams already l)ridged for them and sped from station to station, like
birds in (lieir ilight. "Notliing mortal," says Herodotus, " travels so fast as these Persian
messengers. . . . The first rider delivers his despatch to the second, and the second passes
it to the third ; and so it is borne from liand to hand along the whole line, like the light in
tlie torch race, which the Greeks celebrate to Vulcan." ^ Indeed, Darius Hystaspis was so
great and wise a ruler, as the times tlien were, that it has served to obscure Ihe genius which
lie also possessed as a military leader. He had not finished his preparations for suppressing
a fresh revolt that had broken out in Egypt, where the wild severity of Cambyses still ranklea,
wlien death overtook liim, in the sixty-tliird year of liis age (n. c. 48G).

The kingdom descended, by his own appointment, to Xer.xes, tlie eldest of liis sons. It
„ would be interesting to dwell upon the hitter's liistory, embracing as it does some

of the most magnificent, if mistaken and unsuccessful, enterprises wliich the world
has ever known, and which liave made the names of Thermopylae, Salaniis, and Plata;a cele-
brated for more than twenty subsequent centuries. Especially would it be interesting be-
cause of his connection with the fascinating story of Queen Estlier, the palace at " Shushan,"
and the averted destruction of the Jewisli people. But for the purposes of the present work it
would be an unjustifiable diversion. Notwitlistanding all liis magnificence, Xerxes ranked,
both in character and achievements, far below his predecessor, with him beginning, indeed,
the fatal deterioration and decline that made the Persian kingdom, less than a century and
a half later, a comparatively easy conquest for the disciplined troops of Alexander.

Xerxes was succeeded by Artaxer.xes, with the surname Longimanus (b. c. 4Co), and the

latter by Xerxes TI. (b. c. 425), who reigned but five and forty days, when he was
andhigsuo- put to death by his half-brother, Sogdianus. Sogdianus himself, also, in less than
cessors. seven months afterwards, lost his life at the hands of a brother, who followed him

on the Persian throne under the title of Darius Nothus (b. c. 424). His sovereignty con-
tinued for nineteen years, but was little else than one uninterrupted scene of debauchery and
crime at court, and of revolt and bloody strife in the provinces. Arsaces, a son, under the
name of Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), was the next in succession. But the ceremonies of his cor-
onation wei-e not yet over when he was called to confront a danger of a serious character at
the hands of his brother, generally known as the younger Cyrus. Instigated by his mother,
the hitter sought to win the crown for himself by the murdtr of Artaxerxes. Eoileil, for the
time being, in his wicked purpose, it was none the less secretly cherished, and his subsequent
rebellion wliile satrap in Asia Minor was made memorable by the famous battle of Cunaxa, in
which he lost his life, and the still more famous victory and heroic retreat of the tun thousand
Greek soldiers who had been his auxiliaries. The success of this retreat was no doubt largely
due to the superior bravery and discipline of the Greeks. But it was also due to the inher-
ent weakness and advanced decay of the Persian empire. It already tottered to its fall.
Under this reign and that of the following king, Artaxerxes III. (Ochiis, b. c. 359), the re

ligious apostasy and deterioration of the Persians, which had already Ion"- since
^rtaxerxes |,gg|,f,^ made the most rapid progress. A vicious eclecticism that saw no dan"-ei

in mingling Magian rites with the relatively pure tenets of Zoroaster ended l)j
accepting Venus as a national deity, and lascivious orgies in place of the exercises of relii'ion
As might have been expected, the Persians were not the only sufferers by the change. Tht
bond of sympathy that had united to them in all their varying fortunes, until now, as obedi-
ent and faithful allies, the nation of the Jews, was violently rent asunder. By the tolerant
Cyrus or Darius, not much difference could be observed between Jehovah and Orinuzd. But
with a Mnemon or Ochus on the throne, and images of Anaitis by royal authority set up foi
worship at Susa and Persepolis, at Babylon and Damascus, and, as we may well suppose, at
Jerusalem also, the circumstances were changed indeed. Sympathy anil protection cave
place to repugnance and jiersecution. If we may accept the account of Joscphns, who quotes
Ileeateus,^ this niuch-oppre.'-scd people were obliged at the present time to suffer aiiotliei
cruel deportation. Moreover, a creature of Artaxerxes HI., one Bagoas (Bagoses), who after-
wards poisoned his master, taking the rejection of a certain candidate for the high priest's

1 See Xen., Cijrop., yili. 7. 18; and Duncl;er, It. 537. 2 RawlSnson's Hrrod., Iv. 335.

8 Contra Apion, i. 22 ; cf. Oraetz, GtscliidUe, ii. (2) 209, Doto. The same fact is also montionca by otlier ancient wril.
era. S(« llitzig, GtscMdite^ i. 307.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION.

office, whose election he had favored, as a personal affront, laid the most oppressive burdens
on tlie temple service, and even forced his way into the Holy of Holies, as if, thereby, to give
a greater emphasis to his contempt. Sad omens these for a future that had in store a Uel-
iodorus and an. Antiochus Epiphanes !

Arses, the last Persian king bnt one, was a son of Bagons, and ascended the throne B. C.
338. Refusing to be the tool of his father, the latter, who had hitherto hesitated Arses and
at no crime lying in the path of his ambition, ruthlessly murdered him, together JIj" "J*^^,' jv
with his infant children. His successor was Codomannus, or Darius HI. (b. C. Persian
336), (he beginning oE whose reign nearly synchronizes with that of Alexander ^""l""-
of Maeedon. And now followed, within the space of three short years, the bold invasion
of Asia Minor by the Macedonian, and, in quick succession, the renowned and decisive
battles of the Granicus, of Issus, and of Arbela, where the fate of the great Persian mon-
archy was effectually scaled. It had fully accomplished its purpose in the providence of
God. Its yoke had indeed been heavy on the necks of many peoples. But it had also served
some of the nobler ends of civilization and human progress; and, in the case of Israel, had
helped to tide it over certain dangerous reefs and shallows in its progress towards the devel-
opment of a world religion. Such development, though slow, could not wlioUy cease, or be
long checked. Hence the new factors that at this point enter into human history, and
especially into the history of the covenant people. What had called for a Cyrus two hun-
dred years before now called no less loudly for an Alexander. Judaism had had its period
of incubation; what it now needed was wings and liberty. Parsceism had been helpful as a
protector, and to some degree, also, as it would seem, in the way of moral stimulus and sug-
gestion. The Greek language and philosophy were to prove a still greater resource and aux-
iliary, and, though in ways they would never have chosen, and through the most painful as
well" as humiliating experiences in poUtical and social life, the consecrated nation advanced
towards its providential goal.

It remains to us, in the present section, to treat more in detail what has been already given
above in outline, — the internal history of Judaism ; to show what it gained during ^^^ ^^^^^
the present period, ajid how far it felt the influence, and subsequently carried the origia of'
impression, of the religious ideas of its Persian riders. Naturally, the first thing f™"'"*""
that by its prominence and its bearings on the future suggests itself is the schism
of the Samaritans, if so it may be called. It is a disputed point to what extent the kingdom
of Israel, whose capital was Samaria, had been depopulated of its inhabitants in consequence
of the great Assyrian invasions (2 Kings xvii. G; xviii. 11). The later criticism, however,
supported by the inscriptions of the monuments, assumes a far less thorough deportation of
Israelites than has generally been supposed.i From the testimony of the monuments, more-
over, it is clear that the number and variety of foreign colonists that at this period were
introduced into Palestine has been generally under-estimated.^ Certain it is that among
these colonists, who naturally brought with them the sensuous idol-worship of their own
lands, the worship of Jehovah was also adopted, and the rights and privileges appertaining
to it boldly claimed. The repugnance which the native Jews, particularly in Judaea, could
not but feel towards this mongrel religion, seems, previous to the Exile, to have come to no
violent outbreaks. It may have been looked upon as simply a widening of the political
breach that had long existed between Judah and Ephraim. There were also evident pru-
dential reasons why at least the externals of peace should be maintained with the distaste-
ful nei<rhbors. After the return from the captivity, however, where new lessons eoncernmg
the sin°and folly of serving idols had been learned, especially after the accession of the mono-
theistic Cyrus and his immediate successors to power, and the sweeping reforms inaugurated
by Ezra and Nehemiah, it was not to be expected that the deep-seated aversion would fail
to "•ivo itself emphatic expression. The occasiou was the request of the Samaritans to be
permitted to participate in the rebuilding of the walls and temple of Jerusalem. Sanballat,
their " Horonite " leader, had made an alliance by marriage with the high priest's family,
and it seems to have been expected on their part that now, by mutual participation in the
eacred work of restoring the walls of Zion, the reconciliation would be complete. So much
the greater, therefore, was their disappointment, and the more intense their hatred, when
every offer of aid was, with ill-concealed disgust, rejected, and, in addition, the apostate son-
in-law of Sanballat was banished from Judaa.
X Sm Sclir»d«r in Schenkel'. Bib. Lex., under « Samftrto." i Sohrader, idum, and Die EeiUmchriflen, p. 162.

THE APOCRYPHA.

The separation was final and decisive. Nothing remained for the Samaritans but to make
the best of their defeat. They also had descendants of the priestly Aaronic
ItanTempte. f^^i'j among them. That the same had been driven from their homes on ac-
count of wicked practices was in their eyes no discredit. They too had some
claim to the name of Israelites, and where it failed were at no loss to supply its place with
the most baseless and egregious assumptions. Why should they not, then, have a, temple
and service of their own, and win, as far as possible, the repute of being the only true
successors of Abraham? The .central and fertile Mount Gerizim, where under Joshua the
blessings had been spoken, might at least hope to rival and share, if not eclipse, the glories
of Mount Moriah and of Jernsiilein. And thus the bold undertaking, in itself proof that along
with Assyrian cunning and duplicity there was associated also not a little Isriielitish persist-
ence, was entered upon. The temple was built on Gerizim. The Pentateuch was forced to
give its support to the new Zion. And to this day " the foolish people that dwell in Sicheni "
as the Son of Sirach (I. 26) calls them, though insignificant in numbers, have continued to
maintain a separate existence. In all these centuries, moreover, they have lost none of their
capacity for groundless assertions, or their superstitious reverence for Gerizim. Heaven, as
they claim, lies directly over or near this spot. Here Adam built his first altar, and was him-
self made from its sacred earth. Here the ark rested after the flood, for it is the real Ararat
of the Bible, and the exact place is shown where Noah disembarked and offered thankful
sacrifices. Here, too, Abraham brought his son Isaac as a burnt-offering to the Lord, and here
as well, strange to say, the patrinrch Jacob on his way to Padan-Aram found his Bethel and
dreamed sweet dreams of heaven.'-

It was inevitable that the whole movement would react powerfully upon the little Jewish
community, and, as might have been expected in the end, with good results,
the diTision. '^^^'^ temple on Gerizim and its spurious service was, in the first place, a perpetual
mi'nace. The Samaritans, moreover, lost no occasion, fitting or unfitting, for show-
ing their hostility. By means of flaming torches, for instance, simultaneously waved from
mountain-top to mountain-top, the Israelites had been wont, since the Exile, to announce
to their brethren still in Assyria the exact time for holding the sacred yearly festivals. The
adherents of Sanballat and the banished Manasseh set a similar line of beacons blazing, but
at the wrong time, in order to confuse and mislead. In one way and another, to escape
punishment or with hope of reward, not a few native Jews from Judaea cast in their lot with
them. The Persian officials were probably indifferent, if not acquiescent. Insolence and as-
sumption grew with apparent success. All reserve was finally laid aside. The covenant peo-
ple were fairly challenged to show what right they had to exist, and to bear the revered, his-
toric name. Not only as over against heathenism, therefore, but especially in sharp distinc-
tion from those who falsely professed to worship the same God and to be governed by the
same Mosaic institutions, they were called upon to determine and declare what it was that
really characterized them as a people. From this point, as we have already intimated, al-
though the name itself does not appear until a later period, ^ properly dates the orinin of
Judaism. In its struggles with what was false and baneful it came to the first real knowl-
edge of itself.

The Law, for instance, had been caricatured and perverted. What, then, was the Law
and what were its demands? Were there not other sacred books in addition to
toes^"*' t''°^'^ g'^'^" t° Moses which were entitled to holy regard ? It had been denied
by them of Gerizim, and hence from such a quarter that the denial itself was al-
most equal to a proof of the fact. And so investigation arose. The Scriptures were studied
as they had never been before. The different parts were classified as Law, Prophets, and
Hagiographa.8 New copies were assiduously made. The goodly custom of public readino-s
introduced by Ezra, was perpetuated. The Sabbaths and festivals were given ii new sacred-
ness and even market days were ennobled by reverent communion with Moses and the proph-
ets. The Torah was divided into sections so that in the public readings the whole of it could
be gone over either in a single year or in three years, as the case might be. The old Hebrew
character, which had become antiquated and was understood only by a few, was exchanged

1 See Petermaiin in Herzog's Rial-Encyk.,mi. 376, and, in general, concerning the history and literature of the Sa
Biaritans, vols, ix, and xlii. of Eichhorn's Alls. Bib. d. bib. Litttralur ; De Saoy, vol. xii. of Notices a E.rlrails des Manti,
scnts ; .luynboll, " Comment de Versione Arabico-Samaritana,'' in vol. ii. of the Orientalia, edited by JuynboU Koorda
and Weijers : and Gesenius. Oc Pnitaleiichi Samaricani origine, indole et auctortiate. ' ' ''

2 See 2 Mace. ii. 21 ; viii. 1, B See Ecolus , Prol.

GENEUAL INTRODUCTION. 9

for an alphabet with which the Israelites had become familiar during their sojourn on the
banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. For convenience in reading, also, vowel points were intro-
duced. In short, for the people of Israel, the seals were taken from the holy books. Not so
with the Samaritans. They were governed by another principle. They chose to retain their
Bible, that is, the Pentateuch, in its ancient form. They left it with all its seals upon it,
where to this day they still remain. They may be regarded indeed, as the first champions of
the doctrine, not yet extinct, that the Bible was not intended for general circulation.

Another great and far-reaching change of this period was the introduction of synagogues.
To the idea of worshiping elsewhere than in the temple the people had become
somewhat accustomed during the exile. And when, after their return, Ezra set •^•"^ Syna-
the example of a similar service under the very shadow of the temple, it was read-
ily taken up and carried, little by little, into every part of the land. There were, however,
other reasons which contributed to this result. The second temple was itself a disappoint-
ment. It could never quite take the place, in the affections of the people, of that which had
been destroyed. It was destitute of some of its chief attractions. This made it easier to be
reconciled to the simple forms of the synagogue, and to grasp, in some measure, the sublime
thought, which for its full development, however, required other centuries of bitter experience,
that God is a spirit and that they who worship Him should worship Him in spirit and in truth.
We cannot help feeling, moreover, that the existence of the temple on Gerizim also had some-
thing to do with the popularity of synagogues. To Sanballat and his coadjutors the temple
was the principal thing in Judaism. To build its counterpart, therefore, or its superior at
another point; to introduce into it a more imposing liturgy; to claim for it, equally with any
other, the sanctions of the ancient legislation ; and to hallow it with the memories and tradi-
tions of Israel which were also theirs, — this, they thought, would be a, fatal blow at the
heart of Jewish exclusiveness. And a noble answer it was which was returned to them:
God is greater than the temple. To understand the Law and to do it — for this was really
the teaching of the new system — is more than all burnt offering. Obedience is better than
sacrifice, the offering up of the heart to God than a multitude of costly gifts in his house.

The temple was not ignored. Synagogues, in their outward form, were constructed with
due reference to it. Their simple services were made, as far as possible, a re-
flex of its revered ritual. But the false notion that worship was a matter of
priestly functions and of brilliant shrines was greatly weakened. A new system was intro-
duced more in harmony with the real, inner nature of Judaism, and one which afterwards,
Christianity, represented by Christ and his Apostles, found not to be ill adapted to serve as
one of the most powerful means for its propagation. From the New Testament, in fact, we
may easily learn almost the entire order of proceeding in the worship of the synagogues. The
service began with prayer, which, indeed, like the sacrifices in the temple, formed its prin-
cipal feature. The leader was not a priest, but one of the elders of the little communion.
The language used was that of the people. Following the prayers, which differed in num-
ber and length according to the occasion, came invariably the reading oE a portion from the
Pentateuch in the original, and generally, also, from the Prophets. The reader was selected
by the person officiating from among those present. A translator stood by his side and ren-
dered the sacred oracles, verse by verse, into the vernacular. Explanatory remarks and ex-
hortations, moreover, were not excluded.! The blessing of the minister and the loud respon-
sive amen of the assembled worshipers marked the close of the impressive service. ^ What
could have been better calculated to give to the masses of the Jewish people a knowledge oi"
the Scriptures, or unite them in reverence and love for their religion? " Our houses of
prayer in the various cities," says Philo, " are nothing else than schools of prudence, cour-
age, temperance, and righteousness, in short, of every virtue which is recognized or enjoined
by God or man."8 It was through the synagogues, also, that the poor of the community were
reUeved and other friendly services rendered, a special office being instituted for the purpose.
Here, too, the minor differences and offenses of the people were considered and adjudicated.
The synagogue represents, in fact, politically the democratic side of Judaism. On one side,
it was a pronounced hierarchy. Here, on the contrary, all interests and classes were repre-
sented and could make their influence felt. And if, through its more hearty, spiritual wor-
ship it served as a healthful check on the formalizing influences of the temple, the synagogue

1 Cf. Luke iv. 16-20. r, ir- nf • •■ IM

a See Zanz, Die Rilus des synagogaien OottesdiensUs, passim. 8 De VUa Mosis, u. IW).

10 THE APOCRYPHA.

was also, perhaps, and in a no less degree, a providential restraint as over against an ever
powerful drift towards centralization, aristocratic assumption, and partisanship. How much
such a rcstndnt was needoil will soon appear.

Among tlie other agencies at work to mold the Jewish life and institutions of this period

the so-called Great Synagogue cannot be overlooked. Its origin, Iho date of its
Sjuago^'(j" "''G and of ihc cessation of its activities, what and how many members composed

it, or what special ends it served, cannot bo ascertained with any degree of cer-
tainty.i It is clear, however, that such a body of men existed, and that if it does not date
from the period of Ezra it must have occupied itself in general with the work begun by him.
It is not to lie confounded with the Sanhedrin, which oi'iginated in the following period and
had to a considerable e.\tent other aims." It is further, not to be identified simply with the
synagogue at Jerusalem, altliough the latter may have furnished many of its members and
have exercised a controlling influence over it.^ It is not credible, moreover, that its activity-
extended merely ovei- a period of half a dozen years, and that its object was simply to admin-
ister pulilic affairs during an interim, while the high priest's office was without an incumbent
(b. c. 348-342).* This could never account for the form or the strength of the tradition
that relates to it, much less for the actual impression which it has left upon the institutions of
the present period. The oldest and most trustworthy notice of the Great Assembly -which
has been found occurs in a fragment of the Mishna. It is as follows: " Moses received the
Law from Sinai; lie transmitted it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders to tlie prophets;
the pro|)hets to the men of the Great Assembly, who uttered three words [laid down three
lules]: 'Be circumspect in judging, make many disciples, make a hedge about the law.' "
It goes on to say : " Simon the Just was one of the survivors of the Great Assembly." ' The
oldest extant fragments of the Mishna, of which the above forms a part, cannot have origi-
nated earlier than in the first century before Christ, though naturally, like the extant manu-
scripts of the New Testament, they may be accepted as a witness for a much earlier period.

That now something historical and actual really lies at the basis of this tradition there is
,, no just reason fur doubtin"- and it is, indeed, not improbable that the eijchty-five

fion imd du- priests, who, according to the book of Nehemiah (xi. ff.), as representatives of the

people, bound themselves by oath to the observance of the law, may have been
the first members of the Great Assembly.'' On the other hand, the three precepts which are
ascribed to it cannot have originated with Ezra or his contemporaries. They bear the stamp
of a later day. They indicate a state of things which might well have followed a century
after the Samaritan schism, seem indeed, to speak out of the hard experiences of the later
Persian period. Simon the Just (('. e., as we hold, Simon L, B. c. 310-291), who is said to
have been one of the latest survivors of this body, expressed liimself in quite a similar way.
" The world," he said, " rests upon three things : on the law, on worship, and on the re-
ward of benevolent deeds." ' Hence, it is likely that what began as a simple company vol-
untarilj' pledging themselves to keep the law, became, under the stress of circumstances, a
well-defined and powerful organization whose sphere of duties varied with the demand made
upon it. The products of its activity, in general, have been already noticed. They were
such as the gathering and sifting of the sacred books, so far as they had been rescued from
the great catastrophe of the Exile; their threefold division ; the introduction of a new alpha-
bet, as well as of vowel signs and accents; the separation of the Pentateuch into sections; the
establishment of an order of worship for the synagogues; the adoption of various liturn-ieal
forms, particularly the eighteen so-called benedictions; ^ and altogether an effort, not always
put forth with tlie highest wisdom or with freedom from exaggeration and prejudice, to carry
out the injunction of their great legislator : " Ye shall not add unto the word which I com-
mand you, neither shall ye diminish aught from it."^ What came, in fact, to be under-
stood by " a hedge about the law " may be still seen in the lumbered pages of the Mishna
and Gemara. A so-called oral law, for which the claim was made that it was handed down

1 Cr, for example, Ueldenheim's unsuccessful attempt to construct an acceptable theory of the subject In Stud, u
Kril., 1863, p. 93, £t., and Uertheau, Die Eiiclur Esm, Kelt., etc., p. 101.

2 ContM, Graetz, ii. (2), 178, and otiiers.

8 Contra, Iloltzniann, Die Apofc. Backer, Einleit., p, 4.

4 Contra. Uitzig, Gtschichte, 315, ff., and Knencker in Schenkers ^16. X^a;., advoc.

6 Piike Aboth, i. 1, 2.

6 So Josf, (resMcMe, i. 42. 7 Cf Hartmann, p. 129.

8 See Stanley, Ui, ISl. g Deul;. iv, g.

GENERA!- INTRODUCTION. H

from Moses himself, assumed an ever increasing, and in the end, fatal importance. And
even modern Judaism is far enough from divesting itself of the spirit that was rebuktd in the
words of the Master: " For laying aside the commandments of God ye hold the tradition of
men." ^

The second precept of the Gi-cat Assembly, moreover, was practically attended to. Schools
for (he stndy of the sacred books were established. Tlie teacliL'rs went under the
high-Pounding title of " the wise" or the Sopherim; their pupils were known as ^uUon™"'
" the disciples of the wise." ' In subsequent limes, so extraordinary became iheir "'"?""'"'•
authority that it was held for even a greater crime to dispute tlio word of the scribes than
to call in question the Torah itself.^ Stricter rules for the observance of the Sabbath and
other festival days were also introduced at this period; the year, which hitlierto bad bei'un
with Nisan, was made to begin with Tisri ; the institution of slavery for native born Israel-
ites was abolished; the provisions for the observance of the Sabbatic year rigorously carried
out; regulations relating to things clean and unclean greatly extended ; alms-givino- rose to
the dignity of a system, and the virtue that " sheweth mercy and lendeth" became the lead-
ing idea of )ighteousness.

It is a questitni of no small importance how far the institutions of the Israelitish people
during this formative period were modified by contact with the religious ideas and
practices of their Persian rulers. To us now, the matter is one of special interest th^"™''' °*

lerslan

simply in so far as it relates to the Old Testament apocryphal writings. They r'^i'Sious
clearly contain new developments of docti-ine that are of the utmost consequence, "^^ ""'
and which cannot be accounted for, solely, on the theory that they have their root in the
teachings of the older canonical Scri[)tures. And that the development of pure Judaism it-
self, by a kind of forcing process, should have been quickened, and to some extent modified
in consequence of its intimate relations with Parseeism, seems to us in no way inconsistent
with any right view of Jewish history, or of the divine plan of salvation. .The book of
Esther, in fact, and the feast of Purim, which has been ajjtly called the " Passover of the
Dispersion," are themselves a standing protest against the assumption of many critics that
such an influence could not have been felt. There remained in Persia, after the Exile, no
small number of Jewish colonists who were agents, as well as I'ecipients in the history of this
pei-iod. The relation of the Jews to at least one of the Persian governors were of the most
friendly and intimate character.* The decrees and letters of the Persian kings found a place
on the pages of the Bible, and it is not strange that he whose spirit the Lord " stirred up " ^
should become himself in turn the means of setting in operation moral forces which were
still active and powerful, after the kingdom which he had founded had long since passed
away.

The comparative elevation and purity of the original religious beliif of the Persians is well
known. Its creed was simple and highly spiritual. If its monotheism was second
to that of the Jews, as we must admit, still it was only second, and approximated tlie Persian
it in many respects. Its hatred of idol-worship was most pronounced. And
among no other people of antiquity was such an antithesis recognized, imperfect though it
still was, between the evil and the good. It was no longer a crude and sensuous idola-
try with which the Israelites had to do. The old Persian spirit that lived again in the re-
vered Cyrus and his immediate successors was almost fiercely iconoclastic.' The Persian
worship, in its prayers and thanksgivings to Ormuzd, the recitation of hymns and the offering
of sacrifices, had nothing that could specially produce aversion in the Israelitish min<l. They
greeted the break of day with adoration, prayed over their food, at the lighting of the lamps,
on mountain tops, at the sight of water, or of any extraordinary appearance. Was it a mere
coincidence that such customs were introduced, also, among the Jews of later times? The
priesthood and temple had with them, in general, a far less important role than in other
religions. Had this fact nothing to do with the surprising ease with which the Israelites

X Mttrlt vii. 8 ; cf. Geiger, Judaism and Us Hist., 1. 134 f. 2 Graetz, ii. (2), 182.

8 Uartmann, p. 144.

4 Cf. Neh; xiii. 4-9; Jos., Antig., xi. 7; and Kuenen, iii. 32, 33.

6 2 Caron. xxxvi. 22, 23.

6 Cf. on the genenil subject : Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. and iii., ad loc. ; the fame author's Herod., i. Essay V. j
Hang's Essatj.'. etc. ; ProssenacS, i. 25-34 ; Graetji, ii. (2), note 14 : Spiegel's Aorsta. and ErinUclu Alttrthumskmile, ad loc.j
Duiicker, iv 37-180 ; Dollinger, Jiulmthnm und Heidenthum, pp..8ol-3?0 ; Nicolas, pp. 61r63 i Westergaard, Zt»davtstai
Tiele, De Godsdienst van Zaralkrastra 1 Spiess, 260-272.

1 Cf. B«inL,>> ISl, and BawUnaoD, Juaent Mm., ill. 839.

12 THE APOCRYPHA.

after the Captivity adapted themselves to the simple ceremonies of the village synagogue?'
The Persians, influenced by their dualistic creed, were most rigorous in making distinctions'
between things clean and unclean. So were the Jews, although for a different reason. But
it is worthy of notice that the latter, during the present period, adopted a strictness and par-
ticularity in this respect that were a gross exaggeration of the Levitical precepts. It is a
wholly new interpretation of the Mosaic law concerning ceremonial purity and impurity that
we meet with in the books of Tobit, Judith, and the Maccabees, and especially in the Phari-
saism of the New Testament. We can have no doubt that while influenced by the political
history of the period, more especially by the sufferings experienced at tlie hands of foreign
powers in their efforts to force a false religion upon them, the Jewish nation was also not a
little affected by the doctrines of Parseeism. According to its creed the fearful influence of
Ahriman was everywhere in operation, and the life of man became a continual struggle by
means of the most burdensome outward purifications to rid himself of his fatal defilements.
Even the hair and nails of the human body were regarded as unclean and spiritually polluting.
" What," asked Zoroaster of Ormuzd, "is the greatest of mortal sins? " " Wlien they who
are endowed witli bodies " was the answer, " cut their hair and pare their nails, there assem-
ble on the contaminated spot the devils (devas) together." ^

The antreloloo'y and demonology of the apocryplial books, as is shown in connection with
the Commentary below, is most strikingly and demonstratively Persian in its
the'persian stamp : so the evil Asmodieus of the Book of Tobit with his home in the desert
faith (con- wastes of Egypt, and, no less, the good Raphael and his five associates. An old'
Jewish tradition declares: " The names of the angels emigrated with tlie Jews
into their mother country." ° Prayers to the spirits of supposed saints were allowed by the
Persian religion. One such petition began as follows: " I call to thee, I praise the mighty
souls (fervers) of holy men, the souls of the men of the old statutes, the souls of the new
men, my relatives, my own guardian spirit." * So, too, prayers were offered for the dead, by
which means, it was thought, they were greatly aided in their difficult passage to everlasting
blessedness. Dollinger,^ referring to the Vendidad (xii. 9 ff., Spiegel, p. 183), says: " For
departed relatives continual prayers were offered up and for sinners twice as many as for
the pure. These prayers won for the soul — as was supposed — the protection of the heav-
enly spirits, particularly of Serosh against Ahriman." On certain days of the year the
souls of the dead were thought to revisit the earth, and at such times two forms of petition
were repeated for them and by each person twelve liundred times. Especially at these periods
was the hope strong of being able through prayers and good deeds to release them from the
retributive pains of the lower world. With this fact in view, we are the less surprised at
the appearance of the same strange and unbiblical custom in the apocryphal books. ^ The
belief in a future judgment was also one of the tenets of Zoroastrianism. Three days after
death, it was held, all human souls, both those of the good and of the evil, went their ap-
pointed way to the so-called "bridge of tlie gatherers." It was a narrow path that con-
ducted to the regions of light. An abyss of darkness yawned beneath it. Here their exam-
ination by Ormuzd took place and their destiny was decided.

The Zend religion was far removed from encouraging asceticism. It was more a religion of
Other traits action than of reflection. It impelled its followers to a continual struggle with the
of the Zend powers of death and decay. The first commandment of the Avesta enjoined that
re igion. ^j^^ fields should be cultivated, trees planted, and food provided for human wants.
" With the fruits of the field grows the rule of Ormuzd, and with them it spreads itself
by thousands and other thousands abroad. The earth is happy when a man builds his house
upon it, when his herds increase, when surrounded by wife and children he lets the grass,
the corn, and fruit trees in abundance spring up about him." " There is somethino- noble and
inspiring in such a spirit. We may well recognize its influence in the mighty enterprises of a
Cyrus and a Darius, and see how it was possible for the Persian empire with so apparently
feeble a basis, to maintain its existence for two hundred years. On the Jews, with whom also
the interests of agriculture were so closely connected with those of government and relio-iou
such an example must have acted with powerful effect. But it is not by any means to be in-
ferred from what has gone before, that they discovered only what was inviting, or even worthy
of respect, in the customs and habits of their Persian neighbors. Parseeism had also its repuo-.

1 Cf. Graetz, p. 419, and Kuenen, iii. 35. 2 Vendidad cited by Qraetz, p, 198.

5 Geiger, Lectures, i. 128. 4 The Tapna, cited by Pres8ens6, p. SO.

6 Judtntimm, etc., p. 374. 6 See 2 Mace. xii. 43-45. 7 Vendidad, iii. 1, 20, 85, 86.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION.

13

nant side. Its fundamental principle of dualism indeed, could find no place in a system where
Jehovah was God.i As compared with the licentious rites of the Phoenicians, the sensuous
worship of the Babylonians, or even the more ideal and spiritual cultus of the Eo-yptians
there had been real progress. But here, still, there was no sufficient distinction between the
material and the moral. And especially in the later deterioration of the Persian faith under
an Artaxerxes Mnemon and an Ochus, all bonds of religious sympathy and affinity must have
been wholly rent asunder. In short, Parseeism acted upon essential Judaism, in the main, only
in the way of suggestion and stimulus. The great basal truths that characterize the latter
are its own independent possession, and indigenous to it. It is principally in the by-ways of
Jewish thought and national life that we are able to trace most clearly the impression of
other and alien systems of belief.

And noF another and still more important stage in the life of the covenant people is to pass
under review. Up to this time, they had had to do only with the races and lands
of the East. Religious differences, diverse national traditions and aims, and the S'^'e'riod''
steep passes of Lebanon had not so far secluded them that they had not been ""^ ^''"° '
called upon to bear their fearful part in the tragic history that had unrolled itself along the
banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. The waters of the Mediterranean would avail just as
little now to shut them out from the still mightier and more penetrating influences of the
advancing West. The victories of Alexander were in fact victories of the Occident over
the Orient, of Europe over Asia. Whatever of truth may be contained in the narrative of
the solemn meeting between the Jewish high-priest, arrayed in his sacred vestments, and the
Macedonian conqueror, it may at least be taken as strikingly typical of a wholly new order of
events. Henceforth, Judaism faced in another direction, confronted a civilization whose
power it would feel to its very centre. It had unlearned among its Assyrian neighbors only
the outward form of its mother tongue. But the new forces that now begin to operate are
at once so winning and so intense, that it soon forgets the very mother tongue itself, and
institutions and customs that had been gaining strength through two centuries of comparative
rest, are tested by conflicts such as hitherto the world had never known.

2. The Grecian Period.
Judaism had now had sufficient time, since the Exile, to collect itself and gather streno-th
to meet the whirlwind of political change that was again approaching. Still The new
more, it had brought to a certain degree of ripeness those deep-lying ethical prin- factors in
ciples which were to become the germs of a universal religion. But if there is *'''^ ^'^'""y-
any lesson that human history teaches more than another, it is that development, social and
moral as well as physical, is never in straight lines. It is the result of forces that to a
greater or less degree are antagonistic. Hence the spiral is its aptest representative. The
politienl necessity that brought the Indo-Germanic races into living contact with the Semitic
was but the sign of a higher moral necessitj'. What represented widely different tendencies,
what had been wrought out in widely different spheres, was now to meet, to interpenetrate,
and by a subtile interaction produce results that neither in itself would have been capable of
achieving. Where, indeed, could have been found a greater contrast than between the ordi-
nary currents of thought, the social plane, the manner of life, of the Hebrew and the Greek?
What could have been more unlike the deep religious spirit of the one than the pervasive
worldly spirit of the other? So, too, the Semitic mind was serious, slow to act, eminently
conservative; held tenaciously to the past; was deeply reverent, almost fatalistic, indeed, in
its regard for that which was. The Greek, on the other hand, was proverbially quick in
thought and movement, sprightly, idealistic, admitting perfection in nothing, striving always
for the new, bold even to recklessness, and ready to confront, sword in hand, the gods them-
selves in defense of an ideal right. Especially was the radical dissimilarity of the two peo-
ples stamped on the languages they used. The one was simple and picturesque ; the other,
cultivated and refined to the highest degree of art. " The Semitic tongue was the symbol,
the Greek the vesture, of the spirit." ^ Now, from the conjunction of two such gigantic
moral forces great results, under the present circumstances, were justly to be expected, par-
ticularly in the direction of developing a religion for man which, like man himself, must be
cosmopolitan, above the question of climates, able to adapt itself to the popular life every-
where, and show its harmony with all the higher and purer forms of human culture.

1 Cf. Is. ilT. 1, 7.

3 Holtzmaun, Die Apok. Bucker^ Einleit., p. 6 (found also in Bunaen's Bibekoerk).

14 THE APOCKYPHA.

The way had been prepared for the entrance of Greek civilization into Asia by the great
Persian expeditions of the previous century. But with the triumph of the arms
Alexander.i ^j Alexander, who extended his empire from the Adriatic to the sources of the
Ganges, and from the Danube to the cataracts of the Nile, the entire Orient was thrown
open to the philosophy, art, language, and social usages of this classic land, and they swept
over it Uke a flood. If these peoples, for the most part, especially those living east of the
Euphrates, showed -in their subsequent history but faint traces of any such refining influ-
ence, retained to the last their Asiatic and barbaric character, it but serves to enhance, by
contrast, the remarkable changes that were elsewhere produced, especially in the valleys of
the Orontes and the Jordan, and along the banks of the Nile. How much of truth is mixed
with the fabulous and legendary in the accounts of Josephus and the Talmud ' concerning
the visit of Alexander to Jerusalem, it is impossible to say. But there can be no reasonable
doubt that either during or subsequent to the siege of Tyre and Gaza (b. c. 332) he re-
ceived a delegation from Jerusalem, who tendered him the unconditional homage of the Jew-
ish people. It is also clear that, for some reason, never perhaps to be wholly explained, the
youthful conqueror treated them with a magnanimity and friendliness that they had not
before experienced since the days of Cyrus. This conciliatory spirit had its natural effect.
Alexander took his place henceforth, in the sacred list of heroic worthies who were honored
by the Jewish nation. His name Was coupled with that of Solomon, and became its synonym
in the later history. And when his victorious army began its march southward for the con-
quest of Egypt, not a few Jews voluntarily entered its ranks. The founding of the city that
still bears his name, one of the most brilliant capitals of antiquity, the commercial, moral, and
social metropolis of both the Occident and Orient, for centuries the highest representative
and nurse of civilization and learning, and especially the arena where Grecian philosophy
and the Hebrew religion were at once to meet and discover what common grounds of interest
might justify their going henceforth hand in hand, — this was the most memorable result of
Alexander's expedition to the land of the Pharaohs. Not many years after (b. c. 323), in
the midst of vast unexecuted military plans, his voracious appetite for conquest still unsated, .
he died at the age of thirty-two years and eight months.

The last words of Alexander on being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom are said
to have been: " To the strongest." ' When one considers the training to which
successors, ii's generals had been subject, and the spirit that had ever ruled in the breast of
The pia- their leader, the consequences of such a legacy, conveyed in such a form, were
easy to predict. In fact, the body of their chief was not yet buried before the
struggle for supremacy began among his generals. Perdikkas, however, whom Alexander
had distinguished by leaving him his signet ring, was, by way of compromise and until the
expected birth of an heir to Alexander, made administrator of the realm. The armistice
really proved to be of short duration. Less than two years after the death of Alexander, in
a battle with Ptolemy, whom he had made satrap of Egypt, Perdikkas lost his life. And
this was but the first act in a bloody tragedy, lasting more than a score of years, in which
the family of Alexander disappeared, his generals slew one another and thousands upon
thousands of their subjects, and the great empire, so lately acquired, destitute of any sub-
stantial bonds of union, went hopelessly in pieces. " The living political question at the time
of the Diadochi, namely, whether and how the empire of Alexander could be maintained in
its unity, after every possible solution of it, every possible form, every substitute had been
tried in vain, finally disappeared. The impossibility had been demonstrated, politically
speaking, of uniting in one kingdom, one universal monarchy, the people of the East and the
West; irrevocable judgment pronounced on what Alexander had desired and sought to
achieve. That alone which he, daring and doing with reckless idealism, had meant should
serve as the means and support of his work still remained, ceaselessly propagated itself in
ever increasing waves of influence, — the introduction of Greek hfe among the Asiatic peo-
ples, the production of a new civilization made up of that of the Orient and the Occident,
the unity of the historic world in Hellenistic culture." *

1 Cf. on tlie general subject : Droyaen, 1 -ill. ; Flathe, 11. j Stark, pp. 353-42.3 ; Ewald, Gtschichte, It. 274-286 ! and for
briefer summaries the histories of Qraets, Hitzig, Herzfeld, and Holtzmann, idem.

3 Stanley, 111. 237-249; Jos., Anti^., xi. 8; Spiegel, Lie Alexandmage, etc.) and Henniiohsen, Slui, u. Krit.
1871.

8 See Grote, xii. 264, ff 4 Diojaen, U. (2), 368.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 15

Notwithstanding his ohscure origin Ptolemy I. Soter, known also as the son of Lagus, is
one of the most conspicuous figures of the period next succeeding Alexander.
It was a sagacious choice that secured to him, as one of the latter's most success- ^j^i
ful oflScers, the satrapy of Egypt, where, in a measure apart from the quarrels of
his fellow generals, he might lay the foundations of the empire which he projected. While
skillfully avoiding conflict, as far as possible, he knew how to defend himself when attacked,
as against Perdikkas in b. c. 321, and more than once against Antigonus, until the decisive
battle of Ipsus, b. c. 301. He assumed the title of king in B. c. 305. The bounds of his
empire he extended by uniting to it Cyrene on the East, and, after B. c. 301, Palestine and
Coele-Syria on the West. The island of Cyprus, too, came at this time into the permanent
possession of Egypt. The native Egyptians he left in the undisturbed enjoyment of their
social and religious customs, but admitted none of them to the ruling class, which was distinc-
tively Macedonian. His relation to the Jews, and the influence of Greek civilization under
him and his successors, will be later considered. Apparently in order to guard against any
possible dispute over the succession, Ptolemy I. Soter, two years before his death (b. c. 284),
abdicated in favor of his youngest son, Ptolemy II. Philadelphus.

The second Ptolemy was perhaps the most distinguished of the name. Less hindered than
his father had been by the necessity of defending the empire against the arabi- ptoi^my n.
tious designs of the Syrian rulers, he was able to devote himself with all the im- Phiiadel-
mense resources at his command to the object of making his capital the brilliant,
undisputed centre of literature and of commerce for the entire civilized world. Alexandria
became at this time, in fact, intellectually and commercially what Rome became two centu-
ries later politically, — the world's metropolis. Its magnificent lighthouse, which gave its
name to all subsequent structures of the kind ; its world-renowned museum and library, the
depository even during the present reign, it is said, of 700,000 papyrus rolls ; the home of
artists and scholars from every land, among whom history mentions a Stilpo of Megara,
Strato the Peripatetic, Theodore, Euclid, Diodorus, Theophrastus, and Menander; the
breadth of its culture, which found room for every kind of human learning and furnished us
the first translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, — this was the most fitting tribute which the
successors of Alexander could have paid to his grand designs, the most splendid monument
they could have reared to his memory.

Ptolemy III. Euergetes, as eldest son, succeeded his father on the throne of Egypt (b. c.
246-221). Under him the empire reached the highest pitch of its prosperity. ^^^^^^^ ^jj_
During a brilliant campaign against Antiochus II. of Syria he pushed his way as Euergetes
far as Antioch and Babylon, securing in the latter place some of the trophies ™*„^jg„„
which Cambyses had carried away from Egypt three hundred years before, and
received, in consequence, from his grateful subjects the surname of " Benefactor," which he
ever afterwards bore. Under Ptolemy IV. Philopator, the next monarch (b. c. 221-204),
the period of de<reneration set in. He preserved, indeed, the integrity of the empire, signally
defeatino- in the°noted battle of Raphia (b. c. 217) the skillful and energetic Antiochus III.
the Gre^t, but in his private life was effeminate and sensual in the extreme, and by oppres-
sive measures provoked among his Egyptian subjects the first rebellion that had broken
out since the Greeks had begun to rule. His only son, Ptolemy V. Epiphanes, a child of five
years, succeeded him. Antiochus III. the Great now found the opportunity for which he
had been waiting, to retrieve the disaster of Raphia. Joining his forces with those of Philip
III. of Macedon he attacked those of Egypt under Skopas in the Valley of the Jordan near
Paneas (b. c. 199), and won a victory by which Phoenicia and Ccele-Syria, with Judsea,
passed Out of the hands of the Ptolemies into those of the SeleucidiE.

"In this world's debate," as Stanley " calls the series of conflicts between the kings ot
Syria and En-ypt, " Palestine was the principal stage across which ' the kings of Affairs in
the South,' the Alexandrian Ptolemies, and ' the kings of the North,' the Seleu- P-lestme.

1 Cf. Letronne, Recherch<:s pour servir d VHisMre de VE?ypte, etc. ; LepBius, f "'«'"«* ^'I ^X^uI'^'nL^^"' Re.
FtoUmm La-ndi Vita; Champollion-Iigeao, Annates des Lagides, and rey.ew of the same by St. Mart n. .™"'«" j"

Z^P^olemJLgi, der Grunder der S2sUn dgyp.i.chen Dynastie ; ^'''■^^';,^'\^'Y PZtZ So too Th^ vaZs
Mslory of Egypt from the Earliest Times; Bernhardy, Grundriss der Oriechmhen f-'''""'«r; . ^ '°° '"^ ™°^^
oil Lai 4te'rs'of the period, and the exceedingly interesting records of the "^onumente^ SklTo/^rP^^ o<
Assyrian and Egyptian monuments have been published by Bagster and Sons, under the title Hecords oj uie rast, o.
which eleven vols, hare already appeared. See, especially, vol. TiU., pp. 81-90.
■i iii 213.

16 THE APOCRYPHA.

cidse from Antioch, passed to and fro wltli their court intrigues and their incessant armies,
their Indian elephants, their Grecian cavalry, their Oriental pomp." Coele-Syria, including
Judaea, on the partition of Alexander's empire, had been assigned to Laomedon. It was
taken from him by Ptolemy 1. Soter, in the year following his victorious campaign against
Perdikkas (b. c. 320), and the walls of Jerusalem, which he entered on the Sabbath, were
razed to the ground. At the same time, if the historians of the period are to be trusted, as
many as a hundred thousand Jews were carried off to Egypt.^ becoming permanent settlers
there, a part in Alexandria, and others in Cyrene, Libya, and even more distant districts of
Africa. But the wooded heights of Lebanon and the sea-coasts of Phoenicia were a prize too
much coveted to be left uncontested in the hands of Ptolemy. They were wrested from him
by Antigonus in the year b. c. 314, to be won back in the great battle of Gaza, two years
later, which period (b. c. 312), moreover, was rendered still more memorable as the begin-
ning of the Seleucian era. Singularly enough, Seleucus himself was at this time a fugitive in
the camp of Ptolemy, where he served as one of the royal guards. The latter's triumph, in
turn, was of short duration. Demetrius, who had been defeated at Gaaa, having united his
forces with those of his father, succeeded in driving the Egyptians once more from the de-
batable provinces, and retained possession of them until the eventful battle of Ipsus (b. c. 301),
from which time, for the next hundred years, dates the permanent rule of the Ptolemies in
Palestine. It was a fearful scourge to which this little land had been exposed during the
twenty-two years of almost incessant war between the forces of Syria and Egypt. It does
not surprise us to learn that in addition to those who were forcibly removed, great numbers
of Jews voluntarily exiled themselves from their native land. Ptolemy II. Philadelphus
manumitted 130,000 who, as the result of the wars under the previous reign, had been
brouo-ht as slaves into his empire. It was no less an act of political sagacity than of human-
ity. As loyal and useful subjects of Persia and of Alexander the Jews had proved their
worth as a support to the throne. Alexander himself had accorded them equal rights with
the Macedonians as citizens of Alexandria.^ They were known as a people that could safely
be trusted. They had the fear of God before them, and their moral purity and steadfastness
were something that, as elements of political strength, even an Oriental monarch knew how
to appreciate. In Palestine during the entire reign of the Ptolemies the people were left, for
the most part, in the uninterrupted enjoyment of civil and religious freedom. Their pecul-
iarities of belief and social usages seem to have been carefully respected. The high priest
remained undisturbed in his more than royal prerogatives. If the twenty Syrian talents of
silver appointed as yearly tribute were regularly paid, the rest was a matter of comparative
indifference.

The following is a list of those who held the high priest's office in the period extending

from the death of Alexander to the reign of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes: Onias I.
^esti^'' (^- "• 331-299); Simon I. the Just (b. c. 299-287); Eleazer (b. c. 287-266);

Manasse (b. c. 266-240); Onias II. (b. c. 240-227); Simon IL (b. c. 226-198);
Onias III. (b. o. 198-175); Jason. Under Onias I., was made the treaty of the Jews with
the Lacedemonians, an account of which, in an embellished form, is given in 1 Mace. (xii. 20-
23). During the term of office of the next high priest, Simon I., nothing of note occurred.
It was under Eleazer that the translation of the Septuagint was undertaken in Alexandria..
Onias II., who seemed, at least in his later years, to have represented the Syrian as over
against the Egyptian party in Palestine, came near having serious difficulty with the latter
country. For once, the usual tribute was refused. The energetic measures of his ambitious
nephew Joseph, who himself collected the money and carried it to the Egyptian court,
alone averted the catastrophe. After the battle of Raphia, Ptolemy IV. Phifopator, elated
by his victory, entered the temple at Jerusalem, and not only offered sacrifices there, but
in spite of the remonstrances of the priests, and the consternation and tears of the entire peo-
ple, forced his way into the Holy of Holies. What actually took place there in consequence
it is not possible to learn, the account in 3 Maccabees (i. 9, ii. 24) being wholly legendary.
But it is certain that he left Jerusalem, inflamed with the deepest hatred towards the Jewish
people, and proceeded to vent the same on their innocent brethren in Egypt. A similar case
occurred under Onias III. Palestine being at that time already joined to Syria, Heliodorus
the treasurer of Seleucus IV. Philopator, inspired by the hope of booty, also made an at-
tempt to force his way into the Holy of Holies, but, as we are informed, was miraculously
1 Joa., Antiq., jdl. 1, § 1. 2 Jm., Contra Ap., u. 6.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. fj

struck down on the threshold as Ptolemy had been, and at last owed Ufe itself to the friendly
intercession of the high priest on his behalf.i

Grecian colonization had been one of the controlling ideas of Alexander. Aristotle wrote
aibook concerning him which he entitled, " Alexander, or about Colonies." 2 And
a marked peculiarity of Alexander's colonies, as of Greek life in general, as it de- eSTu?'
veloped itself in foreign lands, was the city. In this it particularly distinguished '"'•"°
itself from that of the Asiatics. The one was distinctively ethnic (^e^os) , the other ^"■""''°^-
polite (■^■i\is, woKlrns), to use tlie word in its etymological sense. An old Ephesian inscrip-
tion erf the Roman period reads : •E(|>6mW i, eo«\), koI i dij^ios Kal tSv &\Ko,y -^XK-hvuiv ai iv r^
•Afft? KaroiKioSam ir.ii^«s K«l r& ?«.-„. It was in this way also, that the Greek civilization extended
itself in Palestine. Perdikkas, who wore the signet ring of Alexander, showed his loyalty
to the memory of his chief by engaging at once in the rebuilding and Grecizing of Samaria.
Dan, to the extreme north, received the name of Paneas in honor of the god Pan, to
whom also a temple was built on the neighboring slopes of Hermon. Bethshean, west of
Jordan, became Scythopolis, under which name it is known in the second book of Maccabees
(xii. 29). On the other side of the river sprang up new cities, with such names as Hippos,
Gadara; and further to the souda, Pella and Dion; forming with some others, the Decapolis
of Josephus and the New Testament, and all being, as is evident from their names, of Macedo-
nian or Greek origin. In honor of the second of the Ptolemies, the place known as Rabbath
Ammon was changed to Philadelphia, and the ancient capital of the Moabites, Ar-Moab,
received at about the same time the more euphonious titie of Areopolis. Along the Phoeni-
cian coast, the evidences of Greek life were still more marked. Old cities were rebuilt and
repeopled, and new cities founded with a zeal and rapidity unknown before in the Orient.
Straton's Tower, — afterwards known as CiBsarea on the sea, — Gaza, Dora, Apollonia, An-
thedon, were some of the many seaports which sprang up during these eventful years, and
drew to them across the blue Mediterranean, a swarming, adventurous population from the
fatherland. In all these places Greek life dominated, the Greek language was spoken, the
morals and the immorality of Hellas practiced with but little change. Of the whole of Pales-
tine, Judaea alone remained, as yet, comparatively free from the transforming influence of
Greek ideas. There was but little in its thin soil to tempt cupidity, and its people were not of
the sort to take kindly to an influx of strangers. Still it was completely girdled with the
new civilization. It could not shut wholly out, if it would, the silvery tones of the Greek
tongue; it could not remain insensible to the charms of Greek art ; it might even have its
weak side for the feasts, games, and holiday extravagances of its neighbors from the West.
It was, at least, a question whose answer could not long be delayed.

It is, however, by no means to be supposed that Judaism was confined to Judsea. We have
already seen that as a result of the fearful devastations to which Palestine was
continually subject under the successors of Alexander, large numbers of Jews Alexandria"
were forced to seek an asylum in other lands. Of all the peoples of the Orient »°<l "'^i-
naturally the most seelusive and exclusive, they came, at last, by the mere force
of circumstances, that is, the force of divine Providence, to rival the Greeks themselves in
their capacity for diffusion and their cosmopolitan character. If we had reason to wonder
that so many of them, two centuries before, firmly declined to return from their banishment
in Persia and Babylon, much more is it now an occasion of surprise that they voluntarily
leave their homes — it is true that emigration was also sometimes compulsory — to go forth
as merchants, bankers, artisans, but always as Jews, into every part of the inhabited globe,
and that in all the great cities of Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, they make their
homes side by side with the teeming colonists of Hellas and Macedon. The higher explana-
tion is found in the fact that Judaism had something to give as well as to receive. We are
too likely to forget, in contemplating the magnificent service which the Grecian language and
philosophy did for the Jewish faith and people, the still more magnificent and beneficent ser-
vice that a developed and transformed Jewish faith did for Greece and for all mankind.
Especially in Alexandria did the Jewish influence make itself felt. The first colonists had
been particularly favored with the friendship and patronage of Alexander and the early
Ptolemies. If many went, at first, unwillingly into the land of their former bondage, a larger
number soon followed them of their own choice. All departments of industry were open to
them. While devoting themselves principally to trade, some also rose to eminence as soldiers,
1 See 2 Maec. iii. 4-40 2 Cf. Starke, p. 449, and Droysen, iii. (1), 32.

2

18 THE APOCRYPHA.

statesmen, and men of learning. In the practice of their religion and the observance of their
national customs they were, for a long time, unmolested. To such an extent did they thrive
and increase that at the time of Philo they numbered a million souls, and two of the five
wards of Alexandria were exclusively occupied by them. Not only were the Alexandrian
Jews the most numerous of the Dispersion, they were also the most influential. Of this en-
tire class, indeed, wherever they might be, Alexandria was the intellectual and spiritual
centre, as was Jerusalem for the Jews of Palestine.

It is a significant fact, on whatever ground it may rest, and looked at either from an Egyp-
tian or Palestinian point of view, that in the ancient, sacred city of Heliopolis
otHcibpo- a rival temple could be erected (b. c. 160?), and that henceforth, until the time
'■'• of Vespasian, it should continue to maintain its service and have its own priests,

Levites, and landed property. No better evidence of the relaxing influence of Greek civiliza-
tion could be desired than this willingness to accept a dilapidated shrine of heathenism as
the basis of a temple to Jehovah, or of the growth of a new method of Scripture interpreta-
tion such as afterwards culminated in the writings of Philo, than the ability to twist the
poetic language of Isaiah so that it should be made to contain a direct approval of this more
than doubtful undertaking.! It was regarded with distrust in Palestine, and although having
no very deep or permanent influence in Egypt was still a marked symptom of the divisive
spirit that characterized the later Judaism. Already under Ptolemy IV. Philopator, the
Jews in Egypt, for reasons not difficult to conceive, had begun to lose favor alike with prince
and people. Some envied them their prosperity. More hated them on account of their ex-
clusiveness, their extravagant assumptions as an elect people, and especially, their ill-con-
cealed disgust at the ignorant idolatry that prevailed about them. Hence, the favor of the
court being withdrawn, the proverbial lawlessness of the Egyptians broke forth into open and
bitter persecutions, some faint reflection of which has been preserved in the fabulous stories
of the Third Book of Maccabees.

AVe have already alluded to the brilliant constellation of learned men, who, from the times
of the Ptolemies, for hundreds of years made Alexandria the acknowledged literary
The Septua- metropolis of the entire world. Until the second century after Christ the most
renowned physicinns, philosophers, astronomers, philologists, and even theolo-
gians, received here their training. The first five librarians, Zenodotus, Callimachus, Eras-
tostbenes, Apollonius, and Aristophanes the Byzantine, were as distinguished for their culture
as for the high position which they occupied. Two of the Ptolemies themselves did not think
it beneath them to be reckoned with Manetho as writers of history. Among the poets may be
mentioned Aratus, Nicander, and Theocritus. The astronomers of Alexandria were the first
to reduce the science to a system, introduced the improved calendar at the time of Julius Cae-
sar, and gave the names and divisions to the fixed stars, which they still bear. Naturally,
all this literary activity could not but make a deep impression on the hundreds of thousands of
Israelites who had their home in the Egyptian capital. And among them too, at this period,
sprang up a literature of no inconsiderable proportions, fragments of which still remain.
They had their own historians : Demetrius, Eupolemus, Cleodemus, and Jason of Cyrene; and
their own poets: the dramatist Ezekiel, Philo the elder, and Theodotus. Aristobulus, at the
same time a Jewish priest and a disciple of Aristotle, as also a teacher or counselor to the
king, even made the attempt to Hebraize the entire literature of Greece, inaun-uratino' a
movement whose best known representative before the Christian era was the youno-er Philo
and whose culmination was in the Neo-Platonic philosophy of Ammonius Saccas in the third
century after Christ. In the midst of this intellectual ferment it is scarcely needful to say
that the Hebrew Scriptures, outside as well as inside the circle of those who invested them
with a sacred character, attracted to themselves serious attention. That a demand arose for
their complete translation into Greek, the language here universally spoken, was a necessity
of the case. And the demand was not confined to Egypt. Greek colonization, in whose
quick steps a Jewish colonization almost as extensive had followed, had gone into all lands to
mark the favored spots for new life and prepare the way for it. Commerce with its thou-
sands of white-winged messengers awaited its orders under the friendly shadow of the Alex-
andrian Pharos. The time was, evidently, already ripe for the first beginnings of the move-

1 Cf. Stanley, iii. 251-2B4.

'i Of. Bohl ; Srankel's Vorstudien: Pritisohe In Herzog's Real-Encyk.,ti.ni in Sohenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. ; and Smith'.
a'6. Diet., Art. "Scptuaglnt." o""ui .

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 19

oient in whose crowning issue an apostle Paul afterwards found the goal and glory of his
earthly life.

There are stories enough concerning the origin of the LXX., but their utter untrustworthi-
ness, in many respects, can easily be proved. They sprang from a natural desire
to give to the translation the character of an authoritative, inspired work. It is, t'k'LXX.
perhaps, the wisest course to reject them all, in their details, and to fall back on *''°''"™^ '•
the simple necessity that ruled the hour. The work was doubtless begun as early as under
Ptolemy 11. Philadelphus, and was essentially complete when the son of Sirach came to Egypt
in the reign of Ptolemy VII. Physeon.i That the translators were exclusively learned men,
invited from Palestine to Egypt for this purpose, is incredible, almost as much so as that each
one of the Seventy, without collusion with the others, made precisely the same version. The
feeling in Palestine concerning it is better represented by the words used to signalize the day
when it was first introduced into the synagogues of Alexandria and Egypt : " The Law is
Greek! Darkness! Let there be a three days' fast!" Among the Jews of the world-
capital, on the other hand, the event was greeted with every expression of joy. Unlike
their brethren of Palestine, they looked forward rather than backward and expected only
the best results from a closer comparison of Moses with Pythagoras and Plato. Of the criti-
cal value of the version of the LXX. this is not the place to speak.^ And we reserve also,
until a later period, a description of the various works of a mixed Jewish and Greek char-
acter, which followed close upon it and of which it was the more or less direct occasion.

It is now time to return to the political history of the Jews of Palestine, which we left at
the point where, subsequent to the battle of Paneas (b. o. 199), it fell with Phoe- The seleud-
nicia and the whole of Coele-Syria into the hands of Antioehus III. the Great. <'»'• Antio-
This change of rulers well accorded with the wishes of the masses of the people, and Seleu-
especially after the first mild treatment of the Syrian king led them to contrast °™
it favorably with that to which they had more recently been subjected. But the satisfaction.
experienced was of short duration. Under Egyptian rule Palestine and especially Judsea, as
we have seen, had been left, for the most part, to itself, except when the exigencies of the
unceasing conflict with Syria called temporarily into it the armies of its rulers. So it could
not remain under the Seleucidse. Greek influence had already become too deeply rooted on
every side. The social and commercial as well as geographical connections with Antiooh
and Damascus were other than those with Alexandria had been. From the first transfer-
rence, therefore, of political allegiance from the kingdom of the South to that of the North, a
strong Syrian party showed itself at Jerusalem. A Syrian party, it may becalled, for that
was the special direction which it took, although it aimed at nothing less than a radical mod-
ification, if not the total abolishment of that which had hitherto separated the Jews from their
heathen neighbors, in short, a thorough Hellenizing of Judaism in its stronghold. ^ What
the immediate results would have been, if the sagacious Antioehus III. had been free to
foster in the beginning this movement having its origin in a deteriorated popular taste, it is
impossible to say. But his attention and entire resources were soon absorbed in the great
campaign against the Romans under the two Scipios, which ended so disastrously for him at
Mao-nesia (b. c. 190). And being now compelled to purchase a peace at the most extrava-
gant pecuniary cost, he did not hesitate to lay his hands on the needed treasures wherever in
his kingdom he could find them. He lost his life, in fact, while engaged in pillaging a tem-
ple (b. c. 187). The policy of his son, Seleucus IV. Philopator, significantly called in the
book of Daniel (xi. 20) a, " raiser of taxes," was not, on the whole, of such a nature in its
relation to the Jews as to strengthen the hands of a Syrian party in Palestine, but quite the
contrary. It was his treasurer, Heliodorus, of whom we have before spoken as having made
an unsuccessful and humiliating attempt to secure for his master the supposed untold sums
that were concealed in the temple on Mount Moriah. A short time subsequently (b. c. 176)
the king perished at the hands of this same Heliodorus, after an unimportant reign of eleven
years.

It was during the sovereignty of his successor and brother, the unscrupulous Antioehus IV.
Epiphanes, tha° affairs in Juda;a reached the fearful crisis towards which they had long been
tending. The importance of this reign in its bearings on the whole subsequent history of Ju-

1 Cf. remarks in Intrnd. to Bcclesiasticus, under Date. .no .„t,.„ki oh.

2 Of. Kuenen, iii. 214-216 ; the works of Frankel cited in the Index of Authorities, and Thiersch, De fmtaleucu, »m.
S See 1 Mace. i. 11, ff.

20 THE APOCRYPHA;

daism will justify our dwelling more at length upon it. Such a character as that of Antioohus
, J. . Epiphanes it is difficult to comprehend, much less to describe. It is marked by the

IV. Epph- most startling contrasts, well illustrated in the double name the people gave him:
°"^°' Epiphanes, the illustrious, and Epimanes, the madman. Personally brave, gener-

ous, at times, even to prodigality, a lover of art, spending immense sums on the erection of
magnificent buildings, he was, at the same time, possessed of an ineffable self-esteem, a self-
esteem which did not keep him from the most abominable vices, and never rose to the dig-
nity of true self-respect. While treating the noblemen about him with the utmost haughti-
ness, arrogating to himself both the title and the prerogatives of deity, he was, at the same
time, on familiar terms with the lowest of the people; offered himself as a candidate for petty
offices; went tooting about the streets in the character of a strolling musician, and shared with
the actors at the theatres in their lewdest scenes. The historian Polybius (xxvi. 10) deemed
some of his eccentricities worthy of record. He says of him: "Just as though, at times,
he had slipped away from the servants of the palace, he made his appearance, here and therej
in the city, sauntering about in the company of one or two persons. Quite often he might
be found in the workshops of the gold and silver smiths where he chatted with the molders
and other workmen, and gave them to understand that he was a lover of art. Then again,
he gave himself up to confidential intercourse with the next best fellows among the people
and chaffered with strangers of the common sort who happened to be present. When, how-
ever, he learned that young people, somewhere or other, were having a carousal, without
waiting to be announced, he came marching up with horn and bagpipe in revelling style so

that the majority of the guests, horrified at the strange spectacle, took themselves off

Intelligent people, therefore, did not know what to make of him. Some thought he was a

simple, unaffected man; others, that he had lost his wits In the sacrifices which he

caused to be offered up in the cities, and in the honors which he paid to the gods, he was sur-
passed by no other king. Of this the temple of Jupiter at Athens and the statues about the
altar at Delos are proof. He used, also, to frequent the public baths when they were quite
full of common people, at which times, moreover, he had brought to him vessels of the most
costly ointment. A person once said to him: ' How happy are you kings that you can have
such ointment, and exhale such delightful odors? ' Thereupon, on the following day, with-
out having said anything to the man, he went to the place where he bathed and had a huge
vessel of the most precious ointment, the so-called stacte, poured over his head. Upon this all
got up and plunged in, in order to bathe themselves with the ointment. But on account of
the slipperiness of the floor they fell down and excited laughter. The king himself, also,
was one of them." Such was tie kind of man that the people of Judasa now had over them.
The throne he had got by treachery, and began his reign by a war against Egypt in defense

of an injustice. In the first campaign he was successful, and in the beginning
IV. Epipha- of tiie second also, but being finally compelled to retreat, he vented his discomfi-
"cOTtinued). *"'"^ "" *'^^ temple at Jerusalem. Four times in as many successive years (b. c.

171-168), his armies marched the now familiar road to the land of the pyramids.
The last time it was the Roman legate, Popilius Laenas, whom he was obliged to face, and
who drawing a circle around him in the sand, bade him decide before he crossed it, for peace
or war with the great empire of the West. With gnashing of teeth Antiochus betook him-
self homeward, letting out the full flood of his ungovernable passions, as once before, on the
people of Judaea and Jerusalem. It was his conduct at this time, that was the direct occasion
of the so-called revolt of the Maccabees. Immediately on his accession, had begun at Jerusa-
lem the struggle between the sympathizers with Greek customs, and their determined oppo-
nents. ^ For one hundred and fifty years, Greek civilization had been developing itself on
every side. It had made startling progress in the very centre of the Israelltish religion. The
moral nerve was beginning also here to lose its tensity. It was a sad omen for the future,
that about this time, under one pretense or another, an embassy could be sent from Jerusa-
lem to witness the heathenish games in honor of Hercules at Tyre.'

Onias HI. was now high priest, and a firm and courageous representative of the ancestral
Profanation ^*'"'' '^" °^'' brother, Jason, who had become Hellenized, as it will be seen,
of the high even to his name, stood at the head of the opposing party, and persuaded the
pnost'8 of- king to transfer by force, to him, the sacred office held by Onias. Once in power

he used all the influence at his command to induce a wide-spread apostasy amon»
1 Cf 2 Mace. iv. 9-20. °

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 21

the people. Among other devices he caused to be erected close beside the temple-mountain,
a gymnasium, after the Greek style, and invited to its frivolous sports, not only the youth of
Jerusalem, but found means also, to seduce even the priests from their duties at the altar, that
they might be present at its thronged entertainments. But as Jason had unjustly possessed
liimself of the high priesthood, so he lost it through injustice. Menelaus, another devotee of
the new ideas, simply offered Antiochus a higher tribute than Jason was paying, and got the
office. The latter, however, did not leave him long in peace. While the king was absent
on his second expedition against Egypt, he took possession of Jerusalem for a time with his
retainers, and compelled his rival to flee to the citadel. Antiochus. professing to look upon
this act of Jason as a rebellion on the part of his Jewish subjects, on his return took fearful
vengeance on temple and people. But their cup was not yet full. Two years later, as we
have said, after his humiliating rencontre with the legate of Rome, he came back to give full
proof of the intensity and demoniacal depths of his passionate nature. The Jews seem to
have given him no new occasion for fresh complaints.

But it was quite unnecessary. He was in one of his hellish moods. Before the ivTav6a
PovXfiov of the Roman power he had been compelled to give way. Here, at least, „ j^^umim-
were those who were weftker than he; they should feel the weight of his iron hand, tion of deso-
Besides, Judaism had never had the opportunity of showing to him, as to Cyrus
and Alexander, its better side. Perhaps he would have been incapable of appreciating it, if
he had seen it. If unusual moral stamina, and a rare industry and prosperity were developed
within it, the one might have served simply to challenge his hostility, and the other have
been a temptation to his cupidity and chronic impecuniosity. What he had seen most of,
the ambition of a Jason, and the meanness of a Menelaus, were certainly not of a nature to en-
courage him to prosecute his inquiries. Enough that he who began by despising Judaism,
had now come bitterly to hate it, and resolved to sweep it at a stroke from the face of the
earth. At a review of troops in the environs of Jerusalem, on the Sabbath, Apolloniiis, his
general, began an indiscriminate massacre of the spectators, and followed it up with the
plundering of the defenseless city. Antiochus had given orders further, that on pain of
death, all sacrifices and services peculiar to the temple should cease, the Sabbath be no more
observed, circumcision nowhere practiced, the sacred books be destroyed, and that idol wor-
ship should be universally introduced. The altar of the temple on Mount Moriah was spe-
cially named as a place to be thus desecrated. With terrific thoroughness did the unfeeling
soldiery enter upon the execution of these orders of the king. And as it was not simply a
place, but a people and a system, which had been devoted to overthrow, so it mattered not
where in the Syrian empire a Jew might be found, he was exposed to the same frenzied as-
saults. To have in one's possession a copy of the law, to refuse, on being commanded, to eat
swine's flesh, sacrifice to an idol, or to participate in Bacchanalian processions crowned with
garlands of ivy in honor of Dionysos, was a sufficient pretext for the most unheard-of cruel-
ties. On the 16th of Chisleu — the date could never be forgotten — Mount Moriah itself was
dedicated to Jupiter, and a heathen shrine placed over the sacred altar. Ten days later a
herd of swine were driven into the temple precincts, and their subsequent sacrifice com-
pleted the desecration. This was the " abomination of desolation " ($S(\vy,ia. ipm^d.a^''^, 1 Mace.
i. 54), the synonym, in all later Jewish history, of infamous wickedness and of humiUation
to the uttermost. With not a few these efforts to enforce submission succeeded. They were
those who had been the first to run to the gymnastic performances which Jason and Mene-
laus maintained at the expense of the temple. But there were many others who still pre-
ferred death to paganism, and Antiochus, to his astonishment, soon discovered that an army
of twenty-two thousand men was quite too small for the object he had in view. At first, re-
sistance was passive, but none the less heroic and inspiring. A few such examples as that
of the gray-haired Eleazer, who manfully confronted his tormentors with the words: "I will
«how myself such an one as my age requires, and leave a notable example to those who are
young, to die willingly and courageously for our honored and holy laws," could not long re-
main without effect. j- i i • i ^

The immediate occasion of the armed revolt was as follows: Emissaries of the king naQ
erected a heathen altar at the little village of Modein, a few miles out from Jerusa- ^^^ ^^^^^^^
lem. It was the home of an aged priest Mattathias, with the family name Asmo-
nsBUS, the father of five stalwart sons, and a man widely known and respected. He, amon„
others was summoned to offer idolatrous sacrifices on this altar. He publicly and boldly re-

22 THE APOCRYPHA.

fused, and seeing a man who was a Jew upon the point of doing it, he rushed upon him and
slew him. Whereupon the Syrian officers also were put to death, and the altar they had
erected destroyed with the cry: "Whosoever is zealous for the law and maintaineth the
covenant let him follow me." Mattathias with his two sons, and a few others, now plunged
info the neio-hboring wilderness where forces might be safely collected, and time gained for
reflection o °er the course to be pursued. This was the small beginning of that great politico-
religious movement, by means of which the Jewish people, after more than four hundred
years of foreign domination, gained again their independence. It is a thrilling story, which
will never los"e its cliarrp as long as men love freedom, admire unselfish heroism, and hate
oppression. It is only possible for us here to touch upon the more salient points of the history,
and it is also unnecessary, since it is to be found in full in the books of the Maccabees that
follow. Mattathias himself continued but for a little while at the head of the patriotic band
which flocked to his standard, but in dying, recommended Judas, his son, as leader, with the
words : "But as for Judas Maccabajus, he has been mighty and strong, even from his youth
up; let him be your captain, and fight the battles of the people." i The sequel proved that
the choice had been well made.

Judas Maceabajus was really the hero of the whole conflict, and properly gave his name to
the party and movement of which he was the soul. A childlike piety, a womanly
Steur""" tenderness towards the weak, good common sense that could see at once the point
at issue,- were united in his nature with a courage that flinched at no hardship and
was appalled at no danger. The army that followed him, if so it might be called, was
always scanty enough, but like Gideon he did not hesitate, at times, to reduce its numbers
still more by sifting out the timid and the unresolved. The blast of his trumpet, as his ene-
mies soon discovered, meant nothing less than doing and daring to the utmost limit of human
strength. He first defeated ApoUonius, entering upon the engagement with the battle cry :
"Eleazer, the help of God ; " then Seron; and again, an immense army under Nicanor and
Gorgias ; and finally, Lysias himself, and opened thereby for his troops once more the way
to Jerusalem and the temple. On the 25(h of Chisleu, exactly three years from the date of
its desecration, the purified altar was again dedicated to Jehovah and sacrifices offered
amidst universal rejoicings. Since this time the Jews have ever continued to observe the
recurrence of the day as the " Feast of Dedication," and no festival awakens among them
more grateful memories. Soon after occurred in the far East the death of Antioehus Epipha-
nes (b. c. 164) under circumstances that could not but encourage the persecuted people still
more to hope for the final success of their cause. Judas Maccabseus, in the mean time, set
forward his well-begun work. At first, he engaged in a successful expedition against the
Edomites to the south, then met, for the second time, Lysias at Bethsur, where, for once, -his
little band were forced to retire before the overwhelming odds that were brought against
them, and a beloved brother, the brave Eleazer, lost his life. Then followed the brief truce
and apparently friendly intercourse with Nicanor, broken off by his treachery, and the battle
of Caphar Salama, in which this Syrian general was among the slain. It was at this time
that Judas, recognizing the importance of securing auxiliaries, against the advice of some of
his adherents sent a delegation to Rome to ask for an alliance.^ He did it the more willingly
because he had learned that " none of them wore a crown, or was clothed in purple, to be
exalted above his fellow citizens." A treaty was made, but, as it would seem, before its con-
ditions could well have been known, Judas was called upon to meet once more, and for the
last time, the hosts of the Syrians under Bacchides. The disparity between his forces and
those of his antagonist would have driven any other than the lion-hearted Maccabee to de-
spair. His officers sought to dissuade him from the conflict with the promise to take it up
afterwards when circumstances were more favorable. But his memorable answer was : " God
forbid that I should do this thing and flee away from them. If our time be come let us die
manfully for our brethren and leave behind no stain upon our honor! " These are the last
recorded words of the heroic soldier. The battle was accepted. Judas personally fought
with bis usual intrepidity and success. But his followers being overpowered, he was set
upon from behind and lost his life (b. c. 160). His two brothers, however, Jonathan and
Simon, thoughtless of danger to themselves, rescued his body from the thronging, exultant
foe, and it was buried in the family tomb at Modein. Great was the lamentation which went
up for him throughout Judaea, and its burden was like that which had been heard for Saul
1 1 Mace. U. 66. 2 Cf. 1 Maoo. viU.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 23

and for Jonathan: " How is the valiant fallen that delivered Israel ! " We are not surnrised
that m the olden time fancy loved to dwell upon this inspiring name, or that so many friendiv
pens were ready to depict with heightened coloring the struggle in which so noble a life was

63FCriIlC6Cl>

It was a serious task which Jonathan, the youngest son of Mattathias, who had been elected
to hll the place of Judas, had now before him. Without the presti<re of Judas
Maccabaeus, called upon with a dispirited handful of troops to confront the victo- Jo^th^"-
rious army of Bacchides, it is doubtful how the conflict would have terminated if a "•°""~^*^-
diversion in his favor had not occurred in the political affairs of Syria. One Alexander
Balas, who gave himself out for a son of Antiochus Epiphanes, laid claim to the throne which
Demetrms I. Soter (b. c. '162-150), had already, for ten years, had in possession. Both
parties naturally sought an alliance with the Asmonajan chief and strove to outdo each other
m the magnificence of their offers for his support. From Alexander Jonathan received in
addition to all the rest, a purple mantle, a golden crown, and the promise of the hio-h priest's
office, which, since the death of the infamous Alcimus (b. c. 159), had remained vacant.
As the party which Alexander represented was supported by nearly all the kin<Ts of the
neighboring lands and had, by far, the best promise of success, Jonathan did not fono- hesi-
tate to give it his own influence. At the same time, also, he accepted the generous°terms
offered, and put on the pontifical robes at the Feast of Tabernacles in the year b. c. 152.
From this time the Asmonasau family ruled in Judaea. The dependence on Syria, however,'
still continued, arid the land for a considerable period was more or less involved in the strug-
gles among rival claimants for the crown. One of these, named Tryphon, having by artifice
got Jonathan into his power, treacherously put him to death in the year B. c. 143.

But one son of Mattathias, Simon, already an old man, now remained. He had been the
trusted counselor of the family from the first. He was still vigorous in mind and
body. In a speech that he made at this time for the encouragement of the people, b'? T43-135
he said: "You yourselves know what great things I and my brothers and my
father's house have done for the laws and the sanctuary, the battles also, and troubles we
have seen by reason whereof all my brethren are slain for Israel's sake, and I am left alone.
Now, therefore, be it far from me that I should spare my own life in any time of trouble, for
I am no better than my brethren." Under the influence of these touching words the people
were roused to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and cried out, with a loud voice: "Thou
shalt be our leader instead of Judas and Jonathan thy .brother." 1 There was no one better
fitted than he to execute the sacred trust which by natural right, as well as the vote of the
people, had been thus committed to him. What Judas by hard blows had won, what Jona-
than by a sagacious policy had preserved and increased, that was now to be carried on to its
natural conclusion, namely, complete freedom from a foreign yoke and the reestablishment of
the Jewish commonwealth unimpaired. In accomplishing this object, Simon was greatly
aided, as Jonathan had been, by the internal divisions of the Syrian empire. Tryphon, who
in the murder of the child Antiochus VI., whose interests he had professed to represent, had
thrown off the mask he had hitherto worn, was contesting by force of arms the throne with
Demetrius II. The latter, in order to win for himself their support, at the request of Simon,
not only remitted to the Jews all past and future dues for taxes, but confirmet! them in the
possession of certain fortresses which for prudential reasons they had occupied and provis-
ioned against any political emergency that might arise, and expressed his willingness, for the
future, to receive Jewish ofiicers into his army and at his court. It was a high day for Israel
when this news was proclaimed, and from this year (b. c. 143), they were accustomed, as well
on coins as on public and private contracts, to date their national independence. Beautiful
is the picture which the historian gives of the latter part of the reign of Simon, especially
when contrasted with the stormy, troublous times of Judas and of Jonathan. He "made
peace in the land; and Israel rejoiced with great joy ; for every man sat under his fig-tree
and there was none to terrify him, nor was any left in the land to fight against them." ' In
the midst of great public rejoicings Simon drove out the remnants of the Syrian party which
for forty years had held possession of the citadel in Jerusalem. He enlarged the boundaries
of the country, encouraged the peaceful pursuits of agriculture, had an excellent harbor con-
structed at Joppa, cleared the land of idolaters, enriched and beautified the temple, renewed
under the most friendly auspices former treaties with the LacedEemonians and Romans; and by
1 1 Mace. xiii. 3-8. 2 See 1 Mace. xiT. 11, 12.

24 THE APOCRYPHA.

a course at once firm and conciliatory held in check that factious and partisan spirit which
was already beginning to manifest itself with ominous power among the people. So great was
the gratitude and admiration that were felt for Simon that a brazen tablet inscribed with his
deeds and those of his family was set up to his honor in the temple, and the office of prince
and hitrh priest (rijovij.€vos Kai apxiepevs) was made hereditary in his house " until there should
arise a faithful prophet." ^ But like every other member of his family he, too, was destined
to meet a violent death. Through the treachery of an ambitious son-in-law, Ptolemy, whom
he had made governor of the district of Jericho, he together with his two sons, Mattathias
and Judas, was assassinated in a most dastardly manner after a reign of eight years (b. C.
135).

Simon was succeeded in both the offices which he had clothed with so much honor by his
T ^ TT son, John Hyrcanus. The first part of his reign was marked by ill success. Hin-

Jonn Hyrca- ' .' ^ , . -i i -rt^ i i. j * i •

nns. dered, through fear of evil consequences to his mother, whom Jrtolemy bad in ms

B. 0. 136-105. po^gy^ froin avenging the murder of Simon, he was at the same time compelled
to make a humiliating treaty with Antiochus "VII. Sidetes, who had invaded Palestine and
shut Hyrcanus up in Jerusalem. Subsequently, thanks anew to the contentions of rival fac-
tions in Syria, and the friendship of the Romans, he gradually threw off again the foreign
yoke, conquered, and thoroughly wasted Samaria to the north, and on the south compelled
the Edomites to adopt the Jewish faith, including the rite of circumcision. This is one of the
most memorable examples in Israelitish history of an attempt to enforce conversion, and is
especially noticeable as having brought with it its own swift retribution. To these same cir-
cumcised Edomites belonged the family of that Herod who afterwards became the "evil
genius of the Asmonjeans." ^ We reserve until later an account of the violent party spirit,
especially between the Pharisees and Sadducees, which now began to rage. Hyrcanus had
the sagacity to adopt, in general, a wise middle course, although driven, as it would seem,
late in life to take sides positively with the Sadducees. The extant coins of this reign are
interesting as showing that the people still retained their political rights tinimpaired. They
bear the inscription: " John the high priest and the Commonwealth of the Jews;" or "John,
the high priest. Head of the Jewish Commonwealth." The assembly (yepovtrla), afterwards
developing into the Sanhedrin, was able to make its voice heard in all matters afifeoting the
public weal. On the whole, the long reign of Hyrcanus may be characterized as brilliantly
successful. Josephus,' while giving him the title of prince and high priest, also ascribes to
him the gift of prophecy. Under liim the Jewish people reached a degree of prosperity
which had been unknown before, since the days of Solomon and David. But with him, too,
that prosperity reached its culmination. The history that follows is little else than a sad
record of domestic feuds and the intrigues of rival parties, until, after a little more than a
single generation, the Roman power, at first invited in to arbitrate, stayed to dictate and to
rule.

Aristobulus I., the eldest of the sons of Hyrcanus, was designated by the latter for the
Aristobulus ^^°^ priesthood, while the political sovereignty was left to his widow. Such a
I. B. 0. 105- change in the traditional order of government did not at all suit the ambitious
Aristobulus, and he soon found means to remove his mother from the throne and
cast her, together with his brothers, into prison. One brother alone, Antigonus, he per-
mitted to share the government with him. Aristobulus was the first of the Asmonsean family
who claimed for himself the title of king, and of all that had hitherto ruled he was the least
worthy of it. His real name was Judas, and one might suppose that he would have borne it
with pride in honor of the heroic Maccabasus, but his devotion to Greek ideas was predomi-
nant. He was even known among his subjects under the contemptuous nickname of Phil-
hellen (^iXeWnv), lover of the Greeks. He caused a Greek title to be inscribed on the
national coins along with various emblems, which, in the eyes of a real Pharisee of the time,
must have made contact with them seem almost like a transgression of the ceremonial law.*
In the mean time, the leaven of dissension continued ominously to do its work. Antio-onus,
the best loved brother, fell a victim to the intrigues of the court and the suspicions of the
king, whose own painful death followed soon after.

It was one of the hitherto imprisoned brothers of Aristobulus I., Alexander Jannseus, who
succeeded him, making Alexandra (Heb., Salome), the former's widow, who had released him

1 See 1 Maco. xiv. 41. 2 Cf. Holtzmann, idem, p. 28.

8 Anliq., xiii. 10, §§ 6, 7. 4 Cf. Graetz, iii. 103, and Sohuier, p 118.

GENBEAIi INTRODUCTION. 25

from prison, his wife. His long reign was one continued series of conflicts with foreign and
domestic foes. He had inherited the warlike spirit and taste of his ancestors, but ,,

.... . IP lA'i Alexanaer

Without their sagacity or sell control. At one time his whole kingdjom was at the Jannrous.

mercy of Ptolemy of Cyprus, and was saved to liim only by the friendly inter- "'"' ^''*"^^-
vention of the latter's mother and bitter opponent, Cleopatra of Egypt. At a later period
his arms were more successful, and he made important conquests on the western coasts. But
in its fearfully disastrous effects on the land of Judaea these troubles from without were
greatly overshadowed by those from within. Partisan spirit had made gigantic strides
among the people since the death of Simon. The going over of the court, at the time of
Hyrcanus, to the side of the Sadducees, liad not been the means of weakening the opposing,
popular party, but quite the contrary. During his campaign against foreign enemies Alexan-
der had been able to keep tolerably clear of strife at home. But it was rather due, on both
sides, to lack of occasion than of will. The high priest and king seems, indeed, to have been
thoroughly despised and hated by the majority of his subjects. That there were sufficient
grounds for it other than the mere spirit of party is evident. His ideas of ruling as well as
his vices, were but little removed from those of a Belshazzar or an Ahasuerus. Daily,
at his repasts, he flouted the self-respect of his subjects by intercourse with courtesans and
the wildest sensual excesses. How could it be overlooked by those in whom the memory of
the simplicity and self-renunciation of the Maccabasan period was still green ? The first overt
acts of rebellion took place at the Feast of Tabernacles. It was customary for the high priest
on. this occasion to make a libation of water from a silver basin upon the altar. But the
practice was of Pharisaic origin, and, therefore, with the intention of casting contempt upon
it, the king, in this case, instead of pouring the water upon the altar simply poured it upon
the ground. A fearful popular tumult was the result, and those who were present in the
temple, excited almost to frenzy, ventured even to pelt the king and high priest while en-
gao'ed in his ofiicial duties with the citrons and other soft fruits with which, at such times,
they were abundantly provided. The irascible Alexander was not the person to submit
tamely to such an insult. He called up at once his foreign mercenaries, and six thousand
persons were mercilessly cut down within the precincts of the temple. The hatred of the
Pharisaic party was now inflamed to the last degree and the land became divided, as it were,
into two great hostile camps, such as had existed in the evil times of the feuds between Judah
and Israel. Shortly afterwards, Alexander, in a conflict with an Arab prince, fell into an
ambuscade, lost his entire army, and escaped himself to Jerusalem only with his lite. This
was the opportunity for which his enemies had waited. A rebellion broke out that lasted si.^
years, and was suppressed only with the aid of foreign troops, and at the cost of fifty thou-
sand lives of Jewish subjects. In one stage of it the king was desirous of peace. He in-
quhed of the Pharisees with what terms they would be satisfied. Their reply well illustrates
the utter impassableness of the gulf that divided the conflicting parties : " The first condition
to a permanent peace," was the defiant answer, "is thy death." Success subsequently
crowning the arms of the king he had eight hundred of the leading rebels crucified in his
presence, and while they were still alive their wives and children slaughtered before their
eyes. Eicrht thousand others sought an asylum in foreign lands, a part in Syria and the rest
in E«ryptr The last days of Alexander, if we may trust the account of Josephus, were
clcwded with misgivings, and he bitterly regretted the unwise course he had taken with his
opponents. Accordmg to another authority, however, he cherished his old feehngs to the
end, and strove to dispel the anxious forebodings of the queen with the words : " Fear not
the Pharisees, and fear not those who are not Pharisees. But fear the hypocrites -the
varnished Pharisees — whose acts are the acts of Zimri, and who claim the reward ot i^hme-
has." Be this as it may, the Pharisees did not change in their feelings toward the king, but,
with a rare display of intolerance and narrow-mindedness, long celebrated the anniversary

o£ his death as a festival. .,

Alexandra, who now became regent, appointed her eldest son, Hyrcanus H., a facile young
man without, strength of character, as high priest. Whatever may have been the ^^^^^^
advice given her by the late king, she acted, at least, on the principle that his poi- ^, „. j8-69.
icy toward the Pharisees had been radically wrong. Her own was j,ust the op-
posite of it. They were among her chief counselors. Josephus says of her: She ruled
oyer others whUe she herself was ruled by the Pharisees." ^ She restored again to their full

1 Antiq., xiii. 16, § 2.

26 THE APOCRYPHA.

force the various statutes which they had introduced and which, since the time of John Hyr-
canus, had to a greater or less extent been disregarded. Thousands of prominent citizens,
who, during the previous reign, had fled tlie country, were invited to return. The Sanhe-
drin, under the direction of the queen's supposed brother, Simon ben Shetah, and that of
Judah ben Tabbai, took on a wholly different character. Important alterations were made
in the services of the temple; new festivals were appointed, and the code relating to punish-
ments not a Uttle changed. In short, a general reaction took place, and, like all reactions of
this cliaracter, especially when occurring under the influence of partisan zeal, it went too far.
The Sadducees, in turn, became the persecuted party, and, among others, one of their most
noted leaders, Diogenes, a favorite counselor of Alexander Jannseus, fell a victim to the
bloody excesses of their opponents. A spirit of retaliation ruled the hour. At last, the
queen's own son, Aristobulus II., headed a delegation, which petitioned the crown for a ces-
sation of tliese unjustly discriminating, partisan measures. Still later, the same son revolted
against the government, and bad already got some of the most important fortresses of the
land into his possession, when tlie queen died.

And now began, between the two brothers Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, with their adherents,
Aristobulus t'""^ eventful struggle for supremacy which ended with the haughty interference of
II., B. c. 69- the Roman power and the irremediable loss of national independence. Unable to
Roman arbi- withstand the superior force which Aristobulus brouglit against him, Hyrcanus
tration. capitulated after a short resistance, and agreed to renounce his claim both to the

office of high priest and to the crown. Subsequently, however, supported by the Idumtean
Antipater and the Arabian prince, Aretas, he again took up the contest and defeated his
brother in a battle that soon followed. Forsaken by most of his army, Aristobulus now took
refuge on the temple-mountain and was there besieged. It was at this time that the interest-
ing episode related by Josephus took place, in which a certain Onias, distinguished for the
supposed efficacy of his prayers, had the leading part. He was, one day, brought by the
partisans of Hyrcanus, who represented the Pharisees, to pray for the success of their efforts
in subduing the party of Aristobulus. And this is said to have been his noble, courageous
prayer: " O God, the king of the whole world, since those that stand with me are thy peo-
ple, and those that are besieged are thy priests [i. e. the party of the Sadducees], I beseech
thee that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these nor of these against
those." 1 Without capacity to comprehend the grandeur of such a spirit the fanatical crowd,
it is said, stoned the heroic old man till he died. Before this wretched, internecine conflict
was finally decided, a messenger arrived from the victorious Pompey, already advancing
through Asia Minor, who for the time being gave his influence in favor of the younger brother.
Later, however, Pompey himself espoused the cause of Hyrcanus, and after a siege of three
months took possession of the temple-mountain, where the party of Aristobulus were strongly
intrenched. A fearful massacre of twelve thousand Jews, inclusive of many priests who
fell ministering at the altar, signalized the victory of the Roman arms. It was in the fall of
the year B. c. 63, and during the consulate of Marcus Tullius Cicero, that the Roman eagles
waved, for the first time, over the holy city. A sad change, indeed, it seems, when one re-
flects simply on the loss of the national freedom which had been bought at so dear a price
and enjoyed for a period of scarcely eighty years. But a change, on the other hand, not
wholly unwelcome, when one thinks of the high priesthood in the hands of an Alexander
Jannseus and the fratricidal sword in those of an Aristobulus II. In the mean time the Ro-
man military power itself, as much as the Greek language and Greek philosopliy, had its
providential mission. And this mission was beautifully foreshadowed in the fact that the
very captives whom Pompey dragged to Rome, to grace his triumphal entry, became, on
the bank of the far-off Tiber, the nucleus and germ of a. Christian church and an important
centre of early Christian life.

From one point of view, the Maccabasan struggle, looked upon as a whole, has almost the
Scope of the appearance of triviality. Such questions as those of Sabbath observance, the rite
straggle"™ °^ circumcision, distinction in food as clean or unclean, or even the freedom of
temple worship, might not be supposed to be of sufficient importance to lead an
entire people to stake its existence upon them. It is certainly not such questions that shape
the politics and control the movements of armies at the present day. But it is to be remem-
bered that under the theocratic government of the Jews, every matter of religion, however

1 Afitiq., xiv. 2, § 1.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 27

trifling it might seem in itself, was also a matter of political and social economy. ' Moreover,
it is clear from other and various considerations, that it was not simply zeal for ceremonial
observances, that inspired the hearts of the Maccabsean heroes, important as these were felt
to be by every right-thinking Israelite. It was a noble patriotism; it was a determination to
defend at any cost, the right; it was an unselfish devotion to principles of righteousness and
honor, such as found utterance from time to time, in the speeches of the great Asmonasan
chief and his successors: "We fight for our lives and our laws." "The jeopardizino' of a
gallant soldier is to the end that he may deliver his people and win for himself a perpetual
name." And those last memorable words of Judas: " If our time be come, let us die man-
fully for our brethren, and leave behind no stain upon our honor." More than once these
men showed that a broader spirit than that which developed itself in the later partisan con-
flicts, characterized and inspired them. They did not hesitate, when circumstances required
it, boldly to cut the web of irritating formalities with which they were invested. When, for
instance, their enemies so far presumed upon their reverence for the Sabbath, as always to
attack them on that day, they were not long in discovering a principle that lay deeper: that
the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath. They knew how to comfort
themselves when deprived of the services of the temple, with the thought, not unworthy of
the Epistle to the Hebrews, that " God did not choose the people for the place's sake, but
the place for the people's sake." ^ They thought it no crime to seek to strengthen themselves
politically by means of alliances with foreign powers. Here and there, in short, there is
pleasant evidence that these Maccabsean heroes fought for ideas as well as institutions, that,
indeed, they were inspired by unutterable hopes of a better time to come. At the coronation
of Simon as high priest and prince, we meet with an intimation whose mystery is solved only
in the predictions of Isaiah and Malachi. These offices, it was said, were to remain heredi-
tary in his family until there should " arise a faithful prophet." For him, then, in some
sense, they still waited, and this expectation it was, so far as it had force, that gave to the
whole contest with the Syrian oppressors an elevation of purpose, that of itself sufficed to
redeem it from the charge of narrowness or triviality. The eye was sometimes, at least,
turned toward the future. And especially after the struggle had ceased to be one almost of
despair, and had become a victory, a real success, and the newly consecrated temple on
Mount Moriah could be looked upon in friendly prophetic vision, as likely after all to become
the gathering point of myriads from East and West, North and South, the stream of sacred
exultant song began to flow again, and the mind to dwell with quickened courage and confi-
dence on the glories of that kingdom, whose bounds were to reach from the rising of the
sun to the going down of the same.

But they were " not all Israel that were of Israel." There were those who disputed, at
times, the authority of the Maccabjean leaders; disliked their breadth of spirit; j^ij^ofp^,.
preferred defeat to defending themselves on the seventh day; slavish submission Hes. The
rather than an alliance with heathen states; and, in fact, carried their conserva- ^™'°''
tism. not infrequently, to the verge of treason. Once, for example, a number of Scribes went
over to the side of Bacchides and the infamous Alcimus. And the " Assidffians were the
first among the children of Israel that sought peace of them." = The secret was, that Alci-
mus, ungodly wretch though he was known to be, happened to be in the regular Aaronio suc-
cession r That was enough to draw these short-sighted Scribes away from the patriotic party
at a most critical period of its history. So it came to pass that the brave little company that
rallied around the banner of Judas and of Jonathan had to contend with divisions in its own
ranks. There were Israelitish brethren who were ready to lend them their influence only so
far as the contest was carried on in the interests of their own theological views. And hence,
it happened, that one marked result of the struggle itself was the strengthenmg of such
views, the tenfold bracing and hardening of the peculiar opinions respecting what it was that
constituted Judaism and its mission. These opinions and prepossessions were sanctified, so
to speak, by the sufferings that had been endured, and the blood that had been shed on their
supposed behalf, so that they were lifted into ever greater prominence, became the shibboleth
of parties and the matter of overshadowing importance in all subsequent history. We have
spoken of the Assidsans, or Chasidim of the time of Judas Maccabseus. There is little doubt
that the principles which they advocated became afterwards the prevailing ones in Israel,
were developed into those of the Pharisees, who early represented the party of the overwhelm-
1 2 Maco. T. 19. ^ 1 M"""- ™- ^' ^-

28 THE APOCRYPHA.

ing majority of the Jewish people. They were those who would have found fault with Judas
for carrying in his battles the sword which he had won from the Syrian general, Apollonius,
although there might have been adduced for it the excellent Scriptural example of David,
who had wielded with such success the weapon of the uncircumcised Goliath. But they had
another Scripture, a companion volume to Moses and the Prophets, whose leading principle
was ceremonial purity. Since the days of Ezra it had been one of the absorbing tasks of the
Scribes to bring this new Bible to perfection. And if, at the time of the Asmon^ans, it was
still incomplete, its essential requirements at least were well understood and were already in
process of being carried out in the most painfully scrupulous observances. It was, in a word,
a system of special, infinitesimal prohibitions and commands which was meant to reach, what
the more ancient legislation, as it was supposed, did not, every separate detail of the daily
life. As a matter of fact, however, it served to weaken at its centre the very principle of
obedience. It laid the emphasis on the letter more than on the spirit, and the commandment
of God was made of no effect by the tradition. ' The Pharisees, indeed, did not hesitate
while the Scriptures and tradition thus existed, and were used side by side, to give the de-
cided preference to the latter.^ A certain rabbi, Eleazer from Modein, once said: "Who-
ever interprets the Scriptures in opposition to tradition has no part in the future world." *
We get from the books of the New Testament not a few graphic hints of what the system
essentially and practically was. It required the making " clean the outside of the cup and
platter;" had extended the rule of tithes to include "mint, anise, and cummin," while
neglecting the " weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and truth;" had greatly
multiphed the number of fasts and encouraged the unseemly custom of prayers at the street
corners " to be seen of men." A painful minuteness and strictness attached particularly to
tlie observance of the Sabbath. No one, for example, on that day was permitted to go more
than a thousand steps from his dwelling. Even the rubbing out of kernels of wheat, or the
healing of the .sick, was looked upon as a transgression of the later code. The Mishna enu-
merates thirty-nine diiferent kinds of activity that were positively forbidden on the Sabbath.
The day itself was lengthened and made to begin before the setting of Friday's sun in har-
mony with the exaggerated character of the whole system. And such, in general, was the
burdensome nature of its myriad precepts, effectually crushing out not only all spontaneity of
soul but all sensitiveness of conscience and making the spiritual life solely a matter of ma-
chine-like routine and dreary outward observances.

To say, now, tiiat Phariseeism was the immediate result of the Maccabsean contest would he
to take no account of forces that began to work before it sprang up and which, as we have
seen, continued to work to its close. But this contest, from its very nature, served greatly
to strengthen that which formed the nerve and sinew of Phariseeism, that which is clearly
represented in the name Pharisee (CT^IS)? that is, national and moral separatism. Still it
ought to have been known that all efforts at mere outward uniformity, resting on no deep
moral and universally acknowledged principles, however violent and long continued they
might be, could never produce a real unity. How often since and at what fearful costs has
the experiment been made, to end as that of the Pharisees ended, and sometimes with even,
more fatal results I

Sadduceeism was a natural reaction from the teachings of the Chasidim and their succes-

sors and became its theological, political, and social counterpoise. What strength
ducees. " the Pharisaic party had already gained at the time of John Hyrcanus, appears

from the circumstance that certain of its leaders on one occasion dared to insult
and brave the king himself when surrounded by his courtiers, in his own palace. On the
ground of an old scandal, that his mother had not always been true to her marriage vows,
they openly called in question his right to the position he occupied. Up to this peri°od, as it
would seem, the Macoabasan family had been identified, to a greater or less degree, with the
Pharisaic party. But this public insult they made the occasion for demonstratively break-
ing with it and going over to the side of its opponents, and Sadduceeism comes, for the first
time, into special prominence. The origin of the name Sadducee is in dispute, but most
likely it is derived from Zadok, who was high priest at the time of David.* They were de-
scendants or adherents of this family just as the Herodians mentioned in the New Testa-
ment 5 were adherents and partisans of the family of Herod. All that we know of their

1 n^. ^f-^ ™' ^^,i„, ^ °^- ^'"'■' -*""■'■' "">• 1> § S- 8 Aboth iii. 11, cited by Schiirer, p. 430.

* Cf. Sohurer, p. 427. 6 Matt. xxii. 16. j , r ™v

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 29

histol-y serves to confirm this view of their origin. As over against the Pharisees, who were
the party of the people, they were the gentry, the aristocracy, nobility of the land. The
priests, generally, though not universally, were Sadducees. So it continued to be in the
time of the Apostles, as we read in the Acts (v. 17) : " Then the high priest rose up, and
all that were with him — which is the sect of the Sadducees — and were filled with indio-na-
tion." They were those who insisted on the preeminence of the temple and its services, as
opposed to the growing influence of the synagogues, where Pharisaism had its stronghold.
The Pharisees, on the other hand, relatively depreciated the temple, anil as the Saviour him-
self showed, often foolishly and inconsistently, holding, for example, the gold of the temple,
i. e., its golden vessels and ornamentation, as of greater sacredness than the buildincr.i
While accepting the Scriptures as their rule of faith and practice, — although without dis-
playing any great devotion to them, — the Sadducees did not accept anything else as on an
equality with them, rejecting with ridicule and contempt the oral law held in such high es-
teem by their opponents. "See," they were accustomed to say, "these Pharisees will
purify in the end the sun itself." ^ So, too, the hair-splitting of the latter with respect to
moral precepts and rules was utterly distasteful to them. It was held by the Pharisees, for
example, that the Scriptures must be copied on parchment made from the skins of animals
ceremonially clean, since, otherwise, these holy books themselves could not be safely
handled. To which the Sadducees ironically replied : " We complain of you, Pharisees, who
affirm that the Scriptures will pollute the hands while the writings of Homer do not." '
With respect to dogmas ; the rule of Providence ; the destiny of the soul ; the existence of
angels and the like, 'their attitude, in general, was not one of special partisanship but rather
of indifference. Still they not only would not go beyond what the Scriptures taught on these
subjects, but from a natural spirit of opposition to Pharisaism did not allow to them their
full force.* The priestly aristocracy, moreover, could not but have been more influenced than
others by foreign life and ideas as coming into closer contact with them. Hence, too, it
would be a matter of personal interest with them to reject the popular notion of national
isolation, and, with their wealth and love of ease, it was not strange that they had no taste
for the subtile refinements and burdensome precepts inculcated by their opponents. But
their own hereditary rights they were ever ready to defend against encroachments. Fearful,
indeed, was the struggle that went on during the last century before Clirist, one example of
which we have already noticed in connection with the reign of Alexander Jannseus. Yet,
it was not doubtful how such a conflict would finally end : the people against the aristocracy,
the synagoo-ues against the temple. In the very next reign, after Alexander Jannaeus had
striven with all his might to crush them out, the Pharisees come again into power and wield
an influence that is wider than ever. The circle of the one was ever increasing, that of the
other continually diminishing. The Pharisee compassed sea and land to make one proselyte.
He artfully insinuated himself into the good-will of the masses. " Do not separate thyself
from the congregation," was one of his maxims. And it is mentioned as a marked excellence
of a certain predecessor of Hillel, — and an excellence it was if prompted by a real humanity,
^ that his house opened toward the street, and that the poor found with him the welcome of
children. 6 Thus, one point after another was slowly won : the management of the temple
services; the regulation of the festivals; the mitigation of the severities of the penal code as
in the interests of the people; the control of the Sanhedrin; and the final grapple was just at
hand when both parties went down together in the common ruin.

It will not be out of place to speak here, also, of the sect of the Essenes, since their origin
may, apparently, be traced to the same general causes which produced the two ^j^^j.^^^^^^
great national parties just described. They first make their appearance in the
time of the Asmonsean Jonathan, and Josephus relates that one of their prophets predicted
the murder of Antigonus by his royal brother. They never gained, however, a very exten-
sive following, their numbers in Palestine at the beginning of the Christian era being reck-
oned at only four thousand. They were ascetics, and their asceticism, if we may trust Jose-
phns,« was rather Pythagorean than Jewish. Excluded from the temple on account of their
rejection of sacrifices, they formed a class by themselves. A prolonged and severe probation
was necessary in order to gain admission to it. An axe and an apron were given to candi-
dates during the first year's novitiate, the first as a symbol of labor, the second, of purifica-

1 Matt, xxiii. 17. » Graete, iii. 461. ' Gi^^''' '"*™;.. ,„

4 Cf. Mark xii. 26. 6 See Hausrath, Zeitgesckichte, i. 130. 6 (Jf. Kuenen, m. La.

30 THE APOCRYPHA.

tion. They abstained from the eating of meat, and as a rule, from marriage. Their meals
they- regarded as a sort of religious exercise. To the Sabbath they accorded an even stricter
observance than the Pharisees, their rules not allowing that so much as a call of nature be
attended to on that day. The practice of ceremonial purification, also, was carried to a pain-
ful extreme. No food could be eaten that was not prepared by a member of the order. They
showed a special reverence for the sun, which amounted, in fact, to little less than idolatry.
Their pursuits were peaceful, and they opposed alike war and slavery. Their few wants were
supplied from a common treasury and all luxury and pleasure were carefully eschewed. In
short, this body represents within itself a strange mixture of exaggerated Pharisaic tradi-
tions, combined with some unmistakable elements of pure heathenism. Its origin must be
sought in the extraordinary associations and influences to which the Jewish people were at
this time exposed. The Therapeutae have been regarded by some as simply a branch of the
Essenes, whose principles led them to the adoption of a contemplative rather than an active
life. But there seems to be, at present, a growing conviction that the work attributed to
Philo, in which this sect is described, is a forgery, and that the sect itself had an existence
only in the brain of some person who meant to give a picture of ideal asceticism.^

Naturally, the government of the purely Greek cities of Palestine, as of the neighboring
Political countries of which we have spoken, was modeled after that to which the inhabi-
constitutioa. tants had been accustomed in their native land. It consisted of a council, often

The local ,

governing made up of Several hundred persons, to which all matters of public interest were,
boaies.2 ^y general consent, referred. In the distinctively Jewish regions of Palestine, on

the other hand, that is to say, in Judsea and in parts of Galilee, regulations derived from the
Mosaic code remained, to a considerable extent, in force down to the late New Testament
times. As far as these had been dependent on the constitution and relations of the variou.i
tribes and families they ceased, as a matter of course, to be in operation as soon as the tribal
relations and genealogies of families fell into confusion. Every place of any considerable
size was provided with a local court, consisting of not less than seven persons, who took cogni-
zance of all civil and ecclesiastical questions requiring judicial decision. ^ At first, these local
courts were composed exclusively of Levites; later, however, they were made up of a class of
Scribes, who might be specially fitted by knowledge and experience for the responsible post.
Trials and hearings took place in the synagogue, and were held ordinarily on market days,
in order the better to accommodate those living at a distance. Punishment, also, on convic-
tion, was not infrequently administered on the spot, " Beware of men," said our Saviour to
the twelve, " for they will deliver you up to the councils, and they will scourge you in their
synagogues." ^ The Mosaic law permitted, in no case of chastisement, more than forty blows
to be given. And the rabbis, in order to be on the safe side, had them limited to thirty-nine.
Paul, it will be remembered, relates that five times he had received, of the Jews, forty stripes
save one. 5 Such cases alone as involved points about which the judges of the local courts
were not clear what decision ought to be given, were referred to Jerusalem. In the larger
places the number of judges seems to have been greater, the Mishna stating that a city which
had at least one hundred and twenty men, was entitled to a Sanhedrim of twenty-three per-
sons.8 In Jerusalem, in fact, there were several such smaller courts, which, however, were
naturally limiteci and overshadowed in their activity by the so-called Great Sanhedrim.

The origin of the Great Sanhedrin of seventy-one members in Jerusalem is uncertain.
The Great -^""""S ^^^^ '^t^r suppositions is that of Kuenen, encouraged by Schurer,' that it
Sanhedrin. ^''^t arose in the time of the earlier Ptolemies, who sought in this way to win for
themselves the support of the Jewish nobility; and that of Keim.s that it dates
from about the year B. c. 107, when Pbilhellenism began, in a noticeable manner, to force its
way into Judaja. The name is of Greek derivation, and its first appearance as the title of a
Jewish court IS after the beginning of the Roman dominion.' There is little doubt, however,
that this IS but another designation for the Senate (y.povcrU), of which we read occasionally
in the works that sprang up during the Maccaba^an period, or shortly subsequent to it." In
the New Testament this body is often mentioned, and it continued to exist until the destruc-

1 So Graete, hi. 463-66 ;Jo8t,i. 214, n. 2; Kuenen, iii. 218; Nicolas, /!e^■«erf. Theol.. S\kn,e ,irie Ti 25^2
10 see 1 Mace, xli, 6 ; Judith iv. 8, ./p^t,.™ ,- cf. Gra.,z, ill. 88. tt "^ ^'^'" °^ *'- "' ''

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 31

tion of Jerusalem, a. d. 70. It was composed, as we have said, of seventy-one members, of
whom one third formed a quorum sufficient for the transaction of business. An interestinir
feature of the assemblies was the regular attendance as listeners of a considerable number of
young men, Jewish students, who thus familiarized themselves with the details of its rules
and methods. Its meetings, unlike those of the smaller bodies of which we have just spoken,
were, or might be held daily, with the exception of the Sabbath and usual holidays. It was
made up of priests, elders, and scribes, and the high priest presided at the sittings. Among
the priests were included any who had served as high priest, as well as, in general, members of
such leading families as had furnished the incumbents of this office. The elders were o-ener-
ally distinguished laymen, but might, also, include priests. The scribes were depended on
for the interpretation of all abstruse points of law. Both Pharisees and Sadducees had seats
in the body, although, in the later times, the former seem to have been in the majority or, at
least, to have wielded the greater influence. Before the Great Sanhedrin were brought such
questions for decision as the settlement of disputed texts of Scripture, the appointment of the
time for the various festivals, all weightier points relating to marriage and inheritance, the
proper theocratic form of contracts,- and the like. As distinguished from the lower courts it
was the administrative and* judicial body for all matters that were distinctively theological,
although, as the Jewish Commonwealth was constituted, the distinction between civil and
theological questions was not very marked. Our Lord was cited before the Sanhedrin for
assuming to be the Messiah; Peter and John, on the ground of teaching false doctrine;
Stephen, for blasphemy ; and Paul, for transgressing the rules of the temple. And, as we
notice in the earlier history of Paul, the decisions of the Sanhedrin, at Jerusalem, were bind-
in" on the Jews outside of Palestine. ^ The ordinarj' place of meeting was in one of the
buildings connected with the temple. It has been generally supposed that a change to
another locality was made a short time before the beginning of the Christian era; but Scliiirer ''
has shown that this was not the case. Irregular, and especially night sessions, at which time
the gate of the temple-mountain was closed and under watch, might have been held elsewhere,
as in the case of our Saviour's trial, which was held in the palace of the high priest.' It has,
indeed, been denied by recent writers (Jost, Graetz, Hilgenfeld, Leyrer), that a regularly
organized Sanhedrim existed at the time of our Lord's trial, but the affirmative has been
successfully defended, among others by such scholars as Schenkel,* Wieseler,^ Keim,^ Haus-
rath,' and Schiirer.'

It has been already indicated, in general, in speaking of the functions of the Great Assem-
bly, what the duties of the scribe, in the original conception of the office, were. .
But with the growth of the so-called oyal law, and of the Pharisaic principle that
the entire life of the individual Jew in its smallest particular must be included within an un-
broken network of precepts and prohibitions, the profession of scribe took on quite another
character. From being a simple copyist of the original Scriptures, as the title scribe would
naturally suggest, he rose to the dignity of teacher, law-giver, and judge, and, with the ex-
ception of the high priest, no one enjoyed a greater influence among the people. The orig-
inal aim of the Pharisees, to bring every individual Jew under the rule of the Mosaic institu-
tions, was obviously a good one. The means, however, which they adopted to bring it about
cannot but be regarded as childishly inadequate and unwise. Cognizance was taken of every
act, even to the brushing of the teeth and the washing of the hands; every act was looked
upon as lawful or unlawful, as a merit or as a sin. The fourth commandment, for instance,
as we have already said, was enlarged in the schools of the rabbis to embrace thirty-nme
different prohibitions. But this was not all. Each one of these separate prohibitions was
itself subdivided, and defined, and atomized to an extent that is almost incredible. Ihe
thirty-second one, for example, was directed against writing. It was further defined as tol-
lows: "He who writes two letters [of the alphabet] whether they are of one kind or ot dit-
ferent kinds, with the same, or with diiferent sorts of ink, in one language, or in different
lan<Tuacres, is guilty. He who forgets himself and writes two letters is guilty, whether he
write with ink or with coloring matter, with red chalk, with gum, with vitriol or with what-
soever makes a mark that remains. Further, he who writes on two walls which run together,
or on tWo pao-es of an account-book so that one can read it continuously, is guilty. He is
, . . . o ° 2 See Stud. u. Eril., 1878, iv. 608, ff.
. „ „'"• fi Q R- i Dm Characterbild Jesu, p. 307.

8 Matt. XXVl. d, 01. . -„. _^^ _ ,.. nnfl f

6 Biitrage zur richtigm WUrdigung dor Emngdien, p. 215. » >■ io*i ^'- ' '"• o^' '•

ZeUg7schichte,l.W{. 8 Page 408.

32 THE APOCRYPHA.

guilty who writes on his body. If one write in a dark fluid, in the juice of fruit, in the dust
of the road, in scattered sand; or, in general, in anything where the writing does not remain,
he is not guilty. If one write with the hand turned about, with the foot, with the_ mouth,
with the elbow; if further, one adds a letter to what is already written, or draw a line over
such writincr; if one intending to make a n makes simply two "; or when one writes one
letter on th°e earth and another on the walls of the house, or on the leaves of a book, so that
they cannot be read together, he is not guilty. When he twice forgets and writes two letters,
one in the morning and the other in the evening, according to rabbi Gamaliel, he is guilty;
the learned [however] declare him not guilty." ^

This is no exaggerated specimen, but one of thousands, of what it was that occupied the
thoughts and absorbed the activities of the scribes of the later times. It suffices
Rabbinism jq ^how the spirit that animated them, and so, too, the great ruling party of the
(contmued). p,^j^j.jgggg Indeed, it was the Pharisees who were the originators and directors
of the movement, and the scribes, while forming a distinct profession, a learned body by
themselves and not belonging exclusively to the party of the Pharisees, were yet their willing
agents. It is a significant circumstance that in the New Testament times the relations of the
two had become so intimate that their names are sometimes use'd interchangeably.^ What
the natural results of such ii state of things would be it is easy to conceive. First, upon the
scribes themselves. In the schools they were the originators and teachers of this vast, com-
plex, painfully, and at the same time, ludicrously minute system of external rules and checks,
by means of which it was expected that the Jews would attain their destiny as the chosen
people of God. In the synagogues they were the acknowledged expounders of the same, and
at every opportunity, by admonition and appeal, brought it home to the hearts and con-
sciences of their fellow Israelites. And finally, in the courts, they were virtually the judges
to decide upon all cases of transgression, and to determine the character and extent of the
punishment to be inflicted on the offender. The scribe, in short, had made himself indispen-
sable at every point and turn of life. It would not be surprising, if with some exceptions,
such a commanding influence should work with most damaging effect upon him. And we
find this to be the case. Though nominally giving their services and supporting themselves
by other means, it could be said of them, in their greed of gain and hypocrisy, as a class, that
they devoured widows' houses and for a pretense made long prayers. They arrogated to
themselves the most honorary titles ; demanded from their pupils a submission and reverence
greater than that which was accorded to parents; loved to be saluted in public places; dressed
in a most ostentatious manner ; demanded for themselves the first places in the synagogues
and at private feasts, and thereby, in all, brought down upon themselves the greater condem-
nation.8 And the effect upon the people was no less disastrous. The whole matter of religion
became simply a matter of externalities. The really fundamental and important precepts of
the Mosaic law were almost hopelessly covered up and lost sight of under this enormous mass
of mere rabbinical rubbish. The worthless and absurd chiefly occupied the attention. Twelve
tracts of the Mishna treat solely of the subject of what things are to be regarded as clean and
what unclean, and in what the process of purification consists. The sole question, in the end,
came to be, not what is right, but what is forbidden. Moral freedom and spontaneity gave
place to a weary, mechanical following of a prescribed course. For the really earnest soul
life could not have been otherwise than a pitiable round of uninteresting and burdensome
duties; for the rest — a keen effort by hook or by crook to evade the same.^ And we see
how well deserved were the denunci.itions, which One, to whom, also, the name of rabbi was
given, but who taught not as the scribes, so often uttered against this terrible perversion of
the teachings of Moses and the prophets.

It is well known that for more than a century before the Christian era the Hebrew had
Language eeased to be a living language. The changes which took place in it after the
e 'tin '" '"'''" ^■'^^^'^ were, however, very gradual. The prophets who wrote at its close, show
in their works no special traces of an Aramaic influence. The old theory that
the Israelites forgot their mother tongue in Babylon is now generally abandoned. The
sources from which it was most affected were rather the lands that bordered on Palestine,
with which its people had continual intercourse. The Aramaic became the lantruan-e of Gom-

1 See the Tract of the Mishna on the Sabbath, cited by Schiirer, p. 484. 2 Matt. xii. 12 : Mark ili 6.

8 Matt, xxiii. 6, 7 ; Mark xii. 20, 38, 39 ; Luke xi. 43 ; xx. 47.

« See, for Borne ludicrous examples of the latter sort, Schiirer, p. 507.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 33

mon life for a considerable period before it was used in writing. The books of Ecclesiasticus,
Judith, and 1 Maccabees were undoubtedly composed in Hebrew. Especially, at the time of
the Seleucidffi, when the Jews were brought under the rule of a people speaking Aramaic, this
language must have made the greatest progress in Palestine toward becoming the vernacular.
It is matter of doubt how far, in connection with the Syro-Chaldaic or Aramaic, the Greek
tongue became a medium of communication among the people generally. 1 There were, cer-
tainly, many influences at work during the last two centuries before Christ to effect for it an
entrance into Palestine. It was the court language of the Ptolemies and the SeleucidiB. As
we have already seen, Judasa was fairly surrounded with enterprising Greek cities. The
Greek and not Latin must have been employed by the Jews in their intercourse with their
Roman conquerors. According to the Talmud there were four hundred and eighty syna-
gogues in Jerusalem alone, where Jews from abroad assembled at the great feasts to the
number of hundreds of thousands for worship, and where, naturally, the Greek tongue was
used.^ It is said of Paul, on one occasion, that he received permission to speak to the people
in Jerusalem, and when they perceived that he would address them in Aramaic they gave
the more marked attention.^ From which it may be inferred that they had expected he
would speak to them in Greek, and further, that they would have Understood the same. It
has been suggested, moreover, that the LXX. must have found some readers in Palestine
outside of the Hellenistic synagogues or the circle of the learned scribes. The translation of
the Scriptures into Aramaic — the Targums — did not appear until after the beginning of
our era. And it may be supposed that not a few even of those who did not belong strictly
to the learned classes would desire to possess the Bible in Greek, which, to say the least,
they could understand far better than the original Hebrew. It is also a weighty fact that
the writers of the New Testament employ the LXX. as though it were their own, and as
though it were in common use in Palestine.

Since in Part II. of this Introduction the subject of the literature of this period, including
the question of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons, is to be fully treated, it tj^,, j^^j „(
may be now omitted. But the objects of the present review would seem to de- the Disper-
mand, at this point, some further notice of the Jews of the Dispersion, especially
of the spiritual atmosphere that was breathed by those of Alexandria and the philosophy of
religion, which, accordingly, was there developed. By far the larger part of the Jewish
people were at this time outside of Palestine. It is well known that but comparatively few of
those who, at different periods since the ninth century before Christ, and especially at the
time of the Babylonian captivity, were removed from the country, ever returned again. Ten
of the original twelve tribes became, as such, wholly lost to view. Under the reign of the
Ptolemies and the Seleucidse, as before noticed, the work of depopulation went on. Antio-
ehus III. introduced into Asia Minor at one time, under favorable conditions, no less than ten
thousand Jewish families, — they were taken, however, in this case from the regions of Mes-
opotamia and Babylon, — that they might serve as a support for his throne. In a letter of
Agrippa to Caligula, preserved by Philo, the following graphic description of Judaism out-
Side of Palestine is given: " Jerusalem is the capital not alone of Judsea, but, by means of
colonies, of most other lands also. These colonies have been sent out, at fitting opportuni-
ties, into the neighboring countries of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, Coele-Syria, and the further
removed Pamphylia, Cilicia, the greater part of Asia as far as Bithynia and the most remote
corners of Pontus. In the same manner, also, into Europe: Thessaly, Boeotia, Macedon,
.2Etolia, Attica, Argos, Corinth, and the most and the finest parts of the Peloponnesus. And
not only is the mainland full of Israehtish communities, but also the most important islands:
Euboea, Cyprus, Crete. And I say nothing of the countries beyond the Euphrates, for all
of them, with unimportant exceptions, Babylon and the satrapies that include the fertile dis-
tricts lying around it, have Jewish inhabitants." ^ From other sources we know that this
statement of Agrippa is not exaggerated. So numerous were the Jews in the East that they
were able, at the beginning of our era, to found at Nahardea an independent kingdom, which
.though afterwards subdued by the Babylonians, continued to be occupied chiefly by them.

1 Bee Roberts, Discussions on the Gospels, and on the general subject of this section : the Introds. of Bleek and Keil ;
Noldeke in Sohenkefs Biti. Lex., art. "HebrMsche Sprache; ■' Bohl, pp. 71-110; and Holtzmann, idem, pp. 63, 54.

2 Cf. Acts Ti. 9. 8 Acts xxii. 2. oo oi j
4 See, in addition to the Histories of Graetz, Herzfeld, and Jost, Scbiirer, pp. 619-647 ; Holtzmann, idtm, pp. b.i-ai, ana

Prankel, Monatssckrift, 18S3, Hefte 11 and 12, and 1854, pp. 401-413, 439-460.
« Cf. SohUrer, p. 620.

3

34 THE APOCRYPHA.

Even the Romans in the year B. c. 40, represented by the legate P. Petronius, regarded it as
a dangerous experiment to excite the hostility of this powerful people settled along the banks
of the Euphrates.' At Adiabene, the present Kurdistan, they enjoyed so great influence
that the royal family itself adopted the Jewish religion. At Antioch they formed a respecta-
ble portion of the population, and had, as at Alexandria, their own ethnarch or alabarch.
Accordincf to Josephns there were, on a single occasion, during the wars with the Romans,
ten thousand Jews put to death at Damascus; and the same writer affirms that eight thousand
of this nation, living in Rome, gave their support to a deputation which had been sent to
Augustus by their brethren of Palestine.^ We have already seen how early the Jewish
emioration to Egypt began, and what immense proportions it afterwards assumed. Their
council of seventy elders enjoyed an influence only second to that of the Sanhedrim at Jeru-
salem. Their magnificent synagogue was the resort of such multitudes that no single voice
could reach them, and a flag was therefore used to give the appropriate signal when, after a
prayer or benediction, the responsive " Amen " was expected from the people.

The Jews of the Dispersion, wherever they might be found, and under whatever unfavor-
able circumstance, with but rare individual exceptions, remained true to their
the Disper- national faith and customs. Other nationalities, and many of them, were simply
eion (contin- swallowed up in the great Grecian and Roman empires, leaving scarcely a trace
behind. The Jews, on the other hand, in whatever lands, east or west, north or
south, they had colonized, remained as distinct in their peculiarities, offered as bold a con-
trast in social usages and religious belief, with their neighbors around them, as did the peo-
ple of Judaea with those of Egypt and of Babylon. With their monotheistic creed, supported
by an unconquerable national pride, a past signalized by glorious, divine interpositions, and a
future full of the brightest promise, it is not so much a matter of wonder. Moreover, the
Mosaic law, which they carried with them in written form into the uttermost parts of the
earth, under the manipulations of the wily scribes, had already become a hedge so impenetra-
ble that no deviation from it, short of absolute apostasy, was easily possible. So, too, in-
numerable synagogues and proseuchsE, which sprang up according to need on every hand,
being as well attractive centres of social and religious life as civil courts where Israelitish
justice was dispensed, were no less a potent means to unite in indissoluble bonds the scattered
people to one another, to their traditional usages and their native land. At the same time,
the great central attraction, the beloved temple at Jerusalem, was not for a moment fom-otten.
The regularly recurring national festivals were always heralded with astronomical exactness
from this point. Hundreds ot thousands, from every part of the world, made each year their
pilgrimage to its sacred precincts. The high priest at Jerusalem still remained, for all, the
sovereign representative of Jewish national dignity and religion. The Sanhedria there was
the last court of appeal from supposed unjust decisions in the synagogues whether on the
Nile, the Euphrates, or the Tiber. Contributions of fabulous sums flowed in one continuous
stream from the faithful children of the covenant into the temple treasury. Regular places
of collection, as at Nisibis, Nahardea, for vast regions of country were appointed, and at cer-
tain fixed seasons delegations, often consisting, for safety's sake, of thousands of persons, and
headed by members ot the noblest faniilies, conveyed these free-will offerings to the sacred
city. And so Jerusalem was, in fact, as Agrippa had declared, the capital of a mighty com-
monwealth whose bounds were more extensive than those of the realm of Alexander. And
amidst crumbling empires, then and now, this people furnishes a most instructive example of
the importance of recognizing moral, as well as political and social forces in the life of states.
We have shown that the Jews were but comparatively little affected in their dispersion by
Proselytes 3 ^^"^ heathen life with which they were surrounded. Heathenism, however, felt
in no slight degree the influence of Judaism. The term proselyte (irpoo-^Auros)
was applied to such strangers as embraced the Jewish faith. At and before the beginning of
the Christian era they might have been reckoned by hundreds of thousands, if not' millions.
The frequent allusions to them by classical writers of the period is a significant fact, even
though such allusions generally take the form of ridicule or contempt.'' At Rome, an im-
perial concubine was numbered among them, and, at Damascus, nearly all the better class of

1 Cf, Schiirer, 621. 2 War, of the Jews, ii. 20, § 2,i.nd 6, § 1 ; cf. Anlig., xvii. 11, § 1.

a See arts, by Lejrer in Herzog's Real-Encyk. ; Steiner in Sclieokel's Bih. Lex.; Plumptre ia Smith's Bib Diet ■
Winer, Bib. RealwiiTterbuch, ad voc. ; and Hausrath, ZeitgesckkMc, ii. 101-126. ' ''

4 Cf. Homce, Sa^, i. 4. 142, 143 ; Ju-yenal, Sal., yi, 643-547 ) Taxiitus, Hist., T. 9 ; Seneca cited by Augustine, De avi ■
'ate Dei, yi. 11 ; Dio Cassius, xxxTii. 17. ' ■> b "c, x^c «.-»»»

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 35

women. The New Testament, it will be remembered, gives us an account of a Roman cen-
turion at Capernaum who loved the Jewish nation and had built a synagogue; 1 and of
another who imitated the subject people in fasting, prayer, and the giving of alms. 2 Previous
to the Exile, proselytism had been mostly a matter of forcing the Jewish religion upon subju-
gated peoples or individual slaves. Even under the Asmonsean dynasty such examples of en-
forced conversion, as in the case of the Idumaeans and Ituraeans, were not unknown.^ But,
as a rule, in the later times, and as a matter of course after the Jews had lost their political
power, the step was voluntarily taken. There were abundant grounds for it. The Jews en-
joyed a freedom from military service and other civil privileges that were not gr.i,nted to
others.* Their successful industry and commercial, prosperity were proverbial and must have
made a profound impression on their heathen neighbors. Sometimes, too, there may have
been social reasons, as particularly the desire for intermarriage, that prompted to the step.
But most of all the positive religious faith of the Jewish people having its basis in a written
canon as over against a prevailing skepticism, or the empty forms of a materialistic worship,
found a natural response in the deeper longings of many a human soul. That such a case as
that of Cornelius of ' ' the Italian band ' ' was not a solitary one is evident.

There were two classes of proselytes: the so-called proselytes of the gate, whose name
seems to have been derived from the frequent formula of Scripture, " the stranger that is with-
in thy gates," and the proselytes of righteousness. It was only the latter, who having been
baptized and, it men, circumcised, and having brought an appointed offering, were admitted
to the full rights of the theocracy. Their number, as compared with the former class, was
small. Proselytes of the gate, on the other hand, bound themselves to avoid the following
things: blasphemy, idolatry, murder, uncleanness, theft, disobedience towards the authori-
ties, and the eating of flesh with its blood. The social position of proselytes, especially in
the later times, was a peculiarly hard one. Despised and hated by their own people, they
were distrusted also by the Jews, and conditions of the most stringent character came to be
enacted for the purpose of excluding supposed unworthy candidates.

The Jews of the Dispersion may properly be divided into two great classes : those that
made use of the Greek language and the Septuagint version of the Bible, and
those who spoke Aramaic. Of the former, next to Jerusalem, and in some re- arilnpUios-
spects above Jerusalem, Alexandria in Egypt was the great spiritual, as well as "Pi^yo* ^
commercial centre. Of the peculiar religious philosophy which during the last
two centuries before Christ there developed itself, and left so deep an impression on the re-
ho-ious thought of many succeeding centuries, we will now, in closing the present section,
briefly speak. A philosophy of religion among the Jews appears, at first thought, an un-
warranted expression. How could they who, on the intellectual and religious side, secluded
themselves so sedulously from all intercourse with neighboring peoples and were fully deter-
mined to o-ive no admission to their sacrilegious notions concerning God and religious matters,
come to feel any need of a religious philosophy, or to have any inclination for it. The reason
was that the attempted seclusion, especially in Alexandria, was far from complete, the spir-
itual blockade inadequate to accomplish its purpose. It was inevitable that Greek ideas
would follow the Greek language, and as soon as the doors were opened widely enough to
admit the Septuagint version, some other means of defense than simple attempts to exclude
and ignore the supposed hostile force were imperative. Hence began the period of com-
promise. Hellenism and the Hellenistic philosophy were an effort to harmonize the revela-
tion of the Old Testament with the current and dominant teachings of Plato, Aristotle, and
Pythagoras. Jewish scholars, like the author of the Book of Wisdom, like Aristobulus and
Philo, did not intend by any means to surrender anything essential to their faith, but, on the
contrary, to win for their own prophets and wise men, even among the Greeks, a position
higher than that held by their most admired philosophers. They hoped to beat the enemy
on°his own ground. Philo, in one place, even bravely expresses the thought that the Scrip-
tures which "in the original tongue had been accessible to so few comparatively might now,
that they were translated into Greek, become the means of salvation to the greater part, if
not indeed, the whole of mankind. ^ We may, therefore, admire and commend, in general,
the apparent aim of these philosophic defenders of the Jewish faith without at all approving

1 Luke Tii. 6. 2 Acts X. 2, 30. S Jos., Antig., xiii. 9, § 1- ^ •"»■' '^'"'fi^,''- ^^'l^' .

6 See Lipsius in Schenkel's Bih. Lex., art. « Alex. Philosophie ; " MUUer in Heraog's Real-Encyh., art. ' Ph.lo ; ^anne ,
Sfrorer; Kuenen, iii. 168-206) Treudenthal, HeUenUliscJie Sludien; and other authorities given m Schurer, p. 648.
6 Di Vita Mosis, U. 110.

36 THE APOCEYPHA.

the means that they adopted. That would be impossible. They acted indeed, as though
they were asliamed to have the Scriptures, in the simple and natural form of their teachings,
brought into comparison with the refined subtilties of the Greek philosophers. Something
corresponding to these subtilties, something spun out of their own brains, must therefore be
first introduced into the sacred national literature to render it fit to be put in circulation
among intelligent trreeks. From our point of view, however, the impression is iiTesistible
that such a state of things implies, on the part of these Jewish thinkers themselves, a kind of
intellectual and spiritual apostasy. It would seem that in their own judgment the Scriptures
were not on a level with the philosophical and religious development of the age in which
they lived, and needed no little tinkering in order to bring them to the required standard.
Or, on the other hand, if we suppose, as perhaps we ought, that Philo and others were really
sincere in thinking that what they deduce from the Scriptures was actually contained in
them, then we can give them credit for but a small amount of common sense and an exceed-
ingly low estimate of what is required by any reasonable theory of Biblical inspiration and
hermeneutics.

The first evidences of a philosophizing spirit on the part of the Jews of Alexandria ap-
Eise of the peared at a, comparatively early period. We have ali-eady alluded to a certain
allegorical Ezekiel who dramatized in Greek the history of the departure of the Israelites
interpreta- from Egypt, an elder Philo, who wrote an epic poem on Jerusalem, and a Theodo-
''™- tus, who, likewise, in the form of Epic verse described the history of ancient

Sychem. At about the same time, contemporaneously perhaps, with the origin of the LXX.,
we meet with efforts to introduce Biblical ideas into Greek works. The text of Homer, for
instance, in the Odyssey (v. 262), was changed so as to convey the meaning that God fin-
ished the work of creation in seven days. The LXX. itself, moreover, is not without clear
traces of a like tendency to curry favor with the popular, philosophical conceptions of the
time. Especially is there a perceptible effort to soften down as much as possible the anthro-
pomorphic representations of the being and activity of God, and the idea that he comes per-
sonally in contact with the visible creation.i So the name Jehovah (Jahveh) instead of be-
ing transferred bodily into the Greek, like any other proper name, and written with Greek
letters, is translated by the expression, the Lord. It is true that Alexandrian Judaism does
not, in this respect, go much beyond the ideas and usages that prevailed also in Palestine at
the same tiiiie. Still, these examples show a spirit already ripe whose fullest development
was the religio-pbilosophical system of an Aristobulus and a Philo. The definite and unmis-
takable form which it takes in certain of the Old Testament Apocrypha we have elsewhere
sufficiently illustrated. It appears, also, in various pseudepigraphal works of the period,
particularly in the so-called Epistle of Aristeas ' and in the Jewish Sibyls.' But the spirit
and method of the entire school, if so it may be called, is best studied in its chief repre-
sentatives.

Aristobulus, if we may trust the accounts which we have of him and a later writer did not
Aristobulus.i ^^^^'^'^ t^i"^ "'i"i<^ of an earlier, lived at Alexandria in the time of Ptolemy Philo-
meter (cir. b. o. 160), and was the first among the Jews who devoted himself espe-
cially, to the study of philosophy. He wrote a commentary on the Pentateuch, fragments of
which have been preserved by Eusebius of Csesarea (" Prseparatio Evangelica," vii. 14; viii. 10;
xiii. 12), and Clement of Alexandria (Strom., i. 15, 22; v. 14; vi. 13). His philosophical
tendency may be learned from the fact that he was known as a Peripatetic. The special
object of his commentary was to prove that the true source of wisdom was the Old Testa-
ment, and that whatever was true and beautiful not only in the writings of the Greek phi-
losophers like Plato and Pythagoras, but also in the poets like Orpheus, Hesiod, and Homer,
was derived from it. He says, for example, that "Plato has imitated our leo-islation and
made himself thoroughly acquainted with all it contains. Before the conquests of Alexander
and the Persians, parts of the law had already been translated, so that it is obvious that the
said iihilosophcr berrowed a great deal from it." 6 Somewhat further on he makes the same
assertion with respect to Pythagoras and Socrates. The following is a specimen of his alle-
gorical interpretation of the Scriptures in a passage where he is trying to show what is meant
when they speak ot the feet of God and of his standing : " The organization of the world

1 Cf. Oen. vi. 6 7; xr. 3;. x\x. 3 ; Ex. xxiv. 9-11; Numb. xil. 8. 2 See Merx Archiv i 240 ii19

8 Schurer, pp. 513-520; Lucke, pp. 66-89; ReuBS ia Hemg's Rml-Encyk., xlT. 315-^"' ' '^^•

i Qlrorer, .1. , 1-121 , Dahne, u. 73-112. 5 Easeb., iV^p. E.., xiii. 12, cited by Kueneo. iii. 192.

GENERAL INTRODtJCTION. 37

may, in accordance with its greatness, be fitly called God's standing. For God is over all
and all is subject to him, and has received from him its stability, so that man can discover
that it is immovable. I mean this, that the sky has never been earth, nor the earth sky, the
sun has never been the bright moon, nor conversely the moon the sun, the rivers never seas,

nor the seas rivers It is all unchangeable, and alternates and passes away always in

the same manner. With this in view we can speak o£ God's standino-, for all is subject to
him." 1

But Aristobulus was not content with such weak, and therefore, comparatively harmless
philosophizing. He, or somebody in his name, deliberately falsified his authorities in order
to bring them into harmony with what he thought ought to be true, thus illustrating in him-
self the fearfully demoralizing effects of the false methods he had adopted. He alleged, for
instance, that Orpheus had once met Moses — in Greek Musieus — in Egypt, and on that
basis went on to interpolate facts from the Mosaic cosmogony into the Orphic poems
(icfht \iyos). Inasmuch as the poems in their original form are still extant ^ it is easy to de-
tect the changes which Aristobulus dishonestly introduced into them. A recent writer has
remarked : " Aristobulus was the spiritual ancestor of Philo, and Philo was the immediate
parent of that fantastic theology which to most of the fathers and the schoolmen took the
place of the reasonable and critical interpretation of all the Scriptures of the Old Testament
and of much of the New." ^

Little is known of the personal history of the renowned Jewish allegorist Philo. The date
of his birth is o-enerallv given at cir. B. c. 20. He was a person of great influence

Philo ^

amono- his countrymen in Alexandria, brother of the alabarch,' and was himself
sent at the head of a delegation to the emperor Caligula on the occasion of the outbreak of
persecution against the Jews, A. D. 37-41. His works consist of a series of essays or treatises
on various topics suggested by the Old Testament writings, particularly the Pentateuch. One
series has such subjects as the Creation, the Cherubim, the Sacrifices of Cain and Abel,
the Snares laid for the Good by the Wicked, the Descendants of Cain, etc., etc., which follow,
as it will be seen, the chronological order of the sacred history. Another series was on the
life of Moses in three books, to which was appended essays on Circumcision, the Decalogue,
Sacrifices, etc. He also, wrote an account of the embassy to Rome and a work against
Flaccus, who was governor of Egypt at that time. With respect to the Scriptures, Philo's
attitude was much the same as that of Aristobulus. He held that they were divinely in-
spired and significant to the last word. In them, moreover, he found, simply because he was
determined to, all that he considered good in the Greek philosophy. His system represents
a singular admixture of Biblical elements with the speculations of Plato and Aristotle, of
Stoic's and Pythagoreans, and the obvious want of agreement in its several parts seems not
to have disturbed his equanimity or detracted from the zeal and learning which he devoted
to its support. In one place, for instance, he defines God as pure being without attributes,
and later, proceeds to ascribe to him the various attributes of a supposed perfect being. In-
asmuch as in his conception of God, He could not without contamination come into immedi-
ate contact with a,nything outside of himself, for the construction of the world and its gov-
ernment it was necessary to suppose a vast and complicated system of mediation. And this
mediatory system of Philo is one of the most striking features of his philosophy. In it he
has combined Plato's doctrine of ideas, that concerning operative forces, or causes, as held
by the Stoics, that of angels as taught in the Bible, and of demons as found in the Greek
philosophy. At one time he represents these mediating forces as something immanent in
God, at another time as quite independent of him, without pausing to reconcile the incon-
sistency or even seeming to be aware that such inconsistency exists. In the word Logos
(\6yos) especially, Philo found something eminently suited to his purpose. This he repre-
sented as the chief of, and as including within itself all those forces which.are at once imma-
nent in God and yet are self-existent entities. The double meaning of thg'word, as referring
both to that which is spoken and also to the thought of which the word is the outward ex-
pression, adapted it particularly to his use."

1 Easeb., fVffp. jBu., viii. 10. ..,,,• i , ^ qq

2 Pseado-Justin, De Monarch., cap. ii. ; Mortal, ad Oen., cap. xy., cited by Lipslus, 1. c, p. W.

I taaldiJio'tf tbe worK, referred to under Ari.tobulu,, cf. StaM "Versuch «-» ^^.-^"7,^" ^tr^^t f^
Lehrbegria Philo-s ™„ Alex.," I. Mobf^ovn's AUsemeinem. d.B.b. ^''-V--- ,^4°-™ .^^i'^^^'^olo tta
WHtsMipfimi; : articles by Creuzer and Dahne respeotiyely, in Stud. u. Krit.., 1832, 3-43 , IS&i, DM 1U4U , uei ,

"^tir-S? ""• s!^'" ''"'°" """"" '""^ %%r«L'.^'"^^.!r,?186rPP 3"oi314; 18T1, PP. 503-50.

38 THE APOCRYPHA.

With respect to the material world he teaches that as matter it has an independent exis-
tence. The universe was not created but formed through the Logos and other
Phiio (con- mediating forces. Matter is in itself corrupt and corrupting, and from the begin-
ning on no person can be free from sin while connected with a material body.
The highest goal of man therefore is, as spirit derived from God, through the aid of the
Logos to tread the material and sensual under foot and rise above it. When this is accom-
plished or to the degree that it is accomplished, one has his reward in a nearness to God and
in a beatific vision of his person and glory. There is no denying that with much that is
purely speculative and without basis in reason or revelation there are also, here and there,
thoughts uttered that are both reasonable and practicable. The importance that he ascribes
to faith and love as ethical principles, the fact that he insists on the pursuit of virtue for its
own sake, cannot be overlooked.^ At the same time, regarded as a means for reconciling the
Old Testament with the Greek philosophy, Philo's system must be regarded as a signal failure.
Its methods, like those of Aristobulus, are dishonest and false. Its conclusions are often based
on premises that have no existence save in the imagination. And while its influence on re-
acting minds among the Greeks was inconsiderable, on the thinking Jew it could scarcely
have been otherwise than evil. It one might interpret the Mosaic law thus allegoricallj', why
could he not also keep it allegorically ? What further need for the burdensome system of
praying, fasting, almsgiving, and ceremonial purifications? Philo himself, indeed, seems to
have remained to a good degree loyal to the Jewish faitli. But it is a fact not without its
significance that a nephew of his who became governor of Judtea A, D. 46-48 abandoned it.
The principal value of Philo's labors, as of those of his predecessors, consists in the material
which was thereby furnished for the use of Christian writers and thinkers of the followino-
centuries. As well single words as formulas of speech, unknown to the world before, were
made ready for the new thought and new life that were about to dawn upon it. From a
providential point of view this seems to have been the mission of the religious philosophy of
Alexandria.

It is no reflection on the originality or sublimity of the opening chapter of the fourth Gos-
pel to say that the fitting language in which its profound and glorious thoughts are clothed
was forged in the workshop of the Alexandrian Philo. But the legacy of this thinker was
far enough from being an unmixed good to his successors. As its effects upon Judaism
could not have been otherwise than weakening, so, as a system of philosophy it hurt more
than it helped Christianity. The deluge of dogmas which, humanly speaking, came so near
overwhelming and destroying the church of the first Christian centuries and from whose dam-
aging efi^ects it has not even yet recovered, has a direct connection with the speculations of
Philo and his school. And still, it is not to be denied that a noble idea underlay his striving,
however little he himself may have been consciously controlled by it. The Bible does con-
fain moral and spiritual elements which may, and often must be, separated from the outward
form in which they have come down to us. Its truths are universal in their scope, and har-
11 oiiize with what is true always and everywhere. And there is a philosophy of religion rec-
I ncilable with the Scriptures and largely dependent on them for its fundamental principles,
i Ithough it may still await one greater than a Philo or an Origen to give it adequate and
practicable form.

1 Cf. Kueneu, Ui. 199.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 39

PART SECOND.

THE APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF THE OLP TESTAMENT, - THEIR ORIGIN, CHAR-
ACTER AND SCOPE, AND HISTORY.

1. Origin of the Old Testament Apocrypha.

The books in the English Bible included in the so-called Apocrypha are as follows: 1 and
2 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, Additions to Esther, Wisdom, Ecclesiastic us, Baruch
with the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Song of the Three Children, the Story of Su- ^hlre*'
Sanaa, the Idol Bel and the Dragon, the Prayer of Manasses, and 1 and" 2 Mac- <='"««"•
cabees. These books were introduced info the English version by Miles Coverdale in his
translation made in the year 1535. Succeeding versions, also, as Matthews, the Great Bible,
Crumwell's, and those that followed published them, and hence they found their way, though
not without opposition, into the " authorized " translation of I6II.1 This accounts, moreover,
for the fact that the list of books in the English Bible does not agree, in all respects, with
that of the LXX. The number of books is the same, but instead of 3 Maccabees we have
2 Esdras. The latter work does not exist in any Greek version, but was admitted into the
Vulgate from a Latin translation and from thence into the Swiss-German Bible (152i-29,
1539), on which Coverdale's was based. The omission of 3 Maccabees in the English ver-
sion thougli it .was contained in the earlier editions of the German Bible, is due to the fact
that it was not to be found in the Vulgate — having first been translated into Latin in the
sixteenth century — nor in the complete edition of the German Bible, edited by Luther him-
self (1534).=

In the present work 2 Esdras has been omitted and 3 Maccabees introduced, not only as
being in harmony with the LXX., but with the fitness of things, the latter book being histori-
cally connected with the two others of the same name, while the former in its language, age,
and general characteristics is to be reckoned with such works as the Book of Enoch, the Sib-
\lline Oracles, and like representatives of the Jewish Apocalyptic literature. The position
which, in the Greek Bible, has been given to the apocryphal additions, is as follows: 1 Esdras
is found before the canonical books of Ezra and Nehemiah ; Tobit and Judith immediately
after the latter; the additions to Esther in connection with that book; the Prayer of Man-
asses immediately after the Psalms; the Wisdom of Solomon and Ecclesiasticus follow the
Song of Solomon ; Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah have a place after the prophecy of
Jeremiah but before Lamentations ; the additions to Daniel are naturally found in connection
with that book, while the three books of Maccabees follow it, at the end of the Greek Bible.
A fourth book of Maccabees, falsely ascribed to Josephus, is contained in the Sinaitic and
Alexandrine manuscripts and in some editions of the LXX., but excepting its name it has
nothing in common with the other three.

The word apocrypha (a.Tr6Kpvipa) first came into use among early ecclesiastical writers in the
sense of matters secret or mysterious. It was so used particularly by the Gnostics _
as referring to certain books possessed by them, which either themselves were not yu^.s
to be made public, or contained doctrines that were to be concealed from the un-
initiated. These books bore the names of sacred personages belonging either to the old or
new covenant and, as it was asserted, had been obtained by means of a secret tradition.
They were so numerous and so often quoted that it came to be understood among Christians
that when apocryphal books were spoken of, these private, heretical writings of the Gnostics
were meant. They were also, on the part of their defenders, accorded the dignity of canon-
ization as over against the canonical books of the Bible. And this fact served still further
to modify the meaning of the word, so that in addition to the idea of being something hereti-
cal it also came to be applied to a, work which made impi-oper claim to acceptance among
canonical books. Up to this time, however, the term had not been used to designate any of

1 See Anderson, p. 470 ; Westcott's Bib. in Church, p. 286, f.

2 Cf. Herzog's Real-Bncyk., Tii. 266, and Schenkel's Bib. Lex., it. 98.

8 See Gieseler in Stud. u. Kriu, 1829, pp. 141-146 ; Bleek, in the same, 1853, p. 267, also, the latter s Introa. to UM
Test., U. 302, 304.

40 THE APOCRYPHA.

the now so-called apocryphal books, but only such as are known among us as pseudepigraph-
al works like the Ascension of Moses, Jamnes and Jambres, and the Book of Enoch. Our
apocryphal books, on the other hand, were generally known under the title 0iP\la avayiva-
cK6/j.eva, i. e., ecclesiastical books, inasmuch as they were read in the churches and recom-
mended for study to the catechumens. But as they had been joined to the Greek version of
the Old Testament and hence seemed, like the books of the Gnostic canon, to make unde-
served claim to canonical rank, the same term, apocrypha, was finally, also applied to them.
And Jerome seems to have been among the first to introduce the change. In his preface to the
Book of Kings, after enumerating the works of the Hebrew canon, he adds: Quidquid extra
hos est, inter apocrypha esse ponendum. At the same time, however, — as must not be over-
looked, — the meaning of the word apocrypha underwent still further change, being used no
longer to indicate what was heretical, or spurious, but what had no sufficient claim to be ad-
mitted into the Biblical canon. Still later, the word passed through yet another phase, and
was made to refer to such works as were not ecclesiastically received, could not be used as
sources of proof in religious discussions, and was understood to include not only the books
now known as apocryphal, but also the writings of some of the Fathers, as those of Tertullian,
Clement of Alexandria, and the church history of Eusebius.

The literature which sprang up among the Jews of Palestine and Egypt in connection with
the Old Testament, during the last two or three centuries of IsraelitiSh history, is
stenceTun- remarkable both in its character and in its extent. It was not the result, to any
der which considerable degree, of partisan rivalry or the strife of sects. It can still less be
phai boo^a ascribed to any supposed passion for imitating the secret books of the priests of
originated.! heathen temples. It was rather the spontaneous growth of Jewish institutions
themselves. It was, indeed, the direct result of the extraordinary attention that, in the
nature of the case, after the cessation of prophecy, was directed to the study of the Scrip-
tures. The entire national life, as wSll political and social as religious, centered in them.
Such attention, moreover, was not a little enhanced by the efforts of the wise to fix upon a
canon of the sacred books and the subsequent baptism with martyr blood which, during the
persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes, these treasured rolls received. But aside from other
and more general influences, the two great causes that contributed most toward the produc-
tion of the Old Testament Apocrypha and similar works were the translation in Egypt of the
Scriptures into Greek and the almost unlimited development in Palestine of the so-called
Ilaggadah. We have already remarked upon the literary activity which, under the Ptole-
mies and their successors, displayed itself in the brilliant Egyptian capital, and have seen that
the Jews, who formed so large and influential a part of the population, were not without dis-
tinguished representatives in it. And we have seen, too, that this singular people, wherever
they went and in whatever occupation they engaged, remained Jews, retained to the last
their national peculiarities, their devotion to law and temple, tradition and usage. Whether
they wrote history, as Eupolemus and Demetrius, or poetry like Theodotus, or philosophy as
Aristobulus and Philo, its groundwork, its inspiration, and its goal were in the Hebrew Scrip-
tures and the Hebrew people. Hence, it is no surprise to find among the luxuriant literary
growths of Alexandrian Judaism such works as the Book of Wisdom, 3 Maccabees, the
Story of Susanna, and of Bel and the Dragon, or that they attach themselves externally as
closely to the sacred histories as though they were their natural outgrowth. And if, at first,
in the case of some of them, their false titles and claims, their spiritual shallowness, their
literary weaknesses and extravagances, tend to repel and disgust, a more careful examination
will serve to convince an impartial student that they are a legitimate, and by no means unim-
portant product of their time, illustrating and characterizing its spirit and aims, supplying
missing links in its fragineutary records, and that their loss would have been for the Chris-
tian philosophy and history of subsequent periods a real calamity.

But all these works, not excluding in a certain sense the Septuagint itself as a simple ver-
sion, may be said to have had their ultimate origin in that great national institu-

The Uagga- jjo^ ^f ^^g jj^^^j. juij^ism, the SO called Ilaggadah. It is a term that cannot be

defined, it must be described. It is derived from a Hebrew word (man), which

means " what is spoken," aud is used in distinction from Halachah (riDbn), " what is gi\en

1 See ZuM, Vorlrdg-c, pp. 35-118 ; Frankel, Vorjlutficit, pp. 38-61 ; Deulsch in Smith's Bib. iKf(., art. " Ancient Ter-
«ionB," under "Targum; " DiUmann in Herzog's Real-Encyk., xli. 800-303; Schurer, pp. 36 f., 446 f.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 41

as a rnle," the authoritative law by which the conduct was to be regulated. And this dis-
tinction is a great deal more radical and important than would appear from the etymology of
the words. It is, in fact, as radical and decisive as that between an inspired prophecy and
an acknowledged work of the imagination, between the Mosaic law and an invented story or
legend. The Halachah was the sum of those oral, traditional precepts which, in the course
of time, had gathered about the written law and under the manipulations and authority of
Scribe and Pharisee had come to take at least an equal rank with it. The Haggadah, on
the other hand, was not law or precept at all but simply independent and relatively irre-
sponsible illustration and interpretation of the Scriptures in whatever regular or irregular
form it might choose to take. The elaboration and fixing of the Halachah was the sacred
and closely guarded duty of a particular class in Israel, whose life was devoted solely to it
and who rose in connection with it, as we have already seen, to a position of the most com-
manding influence. The Haggadah might be cultivated by any Israelite, whatever his pro-
fession or rank ; be pursued as a business, or used to while away a leisure moment ; be de-
veloped into volumes or confined to simple sagas, tales, and parables. The Halachah and
Haggadah together formed the principal part of what was known as the Midrash or Com-
mentary. They had their origin in the same period, grew up side by side, employed them-
selves with the same historic and prophetic themes in the Scriptures, passed down from gen-
eration to generation through the same avenue of tradition, and, while totally distinct in
underlying idea, in method, and in authority, were yet mutually complementary and ser-
viceable, and unitedly give its peculiar stamp to the Judaism of the later times.

" To the Haggadah belonged everything that could not be included under the examina-
tion of the written, or the accommodation of the traditional law. It was the product of in-
dividual investigation as over against the strict authority of the spiritual rulers, the schools,
and the synagogues. What the Halachah developed was something permanent, making
itself felt in the practical life of the Jews, while the Haggadah sought rather to recognize
some passing thought, not overlooking the form in which it was clothed, and had often for
its object simply the momentary effect. The Halachah went forth from the highest tri-
bunal, clothed with the highest sanctions, was something that must be obeyed as well by the
ruler as private citizen ; for the Haggadah it sufficed, in order to be acknowledged Haggadah,
simply to be spoken." "It is not meant by this tha,t it made no difference what kind of
actions respecting the contents and meaning of the Scriptures were uttered by a Jew, that
they were forthwUh reckoned to the Haggadah. On the contrary, while the Halachah was
the law itself, the Haggadah was something that must be regulated by the law, must not go
beyond certain well-defined limits of reason and morality. In the one case, it was the code
and the dictum of the hierarchy that were the regulative norm ; in the other, it was public
opinion, piety, love of country, and the like which served to restrain, and guide, and prune,
so that the Haggadah in its moral and spiritual aspects is also not without significance, has
indeed, a real, historical value." ^

The beginning of the Haggadah has been referred to the custom instituted or remstituted
by Ezra after the Exile, in which, in connection with the reading of the law, a lUeHagga,
needed translation and interpretation were added: " So they read in the book of a^^h (con-
the law distinctly and gave the sense and expounded as they read." » The grad-
ual decay of the Hebrew as vernacular made such translations and expositions in the Aramaic
that took its place, a necessity. They received the name targums, i. =., interpretations. At
the same time there sprang up an order of persons called interpreters who performed this
service, and who are not to be confounded with the Scribes. They held, both politically and
socially, quite a different position, and absurdly minute and arbitrary rules were supposed to
be needful to confine their explanations within prescribed limits.' In process of time and
under different circumstances, these oral versions and explanations of the Scriptures, like
the so-called oral law, having become a too heavy, and as was thought, too precious load to
be carried simply in the memory, were committed to writing. These targums then, or para-
phrases of Scripture, form no unimportant, although the least embellished portion of the
extant Jewish Haggadah, other elements of it being found in the younger parts of the Mid-
rash, in various places in both the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmud, and in a striking and
characteristic form in the apocryphal books of the Old Testament. The latter combine in

1 Znnz, VortrOge, for substance, pp. 57, 53.

8 See Deutsoh in Smith's Bib. Did., 1. o., and Soliiiier, pp. i48, 449.

42 THE APOCRYPHA.

themselves, in fact, the three principal developments of the Hajrgadah : the historical, the
ethical, and what may be called the cxegetical. Of the £ir?t, the books of the Maccabees, 1
Esdras, Judith, Tobit, and the additions to Esther and Daniel, are conspicuous examples-; of
the second, Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom ; while nearly all the books offer numerous instances
of the third, if but individual and sporadic. These works belong in general, moreover, to
that class of Haggadistic literature in which an independent form is assumed. There is
something more than a simple effort to explain and apply the sacred text. There is the same
reverent attitude towards the Scriptures, but mere exposition and a minute dependence
have given place to what is general and universally acknowledged, the letter to the spirit.
The political and moral currents of the time show themselves, but, in a still more marked
degree, the pure Jewish instinct, loyalty to the national idea. There was occasion enough
for such a literature, and one cannot be surprised at its extent as shown in extant fragments.
In 2 Esdras (xiv. 46), no less than seventy apocryphal works are distinguished from the
twenty-four canonical of the Hebrew Scriptures.

It was a natural reaction from the preciseness and littleness of the rabbinic traditions, the
spirit of piny reasserting itself as over against the dominant spirit of work and worry. In
this field the heart and intellect were no longer cramped ; there was room and liberty. In
the narrow ways of the Halachah no opportunity offered for talent, fancy, or flowers of
rhetoric, to display themselves, there was no space even for nnimpeded movement but
only for dreary plodding, wearying trials of memory and fine drawn casuistry. We can
easily conceive how noble spirits would chafe in such trammels, especially when oppression
and injustice exercised by foreign powers excited to the utmost pitch of endurance the sup-
pressed emotions, and what relief they would find in writing or perusing such works as the
story of the lieroic Judith, the struggle of the Maccabees, or the Song of the Three Children.
At such times only deep coloring could satisfy. The plain fact, the simple homely truth
were insufficient to still the inward craving. And if the exaggeration we meet with in these
writings is almost grotesque in its proportions, it is to be remembered that it results from cir-
cumstances that are extraordinary; that, in fact, it is the natural, if inexcusable rebound
from a literalness that was infinitesimal, and a prosiness that was no longer to be endured.
We do not wonder at the fact that the Haggadah represented the popular side of the Mid-
rash, or that it gained continually on its competitor, in the estimation of the common people.
The later targiims became ever less and less translations and more sermons and appeals.
The following incident will illustrate the tendency : Two rabbis, the one a Halachist, the
other a Haggadist, " once came together into a city and preached. The people flocked to the
latter while the former's discourses remained without a hearer. Thereupon the Haggadist
comforted the Halachist with a parable. ' Two merchants came into a city and spread their
wares, — the one rare pearls and precious stones; the other a ribbon, a ring, glittering trin-
kets; around whom will the multitude throng? .... Formerly, when life was not yet
bitter labor, the people had leisure for the deep word of the law ; now it stands in need of
comfortings and blessings.' " ^

2. Character and Scope of the Apocrypha.

In the special introductions to the several books we have spoken of their contents as it re-
spects composition, date, literary worth, theological bearings, etc., and it remains
Testement ^o"" "^ ^*^^^ simply to characterize them as a whole with particular reference to
tTc^lti^i '^'^ canonical works with which they are connected. The apocryphal books of
with those the Old Testament have doubtless suffered not a little from being associated by
Te6te°menr "^™'^ "'* '1^°*^ "^ *e New Testament. It is not necessary to say that they are
of a wholly different character. The Apocrypha of the New Testament have
never, by any branch of the Christian Church, been regarded as a constituent part of the
Bible and circulated with it; have never been thought worthy of a translation into the ver-
nacular tongues, or even of much critical investigation by scholars; and their very titles have
remained almost unknown to the majority of theological students. They even rank, with re-
spect to literary, historical, and dogmatic interest, considerably below many a, 'so-called
pseudepigraphal work of the Old Testament, as, for instance, the book of Enoch, the Ascen-
sion of Isaiah, or the second book of Esdras. The history of the Old Testament Apocrypha,

1 Deutsch in Smith's Bib. Diet., \. c.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 43

on the other hand, from their origin to the present day, runs parallel with that of the Bible
itself. In a large part of the Christian Church they have always been accorded a respect
scarcely inferior to that paid to the acknowledged Scriptures ; have been bound up and cir-
culated with them ; have become incorporated by citation, reference, or general coloring with
treasured liturgical forms and the entire body of religious literature. It is not an uncommon
thing in Europe even at the present day, and in Protestant churches, to hear sermons
preached from texts taken from these books, particularly from Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus.
One of the most familiar hymns in the German Church is founded on Ecclus. 1. 23 (" Nun
danket alle Gott "), and the words of pseudo- Solomon, " The souls of the righteous are in
the hand of God," etc. (Wisd. iii. 1), furnish a favorite theme for funeral orations over the
graves of the departed. ^ On the authority of. Ebrard, who wrote in 1851, the use 'of the
Bible without the Apocrypha in the Protestant schools of Bavaria, was forbidden by the ec-
clesiastical authority.^ In England and America, however, the Old Testament Apocrypha
have been strangely neglected. But it is to be expected that the great attention devoted to
them in Germany, especially since the beginning of the present century, will also ultimately
bear fruit among us.

With respect to outward form the Old Testament Apocrypha may be divided into his-
torical works, as the books of the Maccabees and the larger portion of 1 Esdras;
moral fictions, as Tobit, Judith, the Additions to Esther and Daniel ; poetic and ward'form.
quasi-prophetic works, as Baruch, the Epistle of Jeremiah, and the Prayer of
Manasses ; and finally, philosophical and didactic compositions, as Ecclesiasticus and Wis-
dom. Of these a part were doubtless written in the Hebrew language, although the originals
have long since perished, and the proofs of such origin are necessarily circumstantial. These
are Ecclesiasticus, 1 Maccabees, Judith, and a part of Baruch (i.-iii. 8). The remaining
works, with the possible exception of Tobit, were composed in Greek. Only one of them,
Ecclesiasticus, has furnished us with the name of its actual author, the most of the others
having adopted pseudonyms, for the evident purpose of gaining thereby the greater currency
and repute. They differ greatly from one another in literary and moral worth, a part of them,
in the estimation of some modern critics, taking rank with the best specimens of Hebrew liter-
ature, while others merit attention only on account of their age and their association with
the Bible.

The question of the canonicity of the Old Testament Apocryphal books may indeed he
readily settled. But as ancient literary productions, originating with one of the j^^ ^^^^ ^_
most remarkable peoples of antiquity, although in many respects, no doubt, fall- speotBTaiuar
ino- below similar works of the Greeks and Romans which are so sedulously studied
in our schools, they still deserve particular interest and examination. As histories they sup-
ply important links in the scanty annals of a most interesting period. So, too, from a philo-
sophical point of view they can, by no means, be set aside as worthless. Some of them
witness in a marked degree to the influence of the leaders of the Greek philosophy in the
countries where they were written, and exhibit the peculiar product resulting from the con-
tact of such philosophy with the sacred learning of the Jews. But their chief value is un-
questionably theological. They show how the Old Testament was interpreted and applied
by the Jews themselves during the period stretching nearly from the close of the canon to
the coming of Christ ; what progress was made in the apprehension and development of im-
portant truths, especially those relating to the unseen world and the future state, and serve
a.3 well hy their exaggerations and mistakes as by their statement, or reflection of facts, to
prepare the way for Him who spoke with authority and not as the scribes. Hence, it will
not be out of place to give, at this point, a brief review of the theological and moral teaching
of the Old Testament Apocrypha in its relation both to the canonical books that preceded
and thoseLthat followed them.'

As the oldest extant remains of the extensive Hebrew literature that sprang up subsequent
to the close of the canon, the apocryphal hooks are of no little importance as wit- ^^y^.^^^
nesses for it and as showing the estimation in which the Holy Scriptures were with respect
held at that period. In the prologue to Ecclesiasticus, for example, we find the ^o^^J_ <^f
first allusion to the canonical Scriptures as a whole, under the general title, "the
law, the prophets, and the other books." This general designation, in one form or another,

1 Cf. Nitooh in the SmUch. Zdt,chn/t, 1860, No. 47, p. 369. ^ Zeugnisse gegm die Apok., p. 20.

» Of. Bretschneider, Sysumat. DarsteU. j and Cramer, Die Moral der Apokryphen.

44 THE APOCRYPHA.

the translator applies to the canonical books several times, showing that it was in common
use as such at that period. There is in the passage, moreover, every evidence that the Son
of Sirach did not regard his own work as on a level witli those which are thus alluded to, but
rather the contrary. The same author, also, in another place (xlix. 10), after mentioning
Jeremiah and Ezekiel, speaks of the twelve minor prophets, concerning whom he expresses the
wish that their "bones may revive again from the grave." In the First Book of Maccabees,
too, there is clear testimony to the high estimation in which the Scripttires were held. As a
sort of apology to the Lacedsemonians for seeking an alliance with them, as though their own
sources of strength had become exhausted, the remark is made, " albeit, we need none of
these things, seeing that we have the holy books in our hands to comfort us." Again in 2
Maccabees (ii. 13), it is said of Nehemiah, on the authority of some unknown, extra-canon-
ical work, that he made a collection of books, "the histories of the kings and the prophets,
and of David, and the Epistles of the kings," i. e. the proclamations of the Persian kings, as
found in the books of Nehemiah and Ezra. This passage, notwithstanding the obscurity
that rests upon the sources from which the information given is said to be derived, and the
generally untrustworthy character of the book in which it is found, is not without considera-
ble value as a witness to the canon and its origin. What is really due to Ezra and others,
including Nehemiah, is, indeed, by the author, ascribed exclusively to the latter, but it is not
the only instance in his work where important names are thus exchanged (cf. i. 18). The
different parts of the canon are clearly distinguished, the Pentateuch being omitted, simply
because there was no occasion for mentioning it in this place. The writer refers only to such
works as, in addition to the law which had been previously cared for (ver. 2), were in danger
of being lost, and must therefore be collected together. The word iTna-vy^yaje (ver. 13), in-
deed, would seem to indicate that the works gathered were to be added to a collection already
begun. Besides these general allusions, there are, also, in the Apocrypha a great number of
more or less direct citations from the canonical Scriptures, in which the three divisions of the
canon are plainly, if not equally recognized, and an acquaintance with most of the books of
which they are composed made evident.

A peculiar authority, moreover, is imputed in the Apocrypha to the canonical writings.
, ^. They are held to be distinct from all other books, and given of God for human
o£ the Scrip- guidance, through prophets inspired for the purpose. They are called "holy
turoa. books " (1 Mace. xii. 9), and their writers are represented to have been under the

influence of the Holy Spirit (1 Esd. i. 28; vi. 1; Ecclus. xlviii. 24). It is distinctly said of
Jeremiah in one place (Ecclus. xlix. 7), that he was a prophet " sanctified from the mother's
womb." So in Baruch (ii. 21) a passage is cited from this prophet with the formula : "Thus
saith the Lord." The common division of the Scriptures into law and prophets, too, shows
that the authors of the several canonical books were looked upon as prophets, that is, as in-
spired men.i And what was true of the canonical books, in general, had special force as
applied to the five books of Moses. No epithets were thought extravagant, no praise too
high to be bestowed on him, the greatest of the prophets, and his divinely prompted, divinely
acknowledged work. He was like the glorious angels and beloved of God and men (Ecclus.
xlix. 2). The Mosaic Code was the law of the Highest (Ecclus. xlix. 4), holy, and God-
given (2 Mace. vi. 23). It was the sum total of all wisdom. " All these things," said the
son of Sirach, " are [true of] the book of the covenant of the most high God, the law which
Moses commanded for an heritage to the congregations of Jacob. It gives fullness of wisdom
as Pison, and as Tigris in the time of the new fruits. It maketh the understanding to abound
like Euphrates, and as Jordan in the time of harvest. It maketh the doctrine of knowledge
appear as the light and as Gihon [i. e. the Nile] in the time of vintao-e " (Ecclus. xxiv. 23-
27).

The fundamental idea of the divine Being, which we find in the canonical books (jf the Old
Kepresenta- Testament, that he is the one self-existing Creator and Preserver of all things, the
tlons con- Omnipotent Ruler, to whom all creatures and all events are completely subject, is
ceraing God. ^-^^^ retained in the Apocrypha, while, at the same time, this idea is philosophi-
cally not a little developed in certain directions in some of these writings, and a particular
emphasis laid on attributes which in the canonical books are less strongly marked. Nature
itself proves the existence of God (Ecclus. xliii. 2; cf. xlii. 15), and they are fools who can-
not out of the "good things that are seen know him that is," and " who while considering the

1 Cf. Jos., Contm Ap., i. 7.

GENERAL INTEODTJCTION. 45

■work do not recognize the Master" (Wisd. xiii. 1; cf. Song of Three Child., vev. 39, fF.).
There is only one God (Eoclus. xxxiii. 5; Bar. iii. 35; Wisd. xii. 13; Song of Three Child.,
ver. 23), and his power over his creatures is unlimited (Jud. xvi. 13, 14; 2 Mace. viii. 18; x\i.
35; Prayer of Man., ver. 3-5). He is all-wise (Ecclus. xxiii. 19, 20; Jud. ix. 5, 6), holy,
hating and punishing sin (Ecclus. xii. 6; Wisd. xiv. 9), righteous (Tob. iii. 2; Ecclus. xvi.
12-14; 3 Mace. ii. 3), kind and pitiful (2 Mace. i. 24 ; Song of Three Child., ver. 66; Wisd.
XV. 1 ; Jud. ix. 11), and ready to forgive (Ecclus. ii. 11 ; v. 4-8; Tob. xiii. 6). Anthropo-
pathic and anthropomorphic representations, especially the latter, as might have been ex-
pected, ?.re less frequent in the Apocrypha than in the older books, and in some of them, as
for instance in Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, the idea of the divine Being as pure spirit, is at
least approached. The Son of Siracli declares that no man has seen God (xliii. 31), and
pseudo-Solomon speaks of his holy spirit (rh S.yiov (rovTffv/ia, ix. 17); and elsewhere says that
his incorruptible spirit is in all things and " filleth the world" (i. 7; xiii. 1). On the other
hand, in some of the apocryphal books the notion of God is exceedingly limited, and He is set
forth as scarcely more than a national deity as over against the idols of the heathen. This
is especially true of the books of Judith and Baruch (Jud. viii. 18-20; xiii. 4, 5, 7; Bar.
iii. 1 ff.; iv. 6); while in Tobit the propitiation of Him through prayers and almsgiving takes,
as in idolatrous sacrifices, the form of an opus operatum (cf. xii. 8-13).

The teaching of the Old Testament, for the most part, respecting creation as the work of
God, remains unchanged in the Apocrypha, but pseudo- Solomon (xi. 17; cf. 2
Mace. vii. 28), in harmony with the philosophy of his time, seems to have held proyi^™™.
that it was on the basis of an original formless material (^| a,ii6p(j>ov 8A.r)?), and not,
as is represented in Genesis, a creation from nothing. The same Being who made, also up-
holds and governs (Wisd. vi. 9; viii. 1; xi. 25; Ecclus. i. 2; xiii. 23; Bar. iii. 32). His
government, moreover, is a providence (■ivp6i'oia ; Wisd. xiv. 3), itself being guided by wisdom
and love (Wisd. xvi. 13; Tob. iv. 19; Jud. viii. 14; Ecclus. x. 4); the evils with which the
world is afflicted, war, famine, pestilence, according to the books of Ecclesiasticus and Wis-
dom, are for the punishment of human wickedness, while serving, in the case of the godly, as
means of di-scipline and spiritual culture (Ecclus. xl. 9, 10; Wisd. vi. 8). Death entered
the world through the envy of the devil. God created man for immortality (Wisd. ii. 24).
In both of the latter compositions, also, the wisdom (<ro(f)(o) of God personified is represented
as having the principal part in the works of creation and providence; and in that of pseudo-
Solomon the representation is carried so far as to leave the impression on some minds that
he actually hypostasized it and recognized a second divine Person under that name (vii. 22,
et passim). This seems, however, to be due to the natural tendency to exaggeration which
we find in all these works, there being no particular in which they are more clearly distin-
guished from the canonical books than in their want of simplicity ami accuracy, the rhetori-
cal figures, moreover, forming one of the best illustrations of this defect.^

The existence of both good and evil angels is recognized in the apocryphal books. They
are spiritual beings and capable of assuming human forms. The good angels A„ggi„i„gy.
surround the throne of God in heaven, and serve not only as his messengers in
general, but as mediators in the providential government of the world. Satan (Sii0o\os), as
the first great deceiver, is alluded to in the Book of Wisdom (ii. 24), and also, as it would
seem, in Ecclesiasticus (xxi. 27). In the books of the Maccabees (2 Mace. iii. 26; x. 29;
3 Mace, vi, 18), angels are represented as appearing for the defense of the harassed Jews
and the punishraen't of their oppressors. In Tobit, as we show in the introduction to that
book, the matter of angelic interposition in human affairs is given abnormal prominence, m
fact, assumes a form that is both incredible and absurd. It is represented, for instance, t,hat
among the good angels there are seven presence-angels who present the prayers of the saints
before God! One of them, Raphael, serves as guide to Tobias on a long journey, and pre-
scribes, like a physician, for physical ailments. Among the evil angels, a certain Asmodaius
acts an extraordinary part : has power to take human life, is also capable of sexual lust, but
may be exorcised by means of certain medicaments which, being burned, make a stench that
to 'him is unendurable (iii. 17; vi. 7, 16). It is not necessary to say that such views could
not have been derived from any legitimate interpretation of the teachings of the canonical
books of the Old Testament on this subject.

Of. Bruot, Wirishemeire <kr Hihrdm , Oohler, (irundzU^e der A. T. W^sheil ; Langen, Judenllmm,eU:., P- 25 fl^!
K)g's Meal-Etuyk. and Soheukers Bib. Ltx., art. « Weisheit ; » also, Dillmaim, Das Buch. Hmoch, EinUsit., x. a., v

162, f.

46 THE APOCRYPHA.

With respect to man the representations of the Apocrypha deserve particular attention as

illustrating the influence of the then philosophy in the development of doctrines

poio^°" concerning human nature and destiny. Man was created by God^ and is com^

Man's o ' *
nal end'

men

endJw-" posed of body and soul, the latter being sometimes designated by irfeOua and some-
tsanT times by tfux^, the distinction between them being nowhere closely marked (cf.
'""■ Wisd. ix. 15). He was made in the image of his Creator, endowed with reason,

the power of distinguishing between right and wrong, and a free will, and was placed on
earth to be its ruler" (Ecclus. xv. 14 ff., xvii. 1-8 ; Wisd. ix. 2, 3). The image of God in
which man was created consists, according to the Son of Sirach, in the superiority, in gen-
eral, in which he stands with respect to the creation (xvii. 3), according to pseudo-Solomon
(ii. 23) in his immortality. The latter work, moreover, clearly teaches the preexistence of
the soul, and more than intimates that it was its connection with a body which was the occa-
sion of its fall and is the ground of its continued sunken moral condition (viii. 19, 20; ix.
15). That the author is in this respect inconsistent, inasmuch as elsewhere (ii. 23, 24), he
represents the fall as having been brought about through the envy of the devil, and so recog-
nizes the historical validity of the account in Genesis (iii. 1-6), may be ascribed to his un-
successful efforts to mediate between the current philosophical axioms and the Scriptures.
The principle by which one, according to the Apocrypha, was to he governed in the mat-
ter of moral obligations and duties, was that he, in all that he did, should have
Moral reference to the will of his Maker as expressed in the Mosaic law, and, at the

same time, to his own happiness. The will of God as set forth in the various
precepts of the Mosaic code was, properly, to be the gnal of his striving, while the motive to
the same was the personal advantages to be derived from such a course. It would not seem
that the apocryphal hooks place the chief end of man in the love and service of God, in
themselves considered, but regard these simply as a means by which the highest good, indi-
vidual happiness, was to be attained. In the most of these books such a reward of right
doing was set forth as attainable in this world ; in some of them, as to be expected only in
the life to come, or at least, in connection with the future Messianic kingdom (Tob. xiii. 14 ;
Wisd. i. 15; iii. 1; vi. 18 ; Ecclus. iii. 18; Bar. v. 2 ff.). The apocryphal writers, moreover,
conceived of sin, so far as they considered the matter at all, as something appertaining to
the outward conduct, a transgression of the acknowledged standards, and seem rarely, if ever,
to have reached the more radical conception of it as being a want of inward conformity to
the divine will. The underlying motive, the governing purpose of the heart, being, for the
most part, left out of account, and the consequences of one's conduct being thought of sim-
ply in their relation to individual happiness, it was possible for such philosophers as the Son
of Sirach and pseudo- Solomon to set forth a gradation in virtue and vice, and to speak of
cardinal virtues, as self-control, temperance, prudence, righteousness, fortitude, and cardinal
sins like idolatry, etc. (Ecclus. xviii. 30 ff. ; Wisd. viii. 7), than which nothing could he
regarded as more injurious than the one, and nothing as more profitable to men in life (Sm
Xpria-tfiiiTepov ovSev imiv h filtf avBpiiwois) than the other. At the same time, too, as might
have been expected on the basis of this low moral plane, while the mint, anise, and cummin
were carefully tithed, the weightier matters of the law were depreciated or ignored. A Razis
was justified in committing suicide if, persecuted for righteousness' sake, he were in danger of
falling into the hands of his enemies; and a Judith might invoke the blessing of God on her
deceptions and prostitute her person for the weal of her fatherland. Minute directions are
given how one is to behave in society, how to eat to excess without evil consequences (Ecclus.
xxxi. 21), and to preserve the health through the avoidance of melancholy (xxxviii. 18); but
love to God in any other sense than veneration or reverence (Ecclus. vii. 30) seems scarcely
to have been thought of. He was the happy man who lived to see the death of his enemies,
(Ecclus. XXV. 7), and by his good deeds, especially the giving of alms, had purchased from
heaven the forgiveness of his sins and won a permanent place in the memories of men (Ecclus.
iii. 30; xxix. 12; Tob. iv. 10; xii. 9; xiv. 11).

In only two of the apocryphal books, 2 Maccabees and Wisdom, is to be found anything

. ,, . , , worthy of special attention on the subject of eschatology. In the rest, the point

ot View IS much the same as that in the Old Testament Scriptures generally, with

the exception of Ecclesiasticns, where a less advanced position is taken than in some of the

1 See my article in the Bibliotluca Sacra for April, 1879, on the " Eschatology of the 0. T. Apocrypha," and the au-
thorities there cited.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 47

canonical books, and 1 Maccabees, where an apparently intentional omission of all allusion to
the future state seems to betray a Sadducaean origin. In 2 Maccabees, on the other hand,
the belief in a bodily resurrection is set forth with a fullness, clearness, and emphasis, that are
almost startling, leading to the inference, that, as over against its earlier and historically more
trustworthy namesake, it was written with a partisan purpose and under direct Pharisaic in-
fluence (cf. vii, passim, and xiv. 46, ff.). This conclusion is confirmed, moreover, by what is
said by the author of Judas Maccabseus' praying for the dead, " in that he was mindful of the
resurrection " (xii. 43-45). The Book of Wisdom, on the other hand, while led by its phi-
losophy to reject the opinion that the body would rise again from the dead (i. 13; ii. 23; viii.
20; ix. 15), clearly teaches the conscious, personal, unending existence of the soul after death
both of the good and of the evil (iii. 1-4; iv. 8-10 ; v. 15; vi. 19), the former in happiness
with God (vi. 20), the latter in misery (i. 12, 16, et passim). Pseudo-Solomon seems, also, to
have held to a judgment-day following the present state of probation, at which time the
wicked, both living and dead, would be judged and cast into hell (i. 9; iii. 7, 13, 18 ; iv. 18-
20), while the righteous would descend to reign in the everlasting kingdom which God would
set up. It is not to be denied, however, that on this point — whether the judgment was re-
garded as taking place during life and at death or after death — there is a want of clearness
in his representations. Still, there might be a reason for this, not simply in the writer's own
mind, but also in the nature of the subject itself. In an important sense, to the incorrigible,
every act of God with respect to them might be considered an act of judgment, without how-
ever excluding, but rather requiring a final summing up at the Last Day.

It is a significant tact, in view of the claim that is made in some quarters for the books
before us, that the traces of the Messianic hope which they contain are only of the ^^^ ^^^^^._
faintest character. This hope, moreover, seems in no case to have centered ^nic liope.i
clearly in the coming of a personal Messiah, but to have developed itself rather in
longings for, and descriptions of a certain future kingdom, such as had been the subject of the
later prophecies. In addition to the expectation of the return of the dispersed Israelites and
the reawakening of the spirit of prophecy which we find in Baruch and 2 Maccabees (Bar.
iv. 36, 37; v. 5-9; 2 Mace. ii. 18), the conversion of the heathen is predicted in Tobit (xiii.
11-18; xiv. 6, 7), the eternal existence of the Jewish people as such in Ecclesiasticus (xxxvii.
25; xiiv. IS), and elsewhere, the fact that this continued existence is somehow to be con-
nected with the family of David (Eoclus. xlvii. 11 ; 1 Mace. ii. 57). The Son of Sirach also
speaks in one place (xlviii. 10, 11) of the return of Elijah in the form foretold by Malachi,
and adds: " we, also, shall surely live," i. e., at his coming we shall be alive. And in the Book
of Wisdom (iii. 7; v. 1 ff.), as we have said, a day of final judgment seems to be taught, fol-
lowing which an eternal kingdom of the saints will be set up in which the Lord will be their

Various efforts have been made to explain this remarkable absence of allusion to the Mes-
siah in the apocryphal books. Schurer, for instance, ascribes it to the fact that ^^^^^^^^
their contents are, for the most part, historical or didactic and not prophetic, the ai»ap-^^
But this did not prevent references from being made to the expected universal l^^^^l
and eternal kingdom of Israel. Why should it shut out the idea of the Messiah if
it was still entertained? Hengstenberg ^ held that it was due to a fear, on the part of the
apocryphal writers, of giving offense to the heathen among whom they dwelt. This view,
however, is wholly inconsistent with the attitude which some of these books assume as over
against the oppression and idolatry of the heathen. It is more reasonable to suppose with
Grimm, Oehler, and others that the Jews, at the time when the present books were written,
had ceased to feel the need of the coming of a personal Messiah. The Messianic hope in the
Old Testament is always united with that of deliverance. As deliverance in a political sense
this would not have been desired for a long time subsequent to the Maccabfflan struggle. And
as far as it referred to a deliverance from sin the later Jews seem to have lost all conscious-
ness of the want of it. The law in its two parts, as written and oral, was looked upon as sufh-
cient for all needs, the complete revelation of God not only for the Jews but for the whole
world. With the Captivity the worship of idols was given up in order to make an idol ot
their own institutions, particularly of the Mosaic Code. This is especially seen to be the case

1 Cf. pa,rticula,rly, Oehler, in Henog'a Kea<-£7..j,i., art. " Messias ; " Langen, i>a5 Arfmitem, etc., pp. 891-461 !
Behenkel, Bib. L«., art. " Messias ; " Seturer, pp. 663-599 ; and Drammond, The Jewish Messtak.
a Ev. Kirchen-Zeitung, 1863, p. 667.

48 THE APOCEYPHA.

in the Book of Wisdom, where the conception of wisdom is carried to such a point of devel-
opment that there is absolutely no room left for any adequate idea of a Messiah alongside of
it. If it does not include it, — which cannot be supposed, — it excludes it of necessity. We,
therefore, agree in the main with Drummond, who says: " An argument from silence is al-
ways more or less doubtful; but we can hardly help inferring, from their total silence on the
subject, that the authors of these works had no belief in the coming of a Messiah. It cannot
be said that their subjects did not lead them to speak of this belief; for the above references
show how fully they shared the prophetic aspirations after the future glory of their race; and
when they describe the magnificence of the Jerusalem that is to be, or dwell upon the cove-
nant made with David, or picture all nations turning from their idolatry to the fear of God,
it is inconceivable that they should omit the central figure through whose agency every bless-
ing was to come, if such apersonality really entered into their belief. We cannot of course
conclude that the belief had entirely died out of the hearts of the Jewish people ; for as we
observed in the writings of the prophets that the person of the Messiah advances and recedes,
as we turn from one to another, so a difference of opinion may have prevailed in the later
time of which we are treating. But from the little, and in part doubtful evidence that re-
mains to us, it would seem that in the period between the Captivity and the rise of the Mac-
cabees the Messianic hope resolved itself into vague anticipations of a glorious and happy
future, in which the presence of God would be more manifest, but of which a Messiah would
form no essential feature. ^

In addition to what has just been said respecting the almost total ignoring in the apocry-
phal books of that which forms the central figure of the later canonical Scriptures,
dMi'^i.2°°" attention should perhaps be called, in our estimate of the relative value of the
former, to other points of dissimilarity. In very many respects, in fact, these books,
so far from representing the continuity of the divine revelation and of the kingdom of God as
set forth in the Old Testament, misinterpret and interrupt it. There is found in them, in-
deed, a further development of Old Testament ideas, but, at the same time, such lines of de-
velopment are rather interesting than valuable. They are mostly abnormal, and hence, un-
healthy growths. They connect themselves with the superficial, variegated life of the peo-
ple rather than with the deeper currents of religious thought that show themselves in the
Scriptures. 8 A direct line from Malachi to John the Baptist is not taken, but, on the con-
trary, a path which, if pursued, would lead away from the manger of Bethlehem. Hence
there seems to be no justification for the theory of Bleek (1. c. p. 317), which recognizes in
these works only a somewhat lower grade of the same kind of divine revelation and inspira-
tion that are found in the canonical Scriptures. On the contrary, false beacon lights are
kindled by them such as those by which the Samaritans sought to confuse and mislead the
Jewish colonists in Assyria. Judith glories in an act which was bewailed and denounced by
a patriarch (ix. 2; cf. Gen. xlix. 5). In Tobit and Ecclesiasticus the idea of righteousness
degenerates into simple mercifulness, and that mercifulness is mainly manifested in almsgiving.
In the Maccabees, in addition to the disappearance of the accuracy and simplicity to be ex-
pected in works of this character, we find a naive parade of legends, the most obvious anach-
ronisms, the angelology of the Old Testament travestied and new doctrines taught which are
utterly without Scriptural support.^

The Israelitish history, in fact, is everywhere depicted on its worldly side, and the great
moral goal of the same obviously lost sight of is, indeed, replaced by something else. There
were, as we know, some, when Christ came, who were waiting for the " consolation of Is-
rael " (Luke ii. 25), but they were, evidently, those whose thoughts had been busy with what
Moses and the Prophets had written and not the admirers of the philosophy of Pseudo-Solo-
mon, or such as had sought to mould their lives or stimulate their hopes by the precepts of the
Son of Sirach. Here and there are to be found, it is true, feeble imitations of prophecy, but
it was a true instinct that led Luther to say of the best specimens of it: " It is not credible

1 The Jewish Messiah, pp. 198, 199.

2 See works of Keerl, Sticr, liluge, Bbrard, Scheele, and others, as given in the Index of Authorities and articles by
Hengstenberg in the Evangel. liirckcn-Zeituvg, 1853, 1854 ; Bleeli in SluiJ. u. Krit., 1863, pp. 267-364 ; Nitzsch in the
Deutsrlie Zeiisckrijt, 1850, Nos. 47-49 ; the introdnclion to Eichhorn'a Einldt. in liie Apok. Schri/len ; and Ilgen Die
Geschichte Tobias, VorrefJe, iii.-xxiii.

8 So Nifzsch, idem, p 375 : " Dass sie aber, und die Torziiglichsten am entschiedensten, die alteste Erscheioung des
schul- und sektenmiissigen nud von dahor wiedcr dem Vglltsleben sich mehr Oder miodei beimischendeu Jildenthum
hergaben, kann nicht bezweifelt werden."

4 See, for example of tho latter, 2 Maoo. xii. 39-46 ; and the remark applies especially to 2 and 3 Mace.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 49

that the servant of Jeremiah should not have had a higher and richer spirit than this Ba^
ruch." 1 We look in vain, moreover, for any traces of the sublimity and power that dis-
play themselves in the poetry of Job and of the Psalms, and especially for that fineness of
conception, modesty of coloring, and general excellence of literary taste that always charac-
terize the rhetorical figures of the Old Testament.^ And, finally, there is an extraordinary
narrowness of spirit, as well as the process of its growth from stage to stage, exhibited in the
apocryphal books with respect to the Jewish people, their place in history, their relations to
Jehovah, and their future destiny, that, in no sense, fairly represents the teachings of the Old
Testament, but is rather a caricature of them, and that serves not a little to prepare the way
for the Pharisaic bitterness which afterwards uttered itself against the One true Interpreter
of the aneient faith and Founder of the universal religion in the contemptuous words, " Away
with him! Crucify him!"

Still, one should not be blinded by any of these reasons to the fact that the Old Testament
Apocrypha have a value, as we have before shown, quite independent of any questions of
canonicity. They are witnesses that cannot be overlooked, if not in all respects such as we
might desire. They have a value as witnesses, moreover, in what they/ai/ to say as well as
in that which, with no little confusion and contradiction, they do say. At least, as a foil
they serve to set off in a clearer light the unrivaled dignity and worth of the writings with
which they are associated. And as reflecting, too, in all its various phases the popular life
of the Jewish people in the period when they appeared, they can never be otherwise than im-
portant. It was one of the most eventful of epochs in the history of Israel. During it they
same in more or less direct contact with every civilized people of the earth; achieved, in the
most heroic of struggles, and lost again their national independence; determined the canon
of the Sacred Books; evolved the order of the Scribes and the worship of the synao-oo-ues;
began the so-called hedge around the law which still exists in Mishna and Gemara; devel-
oped in bitter strife over points of interpretation and precedent the later parties with their
sharp antagonisms — and the present books are a kind of cross-section of the period by means
of which, in the way of example, all this political and moral activity is reproduced before us.
Besides they are the repository of not a few philological and grammatical treasures, furnish
many a term and form employed by Christ and his Apostles as the vehicle of the grandest
revelations, so that no thorough student of the New Testament can afford to overlook or de-
spise them. And there is good in them too, of another sort. No one can help being at-
tracted and charmed by the picture of wisdom drawn for us by the Alexandrian Solomon;
and there are succinct, well-worded proverbs to be found here and there in the Son of Sirach
that shine with the beauty and speak with the power of the deepest moral truth. It is re-
lated of John Bunyan,* that being greatly comforted by a certain passage which occurred to
him, he was nevertheless perplexed that he could not find it within the four corners of the
Bible. It was this: " Look at the generations of old and see; did ever any trust in the Lord
and was confounded? " He says in regard to it: " Then I continued above a year and could
not find the place; but, at last, casting my eyes upon the Apocrypha books I found it in the
tenth verse of the second chapter of Ecclesiasticus. This at the first did somewhat daunt
me; because it was not in those texts that we call holy or canonical. Yet as this sentence
was the sum and substance of many of the promises, it was my duty to take the comfort of
it, and I bless God for that word, for it was good to me. That word doth still oft-times shine
before my face."

3. History of the Old Testament Apocrypha.

The Apocryphal books of the Old Testament, either as a whole or in part, were never
admitted by the Jews into connection with what is known as the Hebrew canon, yjjgt con-
They became associated with the Scriptures, at first, solely through the Septua- "^^f^l^^ll^.
gint version. The Jews speaking Greek who made use of that translation, hav- pha with the
ing laxer views than their brethren of Palestine concerning inspiration and canon- ""'' ax'ii- ^
icity, and, at the same time, regarding it simply as a version of the Scriptures, did not hesi-
tate to connect with it, for ecclesiastical use, such other moral works of Jewish authors as
from time to time appeared, with but little discrimination as to their real merits. Josephus
■gives the number of books of the actual canon in his day as twenty-two (c. Ap. i. 8), and,

1 Cited by Keerl, Dus Wort Goltex und die Apolc., 1858, p. 10.

a Cf. my art. in Cmigregational Renew for January, 1870, " The Ehetorioal Figures of the Old Testament.

8 See Stanley, iii. 265.

50 THE APOCRYPHA.

as the Jews in the time of Origen (Euseb., Ec. Hist., vi. 25) and Jerome (Prol. to Books
of Sam.") were accustomed to reckon the books of our present canon at that number, it is
doubtless true that Josephus included in his list simply and solely the books of our present
canoii.i This testimony of Josephus is the more important because, as we know from his
writings, he was well acquainted with several of the apocryphal books and used them freely.
Further, it seems clear that the Jews neoer had any other canon of the Scriptures than that
which is known as the Hebrew, and which, according to Josephus and other witnesses, was
composed of the books that make up our present Old Testament Scriptures. It has been
sufficiently proved by Oehler ^ and Frankel ' that the Jews, even at Alexandria, did not at-
tach the idea of canonical authority to the Septiiagint, much less to the additions that were
made to it, and that the notion of a separate Alexandrian canon of the Scriptures, as distin-
guished from a Hebrew canon, never prevailed among them.

It may also be true that the Alexandrian Jews did not hold to the idea of a canon, in its
Properly Strict Sense, at all, but adopted principles rather that were antagonistic to it.
speaking Still, SO far as they held to the notion of a canon, it was not to a canon of their

there was no ., p,.t^,..,, , ,

Alexandrian Own as over agamst that of their Palestinian brethren, but one that was repre-
canon. sented in the original Hebrew Scriptures as current in their native land. As

their Egyptian temple at Leontopolis never rose to the first place in their esteem, as they re-
ceived all higher judicial decisions and their most authoritative teachers from Palestine,* so it
is clear that their Greek version of the Scriptures could not have been regarded by them, at
least at first, as holding any other than a subordinate place, as anything more, in fact, than
a temporary expedient for supplying themselves, as far as possible, with the sacred literature
of their people. And the fact that they permitted other works like Judith, Tobit, and the
Story of Susanna to be associated with this version points to such a conclusion even more
directly than to the one that their notion of the canon altogether was a very loose one. The
legends that were invented and the various efforts that were subsequently made to give the
version currency and authority were the natural consequence of the spirit of distrust and jeal-
ousy that existed between the Jews of Egypt and those of Palestine, a spirit whose bitterness
shows itself in the well-known utterances of the Palestinian party: " He who studies the un-
canonical books will have no portion in the world to come." " He who introduces into his
house more than the twenty-four (i. e. , our twenty-two) introduces confusion." ^ Kuenen,
also, has recognized the fact, that the Septuagint version, in itself, had in no sense for the
Jews of Alexandria and the Dispersion the force of an authoritative standard. Speaking of
the criticisms of the same by the grandson of Jesus ben Sirach, he adds: " Thus, either the
whole of the Old Testament which we now possess, or, at any rate, by far the greater part of
it, was then translated, but — as it also follows from the words just quoted — as yet had no
manner of authority, and was tested by the original by any one who had the power and the
inclination to do so." ^

It is not to be disputed, however, that the Jews of Alexandria and of the Dispersion gen-
The Apocry- '^i''*'^)'! °" ^'"^ grounds above given, received to their collection of the sacred
phaanjtiie books as contained in the LXX., those also which we now designate as the Old
ment. Testament Apocrypha. But it is a most interesting fact, that notwithstanding

that the New Testament writers in citing the Old Testament make use of this
Greek translation, they do not, in a single well-accredited instance, quote any of the apocry-
phal works that were connected with it.' And even certain supposed reminiscences and
latent references to them which have been noticed by scholars are of an uncertain character,
and may better be referred to a general traditional source of historical material from which
these writers in common with others drew.* This remarkable circumstance can scarcely be
explained, with Schiirer, considering the extent aud miscellaneous character of the Apocry-

1 Cf. Sclittrer in llerzog's Real-Encyk. (2te Aufl.), art. ci Apoliryplien des A. T."

■i Ilerzoge Real-Enryk., art. "Kanoa.'' 8 Vorstuditn, pp. 66-61. 4 PQrst, Der Kan des A T p 142

6 Cf. Furst, idem, pp. 140-150. 6 iii. 173, 174. '

7 See, on tlie general subject, Kuinoel, Obsercationes, etc. ; Bleek in Stud. u. Kril... 1863, p. 325, ff. ; Stier, Keerl, and
Nitzsch, 1. c. ; Fritzsche in Schenliers Bib. Lex., art. ■' Apok. des A. T. ; " and Scharer in Uerzog's Real-Encv/c (2ta
Aufl.), irjem. J • \

8 So Nitzsch, 1. e. : "Dcmungeachtet bleibt es vollkomnien denkbar, dass Christus und die Aposteln als Zeueen der
OfTenbarung, zwar unabliissig besch.Mtlgt mit (iesetz, Prophetcn und Psalmen, sogar von den wichtigeren Apokrvphen

^eiue Kenntniss nahmen, daas sie durch keine llede oder schriftliche Aeusserung eiue Hinwei.'sung auf dieselben beabsicll-

""' "" ' ' " trelfen beider Seitou in Worten und Gedanket

ngskreisen testamentischor Religion schopfen.'

tigton, und alloutlialben, wo ein so nalies ZusammentrelTen beider Sciton in Worten und Gedanken stattfindet beiUe fon
.rmanc/er unablmngi^ aua den gemeiusamen Vorslellungskreisen testamentischor Keligion schopfen " '

GENERAL INTRODUCTION.

51

pha and the number of times the Old Testament is cited in the New, on the ground that the
Apocrypha belong to that special category of Old Testament writings which are seldom or
not at all quoted, but must be considered as, to some extent, the natural — not to say super-
natural— result of the well-known relation in which these books stood to the canon, and also
of the fact, noticed under the previous head, that they lay outside the direct line of the divine
revelation of redemption in Jesus Christ.

Hence, the assertion of some Roman Catholic theologians is false, that the Apostles gave a
Bible containing the Apocrypha to the churches established by them. On the
contrary, the most that can be said is that the Apostles used a version of the Old '"^h" *''°'"^"
Testament which contained the Apocrypha, but with so careful an avoidance of Christian""
the latter that it cannot with certainty be affirmed that in all their writino-s they °"""°'''
make a single direct allusion to them. It was otherwise, however, with thei°r successors. The
so-called Apostolic Fathers, without making any positive citations from these works, undoubt-
edly show acquaintance with them. Clement of Rome, for instance (c. Iv.), alludes to Judith
as an example of heroism on the part of a woman. In the Epistle of Barnabas (c. xix.), there
seems to be a reference to Ecclesiasticus (iv. 31); at least, the two passages have a certain
similarity of thought. In a fragment of the Second Epistle of Clement (xvi. 4), which ap-
pears in the edition of the Apostolic Fathers by Gebhardt and Harnack (Lips., 1875), is a
possible reminiscence of a passage in Tobit (xii. 8, 9), although the resemblance is only in
general coloring. And Justin Martyr (ApoL, i. 46), evidently made use of the Additions to
Daniel, but not in such a way that it can properly be inferred that he regarded the book as a
legitimate part of the Scriptures. The first actual citation of the Apocrypha among Chris-
tian writers occurs in Irenaius, who quotes from Baruch as from ,. composition of Jeremiah
(Adv. Hcer., v. 35; cf. iv. 20). Clement of Alexandria, too, cites Baruch as ^ e^ia. ypa<pit (Peed.,
ii. 3; cf. Strom., iv. 16.) TertuUian, also, refers to Ecclesiasticus with the usual formula of
citation from Scripture, shut scriplum est (Ex. Cast., c. ii. ; cf. Adv. Valent., c. ii., and Be Cultu
Fern., i. 3). And Cyprian makes use of a number of the apocryphal books, introducing cita-
tions with the words: sicut scriptum est and scriplura divina dicit.

Jt would not, however, be putting the matter in just the proper light to say, with some,
that Christian writers of the first centuries made no essential distinction between
the books of the Hebrew canon and those of the Apocrypha. They found in their Sted'?»re-
Greek Bibles the Apocrypha connected with the books of the Hebrew canon, and, ''''°'^-
as it would seem, solely through ignorance or inadvertence, at least with no intention of giv-
ing them a theological significance and indorsement which should be valid for subsequent
times, made use of them, although far less proportionably, than of the canonical Scriptures.
It does not seem,. moreover, quite fair to say, that, in the early church, cases of dissent from
the validity of the apocryphal writings were simply sporadic and the result of learned inves-
tigation, without representing any general view. For, apart from these incidental efforts at
actual examination, tliere was nothing that could be, characterized as intelligent opinion on
the subject. It was simply drifting. The mere fact that these works were found in the Bible
in common use, was enough, in itself, as we know from similar results still, in places where
the Apocrypha are circulated in connection with the canonical Scriptures, to account fully
for the esteem in which they seem to have been held. And it is as remarkable as significant a
fact, that in instances where special investigations with reference to the matter were made,
as in the case of Melito of Sardis (Euseb. , H. E., iv. 33), and Origen (idem, vi. 25) the line
was unhesitatingly drawn which excluded all this later Jewish literature from the canon of
Scripture. That Origen was so inconsistent as to cite the Apocrypha as Scripture, notwith-
standing his deliberate judgment respecting their relative value, and even to defend them as
such, in the heat of discussion (Epist. ad African., c. xiii.), shows simply the power of fixed
habit. In his commentary on Matthew he candidly remarks: '■ It is the part of a great man
to hear and fulfill that which is said, ' Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.' Still,
for the sake of those who cannot, like ' money-changers,' distinguish whether words are to be
held as true or false, and cannot guard themselves carefully, so as to hold that which is true
and yet abstain from all evil appearance, no one ought to use for the confirmation of doctrines
any books which are not received in the canonized Scriptures." '

There can be no doubt, further, that, as a result of investigation on the part of men of
learning, a gradual change was introduced in Christian public senti.nent, to that, while the

1 See Weatoott, Bib. in Church, p. 137.

62 THE APOCRYPHA.

practice of different writers was various, the theory that came to prevail among tlie principal
leaders of thought demanded that a decided difference should be made between the
lumpm-' books of the Hebrew canon and the subsequent additions. By Athanasius, for
duced a instance, the apocryphal works were assigned a separate place under the title of

" ""S"- "ecclesiastical books " (Epist. Fest., 39). On the other hand, Cyril of Jerusalem,

Gregory of Nazianzus, and Amphilochius, give lists of the Old Testament Scriptures, in which
the Apocrypha do not at all occur. These books, in fact, as a whole, were never adopted
into any catalogue of the Scriptures recognized by an early general council. It has been
affirmed that three synods — all African and under the dominating influence of Augustine —
formally sanctioned the Apocrypha along with the canonical books, putting all in the same
rank.i But this is saying quite too much, such recognition referring to ecclesiastical use only.
Moreover, Augustine himself repeatedly makes a distinction between the Hebrew canon and
the Apocrypha, admitting that the latter are not of unquestionable authority. Against the
Donatists, who cited a passage found in 2 Maccabees (xiv. 37), he denied the soundness of
the argument, on the ground that the book was not admitted into the Hebrew canon, to which
Christ bore witness, although " it had been received by the church not unprolitably, if it
were heard or read judiciously."^

Of the Greek church generally it may be said, that as early as the fourth century, under
Origen's influence, the Hebrew canon was accepted as properly fixing the limits of
and the the Old Testament Scriptures, even the reading of the Apocrypha being in some

^h'^°*°h" cases forbidden. And this ^position the Greek church — the same is also true of
the older Syrian church — has maintained, with but a sli'ght wavering of individ-
ual fathers, to the present day. At the Reformation this church, in harmony with the en-
tire body of Protestants, reafHrmed its decision that the books of the Hebrew canon, alone,
are to be held as authoritative, although more recently, through the probable influence of the
Romish church and in opposition to Protestants, there has been an apparent weakening in
this respect.8 In the Latin, or Western church, also, such fathers as Jerome, Hilary, and
Rufinus, took a position of greater or less opposition to tlie Apocrypha. The latter declared
{Expos, in Sijmh. Apost., u. 20) of the books of the Hebrew canon that they were the "in-
spired Scriptures," " Ex quilnis Jid<dnostrcE assertiones constare soluerunt." Besides these there
were others that were " non canonica sed ccclesiastica a majoribus appellati sunt." The pro-
nounced attitude of Jerome, also, is well known. After enumerating (Prol. Galealus to the
books of Siimuel), the works of the Hebrew canon, he says: " Quidguid extra hos est, inter
Apocrypha esse ponendum." And in another place (_Ep. ad Lcetam), he speaks very dispar-
agingly of ihe Apocrypha, saying that there was much evil mixed up with them and that it
required great skill to seek out the gold in the mud: " multaque his admixta viliosa, et grandis
esse prudentia; aurum in luto quwrere." Still, it is to be admitted, that Augustine's uncertain
position (cf. De Doctr. Christ., ii. 81), together with the thorough hold of the popular mind
which the Apocrypha had gained by their early use in the Old Latin versions, and the incon-
sistent practice of nearly all those Fathers who theoretically condemned such indiscriminate
use, prevented, notwithftanding the weighty opposition mentioned, a full and just settlement
of the matter. And it remained an unsettled question down to the time of the Reformation,
a goodly list of Christian scholars refusing to be bound by the opinion of Augustine as over
against that of the more learned and accurate Jerome, although the former had the sanction
of the Roman bishop. Gregory the Great (a. d. 590-G04), for example, apologizes for ad-
ducing a proof text from 1 Maccabees, since it was not a canonical book {Moral in Job, xix.
1 7). So Anastasius Sinaita (fA. D. 599), Venerable Bede (cir. A. D. 6 72-735), Notker, Abbot
of St. Gall (A. D. 830-912), Hugo of St. Victor (a. d. 1140), Hugo Carensis in the thirteenth
century, Antonius, Archbishop of Florence in the fifteenth, and the Cardinals Ximenes and
Caietan in the sixteenth century, among many others,* adopted, for substance, the opinion of
Jerome, which excluded our apocryphal books from the list of canonical Scriptures

Untd ihat of Trent (a. d. 1545-1563), no general council of the church, either in the first
The Council Centuries or in the Middle Ages, had ever given any decision on the question of
of irent. tjjg ii„,its of the canon or the contents of the Holy Scriptures. It was the criti-

1 Eavidson-s Iniro,l. to O. T., iii. 348. 2 Cf. Westcott, id^m, pp. 186 189

3 See Bleek'8 Intrail. to O. T., ii. 333 ' ^ '

, ^ °J: Delitzsch irfr5,.te«z tter Romhch..n K,rc/u, pp. 385-413; Credner, Geschk/Ue der N. T. Kan., p 332 ff • Buck
ley, ««(. 0/ C. 0/ Trent, passim ; and Ilase, Omrc/i History, p. 464, with authorities there cited. '

GENERAL USTTRODlJCTION. 53

cisms of Protestants, particularly of Erasmus and Luther, on the loose practice of Roman-
ists respecting the Bihlei that led to a consideration of the subject at this time. From the
writings of the latter reformer which had been spread before the council were selected cer-
tain expressions, in which he had declared his approval of the books of the Hebrew canon
alone, exclusive of the Apocrypha, and his rejection of the so-called antilegomena of the
New Testament. In the discussion that took place over them the same difference of opinion
showed itself among the assembled ecclesiastics that had always ruled in the church, since
the times of Jerome and Augustine. Some advised that the course of Gregory the Great and
Caietan be pursued, and that two distinct classes of books in the Scriptures be reeo<*nized,
arguing that Augustine, also, had really been of this opinion. Others held that there were
rather three classes of writings embraced in the Bible: the acknowledged, the disputed, and
the apocryphal, and that whatever decision was made one should take account of this fact.
Still others considered it unwise to attempt any decision of the perplexing problem, and pro-
posed that the council should content itself with giving a bare list of the books of Scripture
and leave the question of their relative worth open. But against these several views a fourth
party, whicli contended for the position that all the books usually included in the Scriptures
should be pronounced of equal canonicity and authority, finally prevailed. Although this fact
is denied by some Romanist theologians, the form of the decree itself places the matter be-
yond a doubt. It is as follows: "The holy, oecumenical and general council of Trent ....
following the example of the orthodox fatliers, receives and venerates all the books of the Old
and New Testaments ..... and also traditions pertaining to faith and conduct .... with
an equal feeling of devotion and reverence." The list of the books then follows, including the
Old Testament Apocrypha, in the following order: " Esdrae primus et secundus, qui dicitur
Nehemias, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, Psalterium Davidicum centum quinquaginta psal'
morum. Parabolas, Ecclesiastes, Canticum Canticorum, Sapientia, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jere-
mias cUm Baruch. The two books of Maccabees (duo Machabjeorum, primus et secundus)
Were placed at the end of the Old Testament after the Minor Prophets. This order is wor-
thy of special attention, since, contrary to an earlier resolution of the body which had deter-
mined on the arrangement found in the Augustinian canon, where all the apocryphal books
are placed at the end of the Old Testament, and so in a comparatively subordinate position,
they are here mixed up with the rest in the same manner as in the Greek Bible.^ Following
the list of the books of the Old and New Testaments the decree goes on to say : " If, how-
ever, any one does not receive the entire books with all their parts, as they are accustomed to
be read in the Catholic church and in the Old Latin Vulgate edition, as sacred and canonical,
let him be anathema."

The concluding sentence of the decree, moreover, serves to show in what sense the Triden-
tiao ecclesiastics meant the words " with an equal feeUng of devotion and rever- jfj^u^^^g
ence,'' as applied to the books of Scripture, should be taken: "Let everyone how to be
therefore know what principle the synod in the establishment of the creed and '° ''"^^ "
the restoration of the usages of the church makes use of." That is to say: all these books,
in like manner, and in an equal degree, are to be regarded as sources of Christian doctrine and
practice. In fact, no consistent Romish theologian has the right, in view of the decisions of
this council, to allow that there is any essential difference of authority among the books thus
pronounced " sacred and canonical." It is true that some of them still continue to speak of
works " canonical " and " deutero-canonical," meaning by the latter the Apocrypha. Bellar-
min even distinguishes three classes of Scriptural writings, reckoning the Apocrypha among
those whose authority, notwithstanding their prophetic and apostolic origin, has not alwnys
been undis])uted. But no theologian of this church, at the risk of being charged with heresy,
is permitted to doubt that all of these works are to be esteemed as a part of the mspn-cd
Word of God, and that they are legitimate sources from which Christian dogmas may be de-
rived. The declaration that the text of these books as found in the Vulgate is the alone
authentic and authoritative, the same having been hastily and most imperfectly prepared by
Jerome, a notorious opponent of the Apocrypha, and the attempt to support their action in
general respecting the books of Scripture on the basis of previous conciliar decisions, as those
of Laodicea, of Carthage, and of Florence, show in what a, fatal network of contradictions
the Roman Catholic divines at Trent involved themselves. The decision oE the first councd
was of a directly contrary nature, while those of the other two, if indeed that of Florence
respecting the Scriptures can be considered genuine, had an entirely different scope.
1 See BLaulen, OescMdiU der Vutgala, p. 389, cited by Delitzsch, idem, p. 392.

54 THE APOCRYPHA.

And it is obvious that this important step was taken by the Council of Trent for other than
simple historical reasons. Without doubt one of these was to emphasize, as much
Reasons for ^g possible the differences existing between themselves and the Protestants aa
"■ represented by their two great leaders, Erasmus and Luther. In fact, this pur-

pose was openly announced by Cardinal Polus.i Another reason is to be found in the weighty
circumstance that the apocryphal books might be found very useful, if not indeed, absolutely
essential in defending certain peculiar dogmas of the Romish church, as, for instance, that of
the intercession of angels (Tob. xii. 12) and of departed saints (2 Mace. xv. 14; cf. Bar. iii.
4) of the merit of good works (Tob. iv. 7 ; Ecclus. iii. 30), its teaching concerning purgatory
and the desirability that the living pray for the dead (2 Mace. xii. 42 ff.). Tanner ^ candidly
acknowledo-es, indeed, that the Apocrypha were pronounced canonical because the "church
found its own spirit in these books." Still further, it was a matter of no little interest to
maintain at all hazards the dignily of the Vulgate, and this would have been greatly imper-
iled if, on the authority of a general council, so large a part of it as was contained in the
Old Testament Apocrypha was declared to be of inferior value. But if none of these rea-
sons considered separately, or when taken together, could be regarded as sufficient to deter-
mine the action of the council with reference to the Scriptures, there is another whose weight
cannot be disputed. It is the principle that then dominated and must ever dominate in such
a system as the Romish church represents, namely, that there are no distinct periods of di-
vine revelation, but that it is an uninterrupted process going forward in and through the
church. " When therefore the Catholic church insists with special emphasis on the full and
equal canonicity of the Apocrypha, its interest in them, before all, declares itself for the
reason that by their means the gaps in the inspired literature are filled up and that continu-
ity [" solid aritat"] of canonical development restored, which, in turn, forms the innermost
idea of the dogma of tradition." '

Karlstadt, one of the early friends of Luther, was the first in the Protestant church to give
Writer.s on particular attention to the subject of the Canon.* While placing all the so-called
the Protes- Apocrypha outside the same, he made the distinction among them of apocryphi ta-
tantside. ^^^^ agiogrophi et plane apocrypU virgis censoriis. To the first class belonged
Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, and the two books of the Maccabees. In the first
complete original edition of Lutlier's version of the Bible, the Apocrypha were placed at the
end of the Old Testament as an appendix, with the title, " Apocrypba — that is, books' that
are not held as equal to the Holy Scriptures and yet are good and useful to read." It may
be said, in general, that the opinion of Luther on this subject became the prevailing one in
the church which he represented. But such a statement should not be made without limita-
tions. Luther's view was a too subjective one to be made the platform of an important
branch of the Christian church. Personal feeling more than historical evidence, or gram-
matical criticism, he made the test of canonicity. He did not hesitate to admit that the
Scriptures contained many imperfections and logical errors. He sometimes took the liberty
of explaining passages from the Old Testament in a way different from that in whicli they are
explained in the New Testament. Of Paul's symbolical interpretation of the history of Ha-
gar and Sarah, for instance, he declared that it was " too weak to iiold." ^ Hence, it does not
surprise us that besides excluding the Apocrypba of the Old Testament from the Bible he
distinguished in the New Testament the antilegomena from the other books by assigning them
to a subordinate position. The leader's influence was so far felt in the Lutheran church that
the matter of the canon was left in its standards, for the most part, an open question. Like
the doctrine of inspiration, the fact of the existence of a canon of Scripture was rather some-
thing that was assumed than made a distinct dogma. Still, in the so-called Form of Concord
which, on the 25th of June, 1580, the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of the Augsburg
Confession, was solemnly promulgated by the Elector of Saxony, and for a large part of the
Lutheran church bad the force of a creed, it was declared that the Prophetical and Apostoli-
cal Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments constitute the only rule of faith, and that no
other writings have equal authority.^ Moreover, the position and title which had been given
to the Apocrypha in the German Bible, in that of Ziirich and Strassburg of 1529, as well as

1 Delitzsch, irjem^ p. 395.

2 Ueber dns katholische Traditions und das Protestantische Schriftprindp^ p. 127.
8 Holtzmann, Kanon vnd Tradit.^ p. 431 f.

4 De Canoniris Scripturis Libelius. 6 See Herzog's Real-Entyk,, vl. 696.

6 See Art. " Concordien-Formel " in Herzog's RiaX'Bncyk.f iiL 87 ft

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 55

Luther's of 1534, in the absence of a distinct article in the Confession respectino- them
served as a guide in the formation of opinions. And subsequently, a number of distino-uished
Lutheran theologians, as Chemnitz, Hollaz, and Gerhard, drew a sharp line of distinction in
their writings between the books qui in codice quidem sed non in canone biblico exstant, and
those which immediato Dei afflatu scripti sunt.

Yet, not only in theory but also in practice, the Reformed church took a more pronounced
position with respect to these works than the Lutheran. The Helvetic Confession
declares unequivocally : " Credimus Scripturas canonicas sioe prophetarum et Apos- Ja church™'
tolorum ulriusque Teslamenti ipsum esse verbum Dei." As Westcott has said:
" The Lutherans, or more strictly Luther, judged the Written Word by the Gospel contained
in it, now in fuller now in scantier measure, to which the Word in man bore witness : the
Calvinists, accepting without hesitation the Old Testament from the Jewish Church and
the New Testament from the Christian Church, set up the two records as the outward test and
spring of all truth, absolutely complete in itself and isolated from all history." 1 The French
Bible of 1535 says of the Old Testament in the title to the same, that it is made up of the
books translated from the Hebrew, and gives the Apocrypha in the form of an appendix with
the heading: " Tlie volume of the Apocryphal Books contained in the Vulgate translation
which we have not found in the Hebrew or Chaldee." This may be taken as expressing the
deliberate judgment of Calvin, who was the responsible editor of the work. In the Confession
of Faith made at Basle (1534) and in the two Helvetic Confessions (1536, 1566), as well as in
the Genevan Catechism (1545), the references to the Scriptures are all of a positive character,
but no express list of the canonical books is given, the same being generally understood to he
conterminous in the Old Testament with the Hebrew canon. The Belgian Confession (1561-
1563) mentions the books by name, both tliose of the Old and of the Kew Testament, and
adds : " These books alone we receive as sacred and canonical non tarn, quod ecclesia eos pro
liujusmodi recipial et approbet, quam imprimis quod spiritus sanctus cordibus nosiris testatur a deo
profectos esse comprnbalionemque in se ipsis habeant." In the Confession of the French Re-
formed church (1561), art. 4, the Apocrypha are apparently comprehended under the title :
'^ Alii libri ecclesiastici, qui ut sint utiles, non sunt tamen ejusmodi, ut ex iis constitui possit aliquis
fidei articulus. ' ' ^

The discussions that were held on the subject of the canon at the synod of Dort are of
much interest, and seem worthy of a more extended notice.^ According to the
official records published at Leyden in 1620 (Acta Synodi Dordrechtanas), in the ^^°_
ninth'sitting (1618-1619), the following result was reached: " Since it is clear
that tlie apocryphal books are mere human writings, some of them spurious and disfigured by
Jewish legends and inventions, as, for instance, the books of Judith, Susanna, Tobit, Bel and
the Dragon, and particularly the third and fourth book of Ezra; since some of them, also, in
doctrinal and historical points contain contradictions to the canonical books; and since they
neither in the Jewish or early Christian church were added to the codex of the Old Testa-
ment : it was consequently discussed whether these books were even worthy of a special
translation, and further, whether it were best that they should be bound up in the same vol-
ume with the sacred codex, inasmuch as such a connection in the course of time might, as
ia the papal church, expose to the danger that mere human productions would finally come
to be esteemed by the ignorant as canonical and divine. The matter having been considered
for a long time, and the most diverse and weighty grounds adduced on both sides, further time
was desired in order to give said grounds riper deliberation." "In the tenth sitting,
Gomarus and Diodati (of Geneva), together with other pastors, presented their views in
written form, and the opinion of those from Tiibingen having also been heard, the majority
voted : ' The Apocrypha should be translated into Dutch, but it did not seem necessary to
bestow the same careful attention upon them as is demanded in the translation of the canon-
ical books.' " It was further resolved to continue to permit the Apocrypha to be bound up
with the other books, but only on the condition that they be separated from them by a suit-
able space, and be marked by a special title in which it should be emphasized that they were
purely human, — in fact, apocryphal books. They were to be printed in smaller type, differ-
ently paged, and the places where they differed from the canonical books indicated on the
margin, particularly the passages cited by the Papists in support of their peculiar dogmas.

1 Bib. m Clmrck, p. 248. « ^ Her^og's Real-Em''- ™. 266.

» Bee Zeitschriftjur historische Thevlogie, 1854, pp. 645-648.

56 THE APOCRYi'HA.

And finally, they were assigned a place, not as usual, between the Old and New Testaments,
but at the end of the whole Bible.

In the sixth of the Latin Articles of 1562 of the Anglican church, translated into English
the following year, the Old Testament Apocrypha are enumerated, with the ex-
ES^iaid' ° '" ception of Baruch, which, however, was doubtless meant to be included in Jere-
"^ "" miah, under the title of " other books," that were to be read for " example of life

and instruction of manners," but were not to be used for the support of doctrines (ad exem-
pla vitce etfonnandon moren, illos tanien ad dogmata confirmanda non adhibet). In the Articles of
1571, ratified by Parliament in their English form, the Book of Baruch is mentioned by name
as well as all the rest usually found in the list. In practice, however, the Anglican forms an
exception in some respects to the otherwise universal rule of all branches of the Reformed
church. Passages from Tobit and Wisdom are quoted in the Homilies as Scripture; Baruch
is called a prophet; and quotations from the Book of Tobit are also still retained in the Com-
munion Service (Tob. iv. 8, 9). A proposition in Convocation to substitute for these refer-
ences others taken from the canonical Scriptures was made in 1689, but was voted down by
a majority of the members.' The same general position as that taken in the English Articles
with respect to the Apocrypha was also adopted in the Irish Articles of 1615. They declare
that the books commonly called Apocrypha are not inspired, " and therefore are not of suffi-
cient authority to establish any point of doctrine ; but the Church doth read them as containing
many worthy things for example of life and instruction of manners." In the various trans-
lations of the Bible that were made for use in England, from that of Coverdale in 1535 to the
Authorized Version r)f 1611, the Apocrypha were invariably found, but in a subordinate po-
sition, and usually prefaced by a note characterizing them as " Apocrypha," or more fully,
as writings without dogmatic authority. Coverdale, in his first edition, put Baruch among
the canonical books, but in the sepond (1550), among the apocryphal. In Cranmer's Bible
of 1540 the term Hagiographa is strangely employed instead of Apocrypha as a title, and in
later editions even this is omitted. The Westminster Confession (1643) treats of the Scrip-
tures in its first five articles. The third is as follows: " The books commonly called Apocry-
pha, not being of divine inspiration, are no part of the canon of Scripture; and therefore are
of no authority in the Church of God, or to be any otherwise approved or made use of than
other human writings."

Although under cover of a supposed hereditary right the Apocrypha had found a place, if

„ . ^ an inferior one, in the English Bible, it was destined soon to lose the same. As

Subsequent ,

history of early as in the edition of 1629 (" Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and

phltn°hi7" Joli" Bill, Printers to the King's Most Excellent Majestie "), the apocryphal
English books began to be omitted. In 1643, Dr. Lightfoot, in a sermon from Luke i. 17,

delivered before the House of Commons, denounced them as the " wretched
Apocrypha," a " patchery of human invention," by which the end of the Law was divorced
from the beginning of the Gospel. Again in 1645, in the same place, he pleaded for "a
review and survey of the translation of the Bible," and that Parliament as a body would
" look into the oracle, if there be anything amiss there and remove it." Providentially,
it was not left to the government of England to interfere in the matter, but without any
special official act these books came, as by common consent, to be omitted from new editions
of the Authorized Version.

During the present century two important conflicts have sprung up over the Apocrypha,
both occasioned by the demand of Protestant Christians on the continent of
flictB.2 Europe that these books be bound up and circulated with the canonical Scrip-

tures. From its first organization in 1804, the British and Foreign Bible Society
had been accustomed to give aid to similar societies on the continent, the so-called Canstein
Bibles containing the Apocrypha being made use of for circulation there. After a few years
considerable opposition to the measure began to manifest itself among some of the auxiliary
societies, particularly in Scotland. As early as 1811, consequently, a request was made of
the European beneficiaries by the parent society, that they leave out the Apocrypha from
the Bibles whose circulation was promoted by the same. So much feeling, however, was
awakened by it, and the fact became so obvious that there was no probability of its being
complied with on the continent, that, after two years, it was withdrawn. From this time

1 Cf. Macaulay, Hht. of Eng., iii, 387, 388. New YoA, 1850.

2 Cf. An. Reports of Brit, and Foreign Bib. Soc, and Histories of that Society by Owen and Brown reBpeotiTely.

GENERAL INTEODUCTION. 57

until the year 1819 there was a continual discussion of the subject in the pulpit and press of
Great Britain, all parties, on the Protestant side, admitting that the Apocrypha were un-
inspired writings, but without being able to agree on the point of their relative worth and
the propriety of circulating them with funds contributed to a Bible Society. Assistance given
in the year 1819 toward publishing a Roman Catholic version in Italian, Spanish, and Por-
tuguese, brought matters to a, crisis, the Edinburgh branch characterizing the action as a
breach of previous contracts. The parent society, after long deliberation, resolved (1822) to
retrace its course, deciding that henceforth its funds should be used only for the distribution
of the canonieal Scriptures, and that whatever was done by auxiliaries toward printing and
publishing the Apocrypha should be done at their own expense. Such a middle course, how-
ever, served rather to enhance than diminish the difficulties of the situation. An appropria-
tion of five hundred pounds made, under these conditions, to Leaiider Van Ess to aid him iij
the publication of his Bible, he agreeing to provide independently the necessary means for in-
cluding the Apocrypha with the same, called forth the most vigorous protests. It was asserted
that the society would thereby be condoning a serious fault, and, in effect, lending its influ-
ence to give the color of inspiration to books that were full of errors, even below the level of
many human writings, and that contained not a few actual contradictions of the canonical
Scriptures.

The consequence was that in December, 1824, the directors of the society voted to rescind
the action taken about three months before, and now declared that they would aid in the
publication of Bibles containing the Apocrypha only in case the same were printed as an
appendix to the canonical books amd not distributed among tliem. The excitement, however,
already ran too high to be allayed by such a measure. It was argued that it was the duty of
the society not only not to give the least encouragement to the circulation of the Apocrypha,
but to discourao-e it and bear witness at every opportunity to the true limits of the Biblical
canon. Under the powerful leadership of the Edinburgh branch, the opposition made itself
felt to such an extent that, in the following year, all action taken with reference to the
Apocryjiha since 1811 was stricken from the records of the parent society, and in 1827 the
followino' positive ground assumed, which, as far as Great Britain was concerned, put an end
to the controversy : The principles of the society excluded the circulation of the Apocrypha.
Persons and associations, therefore, receiving aid from it must bind themselves not to circu-
late them. Further, bound Bibles alone should be put into the hands of auxiliaries, and that
only to the extent that pledges were given to circulate the same unchanged. And finally,
auxiliaries circulating the Apocrypha must place a sum corresponding to the value of the
Bibles granted them to the credit of the London society.

In the mean time, the commotion excited in Great Britain by these discussions had awak-
ened a corresponding one on the continent of Europe. Nitzsch writes, with ^j^^ ^^^gj^j
some humor,! concerning the efforts made from England to learn the opinions of on the con-
various scholars at the continental universities on this subject. As long as the
London society, however, on which all the continental societies were more or less dependent,
permitted the publication, with funds furnished by it, of the Apocrypha in any form, the dis-
cussions going on in Great Britain awakened but little interest in the rest of Europe. But
when by "the resolutions of 1826 and 1827 all further cooperation on this basis was rendered
impossible and, in addition, the brethren of the continental churches were advised to make
a bonfire of the troublesome books,^ the storm that sprang up was unprecedented. The Bible
Society of Basle, in a communication addressed to that of London (May, 1826), endeavored
to dissuade it from the measure resolved upon, and on receiving an unfavorable response, sought
to unite all the auxiliaries of the continent, more than fifty in number, in an effort in the
same direction, and in case of its failure to induce them to form a union for carrying on the
work as hitherto.a The connection between the London society and its continental auxil-

1 p,„(.c/« Z«(..Ar;/J, No. 47, p. 370: " Die, g^chah io dea zwanrisen Jabreo nosers Jah'h^d^rjs. If/™™™
miehfda. der BeauBragte schcn'in Basel, Tubingen, Heidelberg, auch to Frankfurt a. M. "JS^j^g' If "='^1' « "'' ™
Bonn dieses Zutranen erwies. Alle batten begreiflicher VVeise fur die Mitverbre.tung d^'^P^^P*^™ ^tSre^
*:hoHti™he, Antrage gestimmt. Was mao ihni Ton Grad^n Uer Innnration gesagt hatte,scliiea.hna»n.eiBte«w wteres-
siren, aber wenig zu erbauen."

2 See Metzger, OjisMc/ife der deulsckm Bibel-Uebersetzung, p. 326. .... ,. „j„ . ,t r„ -praBViini! dass
8 One of the i,olutioos of the paper thus communicated is worthy of »?<»-• °f";, J'^^'der^eSfrlesorg-

das Merkmal christlicher Universalitat den Grundcharacter einer Muttergesellschaft biMet nnd '"J^^^SJ^^^f^™ ^^^^n
niss, 5»»s die BibelgeseUschaft i^ London durth Missi'emaMmss zu xla^ Yerfugungmder ,hren J™™ »?™™»^;,i' ^„
L rklLn wir h£rn,it, da.s wir ihr mit unausloslicher Dankbarkeit zugethaB W«b» nnd uns alsb^^^^^^^
.ie, als die Muttergesellschaft, anschliessen, wenn sie dem Character der Dmyersahtat fortdanemd huldigen wira.

58 THE APOCRYPHA.

iaries was finally broken off October 27, 1827. The discussions called forth in European
circles by these events were, for the most part, of a superficial character, with the exception
of certain works by Reuss, Moulini^, and Stier,i which helped prepare the way for the more
radical and decisive conflict that took place twenty years later.
The renewal of the strife in Germany in 1850 was no insignificant sj'mptom. " Ortho-
doxy," as Fritzsche somewhat sarcastically remarks, " had powerfully gained in
Teiopmmt Strength, and now began to show its horns." " As a matter of fact, the question
could not rest where it had been left in the previous discussions, especially as
over against the now pronounced position of the British and Foreign Bible Society, and a
more thorough treatment of it soon became an absolute necessity. The immediate occasion
of the opening of the controversy was the offering, by a society in Carlsruhe, 1851,' of a
prize for the best work on the character and worth of the Apocrypha. The first prize was
won by Keerl in a treatise entitled: " Die Apokryphen des Alten Testaments" (Leipz., 1852);
and the second, by Kluge: " Die Stellung und Bedeutung der Apokryphen " (Frankfurt a.
M., 1852), the latter being in the form of a dialogue and of an eminently popular cast. Keerl
followed up his first work by three others (1853, 1855), in which he defended it against at-
tacks, especially those of Stier and Hengstenberg, and showed more fully the errors and con-
tradictions of the Apocrypha in their relation to the Scriptures. Other more fugitive com-
positions on the same side, that is, against the Apocrypha, by Wild, Schiller, Schroder,
Sutter, Ebrard, Kraussold, whose full titles we give elsewhere, appeared at about the same
time, and the contest was now fairly entered upon. As champions, on various grounds, for
the retention of the Apocrypha in published editions of the Bible, appeared persons of no
less distinction and weight than Rudolph Stier,* Hengstenberg,' and Bleek.^ The discussion
was conducted with great warmth on both sides, Stier particularly placing himself through
an often misdirected zeal in weak and dangerous positions. And even Hengstenberg was be-
trayed into intimating that the opponents of the Apocrypha were too much influenced in their
efforts by the wish to share the pecuniary resources of English Christians, and that it might
be better to give up the circulation of the Bible altogether, than to submit to the latter's nar-
rowness.' The views of Bleek were undoubtedly most free from bias, but being, at the same
time, based on a theory of inspiration which destroys the essential distinction between works
canonical and apocrj'pbal, they did not have the influence which, in other respects, they de-
served. One practical result of the discussion was that the so-called Bergische Bibelgesell-
schaft passed a resolution to the effect that no more Bibles containing the Apocrypha would
be circulated by them gratis, or at a reduced rate, but that (" auf ausdriickliches Verlangen,"
"on special request ") such Bibles would be issued, at the full cost price, to those wishing
them on those terms.* And a still more important result was, that the attention of leadinj;
scholars on the continent was now directed to the matter of subjecting these works to a crit-
ical and exhaustive study, the fruits of which have greatly enriched the theological literature
of the last quarter of a century and contributed not a little towards harmonizing the opinions
of all Protestants on this important question. It may serve as a sign of the change that is
taking place in Christian public sentiment that scholars appointed in Switzerland (1857-58)
for the revision of the German Bible, in a report subsequently made,' expressed their regret
that it had not been permitted them to leave out certain of the Apocryphal books not found
in the Lutheran translation, namely, 1 and 2 Esdraj and 3 Maccabees, and declared that, al-
together, they had found their labor on these writings dreary and unsatisfying. They gave
the Apocrypha, moreover, a new and separate paging as better corresponding to their
acknowledged position relative to the canonical Scriptures.

As we speak circumstantially of the Greek text and the old translations in connection with '

the several separate introductions, it remains for us here simply to characterize

Uxt.w""* ^'"^ *®^' ^" general in its published form, and describe the various manuscripts

that are supposed to be represented in the respective books. All other editions of

the Septuagint, including the Apocrypha, are based on four principal ones, namely: the Com-

1 See Index of Authorities below. 2 Schenkel's Bib. Lex., art. " Apok. des A. T."

8 " Verein fijr inrere Mission Augsb. Bekenntnisses, im Grossheraogthum Baden."
4 Die Apok. (1853). 6 Ev. Kirchenzeitung, 1853, 18B4

6 SUid. u. Krit., 1853. ? See Keerl (ed. of 1863), pp. 46, 46.

8 Ev. Kinhmzeitvmg. 1864, p. 680. 9 Metzger, p. 379.

10 Cf Smith's Bib. Diet., B.H. " Septungint ; " Bosenmuller, HandJitcA, U. 262-304 ; Erankel, Forstudien bd 242-252-
Bchiirer, in Hermg's Real-Encyk. (2lo AuB.), 1. 494 f.

GENEEAL INTEODUCTION.

59

pliitensian Polyglot (" in Complut.ensi universitate," 1514-1517); the Aldine (" Sacra Scrip
tura Veteris Novsque omnia," 1518); the Roman (" Vetus Testamentum juxta Septuaointa
ex auctoritate Sixti V. Pont. Max. editum," Roma, 1587); and Baber's /ac-smu7e oF the
Codex Alexandrinus (1816-28). An edition of the latter was also published by Grabe (1707-
1720), but its critical value is far below that of Baber's. The text of the Roman edition be-
ing mainly that of the Vatican MS. (1209.), is much superior to the others, and as most of the
later editions of the LXX. are founded upon it, the ordinary printed text is an unusually good
one. The entire Greek Apocrypha (j. e., 1 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, Additions to Esther, Wis-
dom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Epistle of Jeremiah, Additions to Daniel, and 1, 2, and 3 Mac-
cabees), are found in all these editions, except that 1 Esdras is wanting in the Complutensinn
Polyglot, while Codex Alexandrinus contains in addition 4 Maccabees and the Prayer of Maii-
asses.'

The most important subsequent edition of the Greek Bible in the order of time was that of
Holmes and Parsons (5 vols. 1798-1827, Apocrypha in vol. v.), which is accompanied by a
great number of valuable readings of MSS. and previous editions. The Vatican MS. (1209.
named here II.) was collated for only a part of the Apocrypha (1 Esd., Additions to Esth.,
Jud., and Tob.), it having been, during the progress of the work, put out of the reach of the
editors. In the year 1850 appeared the first edition of Tischendorf's " Vetus Testamentum
Greece juxta LXX. interpretes " (Lips., 5th ed. 1875). He gave the readings of the Codex
Alexandrinus and, so far as known at the time of publication, those of the Sinaitic MS.
(Friderico-Augustanus) and of the pahmpsest of Ephraim the Syrian. Further, in 1859, was
published, by Mr. Field at Oxford, an edition of the LXX. (" Vetus Testamentum GrjEce
juxta LXX. interpretes, recensionem Grabianam denuo recognovit "), on the basis of the
Codex Alexandrinus, manifest errors of transcription being corrected by the aid of other
MSS. The apocryphal books are separated from the canonical, and the order of the latter
is that of the Hebrew Bible. Other minor editions are those of Bos (Franeq., 1709),
Breitinger (4 vols., Turici, 1730-32), and several by Bagster. The last has also published
a separate edition of the Apocrypha in Greek (text of the Roman edition), with the English in
parallel columns (Lond., 1871). The Apocrypha in Greek, moreover, have been published
in a separate form by Fabricius (1691, 1694), Augusti (1804), Apel (1837), and Fritzsche
(1871). The last work, with its rich and well-arranged critical apparatus, is far superior to
any that has preceded it, but is itself so far imperfect that, for some of the books (Ecclus.,
Bar., Ep. of, Jer., and Additions to Dan.), no collation of the Vatican MS. (II.) was made,
while for the remaining, the collation of Holmes and Parsons was followed, except in the Book
of Wisdom, for which Fritzsche made use of the fauky transcript of the MS. by Cardinal Mai
(Romae, 1857). In view of the recent appearance of this famous Codex in a far more cor-
rect form in the edition of Vercellone and Cozza (Rom£e, 1868-1875, vols, i.-v; vol. vi.,
containing the critical apparatus, was promised for the year 1878), and the new photo-litho-
graphic edition of the Syriac Hexapla by Ceriani (Mediol., 1874), a new edition of
Fritzsche's otherwise most excellent and satisfactory work would seem to be called for.
Editions of single books of the Apocrypha have appeared at different times, as follows: by
Linde, Ecclesiasticus (1795); the same by Bretschneider (1806); of Esther, by Fritzsche
(1848); Wisdom (1858) and Tobit (1870), by Reusch.

The uncial MSS. containing a greater or less portion of the Apocrypha are comparatively
numerous. (1) The most important and valuable of these is Vaticanus 1209.
by Holmes and Parsons, whose nomenclature Fritzsche follows, called No. II. It ^^^„* ^^^•
originated, as is supposed, in the fourth century, and contains the following Apoc-
ryphal books: 1 Esd., Wisd., Ecclus., Additions to Esth., Jud., Tob., Bar., Ep. of Jer., and
Additions to Daniel. (2) Codex Sinaiticus, likewise of the fourth century, is the next uncial
in age and rank. It is kept at St. Petersburg. The name given it by Fritzsche, as including
the MS. Friderico-Augustanus, an earlier discovered fragment of the same preserved at
Leip-sic, is X. It contains the Additions to Esther, Tobit (i.-ii. 2 in Frid.- August.), Jud., 1
and4Macc., Wisd., and Ecclesiasticus. (3) Codex Alexandrinus (III.) is of the fifth century,
and now to be found in the British Museum. The Apocrypha have in it the following order:
Bar., Ep. of Jer., Additions to Dan., Additions to Esth., Tob., Jud., 1 Esd., 1, 2, 3, 4
Mace, Prayer of Man., Wisd., Ecclus. (4) Codex Ephraemi rescriptus (C.) is preserved at
Paris, and is thought to have originated in the fifth century. It has considerable fragments of
Ecclus. (of. Tischendorf's ed. of LXX., Prolegom., p. Ixxxiii.) and Wisdom (viii. 5-xii. 10; xiv.

60 THE APOCEYPHA.

19-xvii. 18; xviii. 24-xix. 22). (5) Codex Venetus is found at the libraTy of St. Mark's,
Venice. It was falsely numbered as a cursive MS. (23.) by Holmes and Parsons. It ap-
parently originated in tlie eighth or ninth century, and contains all the Apocrypha here
treated except 1 Esd., Additions to Esth., and the Prayer of Manasses. (6) Codex Basili-
ano-Vaticanus 2106. (XI.) is from the ninth century, and contains of our boolcs : 1 Esd. (ex-
cept viii. 1-5; ix. 2-55), and the Additions to Esther. (7) Codex Marchalianus, or Vati-
canus 2123. (XII.), is from the sixth or seventh century, and contains of the Apocrypha:
Bar., Ep. of Jer., and the Additions to Daniel. (8) Codex Cryptoferratensis, of the seventh
century, was published by Cozza, at Rome, in 1867 (2 vols., vol. iii. 1877), and has frag-
ments of Baruch, of the Ep. of Jer., and the Additions to Daniel. It seems not to have
been collated by Fritzsche. (9) There remain, moreover, yet to be collated two palimpsests
of Ecclus. and Wisd., discovered by Tischendorf and now preserved at St. Petersbm-g.
This scholar had reserved them for volume viii. of the Monumenta sacra inedita, which did
not appear.

The following cursive MSS. also, the most of them first collated for the edition of theLXX.
by Holmes and Parsons, are noticed in the critical apparatus of Fritzsche's " Libri
Apocryphi V. T. Grsece," and for convenience may be here more particularly
described : For 1 Esdras were used 44. (Cod. Zittaviensis, e codd. biblioth. senatus Zittaviae,
ascribed to the 15th cent); 52. (Cod. Liguriensis, Florence, parchment, of the 10th cent.);
55. (Cod. Vat. n. 1, parchment, some say from the 10th, others from the 12th cent.); 58.
(Cod. Vat. n. 10, parchment, c. 13th cent.) ; 64. (Cod. Parisiensis n. 2, parchment, c. 11th
cent.); 68. (library of St. Mark's, Venice, n. 5, parchment); 71. (Cod. Par. n. 1, paper, i.e.
charta bombycina, c. 13th cent., carelessly transcribed); 74. (Cod. Marcianus, at Cloister of
St. Mark near Florence, c. 12th cent., lacks vi. 4-30, written by different hands); 106. (Cod.
Ferrariensis, paper, c. 14th cent., found at library Carmelitarum Calceatorum ad div. Paulum,
Ferraros); 107. (Cod. Ferrariensis, paper, had same copyist as 106., dated 1334); 119. (Cod.
Par. n. 6, parchment, 13th cent.); 120. (Cod. Venetus n. 4, parchment, 11th or 12th cent.);
121. (Cod. Venetus ii. 3, parchment, probably of the 11th cent.); 134. (Cod. Mediceus, e
codd. biblioth. Mediceo-laurentiana;, Florence, parchment, 10th cent.); 236. (Cod. Vat. n.
331, parchment, 10th cent.); 243. (Cod. Coislinianus n. 8, 10th cent., especially rich in read-
ings from Aquila, Symmaohus, and Theodotion); 245. (Cod. Vat. n. 334, parchment, date
before 10th cent.); 248. (Cod. Vat. n. 346, paper, c. 14th cent.). Additions to Esther:
55. 93 b. (see 93. below) 108 a. (see 108. below) ; 249. (Cod. Vat., parchment) ; 52. 64. 243. 248.
44. 68. 71. 74. 76. (Cod. Par. n. 4, parchment, apparently of 12th cent.); 106. 107. 120. 236.
Additions to Daniel. 26. (Cod. Vat. n. 556, parchment, c. 13th cent.), 33. (Cod. Vat. 1154,
parchment, 10th cent., is mutilated at the beginning and has only five verses of Bel and
Dragon) ; 34. (Cod. Vat. n. 303, parchment, c. 12th cent.) ; 35. (Cod. Vat. n. 866, c. 12th
cent.); 49. (Medicean Lib., 11th cent); 87. (Cod. Chisianus, 9th cent); 88. (Cod. Chis.,
has both texts) ; 89. (11th cent); 91. (Cod. Vat n. 452, parchment, 11th cent.); 130. (Cod.
Cajsareus, Vienna, parchment, 10th or 12th cent.); 148. (Cod. Vat n. 2025, parchment, c.
12th cent.); 149. (at Vienna, parchment, c. 13th cent., contains of additions only Bel and
Dragon); 228. (Cod. Vat n. 1764, parchment, c. 13th cent.); 229. (Cod. Vat. n. 675, 14th
cent, closes with ver. 2 of Bel and Dragon) ; 230, (Cod. Vat n. 1641, parchment, c. 12th cent) ;
231. (Cod. Vat 11. 1670, parchment 11th cent.); 232. (Cod. Vat. n. 2000, parchment,
c. 12th cent.) ; 234. (Cod. Mosquensis); 235. (Cod. Vat. n. 2048). Prayer of Manasses:
T. (Cod. Turicensis, a MS. of the Psalms at Zurich). Baruch: 231. 96. (Cod. of the Hexa,-
pla in the collection of Moldenhauer, at Copenhagen); 49. 26. 198. (Nat Lib. at Paris —
formerly Colbert n. 14. parchment, apparently of 11th cent., contains i. 1-ii. 19); 229. 33. '
70. (belongs to lib. of Church of St. Agnes, Augsburg, parchment, 10th or 11th cent) ; 86.
(lib. of Card. Barberini, Rome, very old but corrected from Hexapla) ; 87. 88. 91. 228. 239.
(Cod. of lib. S. Salvatoris, Bologna, n. 641, parchment, dated 1046). The Epistle of Jeremiah
is found in the same MSS., in general, as Baruch. In 231. verses 54 to the end are wanting,
and the MSS. 70. 96. 229. do not contain the Epistle. Tobit: 44. 52. (from iii. 16 ol,
wanting), 55. 58. (lacks xiii. 7-14), 64. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236. 243. 248. 249. Judith: bi.
55. 64. 243. 248. 249. 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236. 1 Maccabees: 44. 52. 55. 56. (from x 16
on, wanting), 62. 64. 71. 74. 106. 107. 134. (begins with xi. 33), 243. (lacks xi. 63-xv. 4).
a Maccabees : Is found in the same MSS. generally as the first book, except that it fails in
134. ; 56. (begins with v. 11, and ends vi. 7); 64. (lacks x. 18 to end of chapter); 243. (ends

GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 61

■with xiv. 23). S Maccabees : 55. 74. 44. (lacks ii. 5-8, 13-15), 71. (is fragmentary, wanting
ii. 3-19; iii. 28, 30 ; v. 11-13 ; vi. 4-15, 25, 26, 34-36, 38-40; vii. 2), 19. 62. 64. (ends with
vi. 13), 93. Eccleaiasticus : 55. 68. 70. 106. 155. 157. (ends with Ii. 21), 2-18. 253. 254. 296.
(wants xviii. 18-xix. 3; xxiii. 3-16; xlviii. 12-xlix. 15, and chap. Ii.), 307. (Cod. Monacensis
n. 129, paper, 14th cent, lacks xxi. 3-xxvi. 20, and all after xlii. 33). Wisdom: 55. 68. 106.
(lacks xix. 18, to the end) ; 155. (Cod. Meermani, end of 12th cent., vi. 23-xv. 19 is wanting) ;
157. (Basil. B. Ml. 23); 248. 253. (Cod. Vat. n. 336, parchment, 14th cent.) ; 254. (Cod. Vat.
n. 337, parchment,, apparently 13th cent.); 261. (Medicean Library n. 30., 14th cent., end
fails as in 106.^ and in other respects like: "omnino gemelli snnt," Fritzsche) ; 296. (Cod.
Vaticano-palatino-heidelberg. n. 337, parchment, 13th cent.). Fritzsche also gives for this
book the readings of several Paris MSS. collated liy Thilo, designated respectively by the
letters A. Aa. (fragment i.-iv. 7, connected with A.), B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I.

The following codices belong, according to a recent discovery of Paul de Lagarde ' and
Mr. Field, 2 to the recension of the martyr Lucian, made in the third century: 19. (Cod. Bibl.
Chigianse, Rome, 10th cent., containing 1 Esd. ii. 16-ix. 36, and Add. to Esth., Judith, 1, 2,
and .3 Maccabees) ; 93. (Cod. Arundelianus, British Museum, contains 1 Esd., Add. to Esth.,
1, 2, 3 Maccabees); 108. (Cod. Vat. n. 330, paper, 14th cent., contains 1 Esd., Add. to
Esth., Tobit, except x. 8 ff.); 36. (Cod. Vat. n. 303, parchment, c. 13th cent., contains
Baruch, Ep. of Jer., and Add. to Dan.); 48. (Cod. Vat. n. 1794, parchment, llth cent., con-
tains same books) ; 51. (Cod. of Medicean Lib., parchment, llth cent., same books); 62. (at
Oxford, 13th cent., same books and in addition 1, 2, 3 Maccabees) ; 90. (Cod. Bibl. Lau-
rentianaj, parchment, c. llth cent., has Add. to Dan., Bar., and Ep. of Jer.) ; 147. (Bodleian
Lib., 13th cent., same books); 233. (Cod. Vat. n. 2067, 12th cent., same books); 22. (Brit.
Mus., llth or 12th cent., has Baruch) ; 308. (Vienna, contains the same parts of Ecclus. as
296., and lacks in addition xlv. 15-xlvi. 12).

Other characters used by Fritzsche in his critical apparatus and adopted in the present vol-
ume, are as follows: Co., Complutensian Polyglot; Aid., the Aldine edition of the LXX. ; Ii.,
Hoeschel's Codex Augustanus; HF., the edition of Tobit in Hebrew by Fagius; HM., the
edition of Tobit in Hebrew by MUnster; Syr. P., the Peshito Version ; Syr. Ph., the Philoxen-
ian version; Ar., Arabic; Vet. Lat., Old Latin; Vulg., Vulgate, and to be distinguislied from
vulg., by which the lexlus receptus is sometimes designated.

The translators of the English version of the Apocrypha, incorporated with the Bible of
1611, have not left us wholly in doubt respecting the authorities made use of by
them. By means of the marginal notes and references, as well as by comparing Jut^^JitiBs
the readini-s adopted with the critical works known to have been in their hands, used in the

o i ... .ir 1 T-i„i-i version 01

a tolerably correct judgment of their method of procedure may be obtamed. jgna
Next to the Latin translation of the Apocrypha, by Junius, they depended mainly
on the Complutensian Polyglot (1517), and the Aldine edition of the LXX. (1518). For 1
Esdras, the last was their principal authority (cf. ii. 12), as that book did not find its way
into the work of Cardinal Ximenes. And for tlie Prayer of Manasses there seem to have
been no Greek authorities at hand, the same not appearing in the Polyglot of Walton till 1657,
and the Alexandrine Codex first reached England in the year 1628. But the Roman edi-
tion of the LXX. (1587) was also in their hands, as is evident from direct references to it
(cf. mar.'in at 1 Esd. v. 25 ; viii. 2 ; Tob. xiv. 5 ; 1 Mace. ix. 9) , although it seems to have ex-
erted no" preponderating influence. Sometimes the Aldine copy was followed in preference
to the united testimony of the Roman edition and the Complutensian Polyglot (cf. Jud lu.
9; viii.l; Ecclus. xvii. 31; xxxi. 2; xxxvi.l5; xxxix.l7; xlii.13; xliii.26; xlvii.l; Belaud
Dra<^., ver. 38; 2 Mace. i. 31 ; viii. 23 ; xii. 36 ; xiv. 36). And again the Roman edition was fol-
lowe°d as against the other two (cf. 1 Mace. iii. 14, 15, 18, 28; iv. 24; v. 23, 48; vi. 24, 43,
57; vii.31,°37,41,45; viii. 10 ; ix. 9;x.41, 42, 78; xi. 3, 15, 22, 34, 35 ; xu. 43 ; xm. 22,
25; xiv. 4, 16, 23, 46; xv. 30; xvi. 8; 2 Mace. viii. 30; xv. 22).^ It looks somewhat suspi-
cious, however, that so many of the latter passages are to be found in one book of the Apoc-
rypha, and it makes the impression, by itself, that simple convenience may have been too
much consulted in the matter.

1 See Theolog. Uteraturzeitung, 1876, col. 606. ...„„ ,-w,_, „' »i™ note 4.

tOf. SeriTOMI, m Cmbridge' Parasraph mu, Introd., pp. xsvii., xivui. 4 Scmener, idem, p. xxtu.,

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS/

INTRODUCTION.

The title which this book bears in the English Bible ^j^as first given to it in 1560, by the
translators of the so-called Genevan version. The church of England, however, in its
article of religion relating to the Scriptures, promulgated two years later, and again in 1571,
following the'usage of the Vulgate, calls it the "Third Book of Esdras " ; our present
canonical Books of Ezra and Nehemiah being known, respectively, as "First" and
" Second Esdras." 2

In the Old Latin, Syriac, and Septuagint versions, on the other hand, it was designated
as the "First Book of Ezra," and held a corresponding position in the order of books.
This was doubtless due to the nature of its contents, which include a somewhat earlier period
of history than the books with which it is associated, and not, as Movers ' and Pohlmann*
strangely conjecture, on account of its superior age. The Codex Alexandrinus and some
MSS. of the LXX. name the work i hpeis, — Ezra being regarded as a priest ^ar excellence;
while Jerome, in his Prologus Galeatus, reckons the work among the " apocryphal" books
of the Old Testament, under the name of " Pastor," and is followed, in this respect, by
some writers at a later period (Petrus Comestor, cir. a. d. 1170). On the basis of this fact
it has been asserted, even by so sagacious a critic as Credner, that Jerome classed the well-
known Pastor HermcB with the Old Testament Apocrypha.^

By Isidore of Seville (Origg., vi. 2) the book is entitled the " Second Book of Ezra" ;
Nehemiah and the canonical Ezra being regarded as the First Book. In times still more
modern, writers have inaccurately applied to it such titles as the " Pseudo-Ezra," and the
" Apocryphal Ezra," which might easily lead to confounding the work with what is known
in the English Bible as " Second Esdras." A fit title, both as it respects convenience and
definiteness, would be the " Greek Ezra"; this distinguishes the book alike from the
canonical Ezra with its Hebrew original, and from the "Apocalypse of Ezra," which is
extant in a Latin text only.

I. Contents and Scope.

The contents of the book are as follows: Chap. i. agrees in general with 2 Chron. xxxv.,
xxxvi. ; ii. 1-15 agrees in general with Ez. i. ; ii. 16-30 agrees in general with Ez. iv. 7-24;
iii.-v. 6 is of unknown origin; v. 7-73 agrees in general with Ez. ii.-iv. 6; vi.-ix. 36
agrees in general with Ez. v.-x. 44; ix. 37-55 agrees in general with Neh. vii. 73-viii. 13.

Different opinions prevail respecting the aim of the work. DeWette ^ says, that no object
of the "characterless compilation" is discoverable. Ewald, Fritzsche, Keil, and others,
however, agree that the object aimed at seems to have been to give a history of the restora-
tion of the temple. The Old Latin version, indeed, led the way in this opinion, having
given as the subject, De restiluiione templi. In the language of Bertholdt (Einleit. in d. Alt.
Test., p. 1011), " He [the compiler] would bring together from old works a history of the
temple from the last period of the legal cultus to the time of the rebuilding of the same and

1 This IntroductiOD, excepting a few oliaDgea and additions, appeared as an article in the Bibliotheca Sacra for Asril,
1877.

•i Cf. Cosin, Sckolast. Hist, of Can., p. xx, and Westcott, Bible in Church, pp. 281 ff.

8 Kirchen-Lexicon, art. " Apok. Lit.," and Loci quitlam Historia Can. Vet. Test., p. 30.
4 Tub. TlKolog. Quartalschrift, 1869, p. 257 ff.

6 Ge.KhUhte d. N. T. Kan., pp. 273, 312, 313. Cf. Bertholdt, Einleit., p. 1006, and Diestel, Oesckichte d. Mm Ibrt.
in d. Christ. Kirche, p. 182.

9 Einleit. in d. Alt. Test., p. 565.

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS. 63

the restoration of the appointed service therein." To this it should, perhaps, he added, that
special and undue emphasis is put upon the generosity of Cyrus and Darius in their relations
to the rebuilding of the temple, apparently as furnishing a fit example for other heathen
rulers.*

II. Arrangement of Materials.

With this supposed aim of the book the arrangement of its matter, so far as it can he said
to have any arrangement, appears to agree. In the first chapter, the author places the
account of the celebration of the Passover under Josiah, and carries the history forward to a
period just previous to the Babylonian Captivity. He then passes over in the second
chapter to the reign of Cyrus, giving an account of the return of the Jews under the leader-
ship of Sanabassar [Zerubbabel], the attempt at rebuilding the temple, and the prohibition
of the work by Artaxerxes. In chaps, iii.-v. 6 comes the only independent portion of the
work, in which it is narrated that, after a great feast given by Darius, three young men,
who formed his body-guard, held a discussion in his presence on the question, " What is
mightiest? " Zerubbabel is represented as one of these three young men (?), and secures
the victory in the contest. He is able, consequently, to obtain the king's consent to the
return of the Jews. Then follows, ch. v. 7-73, a list of the faniilies that returned (in the
time of Cyrus!), an account of the resumption of work on the temple, the opposition encoun-
tered, and an interruption for two years (!) until the time of Darius (!). Chaps, vi.-vii.
continue the histoi'y to the completion of the temple and the restoration of its service, which
took place under the direction of Zerubbabel, and during the reign of Darius. Then follows,
viii.-ix. 36, a narrative of the return of Ezra at the head of a colony, the history of his
dealings with those who had married foreign wives; and, at the close, ix. 37-5.5, the public
reading of the law.

By placing the order of the history in the related parts as found in the canonical books
side by side with that adopted by our author, the evident confusion of the latter will be still
more apparent.

Order of Canonical Boohs,

1. Return under Zerubbabel.

2. List of those returning.

3. Efforts to rebuild the temple, and opposition of the

Samaritans.

4. Cessation of work by order of Artaxerxes.

5. Resumption and completion of the work by Zerub-

babel in the reign of Darius.

6. Return of Ezra with a caravan.

1 Esdras.

1. Return under Sanabassar [Zerubbabel].

2. Attempt to rebuild the temple, and opposition of the
Samaritans.

3. Cessation of work by order of Artaxerxes.

4. Resumption of work by permission of Darius.
6. A list of persons who returned with Zerubbabel [in

the time of Cyrus !]

6. Resumption of work on the temple, which the Samar-
itans cause to cease.

7. Completion of temple by Zerubbabel during the
reign of Darius, who uses against the opposing
Samaritans a decree of Cyrus.

8. Return of Ezra with a caravan.

Naturally, the difficulties presented to the critic by this arrangement have been among the
most perplexing of the book. Indeed, the palpable contradiction and absurdity of repre-
senting, among°other things of a similar character, that the Samaritans effectually opposed
the rebuilding"of the temple under Zerubbabel after his return from Darius with plenipoten-
tiary powers," and that such opposition continued until the time of Darius, when it was
overcome by appealing to a decree of Cyrus, are so gross that most writers make no attempt
at explanation. De Wette (Einleit., p. 566) characterizes this arrangement as false and
nonsensical. And Hervey, in Smith's Bible Dictionary (art. "1 Esdras"), holds that
efforts " to reconcile the different portions of the book with each other and with Scripture
are lost labor."

Josephus, who made considerable use of the book, sought in vain to bring its several parts
into chronological order. He made a series of suppositions to which, although they are evi-
dently suppositions only, he did not scruple to give the form and force of historical statements.
He represented, for instance, (1) that Zerubbabel returned to Babylon from Jerusalem; and,
as a matter of personal friendship, was made one of his body-gnard by Darius; (2) that the
Samaritans were refused permission by the Jews to participate with them in the rebuilding of

1 Cf. Ewaia, Geschichte, iv. 164; Keil, Einleit., p. 708, and Zotenberg's ttanslaUon from the Persian of the History
If Daniel in Merx's Archiv, 1869, pp. 897-S99.

64 THE APOCRTPHA.

the temple, on the ground that the latter had received their permission from Cyrus and from
Darius; and (3) that the disappointed Samaritans then complained to Darius, not that the
Jews had asjain begun to rebuild, but that the work -was proceeding too fast (^Antiq. of the
Jeu-s, xi. 3, 4). Josephus did not seem to consider that the age of Zerubbabel must have dis-r
qualified him from being one of the " young men" (veaviirKoi) mentioned (iii. 4; cf. v. 5), or
that his other explanatory statements fall far short of covering the ground of our author's
difficulties. For a notice of additional misplacements of the facts of this history by Jose-
phus, see Ewald (Geschichte, iv. 167).

There can be little doubt that the immediate occasion for the series of contradictions in
which our author involves himself, is to be sought in the narrative of the debate before Da-
rius. This seems to have been with him a principal point of attraction, and its false glitter
blinded him to the deficiencies of his work in other parts. Fritzsche supposes that the orig-
inal hero of this part was not Zerubbabel, but his son Joakim (cf. v. 5), and that the former
name, as the more illustrious, had been substituted (iv. 13) previous to the compilation of our
present book. But, ingenious as this suggestion is, it seems to us less probable than that tho
name of Zerubbabel was originally introduced into the legend under the mistaken impres.sion
that the Sanabassar, elsewhere spoken of as conducting the first company of captives from
Babylon, was some other person than Zerubbabel. This critic's theory for explaining the
confused arrangement is as follows : After the author had given an account of the return in
the time of Cyrus, lie passes at once, in order to come without delay to the history of affairs
under Darius, to the official prohibition to build by Artaxerxes. Then, since according to
his text in the original fragment, the historical position of Zerubbabel had been changed, in
that he was understood to have conducted a subsequent caravan to Jerusalem durin" the
reign of Darius, he first relates this fact, and then, without Jbeing conscious of the anachro-
nism, takes up the list of those returning in the time of Cyrus (cf. Einleit., p. 6 f.).

But it may well be questioned whether any supposed haste of the compiler to get forward
in his narrative to the time of Darius could have been the occasion for his omitting, in its
proper place, so conspicuous and closely-connected a part of the history as a long list of
names which he deems of importance enough to justify its subsequent introduction. Herz-
feld's effort to support the forced supposition of Josephus, that Zerubbabel went a second
time to Babylon, by appealing to Zech. i. 7; iii. 8, 9 ; vi. 13, cannot be regarded as success-
ful.!

3. Author, Time, and Place of Compilation.

As helping to a decision of the question, who the compiler of our book was, and when and
where his work was done, the original portion, chap. iii. -v. 6, appears to be of special im-
portance, both on account of its own peculiar character and the interest with which, as we
have seen, he himself regarded it. That the writer of this portion of the book did not live
m the time of tlie Persian kings, seems evident from the fact, that he uses the phrase, " Medes
and Persians," and "Persians and Medes," interchangeably; 2 that he lived in Egypt ap-
pears probable from his allusion (iv. 23) to " sailing upon the sea and upon the rivers " for
the purpose of " robbing and stealing; " » that he wrote after the period of the reception, of
Esther and Daniel into the canon, is indicated by the language chap. i. 1, 2 ff.; cf. also, iii.
9, with Dan. vi. 3. But was the compiler of the book him'self'the author of this 'independent
portion? It is scarcely to be supposed; and the idea is entertained by no considerable num-
ber of critics. Still, the fact that he came into possession of it at all, and used it with so
much esteem, while it bears in contents and form so evidently the stamp of the Alexandrian
school, cannot be without its weight.

The evidence to be gained from other parts of the work on the points before us is less de-
cisive. Fntzscbe's opinion that the author was a Hellenist living in Palestine, which he
supports only by a single doubtful reference to the book itself (v. 47), can hardly pass for a
probable conjecture. On the other hand, Dahne's argument,^ which Lant^en 5 ably supports,
to prove an Egyptian origin for the entire work from certain marked peculiarities of its lan-
guage, seems to be entitled to more weight than Fritzsche (See Nachlrage in his Com.) is
wd mg to allow it. It might also be added, that while no lack of interest in the contents of
such a book could be predicated of the Jews of the Dispersion, there would naturally be far
more need felt for a Greek translation of this kind in Egypt than in Palestine.

1 e«cAicAte, i 321-323 ; cf. Keil, Einkil., p. 706, and Fritzsche, EinUit., p. 7. 2 Hitelg GesckiMe D 277

e Cf. era^te, „i. p. 39 f., and Gutaaon, EM^i.., p. 214. 4 H. ill ff. 5 D^^'jl^'J^^'X-', P KS f

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS. 65

After what has been already said, it will be evident that the date of the compilation can-
not be fixed with any degree of definiteness. The acknowledged use of the book by Josephus
furnishes a limit in one direction. Most critics, in fact, agree in assignino- it to the first €r
second century before Christ ; Fritzsche deciding for the former period ag the more probable.
Grimm finds in its language evidence of a late origin. Cf. Com. on 1 Mace. i. 43; ii. 18; iii.
46 ; X. 18, el passim; also, my notes at iii. 14 ; vi. 7.

4. Sources of the Work and Character of the Text.

Even a cursory comparison of the text of our book with that of the canonical writers in
parallel passages, will at once disclose the fact that, while there is a general agreement, there
are, on the other hand, in detail, not a few cases of variation and disagreement, for some of
which it is difficult, with our present information, satisfactorily to account. These devia-
tions, which formerly led Biblical students to the too hasty conclusion that the book was quite
valueless, have, in later times, by a natural but extreme reaction, been regarded by some as
evidence that the author used another recension of the Hebrew text, and one, in more or
fewer instances, superior to the Masoretic. An overvphelming majority of the diverse read-
ings of our book, liowever, may undoubtedly be referred to the acknowledged fact, that its
author soutrht, as a matter of primary importance, to make his work smooth in language and
clear in thought; and that to attain this object he did not hesitate to use whatever text he
may have had before him with the utmost freedom. And since this is admitted to be the
fact, it would appear to be a more reasonable course to seek an explanation for the really
very few instances where a supposed belter reading is followed in the general spirit and drift
of the work, than in the bold theory of another recension of the original text.

Ninety-nine one hundredths of all the passages which disagree with the extant Hebrew
original may probably be classed under the following heads: ^ (1) Passages in which the author
ieeks to avoid hard Hebraistic expression's, viii. 6, cf. Ez. vii. 9 ; (2) where he shortens, for the
sake of smoothness, to avoid repetition, or for other reasons, i. 10, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 10-12;
ii. 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7-11; vi. 3, 4, cf. Ez. v. 3, 4; (3) makes changes or omissions in superscrip-
tions to letters, ii. 15, 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7-11 ; v. 7, cf. Ez. ii. 1 ; (4) gives different lists of articles,
viii. 14, cf. Ez. vii. 17 ; viii. 20, cf. Ez. vii. 22; (5) omits names from &(«, v. 5 ff., cf. Ez.
viii. 1 ff. ; (6) makes additions for the sake of clearness or completeness, i. 66, cf. 2 Chron.
KXJtvi. 20; ii. 5, cf. Ez. i. 3; ii. 9, cf. Ez. i. 4; ii. 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7, 8; ii. 18, cf. Ez. iv. 12;
v. 46, cf. Ez. ii. 70; v. 47, cf. Ez. iii. 1; v. 52, cf. Ez. iii. 5; v. 66, cf. Ez. iv. 1; vi. 18, cf.
Ez. v. 14 ; vii. 9, cf. Ez. vi. 18; vi. 9, cf. Ez. v. 8; v. 41, cf. Ez. ii. 64 ; (7) makes an ex-
planation, ii. 17, 24, 25; vi. 3, 7, cf. Ez. iv. 8, 13, 17 ; ii. 19, cf. Ez. iv. 13 ; ii. 20, 26, cf. Ez.
iv. 14, 19; ix. 38, cf. Neh. viii. 1 ; (8) changes on doctrinal grounds, i. 15, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv.
15 ; i. 28, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 22 ; (9) would honor the temple, i. 5, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 4 ; ii.
18, cf. Ez. iv. 12; ii. 20, cf. Ez. iv. 14; (10) makes a mistake, ix. 49, cf. Neh. viii. 9; (11)
substitutes an equivalent, v. 36, 37, cf. Ez. ii. 59 ; (12) changes the form of proper names, v. 69,
cf. Ez. iv. 2; vi. 3, cf. Ez. v. 3 ; viii. 41, 61, cf. Ez. viii. 15, 31; v. 8 ff., viii. 26 ff., cf. Ez.
ii. 2 ff., viii. 2 £f.; (13) introduces changes for no reason now apparent, but not of such a char-
acter that they can be accepted in preference to the Hebrew, i. 34, cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1 ; via.
24, cf. Ez. vii. 26 ; viii. 69, cf. Ez. ix. 1. ...

With respect now to the question of the immediate sources of the book, the opinions of
critics may be divided into two general classes : those who hold that it is a direct translation
from the Hebrew, and from a text in some instances superior to that which has come down
to us; and those who hold that, with the exception of the independent portion, lu.-v. 6 it
is simply a free, and somewhat altered, working over of a former Greek translation of the
canonical books, either the LXX., as Keil maintains, or a different one, as maintained by
Ewald, Diihne, Lano-en, and others. Ewald formerly advocated the first theory, but m the
latest edition of his^history fully abandons it.'' It still has the support of such critics as
Michaelis, Trendelenburg (and Eichhorn), Bertholdt, Herzfeld, De Wette, and Fritzsche. It
is to be said, however, that some of the last-named scholars content themselves with justily-
ing this view either by a single citation or two from the work itself, or, as is quite w""""".
refer to the results of Trendelenburg's critical study of the same (L c. pp. l/8-2J^;.

1 Cf. Keil, Einteit., ad loc, and Trendelenburg, Eichhorn's Allg. Bibtiothek der Bib. Lit., i. 177 f.
8 Eichhorn adopto without change this work cf 'Trendelenburg's m his Eml. m d. Atokr., pp. Sii-in-
5

66 THE APOCRYPHA.

Michaelis makes the sweeping declaration, that the readings of the Greek Ezra not seldom
appear to him to be preferable to those of the canonical books, and that now one, and now
the other is to be followed.' But in the course of a somewhat thorough study of the entire
book before us, in which we have taken continual counsel of Michaelis' able and useful work,
we do not find that his assertion is by any means borne out by his own use of the apocryphal
author. Bertholdt adduces a single passage. Herzfeld makes no citations where he treats
of this point, but promises to note passages which are pertinent as they shall incidentally
occur in the course of his history. De Wette, who is content to hold the theory of a differ-
ent recension of the Hebrew text without maintaining that it is a superior one, directs at-
tention to the investigations of Trendelenburg. Finally, in the nearly seventy pages of
Fritzsche's work, including Introduction and Commentary to our book, we cannot discover
on actual examination that he is ready to maintain in more than about a dozen instances that
it has readings superior to the traditional text, and these include the entire number of pas-
sages cited by Trendelenburg, and adopted by Eichhorn, as supporting the same theory,
witli the exception of two of minor importance.

We may, therefore, conclude that if there is any real ground for this opinion, whose bear-
ings are so important, it will be found in these passages. But, at the outset, we make the
discovery that in some of them our author, in departing from the current Hebrew text, es-
sentially follows the LXX. version of the same passages in the canonical books. Hence, in
the face of an alternative theory that the book itself is a compilation from the LXX. version,
they cannot fairly be used as evidence to support the theory of a Hebrew original, and much
less of one with a text superior to the Masoretic. These passages are as follows : (1) i. 43;
cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9. In the Hebrew it is said that Jehoiachin was eight years old when he
began to reign. But it is obviously an orthographical mistake, since in 2 Kings xxiv. 8, his
age is given as eighteen at this time. Cf. also Ezek. xix. 5-9, where the same fact is pre-
supposed. Hence we are not surprised that the best authenticated text of the apocryphal
book has the reading SeKaoKrd. (2) v. 69 ; cf. Ez. iv. 2. The question here is between the
reading sb and lb in the Hebrew. If there is really any difference of meaning in them as
here used, and the former is not simply a less common form of writing the latter, then our
books agree with the LXX. in giving the preference to the latter. (3) viii. ,S2; cf. Ez.
viii. 5. In the Hebrew a name has probably fallen out. The LXX. agrees with the Greek
Ezra in supplying it with ZaBiris. (4) viii. 36; cf. Ez. viii. 10. Here the same fact occurs.
The two latter authorities supply a name that is wanting and are essentially agreed in its
form, Baiilas (LXX., Baai/i).

(1.) Of the remaining passages the first is i. 27 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 21). Our author translates
as follows: M yip toS ElKppdrov 6 ir6\eij.6s jMoxi 4<TTt, " for my war is upon the Euphrates." The
Hebrew, at this place, hterally translated is: " but against the house of my war; " i. e. " the
family with which I wage war," " my hereditary enemy " [" have I come out this day"].
It is maintained that the author of the Greek work before us must have found in his Hebrew
text, and read, n^?, instead of n^a of the present text; and that it is a better reading.
The Hebrew, as it stands, is pronounced " hard and unnatural "; while 2 Kings xxiii. 29 is
cited as a parallel passage, where it is declared that the war mentioned was actually on the
Euphrates. But to this it may be replied first, that the LXX. does not translate this passa<re
in 2 Chron. at all ; thus leaving our author, on the supposition that he mi<rht otherwise have
been influenced by its rendering, to his own devices. And secondly, the passao-e as it is
found in the Greek Ezra has every appearance of being a paraphrase, and the supposition
that It IS such would be in entire harmony with the usual course of this book in instances of
" hard and unnatural " Hebraisms. Moreover, the passage cited from 2 Kincrs would seem
to favor the theory of a paraphrase by our author, quite as much as any other. Ao-ain,if the
Hebrew be here " hard and unnatural," light is shed upon it fro.n other parts of" Scripture
where a similar Hebrew expression is found: cf. 1 Chron. xviii. 10; 2 Sam. viii 10 where
man of the wars of Ton, means the man who wages war with Ton. And finally, the text as it
stands IS sufficiently clear; while, historically, it is far more significant than that which it is
proposed to substitute for it. The latter point is well illustrated by Michaelis ^

(2.)_ Ihe second instance is i. 3.^, (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 3), «al a^.V^we. a.M. PacrAeh. Kiyi^.
TO. rou ^h ^a<r.xe... i. Upov.aXi,^. The translation of the Hebrew here is as follows: "and
the king of Egypt put him down [removed him] at Jerusalem." It is supposed that the
1 Anmerk. zum Ez., p. 40. , Cf. Anmerk. .ur. 2ten Buck a. Ckronik, p 296

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDEAS. 67

word tJ'bliJj has fallen out from the present text, but was to be found in that used by our
author. It might be granted that the passage would read more smoothly if this word were
to be admitted; and also, as is maintained, that it is ordinarily found in connection with
similar expressions in the Scriptures. But, on the other hand, these two reasons would,
undoubtedly, have had great weight with the author of our book to lead him to introduce the
word into the text if he did not find it there, while the exceedingly faulty renderino- of the
immediate context shows that he did not scruple to make any changes which seemed best to
him. Still more to the point is it, however, that the LXX. has interpolated in the preceding
verse in 2 Chron. a passage from 2 Kings xxiii. 33, which ends with the very expression be-
fore us, namely, rod /i^ ^a<nA.€uei>/ ouriy iv 'UpomaX-qij.. And it is a far more likely conjecture,
that he adopted the suggestion thus brought to his hand by the LXX. than that he had a dif-
ferent reading of the original text before him.

(3.) The next passage is i. 46 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 10). The Hebrew as it stands is trans-
lated: " and made Zedekiah, his brother, king over Judah and Jerusalem." Now we learn
from parallel passages in the canonical books themselves — 2 Kings xxiv. 17, 18; 1 Chron.
iii. 15 — that Zedekiah was not really a brother, but an uncle of the preceding king. And
the LXX. likewise has koI l$a(rl\ev(re ^eS^Kiav dSE\(/>bv tov irarphi aliTov iwl 'loiJSac ko! 'lepov(ra\iiii.
But it can scarcely be said that the Greek Ezra has a better reading here, for it does not
translate the word in question at all ; illustrating once more in this case a marked habit of
the book, namely, to avoid supposed difficulties when possible. Hence, the commendations
bestowed on our author by Fritzsche,i Bertheau,^ and Graf ^ at this point, seem hardly to be
deserved, especially if we consider that the Hebrew as it stands may not be even in -error.
Calling a nephew a brother is, indeed, just what is done in the case of Abraham and Lot,
and is a usage not strange to the Old Testament.

(4.) Again, we are referred to the discrepancy in the number of vessels which it is said Cy-
rus delivered to Sheshbazzar to be carried to Jerusalem, ii. 13 (cf. Ez. i. 9-11). According
to the canonical book the entire number is represented as being five thousand four hundred.
Bijt we find, on adding the number of separate articles as there given together, that the sum
is only two thousand four hundred and ninety-nine. In the Greek Ezra, on the other hand,
the sum of the separate articles exactly corresponds to the whole amount as there stated.
Hence, it is proposed to emend the former account by the latter. But a glance should sat-
isfy any one that there is no reasonable proportion in the number of vessels among themselves
as given in the apocryphal work. There are said to be, for instance, just as many gold as
silver chargers; but the number of silver basins is given as two thousand four hundred and
ten, while the gold basins number but thirty. Moreover, Fritzsche agrees with Trendelen-
burg that a mistake is made in the Greek Ezra in interchanging a Hebrew word which means
of the second quality, Citt'C, for G^3ti'; and hence the whole number has been made too
great by two thousand. The most that can be said, therefore, is that the Hebrew text here
has suifered corruption, and that neither account can be regarded as strictly accurate.

(5.) The next case, v. 9 (cf. Ez. ii. 2), is simply a matter that relates to the proper divid-
ing of a verse. The phrase which Trendelenburg thinks should be placed as in the apocryphal,
rather than as in the canonical work, is simply the superscription to a following list: 'AfuS/iis
T&f mh TOV ^Bvovs Kal ol irpoTiyov/ieyoi avToiv. And if the division of verses were at all a matter
with which we have any concern in this connection, we still cannot understand by what rule
it is judged that the phrase in question has a more correct position at the beginning of one
verse than at the end of the previous one.

(6.) Again, in ix. 2 (cf. Ez. x. 6), Fritzsche, Bertheau, and others think that the Greek
Ezra shows that the reading 3C7 'h>^ was before it, rather than that of the extant text Tl2r]
Dtlj. Its translation is Kal auAio-eeb eK€7, "and remained [lodged] there." It must be ad-
mitted that the two Hebrew words have a very close resemblance, and might easily be mistaken
for one another; also that by substituting the former for the latter, a smoother sentence
would be secured. On the other hand, the current text of the LXX., which translates the
Hebrew by kqI iTropeiSri ^/cei, might easily have suggested to our author the idea, especially as
the very same word, iwopeidv, occurs in the preceding line. At least the immediate repetition
of the same thought in the Hebrew, supposing its present form to be genuine, would furnish

1 Com. ad too. ^ '^'"- '""" ^"" ■^'"^'' "*• Cto'°'"*> "^ '"'■

S Die GeschuM. Backer d. Ml. Test., p. 183.

68 THE APOCRYPHA.

an occasion not likely to be left unimpi-oved by our author for exercising his talent for con-
traction, or making a paraphrase, and the context might easily suggest to liim the form
which he has adopted. Still, the repetition of a thought in this manner would be no sufficient
reason for distrusting the genuineness of the passage (cf. vers. 5, 6, and 1 Sam. ii. 14). De
Wette's rule for determining the true reading where the MSS. of the New Testament differ,
is certainly quite as applicable in many of the cases of variation found in the present book.
He says, " That reading to which the origin of the others may be traced, is the original. The
more obscure and difficult reading is to be preferred to the clearer and easier; the harder,

elliptical, Hebraizing, and ungrammatical, to the more pleasing and grammatical

the shorter, to the more explanatory and wordy. ^

(7.) The next passage cited is ix. 16 (cf. Ez. x. 16). It is held that our author read
ib bin^l, Kal ewe\4^aTo eavrf, instead of -ibTaM. Undoubtedly the extant Hebrew is corrupt.
But only the copula "I is wanting before the word C^C'SS to restore what seems to be the
correct reading; and since all the old versions, with the exception of the Syriac, supply this
copula in rendering the passage, it is quite unnecessary to resort to the theory proposed.

(8.) Once more, it is said by Fritzsche, in his Introduction to this book (p. 7), that the
reading in Neh. viii. 9, where Ezra and Neliemiah are represented as prosecuting a common
work in Jerusalem at the same time, is historically improbable; and he would, therefore,
adopt the reading found in 1 Esd. ix. 49 as the correct one. But, in the first place, the read-
ing of our book is not such that the statement made in the book of Nehemiali is denied; nor
is anQther statement made which is irreconcilable with it. In the Greek Ezra the whole pas-
sage is not given. The title of the satrap of Syria is given, but not, as in the canonical book,
the name of the person who held the office. From this silence of our author it would seem to
be too weighty an inference which Fritzsche would draw. And secondly, to characterize as
historically improbable the opinion that the work of Ezra and Nehemiah in Jerusalem was for
a certain period of their lives contemporaneous is allowing too little weight to a theory which,
according to Nagelsbach (Herzog's Real-Encyk., iv. 173), is held by a majority of Biblical
students.^

We add a few more examples of a supposed superior text in 1 Esdras, which have been
noted by Bertheau. At Ez. viii. 3, this critic would punctuate as at 1 Esd. viii. 29, by which
tlie phrase "of the sons of Shechaniah " is connected with Hattush, and forms the conclusion
of the second verse. This is also the view of the Speaker's Com., it being based on 1 Chron.
iii. 22, where a Hattush is mentioned, who is the grandson of Shechaniah. But in order to
make the latter passage of value for this place, it should state that Shechaniah was "of the
sons of Hattush," which it does not do. He is said to be " of the sons of Shemaiah." See
on the contrary, the other cases in verse second. It is more probable, as Fritzsche and
others suppose, that a word has fallen out of the Hebrew text, and the arrangement in 1 Es-
dras is simply an effort to smooth over the difficulty. At Ez. iii. 3, again, Bertlieau would
alter the Hebrew to conform with the text of the apocryphal work (v. 48 f.), which represents
that enemies came upon Israel while they were erecting an altar, but that the latter were able
to carry out their intention because a fear of the Lord fell upon the heathen. In the Hebrew-
it is represented that the fear was on the part of the Israelites, a fear of the heathen round
about them, this causing them to hasten their work. But it is plain, as Fritzsche, Keil, and
others have shown, that it was simply a failure to understand the Hebrew that led our com-
piler to make this change.'

Still further, at Ez. vi. 15 we read according to the Hebrew text, " And this house was
finished on the third day of the month Adar." With this the LXX. agrees. Our book on
the other hand (vii. .5), has " o« the twenty-third day of the month Adir." The latter, as
Bertheau maintains, is the original reading. His reasons are that it is not likely that the
compiler of this book would change the number 3 to 23, because it might seem to him better to
suppose that the feast of dedication lasted eight days (cf. 1 Kings viii. 60; 2 Chron. xix. 18),
and he would thereby just fill out the last eight days of the Jewish year. But>si that is
most hkely. It accords perfectly well, in character, with other changes that are made by the
compiler in different parts of the work and with the spirit of the whole.

1 Iiitrod. to New Test, (frothinithiim's trans.), pp. 80, 81.

2 Of. on the subject Winer's Realwbrterl,. art. "Neh."; Havernick, Einleit., ad loo. ; Herzfeld, ii 56- Vaihineer

3 Or/ollnzwet' "' U ' '^' ^"^^ "' ^''' ^^'^'^^ "^ ^^ ' ^'™'*' <*"''*"'^'. '^- 188-213 ' ^""""S"'

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS. QQ

With respect, now, to the question of a direct Hebrew original for our book which of
course, is to be distinguished from the more important point just considered, a few additional
passages have been cited in support of such a view, on the ground that they agree better with
the Hebrew than with any extant Greek translation. None of them agree literally with the
Hebrew, however, while all such variations from the LXX. maybe accounted for on the quite
credil)le supposition (see below) that for the book before us a text of this version was used
differing in many points from the one that has come down to us.i On the other hand, there
are positive reasons of no little weight, which bear in the contrary direction. They are such
as these: the frequent literal agreement of our work with the LXX. in the character of the
(jreek used, even where the words are unfamiliar and rare, viii. 86 (cf. Ez. ix. 13); ix. 51 (cf.
Neh. viii. 10); the fact that the LXX. is so often followed with more or less fidelity, in its
deviations from the Hebrew text, i. 3 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 3) ; i. 9 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 9); i.
12 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 13); i. 23 f. (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 19, 20) ; i. 33 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv.
26); i. 88 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6); ii. 30 (cf. Ez. iv. 23); that in the case of deviations from
both the Hebrew and the LXX. the readings of our book are more easily referred to the lat-
ter than the former, viii. 92 (cf. Ez. x. 2).

To these examples cited from Keil, we would add the following also derived from chapter i. of
1 Esdras. At i. 5 we read: " according to the magnificence (Ka-rh t))v iifya\ii6TriTa) of Solomon."
The Hebrew has: " According to the writing (i. e., written regulation) of Solomon." The
LXX. reads, 5ia x^'P^^ 2., which seems to have suggested the idea of Solomon's greatness and
power to our compiler. The LXX. and 1 Esdras, moreover, both translate as though the par-
ticle 3 rather than 3 stood in the original. The Hebrew of 2 Chron. xxxv. 10, 11, 12, our
book (i. 10, 11) has strangely metamorphosed, partly, as it would seem, from not understand-
ing the meaniiin' of the Hebrew and partly from reading it falsely. But the close of verse 11
he gives like the LXX. . "and thus in the morning," (ouVos xi irpwiVoV; LXX.: oSras eis ri
ir()»i)where the Hebrew is : " and so they did with the oxen." A most remiirkable coincidence,
which could scarcely be explained, except on the theory of the dependence of the one work
on the other. At 2 Chron. xxxv. 22, the Hebrew reads: " but disguised himself." The verb
Is tODnrin, the I-Ilthpael of tCDH. Cf. 1 Samuel xxviii. 8, and 1 Kings xx. 38, where it is used
in the same sense as here. Our book translates the passage, however, as though the verb
were pTn and agrees with the LXX. in doing so, the one employing the verb iKpaTaniSn
(LXX.)j the other iirex^ipei, to translate it. Again, at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, " and bound him
in fetters to carry him to Babylon." In the Greek Ezra, on the other hand, we read : "And
bound him with a chain of brass and carried him to Babylon." That is, in the one ease it is
translated as though the preposition b with the infinitive stood in the original; in the other,
as though it were the copula 1. And our book agrees with the LXX. in this particular.
That th°e difference, moreover, small as it seems, is not unimportant, may be seen by the
weighty conclusions which some critics base upon it. Cf. Bertheau, idem, ad loc.

It would seem, then, tliat if anything were still wanting to confirm the theory of a Greek
original for our book, which, if not exclusively was largely used as authority by the compiler
of our work, it might be found in the fact of the extraordinary variations in the text of the
different MSS. of" the LXX. According to Jerome (Ep. ad Suniam el Felelam, also Prcef.
in Paralip.), there were two copies of this work, the older one being much the less faithful to
the Hebrew. And an examination of extant MSS. furnishes abundant reason tor creditmg
this statement. Taking, for instance, the Roman edition of the LXX. (1587) as a standard,
and comparing with it other MSS., we shall find eighty places where some of them disagree
with it while ao-reeino- with the Hebrew, and only twenty-six places where they at the same
time disagree with it and with the Hebrew. Moreover, when there is variation from the
Hebrew, it is chiefly shown in the addition or omission of words and clauses.

V. Hislory of the Book.
Josephus is the first writer who shows any acquaintance with the Greek Ezra. In his
work on the Antiquities of the Jews, it seems to have been his favorite book of reference tor
that part of the history which it includes. It was most probably the smooth and gracetul

\ ^.^ly^at^l^^n. " in Smith-s B*. Bi..^ Frit^he in Herzog. ^-'-^"'.^-^^ ^^^ ^*- '^■'
lisctondorf, rJtes TestammtumGract, « Prolegom." ; Frankel, Vorstudim; alBO, QfroKr, D.ibne, and UoW.

70 THE APOCRYPHA.

style of the author, which, as has been already shown, was one of his most marked charac-
teristics, that specially attracted this Jewish historian. That he would not have been
hindered from using tlie work on account of its apparent discrepancies when compared with
the holy books of his nation, is evident from the manner in which, as we have shown above,
he attempts to pass olf his own suppositions as history. That he was not insensible to lt»
want of accuracy appears from his efforts at correction. The statement of Movers, ^ made
also by Pohlmann,^ that Josephus in no case leaves the Greek Ezra to follow the canonical
books, is not justified by the facts. At i. 9 he has fi6crxovs ewTaxoa-lovs, Josephus, j8oCs wevra-
Koaiovs, in agreement with 2 Chron. x.xxv. 9. At i. 38 he has /tal iS-qaev 'laaKijj. robs fieyurraiias,
whereas Josephus agrees with the account as given in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 4. Cf. Antiq., x. 5,
§ 2. See also ii. 16 in the commentary below, and the accompanying remarks.

By Christian writers during the first five centuries after Christ, the book is frequently
alluded to; but it is impossible to say, in all cases, in just what estimate it was held, or,
indeed, whether it or the canonical Ezra was meant. Diestel, referring to the article of
Pohlmann just cited, says, that most of the church Fathers, excepting Jerome, held the work
for canonical.' But, if this be true, it is not shown by the citations of Pohlmann. Of the
score of church Fathers, Greek and Latin, whom he adduces, the great majority "ive no
certain evidence in the citations made from their works that they valued the work before us
as " Holy Scripture." Cyprian and Origen do, indeed, introduce it under the well-known
formula, ul scriptum est. Augustine speaks of the picture of Truth given in iv. 38-40, as a
possible prediction of Christ ; but Jerome, whom Pohlmann well styles " der griindlichste
Kenner der alttestamentlichen Literatur," denounced the work as " apocryphal," and pre-
pared the way for its rejection by the entire Western church. His language is, " Nee quem-
quam moveat, quod unus a nobis editus liber est nee apocrypjiorum tertii et quaiii libri somniis
delectemur, quia et apud Hebrceos Esdrce Nehemiceque sermones in unum volumen coaretantur,'^
etc.* Moreover, we find on examination that three-fourths of all the citations from the
Fathers made by Pohlmann refer to the one circumstance of the literary contest before
Darius, and most of them to the striking expression which it contains respecting the power
of the truth. This attractive story, taken in connection with a loose way of makino'
quotations at this time, naturally became a kind of stock reference in the early church, and,
once started, readily passed from hand to hand with little or no thought of its origin. The
most that can be said, therefore, is that the book was used with respect by a number of the
Greek and Latin Fathers.

But the probable reason why it was not accepted as canonical by the Tridentine council
in 1546, which elevated to this rank other works having apparently less claim, was, that in
addition to the pronounced opposition of Jerome, it was not then known to exist in Greek.
Luther, speaking of First and Second Esdras, says: " These books we would not translate,
because they have nothing in them which you might not better find in Mso^." (Eco-
lampadius and Calvin express themselves with more care, but refuse the book a place in the
canon. The same is true of the English church from its earliest history, as is shown in its
various translations of the Bible.s The more recent criticism, as we have said, is charac-
tei'ized by a too extreme reaction in favor of the historical and critical worth of the book.
Its value is chiefly lexical. The translation, which Trendelenburg compares for smoothness
and elegance with that of Symmachus, can, no doubt, be made useful in the study of the
remaining apocryphal books of the Old Testament as well as of the New Testament Greek.
And there are, undoubtedly, a few instances where its aid may properly be invoked in the
interpretation of those parts of the canonical books which it includes.

VI. Is it a Fragment ?
Opinions on the question whether the book in its present form is complete in itself will
na urally be much modified by the view that is adopted respecting its aim. Those who
nold that he compiler meant to arrange his material simply with reference to a history of
the restoration of the temple, find the work, as it is, pretty nearly complete. But it undoubt-
edly breaks off in the midst of a sentence, and one cannot say with certainty whether the

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDKAS. 71

seems to be required by the abrupt conclusion — to suppose that Neh. viii. 13-18 orio-inally
formed a part of the work. The theory of Trendelenburg that the first part of the book is
also wanting, which he bases on the fact that the history begins with the eighteenth instead
of the first year of Josiah's reign, harmonizes with no tenable theory of its object.

VII. Manuscripts and Versions.
The critical edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons, in which the readino-s of
twenty-four different MSS. of our book are given, still furnishes scholars, as already
observed, with their principal resource for the criticism of its text. According (o i'ritzsche,
these twenty-four MSS. may be divided with respect to worth into four classes, the best text
being found in II. 52. and 55. This text, however, is not free from mistakes of copyists in
addition to arbitrary attempts at improvement. It is especially to be suspected, Fritzsche
thinks, when agreeing with 19. and 108. The latter MSS. represent in general the text of
the Complutensian Polyglot. The remaining codices are (1) III. XI. 58. 64. 119. 243. 245.
248. and the Aldine edition of the LXX.; (2) 44. 71. 74. 106. 107. 120. 121. 134. 236.
These last two recensions, as they are named, present a text more or less emended —
the former Alexandrine — and, at the same time, do not always retain their distinctive
features, being more or less influenced by each other.

1 ESDRAS.

Chapter I.

1 And Josias held the feast of the passover ^ in Jerusalem unto his Lord, and

2 offered ^ the passover the fourteenth day of the first month, having set the priests
according to their daily courses, being officially arrayed,' in the temple of the Lord.

3 And he commanded * the Levites, ministers of the temple for Israel, to ' hallow
themselves unto the Lord, with reference to placing ^ the holy ark of the Lord in

4 the house that king Solomon the son of David had buUt, and said. Ye shall no
more bear it ' upon your shoulders ; and now ' serve the Lord your God, and min-
ister unto his people Israel, and make it ready' after your families and tribes,"

5 according to the written regulation of David king of Israel," and according to the
magnificence of Solomon his son. And standing in the temple according to the
order of fathers' families of you -"^ the Levites, who have been accustomed to min-

6 isler in succession " in the presence of your brethren the children of Israel, offer
the passover and make ready the sacrifices for your brethren, and keep the pass-
over according to the commandment of the Lord which was given unto Moses.

7 And unto the people that were present ^* Josias gave thirty thousand lambs and
kids, and three thousand calves ; these things were given from the royal treas-

8 ury,'* according to promise, to the people, and to the priests and Levites.^^ And
Chelcias," and Zacharias, and Syelus,'* the governors of the temple, gave to the
priests for the passover two thousand and six hundred sheep, and three hundred

9 calves. And Jechonias, and Samseas,^' and Natlianael his brother, and Asabias,^
and Ochiel, and Joram, chiliarchs,^^ gave to the Levites for the passover five thou-

] 0 sand sheep, and seven hundred calves. And this is what took place : ^-^ the priests
1 1 and Levites, having the unleavened bread, stood fittingly attired ^ according to the

A few words respecting the principles followed in my revision of the A. V. generally may not be here out of place.
In harmony with the practice adopted in other volumes of this series of commentaries, I have only made changes when
it seemed clearly needful to a correct understanding of the original. Very many words and expressions, consequently,
have been left as found — as, for instance, in the present chapter, " their daily courses'* (ver. 2), and " the porters
were at every gate '■ (ver. 16), where the italics are evidently supertiuou.s — which, in a new translation or a more thor-
ough revision, would be unhesitatingly corrected or eliminated The English text which has been made the basis of
revision is that of the " Cambridge Paragraph Bible " edited by Rev. F. H. Scrivener (1873). The Greelt text made A
standard — all essential deviations from which I have, aimed to indicate — is that of Tniz^chQ {Libri Apoeryphi Veteris
TeMayne?Ui, Lips., 1871). I have not hesitated, when deemed necessary, to introduce changes in the punctuation of
Scrivener's text without calling special attention to them in the notes.

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : the feast of the passover. But to Tvaaxa has also this meaning as well as simply " the passover'' or
" the paschal lamb." 2 Cod. II. (as also 65. 68.) has iBvirav by the first hand ; III., the same, and adds, oi viol 'lo-.

Ver 2 — 3 A. V. : arrayed in long garments (Qr., ecTTo\io-(iEVous). The context supplies the idea that it was their
official costume.

Ver. 3. — < A. V. : spake unto (see Com. in loe.). » the holy ministers (Old Lat. — MS. Colbert. — sacris servis) of
Israel, that (Aey should. 6 to set (see Com.).

Ver. 4. — ' A. V : the ark (Old Lat. —Cod. Colbert. — £( dixif .- Non portabitis arcam in humeris). 8 now there-
fore (Gr., Kdi viv, but viv olv, 108.). " prepare you (Gr. eToinio-aTs). '» kindreds (Gr., ris ()>v\<£s).

Ver. 6. — "A. V. : as David the king of Israel prescribed (Gr., Kara TVypo")"!'', etc.). « several dignity of the fam-
ilies of you (see Com.). u who minister — oifcr the passover in order. The words kv rijei should be joined to what
precedes and not to SiicraTe.

Ver. 7. —"A. V. : was found there (see Com). « of the king's allowance (see Com.). M as he promised (Or.,
(CUT ^irayyeAi'ai/), to the people, to the priests and to the Levites (44. T4. al. Aid. read toZi AeviVaij).

Ver. 8. —1' A. V. : ilelkias. i» Tor SuVjAos, XI. 56. have HoT;t)\ ; II. HI., Hcrvt)A.o!.

Ver. 9— i»A. V ; Jeconias and Samaias. 20 Assabias. " captains over thousands.

Ver. 10. —22 A. V. : when these things were done. The Codd. III. XI. 62. and many others, with Co. and Aid. have
TO-iTuv yexo^sVioi. for raCra Ta yei-iijiei/a. See Com. » A. V. : in very comely order (Qr., cv7rp«»-is ; 64. eurpen-i's)

1 BSDRAS., 73

tribes,^ and according to the order of fathers' families,^ before the people, to offer
to the Lord, as it is written in the book of Moses ; and thus did they in the inorn-

12 irg.^ And they roasted the passover with fire, as is fitting;^ and the sacrifices

13 they boiled* in brass pots and pans with pleasant odor," and carried out to' all
the people. And afterwards they prepared for themselves, and for the priests their

14 brethren, the sons of Aaron. For the priests offered the fat pieces * until night ;
and the Levites prepared for themselves, and the priests their brethren, the sons of

15 Aaron. The holy singers also, the sons of Asaph, were in their allotted place,"
according to the appointment of David, and ^^ Asaph, Zacharias, and Eddinns," who

16 were appointed masters of song by the king.-'^ And ^^ the porters were at every gate ;
it was not necessary " for any to turn aside from his daily service,^° for their breth-

17 ren the Levites prepared for them. And the service of sacrificing to the Lord

18 was brought to a conclusion on ■'" that day, that they might hold the passover, and
offer sacrifices upon the altar of the Lord, according to the commandment of king

19 Josias. And " the children of Israel who ■'^ were present held the passover at this ■'"

20 time, and the feast of unleavened^" bread seven days. And such a passover had not

21 been ^^ kept in Israel since the time of the prophet Samuel. And no king of Israel
had held^^ such a passoVer as Josias, and the priests, and the Levites, and the Jews,

22 held with all Israel that were found dwelling at Jerusalem. In the eighteenth

23 year of the reign of Josias was this passover kept. And the works of Josias were

24 upright before his Lord with a heart full of godliness. And also what relates to
him was ^ written in former times, concerning those that had sinned,^ and been
ungodly towards '^ the Lord above every other '" nation and kingdom,^' and grieved

• him exceedingly ; and ^' the words of the Lord were fulfilled upon ^ Israel.

25 And ^ after all these acts of Josias it came to pass, that Pharaoh the king of
Egypt came to make ^^ war at Charcamys on the "^ Euphrates ; and Josias went

26 out against him. And *^ the king of Egypt sent to him, saying, What have I to

27 do with thee, O king of Judaea ? I am not sent out from the Lord God against
thee, for my war is upon the '* Euphrates ; and now the Lord is with me, and ^ the
Lord who is with me is a hastening Lord. Stand aside ^^ and be not against the

28 Lord. And ^ Josias did not turn himself on his chariot,'* but undertook to fight with
him, not regarding the words of the prophet Jeremias from ^ the mouth of the

29 Lord, but joined battle with him in the plain of Mageddo ;^<' and the princes came

30 down to " king Josias. And the king said ^ unto his servants, Carry me away out
of the battle, for I am very weak. And immediately his servants removed him

31 from the line of battle.^' And he mounted " his second chariot, and being brought

32 back to Jerusalem died, and was buried in his fathers' sepulchre. And throughout

Ver. 11.-1A.V. : kindreds (cf. Ter. 4). = seyeral dignities oi the fathers. » The version of 1611 has in the
margin, as an alternative translation, instead of " and thus in the morning," " and so of the hullocks," l^a being
read for IJTS. Cf. the Heb. at 2 Chron. xxxv. 12, and the Com. below, in loc.

Ver. 12. -« A. V. : appertaineth (Gr. KoB^Ke.). ■> as for the sacriflces, they sod them. • with a good savour
(marg., with good speed, or willingly; Old Lat., cum benevolentia).

Ver. 13. —' A. V. : set them before (Gr., iur/jveyKav).

vfr It -A V-Z^::' ''^:^ («.0. " Jeduthun (see Com.). » was of the Idng's retinue (see Com.,
The plural ol ^apa instead of 6 w., is supported by II. 44. 55. and other codd.

Ver 16 -" A V • Moreover. " lawful. i= go from his ordmary service (Gr., t.J.jj^.-piar etc. .

Ver I?: - » I v! ; Thus were the things that belonged to the sacrifices of the Lord accomplished m

Ver.l9. — "A. V. : So. "which. m that (Gr., Toiirm). 2» sweet.

Ver. 20. — 21 A. v.: was not (see Com.). . „ v„» .t!fP

Ver. 21. - '' Tea, all the kings of Israel held not. Literal, excepting Tea, but st.H ^

Ver, 24. - -A. v. : As for the things that eame to P-- W» Ume, they were^ - ^^f, ^ ^'e^LZgly, so that
wickedly against (see Com . ). ''= all. " people and kingdoms. ^ and how tney gne

'"ve?T5L»!.T "Nr"'="ral;r-'- - Carchamis upon E. Kapxa^v,, XI. 44. 64. 71. 74. and others.

v" fl Zm a V- ^L the ^ yea. »« the Lord is with me hasting me forward : depart from me (see Com.).

Ver W. Is, 1: V. ': irowbeTt =• bick his chariot from him (see Com.). - Jeremie spoken by.

Yer 29 — « A. V. : Maeiddo(8ee Com.). « came against (see Com.). .,.!t„,,i

Z: S. -« A. V. : Thfn said the king.' « took him away out °« *" '^'.iX^? ^n^^^^^^^^^^ Parsons.

Ver. 31. - « A. V. 1 Then gat he up upon. That II. also, as J"*^-*' » STolL ead" Lrip-v is not shown
states, with XI. (by a second hand) 44. 58. and others, supports the reading S^repo. instead 6^r p
by the/<M;-«m«e edition of this MS. by Veroellone and Cozza.

74 THE APOCRYPHA.

Judaea ^ they mourned for Josias ; and Jeremias ^ the prophet lamented for Josias,
and the chief men with the women made lamentation for him unto this day ; and
it was ordered tliat this should become a perpetual observance for all the race '

33 of Israel. But these things* are written in the book of the histories^ of the
kings of Judah, and every one of the acts that Josias did, and his glory, and
his understanding in the law of the Lord, and the things that he had done before,
and the things now recited, are reported in the book of the kings of Israel and
Judah."

34 And they of the nation ' took Jechonias ° the son of Josias and declared ° him

35 king instead of Josias his father, when he was twenty and,three years old. And he
reigned in Israel ■"* and in Jerusalem three months. And then the king of Egypt

36 deposed him from reigning in Jerusalem. And he set a tax upon the nation" of an

37 hundred talents of silver and one talent of gold. The king of Egypt also declared^''

38 king Joacim his brother king of Judeea and Jerusalem. And Joacim bound the

39 nobles and seized Zaraces his brother,^' and brought him out of Egypt. Five and
twenty years old was Joacim when he was made king of Judtea and Jerusalem ; "

40 and he did evil before the Lord. But ^^ against him Nabuchodonosor the king of
Babylon came up, and bound him with a chain of brass, and carried him unto Baby-

41 Ion. Nabuchodonosor also took some of ^^ the holy vessels of the Lord, and carried

42 them away, and deposited them ■" in his temple ^' at Babylon. But those things that
are related of him, as well of his uncleanness as his impiety, ^^ are written in the
chronicles of the kings.

43 And Joacim his son reigned in his stead ; indeed, when he was appointed he

44 was ^ eighteen years old. And he reigned '"■ three months and ten days iu Jerusa-

45 lem, and did evil before the Lord. And ^ after a year Nabuchodonosor sent and
brought him unto °' Babylon with the holy vessels of the Lord, and declared Sede-

46 cias ''* king of Judtea and Jerusalem, when he was one and twenty years old. And

47 he reigned eleven years ; and he did evil also in the sight of the Lord, and cared
not for the words that were spoken unto him by the prophet Jeremias ^ from the

48 mouth of the Lord. And notwithstanding that ^^ king Nabuchodonosor had made
him swear by the name of the Lord, he forswore himself, and rebelled '; and harden-

49 ing his neck, and his heart, he transgressed the laws of the Lord God of Israel.
And the leaders -' also of the people and of the priests did many ungodly deeds,
even beyond all the pollutions of all the heathen, and defiled the holy temple of the

50 Lord, in ^^ Jerusalem. And ^ the God of their fathers sent by his messenger to

51 call them back, because he showed indulgence to them and his tabernacle.™ But
they had his messengers in derision ; and in the day that the Lord spake,'^ they

52 made a sport of his prophets, so far forth, that he was wroth with his people on
account of their ungodliness, and determined to bring the kings of the Chaldees '^

Vcr. 32. — i A. V. : in all .Jewry. 2 yea, Jeremie. a this was giyen out /or an ordinance to be done continimUy in
all the nation of.

Ver a3. — * A. V : these (Amjs. » stories. " Judea.
-,r7''l/*,"r;'f'^;- And the people (Gr.,o;^«ToS, etc.) 8 Joachaz (so 44. 52. and others, with Aid. : ni.,I«.x«fl

^ Ver. 35.— "A. V. : Judea. Cod. III. with some others, has Iov6<t ior Io-pa^\ (see Com.). Cod. n. has the reading
a7re«aTe(i-rT,<rtr for air.cTTrio-ei/ ol the text, rec, and ^ao-iAciis has the article in the same

v„T?«'~."t^'^ 'r^l'^V"'^""'*- Ver.37.-a^A. v.: made (see ver. 34).

1, 90 ~,. ;• Z' '' ^ "'"' ■'°'"'™ '""' ""^ °''"'=' • ''^' Zaraces his hrother he apprehended (of. Com.).

V '■ in ,« '' ^"^ " """ '"'"' "' •'"''"^ '^''^■' '■' 'T' ''°"*""'f < J™'"". '■" '""■" Muda).

Ver' 41 ~ « A V ' fT'f"'"' ,f "" """*'°^ '"■ *°'' >"''' '*' ""^ ""B^^'oB « supported hy HI. XI. 58. etc. (see Com.).

v' ^' ~2« r ,T' ' "''""'"''=* «5'-' i<"»Pl9«V™) of him and o/his uncleanness and impiety,
othc^ Zi& -ut Iu t71' "^<'\'^;"»' ^''°e (108., frrc Si for ore yip). For 5«ao«ral are the MSS. III. XI. 44. 52. and
omers, with .MS. Aid. ; II. has oktiu (see Com.).

v! it' 2f t' I' ■ T ^'•^""'^"'o- Ver. 47. - ^ A. V. : Jeremie.

Ver. 48.-20 A. V. : after that (see Com.).

which was"TaLMld^ 1,^1^°^"'- T T?"* "" ""' ? """"o"' "^ "" "='«°°«. '^"d deAM the temple of the Lord,

Te'lt rrndtfgVe^b Pril,:h:'TlI XI 2 h°ve"''-'' "'"^ •"' "«" ''""°° °' ""''"''"' "''"' *''^''^«'' ™
,. (.„ J' -^ ^ i^'i'Z^one , 111. XI. 6J. have TjfOjiLTjcrac wat irap4^Tj(ra.v.

Ver 5l' I - A V • I^JnT't' .k " r'"^"™ "" """'* """"^ ^'''■' ^*"'*"°' ""'•' ^"^ "^'^ 'abernacle also.

V F.9 ■- ^-^ '■^^ ''"'*■ ''heu the Lord spake unto them.

V er 6. - ■!! A V. : being wroth . . for their great ungodliness commanded the kings , . . to come.

1 ESDRAS.

75

53 up against them. They slew their young men with the sword, round about' their
holy temple, and spared neither young man nor maid, old man nor child but he '■

54 delivered all into their hands. And they took all the holy vessels of the Lord both
great and small, and the treasure chests of the Lord," and the king's treasures, and

55 carried them away into Babylon. And they burned the house of the Lord and de-

56 mohshed the walls of Jerusalem, and set fire to ■■ her towers. And they utterly
destroyed all her glory ; and the remnant of people he led sword in hand « unto

57 Babylon. And they were« servants to him and his children, till the Persians

58 reigned, to fulfill the word of the Lord spoken by the mouth of Jeremias : ' Until
the land shall have « enjoyed her sabbaths, the whole time of her desolation shall
she rest, until the completion ' of seventy years.

Ver. 63. — > A. V. : who slew their young men yea, even within the compass of (Gr., ,r.p«i;«Xc) 2 amons

them (avTii/, XI. U. 68. 64. 248. Aid.), for he, eto. ; III. XI. 248. Aid. are the principal authorities for ,rape8<»«„
The context seems to require it.

Ver. 64. — " A. V. : with the vessels of the ark of God (see Com.). Codd 52. 64. 243. 248. Aid. read 9.o5 for «,piov here

Ver. 55. — * A. V. : As for the house of the Lord they burnt it, brake down (see Com.) the walls of Jerusalem, set flre
upon, etc.

Ver. 66. —5 A. V. : and as for her glorious things, they neyer ceased till they had consumed and brought them aU to
nought : and the people that were not slain with the sword he carried unto Babylon.

Ver. 57. — ^ A. V. : who became serrants (Gr., Kal ^rrtiv n-aiSes). ' Jeremie.

Ver. 58. — ' A. V. : had. " fuU term (see Com..).

Chapter I. (Cf. 2 Chron. xxxr., xxxvi.)

Ver. 1. 'Ayeic, to hold, to celebrate. It comes
into use in this sense only in the later times, hut
is 'frequently so employed in the Apocrypha;
although not found in connection with tIi Too-xa,
except in this passage. See ver. 6, helow. — The
fourteenth day of the first month. This was
the month Nisan, answering to our March, but at
the time of Josiah coinciding more nearly with
April. The first montli of the civil year was
Ethanim, or Tisri, our October. See art. " Mo-
nate " in Herzog's Real-Encyk., and " ICalender "
in Schenkel's Bib. Lex.

Ver. 2. To their daily courses. Cf. with the
Greek Luke i. 5, 8: ep t^ ro^etTT}? i^vi^epias auTou.

Ver. 3. ETttc. Spake, in the sense of com-
manded. Cf. Matt. viii. 8 ; Mark v. 43, x. 49 ;
and many other passages. — Ministers of the
temple for Israel. The compiler does not prob-
ably mean to indicate by this terra {Up6Sov\os)
the special class ordinarily designated temple-
servants (Nethinim), but uses the expression in
a general sense. The LXX. in the corresponding
passage in 2 Chron. has tow Suvarors. At v. 29,
35 ; viii. 5, 22, 49, however, the word is used in its
restricted sense. — With reference to (the mat-
ter of) placing, 4v tj Bea-ei. On this use of ^v with
the dative, see Robinson's Lex., p. 248, and Winer,
p. 387.

Ver. 4. Te shall no more bear It upon your
shoulders. Lit. ; It shall not be to you to bear it
upon the shoulders. This passage, inclusive of
ver. 3, has given no little difficulty to critics.
How ia it that the ark of the covenant is no
longer in the temple ^ Have we elsewhere any
intimation that since the time of Solomon it had
been removed '! Fritzsche thinks that there is an
anachronism in the history, words being put into
the month of Josiah which would be appropriate
only for David (see 1 Chron. xxiii. 26). He in-
fers from Jer. iii. 16 (cf. Hitzig's Com,, ad foe),
that the ark had already been wanting for some
years, and, if it had now come to light, more would
have been made of so significant a fact. It is not
necessary, hewever, to resort to so violent a theory.
Michaelis, Movers, Vaihinger (in Herzog's JReal-
Encyh., ii. 4.55), and many others, are of the

opinion that, during the idolatrous reigns of Man-
asseh and Amon, the ark had been temporarily
removed in order to secure its safety. Keil, on
the other hand, maintains that the command to
set it in the temple is not to be taken in a mate-
rial, but in a spiritual, sense : " Overlook, leave
the ark in the temple ; you have no longer, since
Solomon built a place for it, to bear it on the
shoulders." The ark of the covenant was prob-
ably burned, along with the temple itself, when
the city was taken by Nebuchadnezzar. Little
confidence can be placed in the later traditions
concerning it (2 Mace. ii. 4 S..). Josephus [Bel.
.Tud., V. 5, § 5), at least, testifies directly that the
second temple was without it ; and Tacitus {Hist.,
V. 9) says of this temple: "Nulla intus deflm
effigie vacuara sedem et inania arcana." — Aarpeia,
For interesting remarks on the use of this word
in the Scriptures generally, including the Apoc-
rypha, see Cremer's Lex., p. 397, and Girdle-
stone, 0. T. Syn., p. 391. Cf. also Judith iii. 9 ;
3 Mace. vi. 6.

Ver. 5. According to the written regulation
of David. See I Chron. xxiii. — Magnificence
of Solomon. This phrase is not found in the
Hebrew (2 Chron. xxxv. 4), and was doubtless
introduced by the compiler with the view of
glorifying the temple. — Order of lathers' fami-
lies. The word ijtepiiapxn^ was originally applied
to the governor of a province (1 Mace. x. 65),
fieptSapxla being the office itself. It seems here
to mean the divisions of the families, with special
reference to the heads of such divisions.

Ver. 7. Were present, tijo eipedefTi. See
ver. 18, where the A. V. so renders. Respecting
such a use of this word, and how it is distinguished
from ehai, see Winer, p. 616. — The king's allow-
ance (A. v.), TO Pacri\iKiL Rather, the royal treas-
ury. See viii. 18 ; 1 Mace. iii. 28.

Ver. 8. XeAKi'as, Chelcias (2 Chron., Hilkiah).
According to tradition he was the brother of
Jeremiah, and identical with the priest who found
the copy of the law as recorded in 2 Kings xxii.
8. See Smith's Bib. Diet., art. " Chelcias." —
— Syelus (bW'^n'' in 2 Chron.). Chelcias was

76

THE APOCRYPHA.

hiffh priest ; Zacharia^, prefect, an office next in
rank ; and Jehiel was either assistant of the lat-
ter, — as the office required but one person, — or
had succeeded to the office during the life-time
of Zachariiis, or he is mentioned because he was
chief of the Leiites. See the following verse.

Ver. 9. Jechonias (2 Chron., Conaniah). —
Samceaa (2 Chion., Shemaiah). — Asabias (2
Chron, Hashahiah). — Oohiel (2 Chron., Jeiel).
— Joram (2 Cliron,, .Jozabad). Our efforts will
be directed, in revising the spelling of proper
names, simply to give them a form in Engli.sh
corresponding as closely as possible to that which
they have in the Greek text which we follow.
On the general subject of the proper names of the
English version, .see interesting remarks by Light-
foot, A Fresh Revis., etc., p. 146. — Chiliarohs.
The word x'^iapX"' '^ probably to be understood
here in the general sense of leaders, chiefs.

Ver. 10. A. V. : 'When these things were
done, ravTa ri ■yev6ii.eva. Nominative absolute
(see Winer, pp. 181, 574), and to be construed
with what precedes ; or better, taking account of
the article, with what follows : and this is what
took place. — Kal ovtws rh irpo3'iv6v, and thus in the
morning, that is, thus they offered sacrifice in
the morning ; or dKoKuvTUfiais to be supplied after
Trpwiv6i', and thus (they offered) the morning sacri-
fice. Gaab would translate, and so — that is,
after these arrangements — appeared the morning ;
meaning the morning of the day on Avhich the
paschal lamb was to be eaten.

Ver. 12. In brass pots. More likely copper
or bronze {xa\Khs KeKpaiievos), a compound of
copper and tin. See art. " Metalle " in Schenkel,
Bib. Lex. — Met' fvu^la.^, with pleasant odor.
Trendelenberg (Eichhorn, Einleit. in d. Apok.,
p. 364) and others think the translator mistook
the Hebrew word, and that the proper renilering
would have been, with joy. Fritzsche dissents.
Cf. Text. Notes, Eph. r. 2.

Ver. 1.5. Sons of Asaph; i.e., sons with ref-
erence to employment. — Eddinus. In the A. V.
this word is improperly rendered by the corre-
sponding one at 2 Chron. Doubtless the same
person is meant. He was master of song in
the tabernacle, along with Asaph and Heman, at
the time of David. See 1 Chron. xxvi. 1 ; 2
Chron. V. 12. Our text, moreover, has Zacharias
where we should have expected Ileman. Gaab
[Com., ad loc.) suggests the possibility that one
and the same person had both names. It is quite
as likely to have been a case of careless writing,
Zacharias having been suggested by 1 Chron. xv.
20. But cf. 1 Chron. xv. 19. — Who were
(appointed masters of song) by the king. See,
for a similar construction of the Greek ol irapa.
Tov Ba<n\4ais, 1 Mace, xv. 15; xvi. 16; and cf.
Winer, p. 365. See also 2 Chron. xxxv. 15.

Ver. 17. 'Ax8^>""i, that they might hold. —
The infinitive can be used as genitive, both with
and without the article. See Winer, p. 326 ; and
cf. Buttmann, pp. 261-266.

Ver. 19. Ci. Luke xxii. 1 : ^ eapr^ Tav i.^vij.a>v.

Ver. 20. See Winer's remark on the use of
the aorist for the pluperfect, p. 275 ; Buttmann,
p. 199 f. Cf. Luke vii. 1 ; John xi. 30.

Ver. 21. 'Ei' ti? Kctroi/f^a-ei. The phrase is to
be construed as in apposition with iv 'lepovtraxiifi.
The political distinction, moreover, indicated by
01 'Iou5a;oi as over against Tras 'lapaiiK is not to
be overlooked, the latter meaning the remnant of
the ten tribes.

Ver. 23. 'Ei/ icopS(» T\^p«, with a heart full;

i.e., his heart being full, or, in that his heart was

Ml-

Ver. 24. Been ungodly towards. See ver.
49: With the Greek cf. 2 Pet. ii. 6 ; Jude, ver.
1 i.—Uapi. irav iBms, above every other nation.
Cf. Luke xiii. 2, and Winer, p. 404. — The com-
mon text has /ca! & i\vmi<rav, and oouceming the
things which grieved. WithEritzsche, however,
following II. and 44. we have omitted the relative.

'AvfcTTTjo-ac, rose up against ; i. e., were fulfilled
upon. See 1 Kings xiii. 2 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 16. So
the LXX. at Gen. iv. 8 renders bs C'\\). Cf. Mark
iii. 26. Wahl (Clavis, ad voc.) comments: " De
minis divinis quce, dum ratce fiunt, surgere dicuntur
iirl 'lo-par]\."

Ver. 25. iapai. This is a Coptic word, and
signifies king, and was the usual title for the
rulers of Egypt. The Hebrew at this point has
properly left out the word, giving only Necho
(133). Manetho calls him Nechao; Herodotus,
Neco ; and the monuments, Neku. See Rawlin-
son, Histor. Ev., p. 125. — Charcamys. This
seems not to be the Cercusiura of the Greeks, as
most authorities hold, but a place situated higher
up on the Euphrates, and occupying the site of
the later Hierapolis. Its importance was due to
the fact that it commanded the passage of the
iver at this point. The name signifies " the Fort
of Chemosh," Chemosh being the well-known
deity of the Moabites. See Rawlinson, Ancient
Mon., ii. 475 ; and Schrader, Keilinschriflen, p. 250.

Ver. 26. "What have I to do with theeP
Lit., What is to me and to thee? Cf. 2 Sam. xvi.
10; Matt. viii. 29.

Ver. 27. Sent out from the Lord God. It is
not likely, as Keil supposes, that he means Je-
hovah, unless he spoke from the point of view of
Josiah. The Egyptians also, to a certain degree,
acknowledged a single supreihe being who in-
spired their actions. An inscription, supposed to
have been made B. c. 750, ascribes the following
language to Piankhi, one of the Egyptian kings :
" Didst thou not know that the Divine shade was
over me ? I have not acted without his knowl-
edge. He commanded my acts." See 5/6. Com.
at 2 Chron. xxxv. 21 ; Rawlinson, Histor. Ev.,
p. 147 f. ; and Hitzig, Geschichte, p. 268. — 'Eir! ykp
rov ElKppirov, upon the Euphrates; i. e., against
the Babylonian forces on the Euphrates. For
further explanation, see our Introd. to this book,
under " Sources of the work," etc. — Is hasten-
ing ; or, IS a hastening Lord. The Greek is : Kat
Kvpios fjier' ^iJ.ov ^frttrwevSuii/ iffrlv. Cf . Esth. vi. 14 ;
Wahl's Clavis ; and Schleusner's Lex., ad voc.

Ver. 28. And Josias did not turn himself on
his chariot, /. «., he did not abandon his design.
The Vulgate has : *' Et non est reversus Josias super
currum," he did not return to the chariot in which
he came, but mounted a war chariot. Cod. 108.
has the reading which is followed in the A. V.,
as also the edition of the Greek Bible published
at Basle in 1545 and that published in Frankfort,
1596: Kal ouk aireo-rpe\pev Atf' avrov 'I. t6 &pfJU
iavTov. Cod. 108. has avrov at the end and in
it also the verb is ^TreVrpeij/ei'. Junius renders:
" Non est autem aversus Joschija cum copiis." In
the corresponding passage in 2 Chron. xxxv. 22,
there follow the difficult words : " but disguised
himself," which our translator (prudently?) omits.

Ver. 29. Mageddo. The modem El-Lejjun,
on the route of caravans from Egypt to Damas-
cus. See B(6. Com. at 2 Kings xxiii.'so. Herodotus
is supposed to have made mention of this battle

1 ESDEAS.

77

(ii. 159). He makes MagdoTiim (Wiifrdol), how-
ever, situated on the shores of Lake Tiberias, the
scene of it. These two names' were frequently
confounded. But Ewalld (Uhl. of Is., iv. 242,
note) takes a different view. He thiiiks the form
Mitgdol in Herodotus arose from the spelling
Magedon for Megiddo ; the letters n and I, at the
end of a proper name, heing often interchanged.
Cf. Eawlinsori, Herod., ad loc. Codex II. has the
singular reading MfraSSoin for MaT/eSSd. — And
thi pWnoes oarrie down to Josias. In 2 Chron.
xx?tv. 23, the Hebrew is correctly rendered :
'■ Aiid the atchers shot ait King; Josiah." The
Greek lir'anslator has evidently gone astray, and
pfobaTily in consequence of not understanding the
teit. The word' KaTa^aiva Was used for dtescChd-
ing into the arena to fight, like the Latiu in certa-
nien descendere. See Herod., v. 22.

Ver. 30. Serv'ants, iroiSej. The people of his
court arS melant. See 1 MaCC. i. 6', 8' ; Matt. xiv. 2.

Ver. 31. Second chariot. It was a chariot
Diofe siiitahl'e for making a journey. There is an
apparent' disagreement between this passage and
2'K1iigs xxiii. 29. In the latter, however, it is
pifbbHbly meant simply tliat Josiah received his
dteath wound at Megiddo. Cf. also 2 Kings xxii.
20 ; and Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv., p. 242, note.

Ver. 32. Jeremias, the prophet. The pres-
ent canonical Book of Lamentations is not meant.
See Jer. xxii. 10, 18; Zech. xii. 11. — 'ESpnvovtrav,
made lamentation. For the ending -otrai' in the
third' person plural of the imperfect and second
aoliist indicative active, see Winer, p. 77 ; B., p. 43 ;
Sophocles, Greek Lex. of the Roman and Byzantine
Periods, p. 39. Codd. III. 55. 119. have iepiivovv.

Vel'. 33. Histories of the kings of Judah.
Our Book of Chronicles is meant. Junius has
here Jehuda*, and in ver. 32 Jehiidcea. See Text.
Notes. — Book of the kings of Israel and Judah,
i.e., our books of Kings. Sec Smith's Bihte Diet.,
ii. 30, 31. Fritzsche, however, thinks differently.

Ver. 34. Declared, ai'tSei^ai'. Cf. ver. 37,
and 2 Mace. ix. 23. The compiler of our apoc-
ryphal book has doubtless made a mistake in the
name of this king, Jechonias. Such a person
was indeed once king, but was a son of the suc-
cessor of the present king. See 1 Chron. iii. 16.
Thf! person vrho was raised to the throne at this
tithe was a' younger son of Josiah, and was orig-
iiially called Shallum, and probably took the
nauie Joachaz ("the Lord possesses") on his be-
coming kirig. The A. V., in writing " Joachaz,"
seems to' have desired to emend fhe text with
feferericri tb 2'ChrOn. xxxvi. 1. Cf. also 2 Kings
xxiii. 30.

, Ver. 35. In Isi'ael. The received text, with
II., has 4v 'lo-pa^X, which is retained by Fritzsche,
liotwlthstandirig that most of the MSS. are
agaiiist it'. He holds that the phrase is not used
in a* geographical sense (as was probably sup-
posed'by those making the correction), but refers
to the nation as a whole. See Judith iv. 1 ; Matt.
viii. 10. — Deposed him from reigning in Jeru-
sateiii! The Hebrew has simply: remoued Km.
Of., further, remarks in Introd. to the present
book, under " Sources of the Work," etc.

Ver. 36. An hundred talents of silVer arid
one talent of gold. The disproportion between
the weight of the silver and the gold has attracted
attetlti6iJ: Ewald, however, accepts the state-
ment as here found, with the remark that it was
nibiifey- enough when taken in connection with the
loss of adjacent territory. See Hist, of Is., iv.
252, note.

Vers. 37, 38. No dependence can be placed oii
the text of our book at this point. Intentionally
or otherwise, it is very much falsified. See par-
allel passages in 2 Chron., 2 Kings, and in Daniel.

— Joaoim. For Joiakim, i. e., Jehoiakim.

Zaraces. An obvious corruption, and, as Fritzsche
supposes, for Jehoabaz. We have endeavored to
diminish thfe difficulties of the passage, to some
extent, by the translation given above. To make
it, however, at once intelligible and historically
credible seems, under present circumstances, a
hopeless task. See Josephus (Antiq., x. 5, § 2),
who says that Jehoahaz died in Egypt; also,
Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv. 251 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 34;
Jer. xxii. 10-12 ; Ezek. xix. 4. It bus been sug-
gested that rhv aS€\(p6v is repeated through mis-
take from the preceding line, and that Zaraces is
a corruption for Urias, the well-known prophet of
this period, whom Jehoiachim did bring back
from Egypt and put to death in Jerusalem. See
Smith's Bib. Diet., i. 945; cf. ,Ier. xxvi. 20-23.

Ver. 40. Against him, /ler' avT6v. This is an
unusual meaning for /leriJ in prose. Cf., however,
Hom., 11, V. 152 ; xvii. 460, Other MSS., it will
be observed, have 4irl, which corresponds with
the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6. — ITabuohodono-
sor. This spelling better represents the original
Hebrew than the common one The most correct
form, however, according to EWald, is Nabuchod-
rozzor. Hist, of Is., iv, 256, note, — 'With a
chain of brass. See ver. 12, above. For a simi-
lar use of the preposition iv, see LXX. at Jer. Iii.
11, and Ecclus. xxviii. 19. Respecting the state-
ment made, cf. 2 Kings xxiv. 6 ; Jer. xxii. 19,
xxxvi. 30 ; Ezek. xix. 8, 9. The most probable
supposition is that Nebu(:hadnezzar did not fulfill
his intention of carrying the captive king to Baby-
lon, or, if he did so, afterwards restored him io
Jerusalem : where, on account of a subsequent
rebellion, he was put to death, and his remains
ignominiously treated by the Babylonians, though
afterwards interred in the burylng-place of Ma-
na.sseli. But see Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv, 262.

Ver, 41. In his temple at Babylon. See
I)an. i: 2. Probably the magnificent temple of
Belus, whose ruins still remain, is meant.

Ver. 48. Joaoim, i.e., Jehoiacliin, — Eighteen
years old. The text, rec, with II., has iKrd). In 2
Chron. xxxvi 8, it is alsO said that .lehoiachin was
eight years old at this time. But it is plaiiily an or-
thographical error. The age is given as eighteen
at 2 Kings xxiv. 8 ; and his character as described
at Ezek. xix, 5-9 clearly shows that he was some-
thing more than a mere boy.

Ver. 44. Three months and ten days. It
will be noticed that our book follows the more
definite account of 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9, instead of
that in 2 Kings xxiv. 8, which gives the round
number as three months.

Ver. 45. After a year. The Hebrew is :
at the return (or turn] of the year; i. e., in the
spring, when military campaigns were usually en-
tered upon. Michaelis translates : at the end of
the year, but says that he does not see clearly
what is meant. 'He thinks, however, it means,
after the summer heats were over.

Ver. 46. Sedeoias (Zedekiah). In the pas-
sage in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 11 we read: Zedekiah,
his brother; i.e., brother of Jehoiachin. He was
really his uncle. Michaelis thinks a word is
mis.sing from the Hebrew, and that the passage
originally xeai father's brother. But such a man-
ner of speaking is not strange to the Bible. See
Geii. xiV: 14; Indeed, the word "brother la

78

THE APOCRYPHA.

applied to any kinsman, — even to a husband, to
one of the same tribe, to an ally, and to a fellow-
man. The occasion for the title here may have
been that he was of the same age as Jehoiachin.

Ver. 47. By the prophet Jeremias. See
Jer. i. 8.

Ver. 48. On the interchange of 11116 and o7r<f,
see Winer, p. 370, note; Buttmann, p. 32.5. On
the rebellion of Zedeliiah, of. Ewald, Hist, of Is.,
iv. 264 ff. — Our translator renders by t$ ovifjiaTi
Kvpiov, instead of with the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxvi.
13, Kara, tov Beov. Cf. Ezek. xvii. 12, 13, 18-20;
xxi. 2.5.

Ver. 49. XloWa, ^(re'/Srjo-oi'. Cf. ver. 24 : ijcre-
firiK6ra}V ets.

Ver. 50. His megseneer. Perhaps carelessly
used for the plural, since the prophets are doubt-
less intended ; or, the singular is to be understood
collectively. Pellican thinks Jeremiah is espe-
cially meant. Cf. Dahne, ii. 122, who is of the
opinion that the text is corrupt.

Ver. 51. '^Kirai^oifTes robs irpo<^T)Tas. This
verb usually governs the dative, which probably
accounts for the reading roh vpoffirais found in
some MSS. Cf. Gal. vi. 7.

Ver. 53. 'Ev (ioij.<l>ata, with the sword. This
preposition is often used in the LXX. and New
Testament with the dative as denoting instru-
ment or means, where in ordinary Greek writers
the dative alone would be employed, through the

influence of the Hebrew 12. See Winer, p. 388 ;
Buttmann, p. 181. The reading TraptSoDtai', which
we find in our text, notwithstanding Fritzsche's
defense of it, there seems suflScient reason for
changing. See ver. 56.

Ver. 54. Tas Ki^ano^Sf the treasure chests,
and hence, inferentially, the treasures. The

Syriac and Old Latin (followed by the A. V.)
versions understood the word to mean " ark of the
covenant;" while the MSS. III. XI. 52. 58. 64.
and others, with Aid., have changed the text itself
to harmonize with this erroneous view.

Ver. 55. Kai iKvaav ret Teixv, ^^^ demolished
the walls. For this force of the verb, see Horn.,
//., ii. 118; John ii. 19; Eph. ii. 14; and cf.
Lange's Com., on Matt., p. 110 ; Rev., p. 92.

Vers. 57, 58. By the mouth of Jeremias.
This prophet predicted seventy years of desola-
tion. SeeJer.xxv.il; xxix. 10. According to
the usual reckoning they were sixty-eight ; which
is siifiiciently exact, if we regard seventy as a
round number. The idea which is here incorpo-
rated with the prophecy — an indirect and distant,
with a definite and near, prediction — comes
from Lev. xxvi. 34. The meaning is that, inas-
much as the Hebrews, through the non-observance
of the Sabbaths and sabbatic years, had deprived
the land of the rest intended for it by its Creator,
this should now, by the banishment of its people,
be secured to it. We are not to demand (with
Bertheau, Michaelis, and others) an exact chrono-
logical coincidence. See Keil's Com. at 2 Chron.
xxxvi. 21. It is the theological, not the chrono-
logical, idea that predominates, That, however,
the law of the sabbatical year had been violated,
since the days of Moses, not far from seventy
times, is quite likely. The edition of 1611 has in
the margin : " or, keep sabbath." It is with refer-
ence to the Hebrew and Greek at 2 Chron. xxxvi.
21, the latter being: tJ)!/ 7^c to <rd00aTa airTJs
<raP$aTi<Tai. The Old Lat. (by MS. Colbert.) has:
" donee separaret bene terra in sahbaiis suis, omni
tempore desolationis suce quo sabbatizavit, ad im-
pletionem Ixx. annorum."

Chapter II.

1 In the first year of Cyrus king of the Persians, that the word of the Lord might

2 he accomplished, that he had promised by the mouth of Jeremias,^ the Lord awak-
ened ^^ the spirit of Cyrus the king of the Persians, and he made proclamation m'

3 all his kingdom, and at the same time * by writing, saying. Thus saith Cyrus king
of the Persians, The Lord of Israel, the most high Lord, hath declared ^ me king

4 of the whole world, and commanded me to build him a house at Jerusalem in

5 Juda;a.« If therefoi-e there be any of you that are of his people, let his Lord ' be
with him, and let him go up to Jerusalem that is in Judaaa, and build the house

6 of the Lord of Israel, /or he is the Lord that dwelleth in Jerusalem. As many
now, as dwell scattered in single places, each one of these let the people of his place

7 help with gold and with sUver, with gifts, with horses, and with cattle, together
with the rest of the things « which have been set forth by vow, for the temple of
the Lord at Jerusalem.

8 And the chief of the respective families of the tribe of Judah and of Benjamin

Ver. 1.— lA, V. : Jeremle.

V^r' I ~l A • V '' '■"'f^"P- , " *5<'°«'' (Cod- II. omits h before SAj rji p.). . also (Gr,, ii^a).
Ver. S. — " A. V. : made (Or., iveSei^e). t i- 1

Ver. 4. — "A. V.: Jewry.

lBl"e, a JlstrlFrankfor" ».' "'" "" "" '' °"°°* "''"°' "^ '*'°'' '^ '"• ^' ''• ^^ ^'^^ ""'» '"^ ^'"^^ ^''"" °* ^

SeJeo^'~Codd'*ill'?r«''9ls"'™H*T" '° ""fu"''""'' '"'°"'' •'' '"^ ^"^'^ ^^ <*"»»■ I •™2'' '^^ "^ Wa neighbors)
bee Lam. l-odd. III. XI. 44. 248. and others, with Aid., omit the article before Ton-ovi
Ver. I . - « A. V. ; and other things (Or., <rtv ror? oXXm, toIs, etc.).

1 ESDHAS.

79

resolved * — the priests also, and the Levites, and all they whose mind the Lord

9 had awakened,^ to go up, and to build a house for the Lord at Jerusalem ; and

they that dwelt round about them, helped with » all things, with silver and gold

■Uiith horses and cattle, and with very many consecrated gifts * of a great number

10 whose minds were awakened.^ King Cyrus also brought forth the holy vessels of the
.Lord, which ^ Nabuchodonosor had carried away from Jerusalem, and had deposited

11 in the temple of his idol.' Now when Cyrus king of the Persians had brought

12 forth these things,' he delivered them to Mithridates his treasurer ; and by him

13 they were delivered to Sanabassar the governor of JudiBa. And this was the num-
ber of them : A thousand golden cups, and a thousand of silver, censers of silver
twenty nine, vials of gold thirty, and of silver two thousand four hundred and ten,

U and a thousand other vessels. And all " the vessels of gold and of silver, which

15 were carried away, were five thousand four hundred threescore and nine. And
they" were brought back by Sanabassar, together with them of the captivity, from
Babylon to Jerusalem.

16 But in the time of Artaxerxes king of the Persians, Belemus, and Mithridates,
and Tabellius, and Rathumus, and Beeltethmus, and Semellius the secretary, with
the rest who were associated" with them, dwelling in Samaria and the other"
places, wrote unto him against them that dwelt in Judjea ^^ and Jerusalem the fol-

17 lowing letters : " To king Artaxerxes our lord, Thy servants, Rathumus the chroni-
cler,'* and Semellius the scribe, and the rest of their council, and the judges "

18 that are in Coelesyria and Phoenice." Be it now known to the lord the king, that
the Jews that came up from you to us, have come to Jerusalem and build the re-
bellious and wicked city, repair the marketplaces, and '^ the walls of it, and lay "

19 the foundation of the temple. Now if this city be built and the walls completed^

20 they will not only refuse to give tribute, but also rebel against kings. And since
the building of the temple is now going on,^^ we think it meet not to neglect such

21 a matter, but to speak unto our lord the king, to the intent that, if it be thy pleas-

22 ure, it may be sought out in the books of thy fathers. And thou wilt '^ find in the
chronicles what is written concerning these things, and wilt ^ understand that that

23 city was rebellious, troubling both kings and cities ; and that the Jews were rebel-
lious, and caused always sieges therein, for which very cause ^* this city was made

24 desolate. Wherefore now we do declare unto thee, 0 lord the king, that if Hiis
city be built again, and the walls thereof set up anew, thou wilt ^^ from henceforth
have no passage into Coelesyria and Phojnice.

25 Then the king wrote back to ^^ Rathumus the chronicler,^' to Beeltethmus. to
Semellius the scribe, and to the rest that were associated, and dwelt ^^ in Samaria

26 and Syria and Phoenice, after this manner : I have read the epistle which ye have

Ver. 8. — lA. V. : Then the chief ol the families of Judea and of the tribe of Benjamin Btood up (see Com.)
■ nioYed.(^yeipe, as at ver. 2).

Ver. 9..— 3A. V. ; ondhelped <A«mln. « free gifts (Gr., evxais). 6 were stirred np (Aerefo. Pritzsche has inserted
xai before KT^veo-t, with III. XI. 58. and others.

Ver. 10. — « A . Y. : Tcssels, which. ' set up in his temple of idols (MS. Colbert., in umplo idolonim).

Ver. 11. — 8 A. V. : them forth. The support of II., cited by Fritzsche for MiSpiSarj), is correct as far as the spelling
MiflpiS. but a rho has been inserted, doubtless by mistake, thus : MiSpiapaTji. At Ter. 16, howeyer, there was first
written MiflpoSa-njy, and as a correction some one has written an iota over the alpha.

Ver. 14. — » A. V. : So all. " Ver. 15. — ^ A. V. : These (Se orerloolted).

Ver. 16. — n A. V. : others that were in commission (Gr., ol Aoiirol ol — 1n1vTa.a-17611.tv01). »* and other. "^ judea.
" %« letters foUowing. For the common reading {<a.riypcL<l,av) II. III. U. 65. have the singular, which Fritzsche also
adopts.

Ver. 17. — 15 A. V. : story-u-riter. 10 See Com. The words Ka'i Kpirai are not omitted in II., as stated m Fritzsche a
apparatus (following Holmes and Parsons), but only the Ko.i ; aa also in 19. and the Old Lat. " Coelesyria and Phe-
nlce. I shall hereafter change the spelling, as aboTe, without further remark.

Ver; 18. -18 A. v.: are come — being come into J- (rtaf rebellious and wicked city) do buUd the marketplaces, and
repair. m do lay.

Ver. 19. — M A. V. : Now if this city and the walls thereof \ie made up a^ain (Gr., <n)neAeereij).

Ver. 20. — 21 A. V. : forasmuch as the things pertaining to the temple are now in hand. It is literal, but not clear.

Ver. 22. — 22 A. V. : Shalt. 23 shalt. . , .v ^< v

Ver. 23. -2* A. V. : and raised always wars (Gr. uoAiopKiM, awi,niy.tvot, etc. ; see Com.) therein ; for the which cause
even.

Ver. 24. — 25 a. V. : up anew thou shalt. _ ... ^a »,.,*

Vor. 25. - 26 A. V. : back again to. 27 storywriter. The Greek here is somewhat different from that at Ter. 16, but
the meaning Is the same : 'P. T<r vpa^orri ri ^foanimoyra (Ter. 16 : 6 ri irpocnriirro^Ta). 2« A. V. : that wese in
commission, aud dwellers.

80

THE APOCRYPHA.

sent unto me. Therefore I commanded to make diligent search, and it hath
been found that that city was from ancient times acting in opposition to ^ kings ;

27 and that ^ the men therein were given to rebellion and war ; and that mighty kings
and fierce were in Jerusalem, who reigned and exacted tributes in Coelesyria and

28 Phoenice. Now therefore I have commanded to hinder those men from building
the city, and that care be taken that nothing take place contrary to this command,''

29, 30 and that the evil ^ proceed no further to the annoyance of kings. Then Rathu-
mus and Semellius the scribe, and those who were associated with them having
read the letters of Artaxerxes,^ removing in haste towards Jerusalem with a troop
of horse and foot " in battle array, began to hinder the builders ; and the building
of the temple in Jerusalem ceased untU the second year of the reign of Darius
king of the Persians.

Ver. 26. — ^ A. V. : from the beginning practicing against (see Com.').

'VeT.27.—'A..Y.omitstliat.

Ver. 28. — ^A.y.: heed be taken that there be no more done in it (Gr., koX vpovoijOrivat ottws fijjSev wapi ravra
yemp-a-i]. Ver. 29. — * A. V. : that those wicked workers.

Ver. 30. —» A. V.: Then king A., his letters being read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that were ij
commission with them. '^ horsemen and a multitude of people (marg. : a great number of soldiers). The Greek is
o^Aov, and as joined with lttttov there can be no doubt of its meaning. Of. Xen., Cyrop., T. 5. 4.

Chapter H. (Cf. Ez. i. 1-15; it. 7-24.)

Ver. 1 . First year of Cyrus. His first year at
Babylon is meant. — By the mouth of Jeremias.
Cf. ./er. XXV. 11, 12 ; xxix. 10. It will be noticed
that this verse and the two next following are to
be found both at the end of 2 Chrou. and at the
beginning of Ezra, a fact which favors the theory
that the two books were originally united in one.

Ver. 3. The Lord of Israel, the most high
Lord. It is possible that in the Hebrew transcript
of the Persian original of this document (Ez. i. 2),
the name of Jehovah was substituted for that of
Ormazd. See Kawlinson, Ancient Mon., in. 348,
where the language of this passage is compared
with the oft-recurring formula of the Persian in-
scriptions. Our translator, however, follows nei-
th4|r the LXX. nor tlie Hebrew, at this point. Cf .,
also, vi. 31 ; viii. 19, 21, where he introduces the
same change in the divine name. Dahne finds in
this fact evidence that he was influenced by the
Alexandrian philosophy. " Sehr angemessen be-
dient sich unser Verfasser dieses AnsdrucUs, ihn
vorziiglich hervoihebend, nur dann, wenn Ans-
lander von dem Gotte der Israeliten mit Verehrung
redend eingefiihrt werden." ii. p. 121. Cf., how-
ever, Fritzsche, Com., " Nachtrage."

Ver. 6. Each one of these, let the people of
his place. The Hebrews are particularly meant,
but possibly also, others, since they might be ex-
pected to sympathize, to some degree, in this noble
enterprise of Cyrus. See Ewald, Geschichte d.
Volk. is., iv. 103.

Ver. 7. Set forth by vow. This translation
seems intended to be explanatory. The original
has only, with free-will offerings. The perfect par-
ticiple is used to show that these things had been
previously devoted to such a purpose.

Ver. 8. Karaarijffai/Tes (III. XI. 64. ; KaTatrrdv-
res). Fritzsche would give to the word the sense
of decided, determined on. Only a part of the
Jewish people embraced the opportunity offered
by Cyrus. Josephiis (Antiq., xi. 1) says it was be-
cause they were unwilling to relinquish the prop-
erty which they had acquired in their banish-
ment. Most of those who returned belonged to
the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. See 1 Chron
ix. 3.

Ver. 9. '0.5 wXilffTaa. On the force of cos with
the superlative, see Crosby's Greek Gram., p. 339,

and Kriiger, xlix. 10. — ei/X'"', rendered free ffifls
in the A. V. ; better, consecrated gifts, offerings.
See Hom., Od., x. .526; Acts xviii. 18; and cf.
Trench, N. T. Syn., Pt. 2, p. 1. _

Ver. 10. 'Ev t^ fiSaiAefy aiirov. See 1 Mace. i.
47 {eiSai\eTa, rendered in the A. V. " chapels of
idols "), and 1 Cor. viii. 10, where we have ii^
elSwXelw KaTaKeliievov, " sit at meat in the idol's
temple."

Ver. 11. Mithridates, t. e., given by Mithra.
The Speaker's Com, (Ez. i. 8), finds in this name
an indication that the worship of the sun by the
Persians dates back at least to the time of Cyrus.
Cf. also Gesenius, Heb. Lex., ad voc

Ver. 1 2. Sanabassar. Doubtless this is a cor-
rupted form of the Persian name of Zerubbabel.
See Ez. i. 8; v. 16; Zech. iv. 9. Such a change
of names was common, as is seen in the case of
Daniel and his companions. The MSS. give dif-
ferent forms of the word, an interchange of letters
being a common fault of transcribers. See Frau-
kel, Vorstud., p. 97.

Ver. 13. A thousand golden cups. The word
used to translate the Hebrew for cups is o-rrovdeTa,
i. e., cups for drink offerings. The LXX. has
\f/vKTripes, " wine coolers." In Ez. i. 9 the trans-
lation is " chargers." The Hebrew word occurs
nowhere else. Ewald ( Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv.
102) would render it by KipraWos. This was a
kind of basket, pointed at the bottom, and covered
with network to let the smoke through. — Cen-
sers, BuiaKai. At Ezra i. 9, the same Hebrew
word is translated in the A. V., " knives." Ac-
cording to Gesenius, it means a slaughter knife,
and was used for killing victims for sacrifice. The
idea of gliding, passing through like a knife, char-
acterizes the root. — Vials. At Ez. i. 10, the ren-
dering is " basins." Cf. 1 Chron. xxviii. 17.
Probably a larger kind of cup or bowl is in-
tended.

Ver. 14. On the discrepancy between the num-
ber as here given and that given in the canonical
Ezra, see remarks in our Introduction to the pres-
ent book.

Ver. 16. 'Ev Si roh M 'Apra^ep^ov. On the
force of (iri, in such a construction, see Winer, p.
392. — Fritzsche, with others, referring to Jo-
sephus {Antig., xi. 2, § 1 ), supposes that Cambyses

1 ESDEAS.

81

innBt be indicated under this title, although ordi-
narily pseudo-Smerrtis is so called in the Book of
Ezra. We must thinic, however, that Josephus is
mistaken. In the preceding verse in Ezra (iv. 6),
AhasueruR, who is doubtless Cambyses, is men-
tioned, while the second king named after him
(iv, 24) is Darius Hystaspis. Hence, the interven-
ing one of the present verse, with a different title,
should be, properly, pseudo-SmerOis. The Per-
sian kings often had several names. It is a strong
incidental support of this view that this pseudo-
Smerdis, alone of the kings here concerned, was
an opponent of the pure Persian religion, and it
would not therefore be strange to find him ready
te put a stop to a work of this kind at Jerusalem.
— Belemus (Ez. iv. 7, Bishlara). In the LXX.
Arabic and Syriac versions this was not regarded
as a proper name, but translated in peace. Rath-
Umus, the Rehum of the Hebrew. — Beeltethmus.
This word was misunderstood by the translator,
and is rightly given at Ez. iv. 9, as tlie title of
Uehum. This fact is noticed in the margin of
the version of 1611. It means, literally, "lord of
judgment," or " chancellor." The LXX. version
makes the same blunder. Cf., also, vers. 17, 25
of this chapter, where our author, curiously enough,
escapes from his difficulty only to fall into it again,
josephus (Antiq., x. 2), who generally follows the
apocryphal book, does not do so in this case. —
SSmeUiiiB (Shimshai, Ez. iv. 8). He was the sec-
retary of Rehum, the governor. By comparing
our hook at this point with the parallel account in
Ezra, one of its most marked characteristics will
be plainly observed, namely, its avoidance of cir-
cumlocutions and difficult combinations for the
Bake of greater simplicity and clearness. This
might certainly be regarded as a good trait in an
author, yet scarcely to be commended in a trans-
lator. But, obviously, the making of a transla-
tion, good or bad, was not the principal thing
aimed at in our book.
Ver. 17. The translation "judges " is falsely

given here to a Hebrew word which means Dina-
iles. They were colonists from Dayan, a country
on the borders of Cilieia and Cappadocia, often
mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions. See Ez.
iv. 9.

Ver. 18. From you to us. To be taken in a
geographical sense. A proper pointing of the
Greek requires that the words, that rebellious ana,
wicked city, should be made the object of oIko-
Soii.ov(n. — Marketplaces. These were public
places where things were exposed for sale, corre-
sponding to the modern bazaar. See Winer, Eeal-
warterb., under " Stadte."

Ver. 20. Misled by a Chaldaic word, which
might mean either palace or temple, the translator
at this point has wandered far from his text, in
order to make his version consistent with itself.

Ver. 21. Books of thy fathers. The Persians
were accustomed to keep such records. See
Diod. Sic, il. 32 ; and Eawlinson, Ancient Mon., \i.
264 f. The word " fathers " must be used in a
figurative sense, meaning "predecessors," espe
daily if addressed to pseudo-Smerdia.

Ver. 23. Caused always sieges (TroXiopK^as).
Their conduct, they would say, had been such
that sieges from foreign powers had been contin-
ually necessary. See ver. 27, and cf. 2 Kings
xxiv. 1.

Ver. 26. Acting in opposition to. This verb
— ayrtnapaTdaffu — means to put one*s self in a
hostile attitude. It is meant that they had acted
in a hostile spirit against kings. See 2 Mace. xiv.
29.

Ver. 30. Removing, ivafeu^ai'Tej, i. e., having
yoked up again. The word is often used of armies.
Herod., ix. 41, 58. Cf. vili. 61 of the present
book, and 1 Maec. xi. 22. — XlapiTa^ii means some-
times the line of battle, and sometimes is used in
the more general sense of battle. The latter
meaning seems preferable here. Cf . i. 30 ; Judith
V. 23 ; vii. 11 ; Thucyd., v. 11.

Chapter III.

1 And king Darius * made a great feast unto all his subjects, even ^ unto all his

2 household, and unto all the princes of Media and Persia, and to all the governors
and generals ' and toparchs * that were under him, from India unto Ethiopia, in the

3 hundred twenty and seven provinces. And they ate, and drank, and being satisfied,
went home. But « Darius the king went into his bedchamber, and slept, and awoke.

4 Then the three" young men that were the king's body guard » spake one to an-

5 other, Let each one of us mention one thing that is mightiest and unto him whose
sentiment 1° shall seem wiser than the others, unto him shall the king Darius give

6 great gifts, and great tokens " of victory : as, to be clothed in purple, and to drink
in gold, and to sleep upon gold, and a chariot with gold-studded bridles," and a

7 tiara of byssus," and a chain about his neck ; and he shall sit next to Darms because

2 and (Kilt epexeget.).

„-. with others, and Aid.) and drunken, and
' soon after awaked. The text. rec. has eaurov

Ter. 1. — 1 A. V. : Now when Darius reigned, he (xal ^na-ikevaM A^, 64. 243. 248. Aid.).

Ver. 2.— s A. v.: captains. < lieutenants. e of an (Or., ev toii).

Ver. 3. — 8 A. V. : And when they had eaten (nal ore iifyayov, XI. 62.^
being satisfied were gone home, then {rore, XI. 52. 58. 248. Aid.).
Bfter Mirai'a, but it has not the support of II. III. 44. 58.

VcT 4 _ 8 A V • Then three " of the guard that kept the Idng's body. , . , „

Z: t. -» A. v.: every onTof us speak a'sentenee (Qr., Myo., but here used indefinitely) = he that shaU overcome,

aad whose sentence. ^ things in token. , „ ,. ir< a ' \ t ^.l^«„™.^^ u hottPi- tn

Ver.6.->^A.V.omtoand. i3 bridles of gold.' « headtire of fine hnen (Gr., pvT:r.^v). I thongW .t better to

teansfer the word, as it refers to a certain kind of linen
6

82 THE APOCRYPHA.

8 of his wisdom, and shall be called Darius's kinsman.' And then each one wrote

9 his sentiment,^ sealed it, and laid it under king Darius's" pillow; and said,*
When the king is risen, one shall " give him what is written ; ° and of whom '
the king and the three princes of Persia shall judge that his sentiment" is the

10 wisest, to him shall the victory be given, as agreed.^ The first wrote. Wine is
n the strongest. The second wrote, The king is strongest. The_ third wrote,

12 Women are strongest ; but above all things truth beareth away the victory.

13 And" when the king was risen up, they took what was written," and delivered

14 it unto him, and he read it.'^ And sending forth he called all the princes of Persia
and Media, and the governors, and the generals," and the toparchs," and the

15 chief officers, and seated himself in the council chamber ; and what was written

16 was'"^ read before them. And he said. Call the young men, and they themselves

17 shall make known their sentiments. And '" they were called, and came in. And
they " said unto them, Tell us concerning what is written. And the first began,"

] 8 who had spoken of the strength of wine ; and he spoke '' thus : 0 ye men, how ex-

19 ceeding strong is wine ! It causeth all men to err that have drunk ^^ it. It maketh
the mind of the king and of the fatherless child one mmd ; ^' both that of the bond-

20 man and of the freeman, of the poor ^^ and of the rich. It turneth also every mind

21 towards ^^ jollity and mirth, and one ^ remembereth neither sorrow nor debt. And
it maketh every heart rich, and one ^^ remembereth neither king nor governor ; and

22 it maketh a man speak all timtgs by talents. And when they are in their cups,

23 they forget to be friendly to friends ^* and brethren, and a little after draw their

24 swords. And when they have ^ risen from the wine, they remember not what they
have done. 0 ye men, is not wine the strongest, seeing that it ^" enforceth to do
thus ? And when he had so spoken, he held his peace.

Ver. 7. — 1 A. V. : Darius his cousin. See Com.

Ver. 8. — ^ A..\.: every one wrote his sentence. 3 Darius his, * said that.

Ver. 9. — 6 A. V. : is risen, some will. o the writings. ' whose side. 8 sentence. o was appointed. The
o{ before 6 Xdyos is omitted by the Codd. XI. 44. and many others, with Aid. For r-iKos XI. 58. 64. 248. Aid. have
viicTifj-a.. Cf. ver. 5, eTrivt'/cta.

Ver. 13. — 10 A. V. : Now. " their writings. ^- them unto him, and so he read them.

Ver. 14. — ^ A. V. : captains. ^^ lieutenants. The article of the text. rec. before crarpajras is omitted in II. III.
XI. 55, The two following words, Kal tTTpartiyoix;, are not found in II.

Ver. 15. — ii'A. V.; sat him down in the royal seat of judgment (marg. : council); and the writings (ra ypa/x/iaTa,
108.) were.

Ver. 16. — 1^ A. V. . they sliall declare their own sentences. So. Cod. III. and some others have cavrlav for avrwr after
Xiyovs.

Ver. 17. — " A. V. : be (so 119. 243. 245. 248. Aid.). " Declare unto us your mind concerning the writings. Then
began the first. if* said.

Ver. 18. —20 A. V. : drink {TrivovTa^, instead of Trt'ovTas, is supported by III. XI. 64. 248. and others, with Aid.).

Ver. 19. — ^ A.Y : to be all one (Gr., ttii/ Siacoia/' fjiCav). ^^ poor Tnan.

Ver. 20. — 2= A. V. : thought into. '■> so that d man.

Ver. 21. — ^ A. V. ; so that a man. Here and in the following verse we find in II. for fii^vrjvTat. the singular of the
same.

Ver. 22. — 26 A. V. : their love both to friends.

Ver. 23. — 2' A. V. : but when they are. The reading yevridajtriv was adopted, but cannot be admitted, although sup-
ported by some good authorities : III. XI. 44. 64. 71. 248. and others, with Aid.

Ver. 24. — 2» A. V. : that (Gr., ori).

Chapter III. (Cf. Josephus, Antiq., xi. 3 ff.)

Ver. 1. And he made a great feast. Wei "But, after that he [Darius] had rested a little
haA'e the Greek exactly reproduced in Luke v. 29 : part of the night, he awoke, and, not being able

inolTicre Soxhf ^^yo.^'ny. — To?s otKoyey^iTiVy liouse
servants. Lit., those born in the house. The
second Ka/ should be taken epexegetically : and in-
deed, namely, even,

Ver. 2. From India unto Ethiopia. Cf.
Esth. i. 1 ; viii. 9 ; Dan. vi. \.

Ver. 3. And awoke. Schleusuer (Lex., ad
ttoc.) and some others would Iranshite the words
Kal e^uTTj'os e'yeVsTo, and slept profoundly {in pro-
funduni somnum incidit). But, while this meaning
might suit the context, it is not the natural and
usual meaning of the words. Josephus gives to
the narrative quite a different coloring. He says :

to sleep any more, he fell into conversation with
the three guards of his body, aud promised that
to him who should make an oration concerning
points that he [the king] would inquire about,
such as should be most agreeable to truth and the
dictates of wisdom, he would allow him as a re-
ward of his victory to put on a ])urple garment,"
etc. Josephus, moreover, gives tlie following
reason for the king's subsequent conduct, that,
while he was yet a subject, he made a vow that if
he came to the throue he would .send all the ves-
sels of God that were in Babylon back to Jeru-
salem. It is related of Ptolemy III. Euergetes

1 ESDBAS.

83

of Egypt that he instituted such contests as the
one here described, among the writers of his day.
See Bohl, p. 32.

Ver, 5. %a<l><iTepoii tov erepov. Lit., wiser than
the other. The comparative is used for the super-
lative. See Winer, p. 240; Buttmann, p. 83.

Ver. 7. Darius's kinsman. It is simply an
honorary title. See 1 Mace. a. 89; xi. 31; 2 Mace.
xi. 1, 35; 3 Mace. v. 39.

Ver. 9. Three princes of Persia. See Esth.
i. 14 in the Septuagint version ; also, viii. U, be-
low. There were seven leading princely families
ill Persia ; the heads of which, as it is supposed,
formed the council of the king. See Hawlinson,
Ancient Mon., iii. 223. Either our translatbr knew
of only three such princes, or this number may
have been selected in the present case with refer-
ence to the number of contestants.

Ver. 10. 'O els. Lit., the one. See, on this
construction, Winer, p. 116; Buttmann, pp. 30,
102 ; and cf. Matt. vi. 24 ; xxiv. 40 f.

Ver. 14. Chief oflloers, imirous. The term
was used by Latin writers (Polyb.) to designate
consuls and prefects. Graetz (iii. p. 445, note)

thinks that it furnishes a key to the time of the
composition of the book.

Ver. 17. The reading is (lirav, the plural, and
not the singular as rendered in the A. V., the
spectators being meant. See Text. Nntes.

Ver. 18. T^j/ Siii/oiay. Wc connect with what
precedes, agreeable to the pointing of Fritzsche's
text : it seduces (deceives) the mind of every man
who drinks it.

Ver. 19. Fatherless child. Lit., orphan. It
is used figuratively for what is weak, in contra-
distinction to the king.

Ver. 20. Cf., on the sentiment of the verse,
Ps. civ. 15; Eccles. X. 19; Wisd. ii. 9; Ecclus.
xiii. 8.

Ver. 21. And it maketh a man speak all
things by talents, xal irdyra 8ii TaKivTav iroie?
\a\eiv, i. e., causes that a person speak as though
he had to do only with talents. Wahl remarks:
" Efficit vinum, ut cujuscunque conditioiiis homo
loquatur per talenta ; i.e., talentorum possessorem
sese jactaus=wie ein Millionar." (Claois, p. 116.)

Ver. 23. Bisen from the [sleep produced by]
wine. See Text. Notes.

Chapteb rv.

1 And ^ the second, that had spoken of the strength of the king, began to speak.^

2 0 ye men, do not men excel in strength, that bear rule over sea and land, and all

3 things in them ? But ^ the king is more mighty, and is their lord,* and hath domin-

4 ion over them ; and whatsoever he commandeth them they obey.^ If he bid them
make war the one against the other, they do it ; and ^ if he send them out agaiust

5 the enemies, they go, and demolish ' mountains, and * walls, and towers. They
slay and are slain, and transgress not the king's commandment ; if moreover, they
get the victory they bring all to the king ; and if they plunder also, all the rest.'

6 And as many as are not soldiers," and have not to do with wars, but practice " hus-
bandry, when they have reaped again that which they had sown, they bring it to

7 the king, and compel one another to pay tribute unto the king. And ^^ he is only

8 one *° ; if he command to kill, they kill ; if he command to spare, they spare ; if he
command to smite, they smite ; if he command to make desolate, they make deso-

9 late ; if he command to build, they build ; if he command to cut down, they cut

1 0 down ; if he command to plant, they plant. And the whole of his people " and his

11 armies obey him. Furthermore he recline th,^* he eateth and drinketh, and taketh
his rest, and these keep watch round about him, neither may any one depart, and

12 do his own business, neither disobey they him.^^ O ye men, how should not the
king be mightiest, seeing that he is so '" obeyed ? And he was silent."

'l3 And^" the third, who had spoken of women and the truth (that is Zoroba-

14 beP") began to speak. O ye men. Is not the king great, and men many, and

wine mighty ?^^ Who is it, then, that ruleth them, or hath the lordship over

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Then. ^ say.

Ver. 3. — » A. V. : Bnt yet. * for he is lord of all these things (II. XI. 52. 64. and others, with Aid., read wivriav
for avTb>v). 5 do (see Com.).

Ver. 4. — » A. V. amiis and (6e). ' break down (see Com.). ' omits and.

Ver. 6. — » A. V. : if they get the victory they bring aU to the king, as well the spoils as all things else. The last
ilanse (xal ri iAAa iraiTa) might be rendered : "and with respect to the rest they bring all." For ical iiv in the last
clause but one, III. XI. 62. 64. and others, with Aid., offer Kai oo-a eav.

Ver. 6.-1° A. V. : Likewise for those that are no soldiers (icci\ ocroi ou orporeuoi'TaO. " use.

Ver. 7. — >2 A. V. : And yet. ^^ but one man. The Greek is, kclX avrat til liivos ioriy.

Ver. 10. — " A. V. : So all his people (Or., khI ^it i A<io! airoO). '= lieth down. Reclining at table is clearly meant
(ai-amiTail. Ver. 11. —M A. V. adds in any thing.

Ver. 12. —"A. V. : when (Or., oti) in such sort he is. " held hia tongue (Qr., ea-iyijo-ei-).

Ver. 13.— 1" A. v.: Then. ''<> women and o/the truth (this was Z.).

Ver. 14. — " A. V. : it is not the great king, nor the multitude of men, neither is it wine that excelleth. The Greek
IS, oi-Jpes (III. 64. 248. Aid. prefix S,), oi fieyat 6 ^oa-iKm, etc., with an interrogation at the end of the Ust. Junius has,
" 0 viri, non Rex maximus, non hominum multitudo, non vinum est fortissimum."

84 THE APOCRYPHA.

16 them? Is it not* women? Women gave birth to ^ the king and all the people

16 that bear rule by sea and land. Even of them were they born;' and they
brought up the very planters of * the vineyards, from whence the wine cometh.

1 7 These also make the garments of the ^ men ; and these bring glory unto the

18 men ; " and without women men cannot exist.' If moreover, they * have gathered
together gold and silver, and any" goodly thing, and they see one woman comely

19 in form and feature,*" letting all those things go, they have a great desire for
her, and with open mouth they gaze at her ; and all men prefer her rather than

20 silver or gold, or any goodly thing.** A man leaveth his own father that brought

21 him up, and his own country, and cleaveth unto his wife. And he remains by his

22 wife until death,*^ and remembereth neither father, nor mother, nor country. By
this also you should *^ know that women have dominion over you : do ye not labor

23 and toil, and give and bring all to women ? ** And *^ a man taketh his sword,

24 and goeth forth on a raid,*^ to rob and to steal, to sail upon the sea and upon
rivers ; and looketh upon the *' lion, and goeth in the darkness ; and when he hath

25 stolen, and spoiled, and robbed, he bringeth it to his love. And ** a man loveth

26 his wife better than father or mother. And*" many there be that have lost^"

27 their wits for women, and become servants for their sakes. Many also have per-

28 ished, and ^* have erred, and sinned, for women. And now do ye not believe me ?

29 7s not the king great in his power ? Do not all lands ^^ fear to touch him ? I
saw him ^^ and Apame, the king's concubine, the daughter of the admirable Bar-

30 tacus, sitting at the right hand of the king, and taking the crown from the king's

31 head, and setting it upon her own head; she also struck^* the king with her left
hand. And furthermore,^ the king gazed ^^ upon her with open mouth ; if she
smiled upon him, he laughed ; and if she took any displeasure at him, he flat-

32 tered her, that she might " be reconciled to him again. O ye men, how can it be
but that women are ^° strong, seeing they do thus ?

33 And then "" the king and the princes looked one upon another ; and ^ he began

34 to speak of the truth. 0 ye men, are not women strong ? Great is the earth,
and '* high is the heaven, and ^^ swift is the sun in his course, for he turneth in the

35 circle of the heaven and returneth *' again to his own place in one day. Is he not
great that doeth ^'' these things ? And "^ great is the truth, and stronger than all

36 things. All the earth calleth the ^^ truth, and the heaven blesseth it; and*' all

37 works shake and tremble at ity^ and with it is no unrighteous thing. Wine is un-
righteous, the king is unrighteous, women are unrighteous, all the children of men

Ver. 14. — ^ are they not. * Ver. 15. — ^ A-.Y.: have home (see Com.).

Ver. 16. — 2 X. V. : came they. « nourished them that planted. The context reqxures the idea of " to bring up from
a child," and it is found in the verb lieQpc^av.

Ver. 17. — I* A. V. : garments for. •* these bring (so Junius) .... unto men. ' be.

Ver. 18. — 8 A. V. : Tea, and if men. » or any other. lo do they not love a woman which is comely in favor and
beauty ? (III. 68. 64. 119. 243. 248. Aid. read mix'- iyo-^t^fiv for Kal tSaxn).

Ver. 19. — " A. V. : And letting all those iA/nys go, do they not gape and even with open mouth fix their eyes fast
upon her; and have not all 7?3en more desire unto her (71.,ei'ai'Tn) than unto silver or gold, or any goodly thing what-
soever. The reading Kat at the beginning of the verse is found in II. XI. 243. 24B. Aid., but not in the text, rec, and ifl
obviously out of place.

Ver. 21. — ^2 A. V. : lie sticks not to spend his life with his wife (see Com.).

Ver. 22. — » A. V. : must. " the woman.

Ver. 23. — " A. V. : Yea. w and goeth his way. Cod. II. also, as well as the authorities cited by Fritzsche (III.
44. 04. 74 106. 103. and others), omits the article before ii/flpomot. For eJoSeveir khi' III XI. 58. Aid. have els i(<iSiav ;
Old Lat. (MS. Colbert.), obsidere in viam.

Ver. 24. — " A. V. : a. Ver. 25. — " A. V. : Wherefore.

Ver. 26. — 1» A. V. : Yea. =» run out of (marg. ; grown desperate). The Greek is, iirero^Siiirai' tm ISiait Smj-oiais.

Ver. 27. —« A. V. omits and. Ver. 28. — '-^ A. V. ; regions (Gr., x<lp«0.

Ver. 29. — ^3 A. V. ; Yet did I see. Por ^aproKou, Josephus {Antiq., xl. 3, § 6) has 'Po/Sefinov, ajid the Syriao 'Apriicov
(plOnS), suggesting Artachseus, a general of Xerxes.

Ver. 30. — " A. V. : Strooke.

Ver. 31. — "'• A. V. : yet for all this (marg. : hereat). The Greek is irp!n Toiiroit, as at ver. 10. ^ A.V.: gaped and
gazed. " if she laughed upon him, he laughed also ,• but if she took any displeasure at him, the king was fain to flatter
that she might be, etc. For TTpooyeKaa^, II. 55. have the less appropriate yeAacrn.

Ver. 32. — 2a x. V. : but women should be.

Ver. 38. —28 A. V. : Then (71. omits Kai). a" So.

Ver. 34. —M A. V. omils and. 32 o^Us and. S3 for he compasseth the heavens round about, and fetcheth his
eourse.

Ver. 35. 34 A. V. : maketh (see Com.). 35 therefore.

Ver. 36. 30 A. V. : upon (marg. : praiseth, see Com.) the. " omlti and. "a at it.

I ESDBAS. 85

are unrighteous, and all their works are unrighteous,^— yea, all things that are such,
^8 and truth is not m them ; and through their unrighteousness they perish.^ Yet the

39 truth abideth, and is for ever strong ; and it liveth and ruleth " for evermore. And *
ysfith her there is no accepting of persons and no making of distinctions ; ^ but she
doeth the things that are just, and refraineth from all unjust and wicked things ;

40 and all men take pleasure in " her works, and there is nothing unrighteous in her
judgment.' And she is the strength, and the' kingdom, and the' power, and
the '" majesty, of all ages. Blessed be the God of the" truth.

41 And he ceased speaking. ^^ And thereupon all the people shouted, and then said,'"
4? (Jreat is the " truth, and mighty above all things. Then said the king unto him.

Ask what thou wilt above what is in the writings," and we will give it thee, accord-
ing as '° thou art found wisest ; and thou shalt sit next me, and shalt be called

43 my kinsmap." Then said he unto the king. Remember thy vow, to build Jerusa-

44 lem which thou didst vow on " the day when thou camest to thy kingdom, and to
send away all the vessels that were taken away out of Jerusalem, which Cyrus re-
moved," when he vowed to destroy Babylon, and vowed ^^ to send them away ^'

45 thither. Thou also hast vowed to build up the temple, which the Edomites ^ burnt

46 when Judsea was made desolate by the Chaldees. And now, O lord the king, this is
what I desire of thee and what 1 request of thee, and this is the great honor from
thee : I pray, now, that thou make good the vow, which with thy mouth thou hast

47 vowed to the King of heaven to perform.^ Then Darius the king stood up, and
kissed him, and wrote letters for him unto all the treasurers and toparchs ^* and gen-
erals ^^ and governors, that they should give escort to ^^ him, and all those that went ^'

48 up with him to build Jerusalem. He wrote letters also unto the toparchs ^' that were
in Coelesyria and Phoenice, and unto them in Libanus, that t/iey should bring cedar
wood from Libanus unto Jerusalem, and that they should build the city with him.

49 Moreover he wrote for all the Jews that went out of his realm up into Judsea,^ con-
cerning their freedom, that no officer, no governor, no toparch, nor treasurer, should

50 hostilely approach ^ their doors ; and that all the country which they came into pos-
session of ^' should be to them '^ without tribute ; and that the Edomites should give

51 over the villages of the Jews which ^^ they held; and^* that there should be yearly

52 given twenty talents toward ^^ the building of the temple, until finished ; '° and other
ten talents yearly, to maintain the burnt offerings upon the altar every day (as they

63 had a commandment to offer seventeen) ; and that all they that went up ^' from Baby-
lon to build the city should have liberty,^' as well they as their posterity, and all the
54 priests that went up.*° And he wrote also concerning the expenses,^" and the priests'

Ver. 37. — ^ A. V. has " wicked " for " unrighteous " in all four instances (see Com.).

Ver.37. — 2 A. V.: and such are all their wiclced works; and there is no truth in them; in their unrighteousness
also they shall perish. Fritzsche receives navTa after a-vrHiv from II. III. 55. Syr.

Ver. 38. — ^K.y.'. As for the truth, it endureth, and is always strong ; it liveth and conquereth, eto. The Codd. m.
44. 71. 74.106. 119. 120. 121. 134.243.245. withAld., have ^ Se at the beginning for/tai^, but it is probably a correction.

Ver. 39. — * A. V. omits And, " or rewards {see Com.). ^ do well like of.

Ver. 40. — ^ A. V. ; Neither in her judgment is any unrighteousness. 8 omits and the, " omits and the.

10 omits the. ^ omits the.

Ver. 41. — 12 A. V. : And with that he held his peace. " And all ... . then shouted and said. " omits the.

Ver. 42. — ^ A. V. : more than is appointed (Gr., TrAetw tuc ■yeypa/AjuieVwi'). ^^ because (Gr., ov 7fi6irov ; see Com.).
" cousin.

Ver. 43. ^ ^ A. V. : which thou hast vowed to build J., in.

Ver. 44. — w A. V. : set apart (Gr., e|ex'»P'<^s ; see Com.). '» omits vowed. ^i again. Jritzsche omits Koi before
eKirefi^at, with III. XI. 44. Aid. We have retained it with the other authorities.

Ver. 45. — 22 xhe singular reading "loufiaiot for -ISou^aloi is found in II. Cf . Judith i. 12, where the same word.^ are
exchanged in this MS.

Ver. 46. — 23 A. V. : is that which I require, and which I desire of thee, and this is the princely liberality proceeding
from thyself : I desire therefore that thou make good the vow, the performance whereof with thine own mouth thou
hsist vowed to the King of heaven. For 6 o-e a^tw, at the beginning, II. has oira a^',tu, but it is corrected to correspond
with the text. rec.

Ver. 47. — « A. V. : lieutenants. 26 captains. '" safely convey on their way both (Or., ,rpo7re>i/'u(ni', etc.).

27 go. Ver. 48 — 2» A. V. : lieutenants.

Ver. 49. 294. v.; Judea. " no ruler, no lieutenant .... should forcibly enter into, eto. The Greek is.^irj

E7re\eiiirccr9at iwi, eto. Lit., go against ; cf . 1 Mace. viii. 4, in the Greek.

Ver. fiO. *i A. V. : hold (Gr., KpoiToCo-iv). ^2 'should be free, etc. (Gr., ii))opo\oY,)roK avrois iin-opx"")' ^o' "P'^roviri.v,

[I. has «paT^o-o«o-ii/, and 'Uoviialoi for XoASoiIot. ^ AV : which then.

Ver. 51. — 34 A. V. : yea. =3 to (Or., eis). ^ the time that it were built.

Ver. 63. — 37 a. y. omits up (Gr., vpoa^ivova-iv)

Vet. 58. — 33 free liberty. 39 ^ent <w<)ay. Ver. 64, — « A. V : He wrote .... charges.

86

THE APOCRYPHA.

55 vestments wherein they minister. And he wrote on behalf of the Levites that
their maintenance ^ be given them until the day that the house were finished, and

56 Jerusalem built.'^ And he commanded to give to all that kept the city, dwellings '

57 and wages. He sent away also all the vessels that Cyrus had removed from Baby-
lon ; and all things whatever Cyrus had said should be done,'' the same charged he
also to be done, and sent unto Jerusalem.

58 And ^ when the ^ young man had ' gone forth, he lifted up his face to heaven
towards Jerusalem, and praised the King of heaven, and said. From thee cometh

59 victory, from thee cometh wisdom, and thine is the glory, and I am thy servant.

60 Blessed art thou, who hast given me wisdom ; and * to thee I give thanks, O Lord

61 of our fathers. And ° he took the letters, and departed,^" and came unto Babylon,

62 and made report to "■ all his brethren. And they praised the God of their fathers,
68 because he had given them freedom and liberty to go up, and to build Jerusalem,

and the temple wliich is called by his name ; and they kept a feast with music ^'^ and
gladness seven days.

Ver. 55. — i A. V. : and likewise for the charges of the Levites to. 2 builded up.
Ver. 56. — ^ ^ y_ ; pensions (see Com.).

Ver. 57. — * A. V. : from B., that Cyrus had set apart (III. XI. 44., Efc^mpiire as at yet. 44 ; the other authorities,
eXt^P'tre) ; and all that Cyrus had given in commandment.

Ver. 68. — ''A. V. : Now. " this. '' was (aorist, but with the force of the pluperfect).

Ver. 60. — « A. V. : for. Ver. 61. — » A. V. : And so. " went out. n told it.

Ver. 62. — i^ x. V. : feasted with instruments o/mnsick.

Chapter IV. (Cf. Josephus, Antiq., xi. 3 ff.)

Ver, 3 ''EvaKoiovaiv, they obey. This is a
rare word, and means to hear to obey. It is found
elsewhere in the LXX. at Nah. i. 12 : ^ hKoij <rov
ouK 4va.Kova6T]<TiTaL.

Ver. 4. Kanpy^^ovTai^ demolish^ break down,
make an end of. It is a secondary meaning of the
word. Cf. Eph. vi. 13 ; Jos., Antiq., ii. 4, § 2 ;
and Xen., Cyr., iv, 6, 4.

Ver. 9. To cut down. See Deut. xx. 19 :
" When thou shalt besiege a city a long time in
making war against it to take it, thou shalt not
destroy the trees thereof by forcing an axe against
them ; for thou mayest eat of them : and thou
shalt not cut them down (for the tree of the field
is man's life) to employ them in the siege."

Ver. 13. That is, Zorobabel. Cf. Ez. iii. 2
in the margin of the version of 1611, and our
remarks in the Introduction to the present book,
under " Arrangement of Materials."

Ver. 1 5. Have borne, iyfvvy^ffav. This verb
is so used also at Is. xlvi. 3 ; 4 Mace. a. 2 ; Luke i,
57 ; John xvi. 21.

Ver. 17. Make the garments of. Cf. Prov.
xxxi. 13, 19. — Bring glory. The word i6^a.v
seems here to be used rather in the sense of orna-
mentation. Cf. what precedes, and Add. to Esth.
iv. 2 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 9 ; Matt. vi. 29.

Ver. 21. Meri ti)S ywalKhs a.(pL7}0't r^v i^ux'ji',
he dies by (near) his wife. The last three Greek
words are used in the same sense, also at Gen.
xx.xv 18; Herod., iv. 90; Thucyd., ii. 49. The
meaning is : he remains by his loife till death.

Ver. 23. Ek tV BaXairaav irKiXv. This is a
peculiar expression, and found only here.

Ver. 25. JlAeToi/ . fiaWov. According to

Fritzsche thei'e is here an inaccurate repetition of
the comparative, the translator having forgotten
the foi-mer when he wrote the latter. If the latter
word, however, had not been so far removed from
the former, there would probably have been no
question respecting its force. See Winer, p. 240;
and Robinson, £<?x., under juSaAo;/. Wahl's Clavis
remiirkson this passage, under ^aAAoi/ : " Additum
tomparativo alius adjectivi augendi vim habet."

Cf. 4 Mace. XV. 4 ; Xen., Cyr., ii. 2, 12 ; Herod.,
i. 31.

Ver. 26. Beoome servants. The case of
Jacob, who served for Rachel, was probably in
mind. See Gen. xxix. 20.

Ver. 29. At the right hand. See Ps. xlv. 9 :
"Upon thy right hand did stand the queen in
gold of Ophir."

Ver. 32. Be reconciled to him. The margin
of the A. V. has : or, be friends with him. The
Greek word is the same one as that employed at
Matt. v. 24 : -npSirov StaWdyTjdt rt^ oSeKtp^ aov.

Ver. 33. Princes, fieyto-rayes. Cf. A. V. at
Rev. vi. 15, where this word is rendered " great
men." — Looked one upon another, IffXewov fts
rhy €T€pov. The peculiarity of this construction
has caused some variation in the MSS.

Ver. 35. Is he not great that doeth these
things? i.e., the sun. The idea that God, the
Creator, is intended, seems excluded by the use of
the present tense. See, however, Dahne, ii. 122ff.
— Stronger than all things, laxvportpa iraph
irdcTa. Prepositions are thus used after the com-
parative, to give it additional force. See Winer,
p. 240; Buttmann, p. 339. But Eritzsche wonld
allow to the preposition in such cases only the
force of ^, or of the genitive in the same position.

Ver. 36. Calleth (KaAe?) the truth. The
margin of the A. V. has : " or, praiseth the truth.
Athanasius." But it means rather " calleth " in
the sense of "inviteth."

Ver. 37. "Wine is unrighteous (SSi/cos). The
last word is used in contradistinction to h\riBis.
Cf. V. 40; Hcb. vi. 10.

Ver. 39. Aiatfiopi, making of distinctions ;
lit., distinction, difference (III. XI. 108. al. read
hia<peop(i, " corruption ") The common texts ac-
cent Sidipopa, neut. pi. Fritsche and Wahl mnke it
singular. — Ta Sixaia Troiei a-n-h wayrmy ray aSUoiy
Ka\ irovnpay. The sense is not clear. Schleusner
and Gaab agree, in the main, with our A. V. But
Fritzsche is inclined to think that some Hebrew
formula was floating before the translator's mind,
and that he would say : she practices right (requiring

1 ESDEAS,

87

it) from all the unrighteous and wicked. Bunsen'a
Bibelwerk translates : but deals righteoush/ with all
the unrighteous and eril. So also Bretsohneider,
Systemat. Darstell., p. 199.

Ver. 40. And she is the strength, and the
kingdom. See 1 Chron. xxix. 11: " Thine, 0
Lord, is the greatness, and the power, and the
gloiy, and the victory, and the majesty," etc. —
Blessed be the God of truth. Cf . Deut. xxxii. 4.
Fritzsche thinks that it is clear from this doxology
that the author is not seeking to identify the truth
with God, as some suppose. " The author took
in this just the standpoint of his time. To the
learned, for example, the idea of God had become
BO spii'itualized, and removed out of the ordinary
range of thought, that they sought by separating
it into its individual characteristics, and by a wider
development of the same, to render it more objec-
tive. Thereby such characteristics appeared to
them not as dead abstractions, but through theii-
fiery phantasy they came forth as the most living
realities. Thus, for instance, the cro(pia was hypos-
tasized as well as the \6yos and the TrreG^a tov 06oD.
Quite after this manner appears here the a\r)9fm,
and it is matter for wonder that it appears only
here since the matter itself was so very near at
hand." See Fritzsche's Com., ad loc. Cf. also,
Uahne, ii. pp. 122-124; Bretschneider, Systemat.
Darstell., p. 199 ff. ; Ewald, Geschichte d. Volk. Is.,
iv. 164, and Cremer, Lex., p. 60 f. Ewald thinks
that it was the truth which was of special force in
Israel, i. e., divine truth, that is meant.

Ver. 41. Elirot'. For other examples of our
author's vacillating between a verb in the singu-
lar and one in the plural for a collective noun,
see viii. 92; ix. 10. Cf. Winer, p. 174. Codd.
III. XI. 44. give the verb in the singular.

Ver. 42. According as, ty rpdirov. The accu-
sative is used adverbially. Cf . Matt, xxiii. 37 ;
Luke xiii. 34; Acts i. 11; see Winer, p. 463 ff. ;
Buttmann, p. 1 53.

Ver. 44. Which Cyrus removed. Cf . i. 41 ;
ii. 10 ; vi. 18, 19, and verse 57.

Ver. 45. Edomites, i. e., Idumseans {'Idov/Muoi),
the descendants of Esau. As a reward for their ser-
vice at the time of Nebuchadnezzar's siege of Jeru-
sajem (Fs. cxx.wii.) they were allowed to occupy
a part of the depopulated country, which, for the
most part, they retained for several hundred years.

or till the time of the Maccabees. That the Idu-
mseans themselves actually burnt the temple is no-
where else stated (cf. Eze'k. xxxvi. 5; Obad. vers.
10, 11), and no more may here be meant than that
they participated with others in this act. Cf. ver.
57.

Ver. 46. King of Heaven. See ver. 58, and
cf. Dan. iv. 37 ; Tob. xiii. 7, II.

Ver. 47. All the treasurers. See ver. 49, and
cf. Rom. xvi. 23 : *'Epao"Tos u otKOfi/xos rrjs iT6\eQis.

Ver. 48. Kol Hwcos oiKoSonTitrioffi. and that they
should build. The construction is changed from
a verb in the infinitive which precedes. See Wi-
ner, p. 567 «.

Ver. 50. What is said of the Idumseans only
took place to a limited extent.

Ver. 52, To maintain the burnt oflferings.
The translation would run more literally thus:
That upon the altar burnt offerings, presented as
fruits, might be daily sacrificed — as they had com-
mandment to offer seventeen — sJioald other talents,
ten yearly, be given. It is not clear where our com-
piler gets his information thatevery day seventeen
burnt offering-^ were to be sacriliced. See Ex.
xxix. 38 ; Numb, xxviii. 3 ff.

Ver. 54. Wherein they minister, iv tIi/i Xo-
rpevovaiv 4v avT^. This is a marked Hebraism.
Cf. the LXX. at'Ex. xii. 30.

Ver. 56. Dwellings, KK-tipovs. The A. V. has
in the margin : Or portions of land. CI. the LXX.
at Deut. X. 9 : ovk effrt rois Aevirats /M^ph Kol KKrjpos
iv Tois &5e\(()ors aiirav. The Syr. and Vulg. ren-
der by sortes ; the Old Lat. by possessiones. As
joined with otf/dvia, it would seem to mean " dwell-
ings," as including, perhaps, the land appertain-
ing to them.

Ver. 62. Freedom and Uberty, 6.vetnv koI S(/)e-
a-iv. A good example of paronomasia. Germ.,
Naclilass und Ablass. See VViuer, p. 636. For
the theological use of the word &^eins, see Cre-
mer's Lex., p. 284. It is employed in the LXX.
mostly in connection with the year of Jubilee.
See Sophocles' Lex., ad vac.

Ver. 63. Mera /xovatKHv, With music. Possi-
bly musical instruments are meant, as the A. V.
seems to have supposed. Cf. v. 59 ; Dan. iii. 5 ;
1 Mace. ix. 39, 41. The Old Lat. (Cod. Colbert.)
has, et ci/mhalis percutiebant cum musicis in gaudio
magno diebus septem.

Chaptee V.

1 After this were the principal men of the families chosen according to their tribes,
to £0 up with their wives and sons and daughters, with their men-servants and maid-

2 servants, and their cattle. And Darius sent with them a thousand horsemen, ill

3 they had brought them back to Jerusalem in peace.' And all their brethren also
made merry with music, with tabrets and flutes,^ and he made them go up together

4 with them. And these are the names of the men who went up according to their

5 families unto their tribal possessions,* after their divi,sions.^ ,V'^ "^'"'f ' aT r£
Phinees, sons' of Aaron : Jesus the son of Josedec, the son of Sareeas and Jo^
the son of Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel of the house of David ou of the Imeage

6 of Phares and of » the tribe of Judah, who spake wise words '» before Darms the

Ver. 2. -> A. V. : safely, and with musical instrument,, tabrets and flutes. ^ And all tHeir brethren played. I have

imply reoonstrnoted the sentence after Fritzsche's text. , ^ , ■ , , .„.„i c cpveral heads (Gr.

Ver 3. - 3 A. V. : which. * amongst their tribes (*vAi is to be taken m a local sense). several heads ^ur.

ttepiSapvt'ai' ; see Com, at i. 5). / « " ca 71 ins 9A9, Aid) ^ Saraiaa

Ver.1. -i A. V. : the sons (so IH. XI. 64. 106. 248. Aid.). ' the son („cov, M^ ^g^L^A V : sentences.
kindred (Gr.jvewas). . . . P. of.

88 THE APOCRYPHA.

king of Persia in the second year of his reign, in the month Nisan, which is the
first month.

7 And these are they of Judaea ^ that came up from the captivity, where they dwelt
as strangers, whom Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon had carried away unto

8 Babylon. And they returned unto Jerusalem, and to the rest ^ of Judjea,' every
man to his own city, who came with Zorobabel, and * Jesus, Neemias,^ Zarseas, and
Resa2as,° Enenius, Mardochasus,' Beelsarus, Aspharasus, Eeelius, Roimus, and Ba-

9 ana, their leaders.* The number of them of the nation, and their leaders,' sons
of Phoros, two thousand an hundred seventy and two ; the sons of Saphat, four

10 hundred seventy and two ; the sons of Ares, seven hundred fifty and six ; the sons
il of Phaath Moab, to he reckoned among the sons of Jesus and Joab,'"' two thousand

12 eight hundred and twelve; the sons of Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four;
the sons of Zathui, nine hundred forty and five ; the sons of Chorbe,^^ seven hun-

13 dred and five ; the sons of Bani, six hundred forty and eight ; the sons of Bebai,
six hundred twenty and three ; the sons of Astad, three thousand three hundred

14 twenty and two ; the sons of Adonicam, six hundred sixty and seven ; the sons of
Bagoi, two thousand sixty and six ; the sons of Adinu, four hundred fifty and four ;

15 the sons of Ater son of Ezecias, ninety and two ; the sons of Cilan and Azenan,

16 threescore and seven; the sons of Azaru, four hundred thirty and two ; the sons
of Annis, an hundred and one ; the sons of Arom, thirty two ; and the sons of Bas-
sai, three hundred twenty and three ; the sons of Arsiphurith, an hundred and

17 two ; the sons of Baiterus, three thousand and five ; the sons of Bsethlomse, an

18 hundred twenty and three. They of Netophas, fifty and five ; they of Anathoth, an

19 hundred fifty and eight ; they of Bsethasmoth, forty and two ; they of Kariathiri,
twenty and five ; they of Caphira and Beroth, seven hundred forty and three ; the

20 Chadiasae and Ammidii, four hundred twenty and two ; they of Cirama and

21 Gabbe, six hundred twenty and one ; they of Macalon, an hundred twenty and
two ; they of Betolio, fifty and two ; the sons of Niphis, an hundred fifty and six ;

22 the sons of Calamolalus and Onus, seven hundred twenty and five ; the sons of

23 Jerechu, three hundred forty and five ; the sons of Sanaas, three thousand three
hundred and thirty.

24 The priests : the sons of Jeddu, the son of Jesus, among the sons of Sanasib, nine

25 hundred seventy and two ; the son« of Emmeruth, a thousand fifty and two ; the
sons of Phassurus, twelve hundred forty and seven ; the sons of Charmi, a thou-
sand and seventeen.

26 The Levites : the sons of Jesus, and Cadoelus, and Bannas, and Sudias, seventy and

27 four. The holy singers : the sons of Asaph, an hundred forty and eight. The

28 porters : the sons of Salum, the sons of Atar, the sons of Tolman, the sons of Dacub,
the sons of Ateta, the sons of Tobis, in all an hundred thirty and nine.

29 The servants of the temple : the sons of Esau, the sons of Asipha, the sons of
Tabaoth, the sons of Ceras, the sons of Sua, the sons of Phallus, the sons of La-

30 bana, the sons of Aggaba, the sons of Acud, the sons of Uta, the sons of Cetab,
the sons of Accaba, the sons of Sybai, the sons of Anan, the sons of Cathua, the

31 sons of Geddur, the sons of Jairus, the sons of Daisan, the sons of Noeba, the sons
of Chaseba, the sons of Cazera, the sons of Ozias, the sons of Phinoe, the sons of
Asara, the sons of Basthai, the sons of Asana, the sons of Mani, the sons of Naph-
isi, the sons of Acuph, the sons of Achiba, the sons of Asur, the sons of Pharacim,

32 the sons of Basaloth, the sons of Meedda, the sons of Cutha, the sons of Charea,

Ver. 7. — 1 A. V. : Jewry.

Ver, 8. — = A. V. : other parts (Or., -nt^ Xoi^v 'I.). a Jewry. • with. « Nehemias. « and Zacliarias (so
243. 248. AW.) and Ilesaia.s. i Marilocheus, » guides Ver. 9. — » A. V. : governors.

Ver. 11. — 1» A. V. : omits all after Pliaath M. We follow Tritzsche's text, and it aeems to be supported by nearly all
the authorities except 62. 64. 114. 243. Aid. The Greeli Bibles ol 1645 (Basle) and 1697 (FrajiJifort) omit the words but
the latter gives them in a note below {ai. addunt). '

Ver. 12. — " for convenience we give at this point the form of the proper names of the present chapter and the
numbers as found in the A. V., as far as they differ from the Greelc of Eritzsche's text: Corbe ; (ver 13) Sadas
(three thousand two, etc.); (ver. 14) Adonican ; (ver. 16) Aterezias, Ceilan, Azetas, Azuran ; (ver. 16) Ananias Bassa
AMphunth ; (ver. 17) Moterus, Bethlomon ; (ver. 18) Netophah, Bethsamos ; (ver. 19) Kiriathiarius ; (ver 20)'they of
Chadias and Ammidioi ; Gabdes ; (ver. 21) Nephis ; (ver. 22) Jerechns two hundred, etc. ; (ver. 23) Annaas • (ver 24)
Meruth; (ver. 26) I'hassaron (a thousand, etc.), Carme; (ver. 26) Jessue, Oadmiel ; (fer. 27) Asaph (twcnty'and
sight) ; (ver, 28\ Jatal, Talmon, Daoobi, Teta, Sami | (ver. 29) Sud, Phaleae, Graba j (ver. SO) Aoua,, Agaba ■ (ver 31

I ESDEAS. 89

the sons of Barchue, the sons of Serar, the sons of Thomoi, the sons of Nasi, the
sons of Atipha.

33 The sons of the servants of Solomon : the sons of Assapphioth, the sons of
Pharira, the sons of Jeieli, the sons of Lozon, the sons of Isdael, the sons of Saphyi,

34 the sons of Hagia, the sons of Phachareth, the sons of Sabie, the sons of Sarothi,
the sons of Misseaa, the sons of Gas, the sons of Addus, the sons of Suba, the sons

35 of Apherra, the sons of Barodis, the sons of Saphag, the sons of Allom. All the
ministers of the temple, and the sons of the servants of Solomon, were three hun-
ted seventy and two.

36 These came up from Thermeleth and Thelersas, Charaathalan and Aalar'

37 leading them. And they could not ^ shew their families and descent, that ' they
were of Israel : the sons of Dalan,* the son of Baenan,^ the sons of Necodan, six

38 hlindred fifty and two. And of the priests that usurped the office of the priesthood,
and were not found : the sons of Obdia, the sons of Accos,^ the sons of Jaddu,' who
married Augia one of the daughters of Berzellseus,' and was named after his name.

39 And when the account of the lineage of these men had been sought in the register
and" not found, they were removed from executing the office of the priesthood.

40, And Neemias and Attharias said to them that they should not be sharers in the
offerings ^'' till there arose up a high priest clothed with light ^^ and truth.

41 So of Israel, from them of twelve years old, there were forty two thousand three

42 hundred and sixty, besides men servants and women servants.^^ Their men servants
and handmaids were seven thousand three hundred thirty '^ and seven ; the sing-

43: ing men and singing women, two hundred forty and five ; four hundred thirty and
five camels, and seven hundred" thirty and six horses, two hundred forty and
five mules, five thousand five hundred twenty and five asses.^^

44 And certain of the chief of the respective families,^" when they came to the tem-
ple of God that is in Jerusalem, vowed to restore " the house ac/ain on its place "

45 according to their ability, and contribute to the sacred fund for the works ^' a thou-
sand pounds of gold, and '^ five thousand of silver, and an hundred priestly vest-

46 ments. And there ^ dwelt the priests and the Levites and some of ^^ the people
themselves ^^ in Jerusalem, and the neighborhood,^ the singers also as well as ^ the-
porters ; and all Israel in their respective ^^ villages.

47 But when the seventh month was at hand, and when the children of Israel were
every man in his own place, they came all together with one consent into the open,

48 place of the first gate which is towards the east. And Jesus arose ^' the son of Jo-
sedec, and his . brethren the priests, and Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and his

49 brethren, and made ready the altar of the God of Israel, to offer burnt sacrifices
upon it, according as it is expressly commanded in the book of Moses the man of

60 God. And there were gathered unto them out of the other nations of the land,
and they erected the altar upon their ^ place, because they were at enmity with
them ; and all the nations of the land ^^ oppressed them ; and they offered sacrifices
according to the time, and burnt offermgs to the Lord both morning and evenmg.

51 Also they held the feast of tabernacles, as it is commanded in the law, and oj^ered

52 sacrifices daily, as was meet ; and after that, the continual oblations, and the sacri-
53, flee of the sabbaths, and of the new moons, and of all holy feasts. And all they

Airua, Ga2iera, Aria, Phinees, Azara, Ba^^tai, Meani, Acub, Acipha, Assni; (ver. 82) Meeda, Coutha, CharraB-, Aseret.
Nasith ; (ver. 33) Azaphion, Jeeli, Sapheth ; (rer. 84) Phaoareth, Sarothie, Masias, Gar, Sabat.

Ver. 86. —1 A. V. : Charaathalar leading them, and Aalar.

Ver. 37.-2 neither could they. " nor their stock, how (Gr., ysveii, un). * Ladan. Ban.

Ver. 38. — " A. V. : Accoz. 'Addus. « Berzelua.

Ver. 39. —» A. V. : when the description of the kindred of these men wafl sought in the register, and was.

Ver. 40. - 1» A. V. : for unto them said Nehemias and Atharias that tliey should not be partakers of the holy things
(Si., Tin,4yiW, but the rendering is not clear). ii doctrine (see Com.). r.,., r.f q,^ i thov

' Ver. 41.-12 A. V. : and upward (wanting in II. III. XI. 55. 58. 64. 119. 243. 245. 248. Aid., Old Lat Syr.), they
B-ere all in number forty thousand, besides men seryants and women servants two thousand three hundred and.s.xty.

Ver. 42. —13 A. V. : forty (so Aid. ; see Com.).

Ver. 43 —W A. v.; seven thousand (see Com.). ib beasts used to the yoke (marg., assea). _ ^

Ver. 44. -MA. v.: their families. " to set up (Gr.,lv"P",. » in hia own place (.m roi ri^ov awou).

Ver. 45. - ™ A. V. : to give into the holy treasury of the works. ^o omits and (so 71.). „, j. ^o (m 71 oio

Ver. 46.-21 a. Y. : so. ^ omits some of (o! « toS, etc.). 23 „mits themaelves (as III. XI. 44. 58 (A iL JM.
Aid.), am the country (see Com.). 26 and. 2» omits respective. ''^''- ^^ tC'^^ZhltJrov

Ver. 60.-2S A. V. : his own. Instead of ai™...after ri^ov. III. XI. 44... and others with Aid. Syr. have a.rov
a because all the nations of the land were at enmity with them, and.

90 THE APOCRYPHA.

that had made any vow to God began to offer sacrifices to God from the first day

54 of the seventh month, and ^ the temple of the Lord was not yet built. And they

55 gave unto the masons and carpenters money, meat, and drink.'' Unto them of
Sidon also and Tyre they gave cars,' that they should bring cedar trees from
Libanus, which should be brought by floats ^ to the haven of Joppe, according as
it was commanded them by Cyrus king of the Persians.

56 And in the second year and second month after his coming to the temple of God
at Jerusalem began Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedec,
and their brethren, and the priests, the Levites,^ and all they that had ° come unto

57 Jerusalem out of the captivity ; and they laid the foundation of the house of God
in the first day of the second month, in the second year after they were come to Ju-

58 dtea ' and Jerusalem. And they appointed the Levites from twenty years old over
the works of the Lord. And Jesus arose,' and his sons and brethren, and Cadmiel
his brother, and the sons of Emadabun,' with the sons of Joda the son of Elia-
dud,-" with their sons and brethren, all Levites, to encourage the work and aid in
the building of the house of the Lord ; and ^' the workmen built the temple of the

59 Lord. And the priests stood arrayed in their vestments with music ^^ and trumpets ;
and the Levites sons of Asaph having cymbals sang'' songs of thanksgiving

60 and praised " the Lord, after the manner of ■'^ David the king of Israel.'^ And they

61 praised the Lord with psalms," because his mercy and glory is for ever in all Israel.

62 And all the people sounded trumpets, and shouted with a loud voice, singing songs

63 of thanksgiving unto the Lord for the rearing up of the house of the Lord. Also
the elders from the priests, Levites and the chief of their respective families,-'* who
had seen the former house came to the building of this with weeping and great cry-

64 ing. And many made themselves heard with trumpets and great shouts of joy,

65 as the people did not discern the trumpets '^ for the weeping of the people ; for ^^
the multitude sounded marvellously, so that it was heard afar off.

66 And '"■ when the enemies of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin heard it, they

67 came to know what that noise of trumpets should mean. And they perceived that
they that were of the captivity did build the temple unto the Lord God of Israel.

68 And they came up to ^^ Zorobabel and Jesus, and to the chief of the respective ^'

69 families, and said unto them, We would °* build together with you. For we like-
wise, as you, do obey your Lord, and do sacrifice unto him from the days of As-

70 bacaphas ^ king of the Assyrians, who brought us hither. And ^* Zorobabel and
Jesus and the chief of the respective ^' families of Israel said unto them. It is not for

71 us and you to build together a house unto the Lord our God ; for we ^' ourselves
alone would ^ build unto the Lord of Israel, according as Cyrus the king of the

72 Persians hath commanded us. But the heathen of the land lying heavy upon the

73 inhabitants of JudEea,'" and beleaguering them,'' hindered their building ; and by mis-

Ver. 53. —1 A. V. : although.

Ver. 54. — 2 A. V. adds with cheerfulness (Junius, cum oleo ; the Battle Greek Bible of 1545, and that of Frankfort,

1597, /X€Ta xapas).

Ver. 56. —2 A. V. : carrs. For x»-!ip<i, IH. 44. have Kappo ; II,, x^P*- FritzBche conjectures that it should be fiu'pa.
The Hebrew in the corresponding passage is T^ti!? . * A. V. ; flotes.

Ver. 66. — 6 A. V. : and (the Levites), with 44. 71. 106. 108. 120, 134, 248. « were, Ver. 57. — ' A. V. : Jewry.

Ver, 68,— « A. v.: Then stood «p J. 8 jjadiabun, i" Eliadun (as in,58. 64, 243. 248, Aid.). " with one accord
setters forward of the business, laboring to advance the works in the house of God. So. Codd. 44. 58. 64. 248. al. Aid.
read ©eou.

Ver, 59, — ^^A.Y.: in their vestments with musical ins^rMmeni.-! (see i, 2, and Com.inloc.]. is the sons .... had
cymbals singing,

Ver, 60, —" A. v.; praising. "according as (marg,, after the manner of D. king of Israel), >« adds had or-
il!'-''"=d, ^ Ver, 61. — "A. V. : sung with loud voices songs to the praise of the Lord.

Ver. 63, — w A. V, : Also of the priests and Levites, and of the chief of their families, the ancients.

Ver. 64. — " A, V, : But many with trumpets and joy s/imted with loud voice, insomuch that the trumpets might
not be heard (see Com.). '« yet, Ver. 66, — 21 A, V. : Wherefore.

Ver. 68. — 22 a. V. : So they went to (Or., real Trpoo-eA^oVTes). 23 omits re.spErtive. 24 will.

Ver, 69, — 20 A, V, : Azbazareth the ('A,T^ao-opee, 64, 74. 119, 121, 134. 236. 243. 246. Aid,).

Ver, 70. — 21 A, V, : Then, 2? omits re.tpective. I have inserted respective in such cases for the sake of clearness ;
otherwise one might think the families were meant,

Ver. 71. — 2» A. V, : We (Gr,, ,))iris ydp), 29 will,

Ver, 72, — 2» A. V. : Judea, »i holding them strait. Fritzsche wouldemend imKoiixiiiievo. (iwimi^io^ai., to fall a.<letv
over) by firi«ei>eva. The former word, however, might mean much the same as the latter. To sleep on one's arms it
understood to mean to be ever on the alert. The Vulg, has incumbtrt.

1 ESDRAS.

91

leading the people through plots and the stirring up of insurrection/ they hin-
dered the finishing of the building all the time that king Cyrus lived. And ^ they
were hindered from building for the space of two years, until the reign of Darius.

Ver. 78. — > A. V. : by their secret plots, and popular persuasions aud commotions. Codd. HI. XI. 58. 64. 119. 218.
al. Aid. read elrt^otfAAS KaX SrjiJLayioyCas Kol e7ri(ru(7Tacrei5. ^ so.

Chapter V. (Cf. Ez. ii.-iv. 6; Neh. vii. 6-69.)

Ver. 1. The first six versea of this chapter are
peculiar in that while they relate what is uot to be
found in any canonical book, they seem also not to
belong to the Greek fragment which immediately
precedes. In the opinion of Ewald and Bertheau
they originally followed Ez. i. But it is a mere
conjecture. The account in Ez. i. seems to be
quite complete in itself. It is more likely that our
translator composed them for the purpose of mak-
ing a suitable transition from the Greek fragment
to the present chapter.

Ver. 2. With music, with tabrets, etc. See
remarks at iv. 63. At Gen. xxxi. 2T we have
nearly the same Greek, which is of some impor-
tance in considering the mystery which overhangs
the fragment. Cf. 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and the Greek
at Is. V. 12.

Ver. 3. The " brethren " referred to are those
who were left behind.

Ver. 5. Sons. Used in the sense of successors.
— Saraeas (Scraiah). The high priest. — Joaoim
the son of Z. This seems to be a mistake. Cf. 1
Chron. iii. 19; Neh. xii. 10, 26 ; and Judith iv. 6.
Some would omit the words 'luiaKlij, it rod as an
interpolation, but without sufficient MS. authority.
Herzfeld {Geschichle, i. p. 322) would emend by
ToS 'luoiclu KaX Zopo/3a/3eA. So, too, the A. V. in
the margin. While Fritzsche, who makes this
Joiakim, rather than Zerubbabel, the special hero
of the above discussion before the Persian king,
thinks the passage is right as it stands. " To be
sure," he says, "among the children of Zerubba-
bel enumerated in 1 Chron. iii. 19, there is no
Joiakim. But was there therefore none ? " On
the difficulties of the genealogy, see Smith's Bib.
Diet, under "Salathiel" and "Zerubbabel," re-
spectively; Herzfeld, Geschichte, Excursus viii. 2;
Ewald, Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv. 109.

Ver. 6. Before Darius, M J^apeiov. For such
a use of this preposition, cf. Winer, p. 375. Butt-
mann (p. 336) says : " The signification tn pres-
ence of, coram, springs from the original notion of
approximation, of being in immediate proximity
[on, upon, near by)." Cf. Matt, xxviii. 14; Acts
xxiii. 30; 1 Cor. vi. 1, 6; 1 Tim. v. 19; vi. 13;
2 Cor. vli. 14.

Ver. 8. Every man to his own city, i. e., to
the city where he or his family had dwelt before the
exile. — Jesus (Joshua). The first high priest of
the restored nation. Of the ten — according to
Ezra, nine — others designated as leaders with
Joshua and Zerubbabel nothing further is known.
The Neemias here mentioned is, of course, to be
distinguished from the well-known personage of
Neh. i. 1. — Their leaders. They were probably
heads of families and were intended to represent
the twelve tribes.

Ver. 9. And their leaders. This is an un-
warranted addition by the translator. The lead-
ers are not mentioned in what follows. Cf. viii.
28. As we shall later give a comparative table of
the differences in names and numbers found in
the three lists of Ezra, Nehemiah, and 1 Esdras,
respectively, they will be now, for the most part,
left unnoticed except in the textual notes. — Sons

of Phoros. By " sons " here and in the follow-
ing vei-ses children, descendants, are obviously
meant.

Ver. 11. Among the sons, t. e., of the family of.

Ver. 12. The majority of MSS. give 945 (as
A. V.) for 973 of the text, rec, as the number of
the sons of Zathui.

Ver. 13. Instead of 633 of the text. rec. the
best reading (as A. V.) gives 623. For " Argai "
(A. V. Sadas), we read "Astad," and 3322 for
3332, with most authorities.

Ver. 14. For " Adonican " should be read
"Adonicam " (cf. viii. 39), andfor 637, 667. The
children of Bagoi numbered according to the best
reading (as A. V.) 2066 instead of 2606 of the
text. rec. This name is /Sayw at viii. 40.

Vers. 15, 16. The text of the Greek Ezra dif-
fers essentially from that of Ezra and Nehemiah
in these verses.

Ver. 18. Fritzsche adopts the reading Baiecur-
fidiQ for $aida(TfjLtiv of the text. rec.

Ver. 19. Kariathiri, i. e., Kirjath-jearim. For
finp^y of the text, rec, we adopt $Ttp<i8 (as A. V.)
with the majority of textual authorities.

Ver. 20. Chadiasae and Ammidii. These
names are wanting in the other two lists. By the
first, the people of Kadesh — .losh. xv. 23 — seem
to be meant; by " the Ammidii," the people of
Humtah, id., xv. 54.

Ver. 22. The best MSS. give the number of
the children of Jerechu as 345, instead of 245 of
the text. rec. and A. V.

Ver. 23. We read, with Fritzsche, 3330, instead
of 3301 of the text. rec.

Vers. 24, 25. We have changed 872 to 972 (as
A. V.) with III. and most other MSS. — Of Em-
meruth. There should be read 1052 instead of
252, on the same grounds. — Of Phassurus. We
adopt 1247 for 1047 (as A. V.). — Of Charmi.
The best authorities give (as A. V.) 1017 for 217.

Ver. 26. The Greek word KaSo^Aou, which is
falsely translated Cadmiel in the A. V., — III.
only, of the best authorities, has /taS/iiTjAou — is
found in the latter form at ver. 58.

Ver. 27. With many MSS. we have changed,
with Fritzsche, 128 (as A. V.) to 148.

Ver. 29. For 2ovSd (Sud), Fritzsche, with II.
XI. and other MSS. reads Saud, and for 'Aypa^i
(A. V. Grabo) 'Ayya/ii.

Ver. 33. 'A(rcrairi(>n6e. The word is a probable
corruption for Sophertth. Cf.Neh. vii. 57; Ez. ii.
55.

Ver. 34. For 'AWiifi, Fritzsche suggests SAAmj/
as the true reading. It is supported by several
MSS. (44. 5.5. 74. 106. 119. 120. 121. 134.)

Ver. 36. The translator at this point, as not
infrequently elsewhere, omits parts of the text,
and makes changes in it for no assignable reason.
— Thermeleth, Thelersas, etc., were probably cities
of Babylon where these Jews had been settled.

Ver. 38. The priests referred to are those men-
tioned in the previous verse, who could not fix
their genealogy. That they " usurped," the office
of the priesthood seems to have no other authoiity
than the assertion of the translator.

92

THE APOCRYPHA.

Ver. 40. Weemias and Attharias. The last
word seems evidently to Iiave been regarded as a
proper name. It is the same as Th-shatha of Ez.
li. 63, and means " governor." The governor at
this time, however, ivas not Nehemiah, but Zerub-
babel. Cf. Ez. v. 14 ; Hag. i. 1, 14 ; ii. 2. It is
possible that the passage, Neh. viii, 9, was float-
ing before the compiler's mind, or Kai may have
crept into the text in the form of a gloss. The
Syriac version leaves out /cai 'AtB. and Cod. 121.
has Net^uiVs d ko! 'A. In chap. vi. 18, our boolc
has a similar error, where we find Zopo$d^e\ ko!
^a^avairaiptf. — Clothed with light and truth,
tV S-fj\Q}(nv Kal T^c a\7]Siiav. The Urim and
Thummim are meant. In the LXX. the latter
is represented by AA^jflsia three times, and once
by Tf\ela<ns. According to Hody, the former
rendering is a proof of the Alexandrian col-
oring of the early part of the LXX. It is said
that Egyptian magistrates wore a carved sapphire
stone about their necl^s which ivas called dAi^^eia.
It seems to have been supposed that the Urim
and Thummim would be restored. See Wahl's
Claois, under 'AX-ijeeia ; Thier.sch, De Petitateuchi ,
etc-, p. 37 ; Winer, Realworterb., ad voc. We learn
from ver. 41, that the sum of these numbers
should be 42,360. The three accounts, to our
agreeable surprise, all alil^e state this. But since
the sum of the numbers in no one of the lists
amounts to so mnch, by far, we must, wliiie in-
ferring a common original for the three lists, also,
conclude that the documents from which they
were severally made as now found, were corrupt.
It is to be remembered, too, that mistakes of copy-
ists in such long lists of names and numbers were
almost inevitable. But there remains still the in-
teresting and not unimportant inquiry why our
translator in certain places gives names which are
not found in either of the other two lists and vice
versa. Does not, in fact, the peculiarity of the
variations in these lists f in*nish valuable hints for
the explanation of other differences of the apocry-
phal book from the canonical? It is, at least,
not to be denied that in the catalogue before us
where the same number is recorded, the apocry-
phal book agrees with one or the other of the
canonical books against the remaining one oftener
than they agree together against it. Moreover,
it will be seen that while the apocryphal book
gives some names not to be found in the other
two, they, on the other hand, give about the same
number not to be found in it. But in this particu-
lar the apocryphal book, in every instance but
one (No. 36 of the following table), stands alone,
while Nehemiah and Ezra, in every instance but
one, agree together.

Ver. 41. From them of twelve years, Mi-
chaelis {Anmerlc. zum Ez., ii. 64) suggests that our
apocryphal work may possibly furnish in this
statement a solution of the difficulty contained in
the difference between the whole number as given
in this verse and the actual sum obtained from
adding together the several numbers as stated in
the respective lists. He thinks that it may be
meant that the larger sum would be obtained by
adding to the smaller the sum of all persons be-
tween the ages of twelve and twenty years. Un-
doubtedly there might have been a sufficient
number of such persons to make the entire sum
42,360. But it is most likely, as this critic himself
admits, that the words were added simply in the
way of supposition or explanation, without any
adequate ground.

Ver. 42. The number of singing men and

women, as given by our book, agrees with the
account in Nehemiah ; but Ezra has two hundred.
On account of the unsuitableness of enumerating
these persons among the servants and beasts of
burden, some critics (Michaelis, ibid.) suppose
that a mistranslation was made, and that cows'
and oxen were really meant, the Hebrew words
being quite similar. But Keil {Com., at Ez. ii.
66) contests the position.

Ver. 43. We have adopted with Fritzsclie,
from XI. and others, the reading that brings our
account into harmony with the other two, namely,
^irTaK6a-toi, instead of eTrraKiO'X'Atot. — 'TTro(vyiot/y
an animal bearing the yoke. The Hebrew word
means, specifically, " an ass ; " and the Greek
term used here to translate it had also, in com-
mon usage, that meaning. The whole number of
the animals, according to Ezra and Nehemiah, was
6,720.

Ver. 45. Pounds, /ims- The weight of this
piece was about fifteen and a half ounces.

Ver. 46. In the neighborhood, rrj x^P^-
The reference seems to be to the lands in tlie
region of Jerusalem which properly fell to the
priests, Levites, and a part of the people. The
more distant places are subsequently designated.
— All Israel, i, e., representatives of all. Cf.
1 Chron. ix. 3 ; Neh. vii. 3 ; Ez. ii. 59 ; iii. I.

Ver. 47. Open place of the first gate. The
definite statement of our compiler is probably an
arbitrary addition occasioned by Neh. viii. 1. Cf.
Ez. iii, 2, and Keil's Vommentary at that place.

Ver. 48. Joshua was now high priest. Zcrub-
babel was not really son of Salathiel (Shealtiel),
but the son of his brother. Since Shealtiel bad
no sons, and the line of succession to the throne
was continued in Zerubbabel, he was accounted aa
a son of the former. Cf. v. 5.

Ver. 50. Their place, i. e., the place where they
had had the altar previously. The thought con-
tained in' the parallel passage in Ezra (iii. 3), that
they hastened to erect an altar, and oijer the cus-
tomary sacrifices as a means of securing the divine
protection against the hostility of the surrounding
nations, seems not to have been before the mind
of our compiler, but rather this: that a fear of
the Lord fell upon the surrounding nations, so
that, although they were hostilely disposed, they
were prevented from making any attack. Bertheau
would emend the reading in Ezra to correspond
with the present book. But see Keil'a note in
Com. on Ez. iii. 3 ; and cf. Ewald, Geschichte d.
Volk. Is., iv. p. 131.

Ver. 55. The word translated cars, x^l"'t has
given much trouble to commentators. No such
idea is found in the extant Hebrew original.
Fritzsche conjectures that the translator misunder-
stood the text, and rendered falsely. — Brought
by floats, i. e., rafts. This is probably an addi-
tion made for the sake of elucidation, and sug-
gested by 2 Chron. ii. 16.

Ver. 57. Laid the foundation .... in the
first day of the second month. It is maintained
by Schrader (>b7«rf. u. Krit., 1857, pp. 460-504) that
this is a mistake, and that the building of the
temple did not begin until the time of Darius.
But his reasons are not such as will carry great
weight for the majority of minds.

Ver. 58. From twenty years old. Origin-
ally the age fixed for the Levites to enter upon
their full service was thirty. This seems after-
wards to have been changed by David (see 1
Chron. xxiii. 24 ; cf. Num. i. 3) to twenty years,
probably in view of the lighter service required of

1 ESDRAS.

93

them in connection with the temple. In the cor- ,
responding passa<;e in Ezra there are but three I
classes of families of Levites mentioned. Our
book seems to have erred in representing the
"sons of Joda" (Judah) as a distinct class. Cf.
Ez. ii. 40, iii. 9 ; Neh. vii. 43.

Ver. 59. And the priests stood. At Ez. iii.
10: They set the priests. According to tlie pres-
ent book there was found in the original 11J23J''T !
according to Ezra, n^!2i7^1. The former read-
ing is supported by a considerable number of
MSS., yet may have easily originated in a de-
sire to avoid a harshne.'is of expression. The
LXX. agrees with the Greek Ezra in this case,
and it is probable that the latter was influenced
by the former in adopting the reading. ; — 'Eo-to-
Ma-fiivoi. At i. 2, the same Greek word is ren-
dered by the A. V., " being arrayed in long gar-
ments " ; and here, " arrayed in their vestments."
The original word means simply " clothed ; "
but the context supplies the idea of ofBcial robes.
See Mark xii. 38 ; xvi. 5.

Ver. 63. Had seen the former house. It
was destroyed fifty-three or fifty-four years before.
According to Hag. ii. 3, there were men living
even, at the time of Darius Hystaspis who had
seen' the glory of the former temple. These
elderly people wept because the contrast was so
great between the glory of the first edifice and
that of the present one.

Vers. 64, 65. The translator has given quite
a false coloring to the thought. The idea prob-
ably meant to be conveyed by the original was
that the cries of rejoicing on the part of the

multitude were so loud that one could not dis-
tinguish them from the weeping, or vice versa.
The impression was simply that of a mighty
shout.

Ver. 66. Enemies. A people whom the As-
syrian king, Esarhaddon, had planted in the land.
See ver. 69. They became enemies.

Ver. 69. Since the time spoken of they had
worshipped Jehovah, i. e., for about one hundred
and thirty years. Cf. 2 Kings xvii. 24-28. This
is one of the passages which Trendelenherg (Eich-
horn, Einleit. in d. Apiok. Script., p. 358) adduces
as showing that the Gfeek Kzra, in some in-
stances, followed a better original text than the
canonical books. But the A. V. has forestalled
this objection, in adopting at Ez. iv. 2, with the
LXX. and Vulgate, the alternative reading iv
of some MSS. ; or in regarding the i^7 of the
original as a rare form of iv, and hence not to be
rendered, as in Luther's translation, by " not,"
but by " to him " (mT$). Cf. Ex. xxi. 8.

Vers, 70, 71. The answer implies that the
claim to participate in the building of the temple
on the ground that they also recognized Jehovah
as God, was not regarded as valid. " We our-
selves alone will build unto the Lord of Israel."

Ver. 73. For the space of two years. On
the contrary, it was about fourteen years. The
mistake probably arose from the translator's casu-
ally thinking of the second year of Darius, when
the building of the temple was resumed. So the
margin of the A. V., " until the second year a/ Da-
rius, Ez. iv. 5, 6 ; vii. 24."

Chapter VI.

1 Now in the second year of the reign of Darius, Aggseus and Zacharias the son
of Addo, the prophets, prophesied against ^ the Jews in Judfea '' and Jerusalem in

2 the name of the Lord God of Israel, even against ' them. Then arose ^ Zorobabel
the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedec, and began to build the house of
the Lord at Jerusalem, the prophets of the Lord being with them, and helping
them.

3 At the same time came unto them Sisinnes the eparch '' of Syria and Phconice,

4 with Sathrabuzanes and his companions, and said unto them, By whose order « do
you build this house and this roof, and finish all the rest ? ' and who are the work-

5 men that finish « these things ? And « the elders of the Jews had ^» favor, because

6 the Lord had visited the captivity ; and they were not hindered from buildmg,
until the matter had been brought to the attention of Darius " concernmg them,

7 and an answer received. A ^^ copy of the letter which he wrote and they sent to
Darius : Sisinnes, eparch of Syria and Phoenice, and Sathrabuzanes, with their
companions, rulers in Syria and Phoenice,^'

Ver. 1. -' A. V. : Aggeus .... unto (Gr., liri). ' Jewry. » which wan upon (aee Com.).

Ver. 2. — * A. V. : stood Mp. ^ , ,, ,,■»■• io » i

Ver 3 -BA V • EOYcrnor. But it is not the same word which is elsewhere rendered goTemor." At u. U, it is

irpoarir,, (cf . Ecclus. xlv. 24 ; 2 Mace. iii. 4) ; at iii. 21, ^arpi^rp. Here it is eVapx"!, and it seemed best to transfer the

iford to avoid confusion. Cf . also ver. 29 ; vii. 1, 27. . , „ ttt iq ja

Ver.4.-i>A. v.: appointment. 7 perform all the other (AiV- "perform. Mtzsche receives from m. 19. 44.

the article before oUoSonoi. To these authorities II. may be added,
Ver. 5.— » A. v.: Nevertheless. lo obtained (Qr., eo-x<"^ai/). _ a- a i
Ver 6 — " A. V. : such time as signification was given unto Darius (Or., a.no<niti.i>.vertviii A.).
Ver 7 _12 A V • The 1= letters which Sisinnes, governor and Sathrabuzanes wrote and sent unto

Darius. ' Instead of i«<rr«Aai/, III. XI. 58. 64. 248. Aid. have sought to avoid the awkwardness ol the construction by

putting this verb in the singular. Other MSS. (19. 108.) malie the other verb plural.

94 THE APOCRYPHA.

8 To king Darius, greeting. Let all things be known unto our lord the king, that
having-' come into the country of Judaja, and entered into the city of Jerusalem,
we found in the city of Jerusalem the elders" of the Jews' <^frf were of the captiv-

9 ity, building a house unto the Lord, great and new, of hewn stones, and costly

10 timbers laid in ^ the walls, and these operations rapidly advancing,'' and the work
going * on prosperously in their bands, and with all glory and diligence brought to

11 completion.^ Then asked we these elders, saying. By whose order' build you

12 this house, and lay the foundations of these works ? Therefore to the intent that
we might make known to thee, and note down for thee * the chief actors, we also

13 required^ of them the names in writing of their principal men. But^° they gave us

14 this answer. We are the servants of the Lord who ^^ made heaven and earth. And
as for this house, it was builded many years ago by a king of Israel great and

15 strong, and was finished. And-"^ when our fathers provoked God unto wrath, and
sinned against the Lord of Israel who ■'^ is in heaven, he gave them over into the

1 6 power of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, of the Chaldees, who pulled down the

17 house, and burnt it, and carried away the people captives unto Babylon. But in
the first year that king Cyrus reigned over the country of Babylon, Cyrus the king

18 wrote to build " this house. And the holy vessels of gold and of silver, that Na-
buchodonosor had carried away out of the house at Jerusalem, and had deposited -"^
them in his " temple, those Cyrus the king brought forth again out of the temple
at Babylon, and they were delivered to Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus the eparch."

19 And it was required of him and he carried away all these vessels ■"* in order to put
them in the temple at Jerusalem ; and that the temple of the Lord should be built

20 on the " place. Then that ^° Sanabassarus, having ^^ come hither, laid the founda-
tions of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem ; and from that time to this being stiU a

21 building, it is not yet finished.'-^" Now therefore, if it seem good unto the king, let

22 search be made in the depository of archives ^^ of king Cyrus in Babylon "* ; and if
it be found that the building of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem hath been
done with the consent of king Cyrus, and if our lord the king be so minded, let
him inform us concerning these things.^^

23 Then commanded king Darius to seek among the archives deposited ^^ at Baby-
lon ; and ^' at Ecbatana the castle,^* which is in the country of Media, there was
found a roll wherein the following was ^ recorded.

24 In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king Cyrus commanded that the house of
the Lord at Jerusalem should ^ be built again, where they do sacrifice with contin-

25 ual fire ; whose height should be sixty cubits, and the breadth sixty cubits, with
three rows of hewn stones, and one row of new wood of that country ; and the ex-

26 penses thereof to be given out of the house of king Cyrus ; and that the holy vessels
of the house of the Lord, both of gold and silver, that Nabuchodonosor took out of
the house at Jerusalem and brought to Babylon, should be restored to the house at

27 Jerusalem, and be deposited "^ in the place where they were before. But ^" he com-

Ver. 8. — '^ A. v. : being. 2 ancients.

Ver. 9. — s A. V. : and costly stones and the timber already laid upon.

Ver. 10. — < A. V. : And those works are done with great speed. 5 goeth. « is it made (Gr., miyTtkmiLaa).

Ver. 11. —' A. V. : commandment (Gr., Trpoarifai/TO! — ver. 4, avv-ri^. — order, commission).

Ver. 12. — s A. V. : give knowledge unto thee by writing (Gr., -^upiVai <ro. koX ypi^ai ,70.). » we demanded of
them who were the chief doers, and we required.

Ver. 13. — w A. V. : So. " which. Ver. 16. _ 12 A. V. : But. is which

Vor. 17. - " A. V. •_ build vp. Ver. 18. - i» A. V. : set. m his own. " ruler.

\er. 19. -IS A. V. : with commandment that he should carry away (for Kal i.7,r,v^Ke, XI. 62. 58. 64. and others with
Aid. have a.nev4yKavTi ; 19. 108. have the verb in the infinitive) the same vessels, etc. m in his (Gr irrX toO niirov ;
44. 58. 71. 106. 120. 121. 134. 286. add airoO). '

Ver. 20. -« a. V. : the same (Codd. HI. XI. 19. 44. 248. with Aid. have the demonstiutive pronoun after the proper
name. 'i being. 22 f^ny ended.

, ^"^'ofv ■ - "" ^- "^^ • ™°"S *h« records, etc. (marg., roHs ; Gr., ^v T0I5 (Sao-aL,,,:, Pi^Aio^uAa^cois). » omits in Babv-
lon. Thee words are received by Fritzsche from XI. 19. 44. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg. To these II. is to he added. Cod. II.
has the singular mistake, however, of writing i^, i. e., Kvpwv, for Kvpov. Codd. 64. 119. with Aid. make the same mis-

Vf' „ ,. A V , „ Ver.22.-2»A. v.: signify nnto us thereof.

TTT VT .rfl ; - '■'"■""'■ . """* •"'■ " ^=*"'"'"« ■ • • • ?»'''" '«"••• T? iSripeO. 2„ u,e,e il,i„^s were. In
III. XI. 44 p<.o-,Ai«o« was inserted before ^.^Aw*., and for To:r05 the first and last have ro^o,. This was also the read-
ing adopted by the A.V., and is probably from the Aldine text, as the Rom. ed., the Vulgate, and the Bishop's Bible all
read to^«. In the margin of A. V. is : " Or, rolls, ver. 23." See Com. Codd. II. 55. 19. 108. omit ,U after t6:,05.

Ver. 24. - 30 A. V. : shall. Ver. 26. - 3i A. V. : set. Ver. 27. - 3^ A. V. : And also.

1 ESDEAS.

95

28

manded that Sisinnes the eparch ■* of Syria and Phosnice, and Sathrabuzanes, and
their companions, and those who ^ were appointed rulers in Syria and Phcenice,
should be careful to keep aloof from '. the place, and * suffer Zorobabel, the servant
of the Lord and eparch of Judsea,^ and the elders of the Jews, to build that * house
of the Lord on the ' place. And ' I have commanded also to have it built to com-
pletion ; ° and that thei/ look diligently to help those that be of the captivity of the

29 Jews, till the house of the Lord be finished ; and that ^^ out of the tribute of Coe-
lesyria and Phoenice a portion be carefully ■'■' given these men for the sacrifices of

30 the Lord, that is, to Zorobabel the eparch, ^^ for bullocks, and rams, and lambs ; and
also wheat,'' and salt, and ^* wine, and oil, continually ■'^ every year without ques-

31 tion," according as the priests that are " in Jerusalem shall signify to be daily spent ;
that drink-offerings ■'' may be made to the most high God for the king and his children,

32 and that they may pray for their lives. And I command that orders be given that
whosoever transgresses or annuls any of the things prescribed, out of his own pos-
sessions wood be taken and he be hanged thereon, and his goods be for the king.'"

33 And may ^ the Lord therefore, whose name has there been ^' called upon, utterly
destroy every king and nation, that stretcheth out his hand to hinder or damage ^

34 that house of the Lord in Jerusalem. I Darius the king have decreed it, let it be
carried out accordingly ^ with diligence.

Ver. 27.
that.

Ver. 28.

Ver. 29.

Ver. 30.

Ver. 31.

Ver. 32.
spoken or
seized for
Aid. have

Ver. 33.
according

— 1 A. V : gOTemor. * .(vi^ich, » not to meddle with. * but. 6 governor of Judea. ^the. '^ in

— 8 A. v. omils And (so III. and Junius). ' up whole again.
— 10 A. V. omits that, ii carefully to be. i^ governor.

— "A. v.: com. " omiJs and. " and (Aal continually. " /MrtAer question. "bo.
— 18 A. v. : offerings (Gr., (nrovScii ; so, too, marg. of A. V., " drinli-ofEerings ").

— 1" A. V. : And he commanded that whosoever should transgress, yea, or make light of any thing afore
written, out of his own house should a tree (Gr., fii^or) be taken, and he thereon be hanged, and all his goods

the king (Gr., elrai pao-iXiica ; 19. 108., ek fiatrtMici). For wpoo-rajai, the Oodd. III. XI. 49. with others, and
ffpotre'To^tc, but the former is undoubtedly the original form (see Com.).

— M A. v., omits And may (Gr., Kai .... a<j>iwi<r<u). " is there. ^s endamage. ^a ordered that
unto these things it be done.

Chapter VI. (Cf. Ez. v.-vi. 12.)

Ver. 1. A.ggseus, i. e., Haggai (Hag. i. 1 ;
Zech. i. 1 ). — Z. was not the son bat grandson of
Addo (Iddo* Ez. v. 1). — In Judsea and Jerusa-
lem. The Jews dwelling here are spoken of in
distinction from those found elsewhere, especially
in Babylon. — 'Ewpo<l>-iiTeva-€y- For the peculiar-
ity of the augment, see Winer, p. 71. Cf. also,
Matt. xi. 13; Jude 14. — Against the Jews, iirl
Toiis 'louSolous. The preposition has the force of
the Hebrew bs in a hostile sense. — 'EttI t^j ov6-
liari. For the force of the preposition, see Wi-
ler, p. 394; Robinson's Lex. under &yofia; Butt-
manu, pp. 183, 184, 330, 337.

Ver. 3. Sisinnes. The LXX. has Thanthanai
and the Hebrew (Ez. v. 3), Tatnai. — Of Syria
and Phoenice. The description is more definite
than that of the canonical book, and is but one of
many illustrations of our compilei's partiality for
explanation.

Ver. 5. Had visited, ^Tio-KOTriis yevoixhris. Cf.
Lnke i. 68, in the Greek and the A. V.

Ver. 7. 'Which he wrote and they sent.
On such a change of subject, see Winer, p. 632.
Cf. Textual Notes.

Ver. 9. The dividing, not the main walls, are
meant. Keil understands by it the beams for the
floors.

Ver. 15. Provoked God, TrapaniKpivaVTes. The
word is not elsewhere found in the Apocrypha, but
occurs at Heb. iii. 16, did provoke (A. V.). So
also in the LXX. at Ps. Ixvi. 7 ; Ixviii. 7, for -TO
and at Ps. cvi. 7, 43, for n^D.

Ver 18. Following most of the MSS. and old

translations we render " Zorobabel and Sauabas-
sarus," although obviously only one person can
have been meant. See Ez. v. 14-16 and vers. 27,
29, below. Probably the word Zorobabel was first
introduced as a gloss on the margin, and after-
wards through an inadvertence found its way into
the text. Cf. v. 40.

Ver. 23. Ecbatana. It was the capital of
Cyrus and occupied as a summer residence by
the Persian kings after bis time. Cf. Xen., C//r.,
viii. 6, 22 ; Anal., iii. 5, 16 ; Winer's ReatwSr-
terb. ; Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. ; and Rawlin-
son's Ancient Mon., ii. 262-269. — A roU. This was
probably from parchment. At Jer. xxxvi. 23, it
is said that a knife was necessary to destroy the
roll there spoken of. The reading of C:odd.
III. 44. harmonizes better with the context and
with the Hebrew, and the mistake of writing
T<iTos for r6ii.os might easily have been made by
a copyist.

Ver. 24. They sacrifice, iTiBvovm. i. he force
of the present, in this case, is to indicate a future
action as something as good as already present.
See Winer, p. 265.

Ver. 25. 'With three rows of hewn stones
and one row of new wood. The idea seems to
be that to every three rows, or courses, of stone
there was one of wood. The Hebrew word trans-
lated here and in the LXX. U^os (^1373) occurs
nowhere else in the Bible. By some it is rendered
stones, thus making it refer to the height riither
than the thickness of the walls.

Ver. 27. But he, i. c, Darius. In the Hebr-'V
the narrative is at this point changed from ti.e

96

THE APOCEYPHA.

indirect to the direct. The decree of Darius was,
perhaps, thought of as included in that of Cyrus,
or else the translator carelessly hurried along,
without noticing that the subject had changed,
nntil he came to the following verse. In the lat-
ter case he is guilty of an anachronism, since, if
Cyrus had given these directions to Tatnai and
his companions, why were they making such in-
quiries ?

Ver. 31. Pray for their lives. It is a fact
that subsequently offerings were made on behalf

of the king. See 1 Mace. rii. 33 ; xii. 11 ; Jos.,
Aritiq., xii. 2, § 6.

Ver. 32. The reading jrpoffera^ev probably
arose from the supposed difficulty of the con-
struction. But the compiler seems to have
brought along the force of iwera^a of ver. 28 to
this point. — Hanged. The Hebrew word ^IpT
might properly be translated crucified. It was a
common punishment among the Persians. In-
stead of KpefUKTdTJyai, the LXX, has v\TjyijffeTat.
But the reading nay^atTai is also well supported.

Chapter VII.

1 Then Sisinnes the eparch ^ of Coelesyria and Phoenice, and Sathrabuzanes, with

2 their companions, following the orders ^ of king Darius, more earnestly encouraged '
the holy works, assisting the elders * of the Jews and governors of the temple.

3 And so the holy works prospered, through the prophesying of the prophets Aggaeus

4 and Zacharias.^ And they finished these things by the commandment of the Lord God
of Israel, and with the consent of Cyrus and ' Darius and Artaxenes, kings of

5 Persia. And thus was the holy ' house finished in the three and twentieth day of

6 the month Adar, in the sixth year of Darius king of the Persians. And the chil-
dren of Israel, and ° the priests, and the Levites, and the rest ° that were of the
captivity, who had joined them,^" did according to the things written in the book of

7 Moses. And for •'^ the dedication of the temple of the Lord they offered an hun-

8 dred bvdlocks, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs ; goats for the sin of all

9 Israel, twelve in number, according to the twelve tribal chiefs of Israel.'^ The
priests also and the Levites stood arrayed in their vestments,^' according to their
tribes, prepared for " the services of the Lord God of Israel, according to the book
of Moses, and the porters at every gate.

10 And the children of Israel that were of the captivity held the passover the four-
teenth day of the first month, after that ^^ the priests and the Levites were sancti-

11 fied. They that were of the captivity were not all sanctified together; but the

12 Levites were all sanctified together.^" And so they offered the passover for all

13 them of the captivity, and for their brethren the priests, and for themselves. And
the children of Israel that came out of the captivity did eat, even all they that had
separated themselves from the abominations of the people of the land, and sought

14 the Lord. And they kept the feast of unleavened bread seven days, with joy"

15 before the Lord, for that he had turned the counsel of the king of Assyria towards
them, to strengthen their hands for the work ^^ of the Lord God of Israel.

Ver. 3. — » A. V.
Ver. 4. — " A. V.,
62. al. Syr, Old Lat
Ver. 5.— 'A. V.
Ver. 6. — » A. V.,
Ver. 7.— "A. V.
Ver. 8. — 1' A. V.

Ver. 1. — » A. V. : governor. Codd. III. 19. 44. 65. 64. 71. 74. 106. 108. 119. 120. 121. 134. 236. 245. 248. Aid. have the
article before ejrapxfK. ^ A.Y. : commandments.

Ver. 2. —3 A. V. : did very carefully oversee (Gr., iweirrirovv .... fmiitKiarepov). * ancients,
when Aggeus and Zacharias the prophets prophesied.

omits and. Fritzsche adds to the verse, ews toC cktou Itous Aapeiou jSoo-iAcus TLeatrStv, from HI. XI.
Cf. ver. 5.

The words o oiyios are omitted by II. 19. 44., and some others, with the Old Lat. Vulg.
omits and. » other (Gr. ol \omoi). » that were added unto them (Or., jrpoo-reeevret).
: to.

: and twelve goats for the sin of all Israel, according to the number of the chief ol the tribes of
Israel. For in. rdv t^vKapx^iv, 19. 108. Old Lat. and Vulg. read tSi- ^vKm, and were followed by the Bishop's Bible,
but not by the edition of 1611, which seems to have taken here the Aldine (and Kom.) edition of the LXX. as guide.
In the margin It recognizes the existence of such a reading (Or, tribes). I have connected jrp!>! apiejioi/ with yiiidimK,
according to the pointing of Fritzsche's text (see Com.).
Ver. 9. — " A. V. : in their vestments (not italicized). " according to their kindreds, in
Ver, 10. —15 For ore, III. XI. 44. 248, Aid, have Sti.

Ver. 11, — 1« Fritzsche omits the whole of this verse excepting " together with these (A. Y., ' for all them ') of the
■taptivity " separating the same from ver. 10 only by a comma. The passage is doubtless corrupt. The thought ta not
found in the Hebrew original (see Com.).
Ver. 14. — " A. V. : making merry. " In the works (Gr. , e?ri tA «pya).

1 ESDEAS.

97

Chapter VII. (Cf. Ez. ti.)

Ver. 4. And Artaxerxes. The person meant,
as is indicated by the order of words, is the king
who reigned after Darius, that is, Artaxerxes
Lon^imanus. But, as the temple was completed
before his accession to the thione, how can it be
said to have been done by hia commandment f
It might be held, with Michaelis, Frifczsche, and
others, that, inasmuch as he contributed by his
edicts (cf. viii. 9 f., and Ez. vii. 13-20) to the
subsequent beautifying of the temple, there was
no impropriety in the introduction of his name.

Ver. 5. Slonth Adar. It corresponded nearly
with the present month of March. The Hebrew
has the third, instead of the twenty-third. It is
likely that the compiler made the change because
it seemed to him more fitting to presuppose that
the festival of the dedication should last eight
days (1 Kings viii. 66 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 17) ; and
so, too, the last eight days of the year be filled
out. We are indebted to Bertheau for this sug-
gestion, although he was led by the same reason
to just the opposite conclusion ; namely, that on
these grounds the translator would not have made
the change from three to twenty-three, and hence
the latter must be regarded as the original date.

Ver. 7. And for the dedication. For the
theological significance of the word cynuivl^u, see
Cremer's Lex., ad voc. He gives as its meaning,
" to do something new with something new." De-
litzsch on Heb. i.x. 18 explains it as follows : " sol-
emnly to set forth something newas such,a;nd to give
it over to use, to cause it to enter into operation."

Ver. 8. Goats for the sins of all Israel,
twelve in number, according to. The construc-
tion of the Greek is somewhat pecuhar : x'M-^povs
{tirep afiaprias Trayrbs tov 'I- S(i>SeKa irpbs apiS^hv,
ix tSiv t\)v\ipx<av, etc. Tfendelenbtrg (Eichhorn's
Einleit. in d. Apok. Schrift., p. 366) would strike
out the iK, and make tUv (pvKapxav immediately
dependent on api8/x,6p; but there is almost no
manuscript authority for such a change. On the
force of this preposition with the genitive, as here
found, cf. Winer, p. 366.

Ver. 9. Our book differs considerably from the
Hebrew at this point. Cf. Ez. vi. 16, and above,
i. 2

Ver. 11. I have left the A. V. as found, but
would prefer to render according to Fritzsche's
text, in which the words in riyvicBtiaav, 8ti oi
Acuirai S,uo irdyres riyi/laSriaaf are omitted. The

first two are not found in 58. 71. ; and the re-
mainder are omitted in 52. 64. 74. 106. 119. 120.
121. 134. 236. 248., with Aid. It would then
read, leaving ver. 10 as it is, ver. 11 : "together
with all the children of the captivity." With the
reading oix for the first 8ti, — supported by 55.
19. 108., Byr., Old Lat., Vulg., — the passage
might, however, be rendered : and all the sons of
the captivity were not sanctijied, because all the
Leviles were sanctijied together ; the meaning being
that the others were not sanctified in the same
sense and degree as the Levites. In the Hebrew
a distinction seems, in fact, to be made between
the purity of the Levites and that of the priests,
in favor of the former. It may be that this is the
thought which is floating somewhat indefinitely
before the mind of the translator.

Ver. 12. The Levites offered it.

Ver. 15. King of Assyria. We might have
expected, rather, " king of Persia." But Darius
had received the kingdom of Assyria, together
with Palestine, as an inheritance, and so had
come into such intimate relations with the Jews.
Assyria, too, as one of the great powers of the
world, was, as a matter of course, more promi-
nently before the mind of the writer, and it was
rather a complimentary title than otherwise when
thus applied to Darius. Cyrus is called by
Herodotus (i. 206) " king of the Medes."

Justin Martyr, in his dialogue with Trypho,
{c. l.xxii.) cites a passage from the present history
which, if genuine, belongs at this point. It is
as follows ; " And Esdras said to the people :
' This passover is our savior and our refuge. And
if you give heed to this point, and lay it to heart,
that we sh.iU humble him on a cross, and, if after-
wards we hope in him, then shall this place not be
wasted for ever, saith the God of hosts. But if
you do not believe him, nor heed his message, so
shall you become the derision of the heathen."
Justin claims that the Jews had removed the pas-
sage from the book. But, in the first place, it is
evident that Ezra did not participate in this feast,
not having come to Jerusalem till afterwards,
while at the following one he said nothing at all
about the passover. And, second, the passage
appears in no extant MS. or translation of our
book, nor is it to be found in Josephus. Prob-
ably some Christian copyist made the addition,
and it was accepted as genuine by Justin.

Chapter VIII.

1 And after these things,^ when Artaxerxes the king of the Persians reigned, came
up Esdras the son of Sarsas, the son of Ezerias, the son of Chelcias,^ the son of

2 Salemus, the son of Sadducus, the son of Achitob, the son of Amarias, the son of
Ozias, the son of Mareroth, the son of Zarasas, the son of Savias, the son of Bocca,

Ver. l.—i Some MSS. have eo-ri after ravrav (II., eoriV), and afterwards Trpocre^t, (rendered in A. V. "came").
We drop, with Fritzsche, the former. Cf. ver. 6. Por 'Afapafou this critic reads, with III. 19. 44., Sapawv (SaKeas ;
A. v., Saraias), and for Zt'xpwv, with III. 44., •Ef.,pcov. ' We group together here, for convenience, all the names of
the present ehapterwhose orthography we have changed: (ver. 1) Ilelchiah, Salam, Sadduo ; (ver. 2) Memeroth, ZaraiM
Boocas, Abisura ; (ver. 29) Gamael, Lettus, Pharez ; (ver. 31) Pahath M., Zaraias ; (ver. 32) Zathoe, Jarathan ; (jer. &1)
Josias ; (ver. 36) Banid, Assalimoth ; (ver. 38) Johannes ; (ver. 39) Eliphalet, Samaias ; (ver. 42) Iducl ; (ver. 44) Ma-
maias, Eunatan ; (ver. 46) Saddeus ; (ver. 46) Daddeus ; (ver. 47) Moli, Asebebia ; (ver. 48) Asebia, Osaias, Channuncus ;
Iver. 64) Bsebrias, Assanias ; (ver. 62) Manooth, Iii ; (ver. 63) Sabban ; (ver. 69) Canaanites, Hittites.
7

98 THE APOCRYPHA.

the son of Abisuai, the son of Phinees, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the

3 chief priest. This Esdras went up from Babylon, as a scribe, being very ready

4 in the law of Moses, that was given by the God of Israel. And the king did him

5 honor, he having found grace in his sight in all his requests. There went up
with him also some ^ of the children of Israel, and '^ of the priests, and Levites,'

6 and holy * singers, and ^ porters, and ministers of the temple, unto Jerusalem, in
the seventh year of the reign of Artaxerxes, in the fifth month ; this was the king's
seventh " year : for they went from Babylon on ' the first day of the first month,
and came to Jerusalem, according to the prosperous journey which the Lord gave

7 them on his account." For Esdras had much ^ skill, so that he omitted nothing of
the law and commandments of the Lord, in teaching ^° all Israel ordinances " and

8 judgments. Now the copy of the commission, which was written from Artaxerxes
the king, and came to Esdras the priest and reader of the law of the Lord, is this
that followeth : —

9 King Artaxerxes unto Esdras the priest and reader of the law of the Lord send-

10 eth greeting: And^^ having determined to deal graciously, I have given order,
that such of the nation of the Jews, and of the priests and Levites, being within our

1 1 realm, as are willing and desirous, should go with thee unto Jerusalem. As many
therefore as have a mind thereunto, let them depart with thee, as it hath seemed

12 good both to me and my seven friends the counsellors; that they may look unto
the affairs of Judaea and Jerusalem, agreeably to that which is in the law of the

13 Lord ; and carry gifts ^' unto the Lord of Israel ^* to .Jerusalem, which I and my
friends have vowed, and all the gold and silver that in the country of Babylon may -"^

14 be found, to the Lord in Jerusalem, with that also which has been given by the
nation ^'' for the temple of the Lord their God at Jerusalem ; and that silver and gold
be " collected for bullocks, and ■'* rams, and lambs, and things thereunto appertain-

15 ing, to the end that t/tey may offer sacrifices unto the Lord upon the altar of the

16 Lord their God, which is in Jerusalem. And whatsoever thou and thy brethren

17 will do with the silver and gold, that do, according to the will of thy God. And
the holy vessels of the Lord, which are given thee for the use of the temple of thy

18 God, which is in Jerusalem, thou shalt set before thy God ; -"^ and whatsoever
iking else thou shalt remember for the use of the temple of thy God, thou shalt

19 give it out of the king's treasury. And I king Artaxerxes moreover,^" have^' com-
manded the keepers of the treasures in Syria and Phosnice, that whatsoever Esdras
the priest and the reader of the law of the most high God shall require,^^ they

20 should give it him diligently,-^" to the sum of an hundred talents of silver, likewise
also of wheat to ^'' an hundred cors, and an hundred measures ^^ of wine, and salt ^

21 in abundance. Let all things be performed after the law of God diligently unto
the most high God, that wrath come not upon the kingdom of the king and his sons.

22 And be it understood by you also that ye are to ^' require no tax, nor any other im-
position,'^* of any of the priests, or Levites, or holy singers, or porters, or ministers
of the temple, or of any that have doings in this temple, and that no man have

21 authority to impose any thing upon them. And thou, Esdras, according to the wis-
dom of God appoint '^^ judges and justices, that they may judge in all Syria and

Vera.4, 5. — 1 A. V. : for lie found (19. 103) .... certain (Gr., U tuv). = omits and. 8 priests, of the L.

* L., of the holy. ^ omits and.

Ver. 6. — « A. V. : Instead ol e^Sonoi, II. has 6 BfvTepos. ' A. V. : in. « A. V. ; gave to him (sir" airTcI is omitted
by III. XI. 44. 62. 68. 64. 71. 74. 248. and others, with Aid).

Ver. 7. — " A. V. : very great (Or., iroAAiji'). '» but taught (Gr., SiSofai). ii the ordinances.

Ver. 10. — 12 A. V. : omits And (with 44. 68. 71. 74. 106. and others. For Kal -ruv St III. XI. 44. haTe ivrtav ie avTmv
(pee Com.).

Ver. 13. —" A. V, : the gifts. " The words toG 'Icrp. are left out in II. 19. 56. 108. Syr. 16 A. V. : can.

Ver. 14. — 1<^ A. V. : is given of the people. ^t may be. i8 omits and.

Ver. 17. — i» A. V. : The words, " thou shalt set before thy God," are omitted in II. III. 44. Old Lat. Syr. We retain
them, however, with Fritzsrhe, and strike out simply ' ' in Jerusalem, '■ with which the Terse in the A. V. closes. It was
probably repeated by mistake from tlie previous line. Cod. 11 . omits also nearly all of the eighteenth verse (see Com.).

Ver. 19. — =" A. V. : omils moreover. Fritzsche receives S«' (for iSou) from III. XI. 19. 44. Old Lat. Syr. »> have

also. "'' send for (Gr., 'iya So-a iav airoirrei\Tg = iva iicro av inotrrei^as oiT^crrj). '^A.Y.: with speed (Qr., eTTlftcXi?).

Ver. 20. —2* A. V. : even to. 25 piocoB. M other things. For aXXa, of the text, rec., wc adopt i\a from 106.
121. 134. 236. Old Lat. Cod. II. had this also in the original text, but later a second K was introduced.

Ver. 22. —" A. V. : I command you also that ye. '» Jrilzsche adopts ewi/SoA.^ from 245. Syr. Old Lat Vulg Th«
ttxt. rec. has iirtpmkij. Ver. 23. - » A. V. : ordain (Gr., a^iS«for).'

1 ESDRAS. 99

Phcenice all those that know the law of thy God ; and those that know it not thou

24 shalt teach. And whosoever shall transgress the law of thy God, and of the king,
shall be punished promptly and rigorously ,i whether it be by death, or other pun-
ishment, either ^ by fine or imprisonment.^

25 And Esdras, the scribe, said. Blessed alone he the Lord * God of my fathers, who
hath put these things into the heart of the king, to glorify his house that is in Jeru-

26 salem ; and hath honored me in the sight of the king, and his counsellors, and all

27 his friends and nobles. And I was ^ encouraged by the help of the Lord my God,
and gathered together out of Israel men ^ to go up with me.

28 And these are the chief according to their father's houses ' and family divisions,'

29 that went up with me from Babylon in the reign of king Artaxerxes : of the sons
of Phinees, Gerson ; of the sons of Ithamar, Gamaliel ; of the sons of David,

30 Attus the son of Sechenias ; of the sons of Phoros, Zacharias, and with him were

31 counted an hundred and fifty men ; of the sons of Phaath Moab, Eliaonias, the son

32 of Zarasas, and with him two hundred men ; of the sons of Zathoes, Sechenias the son
of Jezelus, and with him three hundred men ; of the sons of Adin, Obeth, the son

33 of Jonathas, and with him two hundred and fifty men ; of the sons of Elam, Jesias

34 son of Gotholias, and with him seventy men ; of the sons of Saphatias, Zaraias

35 son of Michaelus, and with him threescore and ten men ; of the sons of Joab, Aba-

36 dias, son of Jezelus, and with him two hundred and twelve men ; of the sons of
Banias, Salimoth, son of Josaphias, and with him an hundred and threescore men ;

37 of the sons of Babi, Zacharias son of Bebai, and with him twenty and eight men ;

38 of the sons of Astath, Joannes son of Acatan, and with him an hundred and ten men ;

39 of the sons of Adonicam, the last, and these are the names of them, Eliphala son of

40 Jeuel, and Samteas, and with them seventy men ; of the sons of Bago, Uthi the son
of Istalcurus, and with him seventy men.

41 And these I gathered together at ' the river called Theras, where we pitched our

42 tents three days ; and I inspected ^^ them. And " when I found ^^ there none of the

43 priests and Levites, I sent ^* unto Eleazar, and Iduelus, and Maia," and Masman,

44 and Alnathan, and Samasas, and Joribus, and Nathan, Ennatan, Zacharias, and

45 Mosollamus, principal men and learned. And I bade them go " unto Loddai;us,

46 who was chief at i" the place of the treasury ; and gave them commission to ar-
range with Loddeeus," and with " his brethren, and with " the treasurers in that
place, to send us such men as might execute the priests' office in the house of the

47 Lord. And by the mighty hand of our Lord they brought unto us instructed '^ men
of the sons of Mooli the son of Levi, the son of Israel, Asebebias, and his sons, and

48 his brethren, who were eighteen. And Asebias, and Annuus, and Osasas his

49 brother, of the sons of Chanunsus, and their sons, were twenty men. And of- the
servants of the temple whom David and the principal men had appointed '^^ for the
service of the Levites, to wit, the servants of the temple, two hundred and twenty ;

50 the catalogue of all their ^'^ names was shown.'" And there I vowed a fast unto the
young men before our Lord, to desire of him a prosperous journey both for us and

51 them that were with us, for our children, and cattle; '* for 1 was ashamed to ask
of the king footmen, and horsemen, and escort for safety "^ against our adversaries.

52 For we had said unto the king, that the power of our Lord would "^ be with them

53 that seek him, to support them in all their ways.'' And again we besought our
Lord as touching all '* these things, and found him favorable unto us.

Ver.24.-iA. V. : diHgently (eTn^nXi?). This rendering did not seem Buffloiently strong to suit the context.
» A. v. omits eitlier. = by penalty of money or by impriaonment (see Com.).

Ver. 25. — * A. v. : Then said Esdras the scribe, Blessed be the only Lord.

Ver. 27. — 5 A. V. : Therefore was I. * men of Israel. i ■ ki

Ver. 28. — ' A. V. : their families (Or., ris irarpiis aOri.'). ' several dignities (tm ^sptSapxias ; of. Lom. at i. D).

Ver. 41. — » A. V. : to. ^^ then I surveyed.

Ver. 42. — 11 A. V. : But. 12 had found. " then sent I.

Ver. 43. — 14 A. V. : The words " and Maia " are omitted by II. III. XI. and A. V. (see Com.).

Ver. 45.-1'^ A. V. : that they should go. l" L. the captain who was in,

Ver. 46.— 1' A. V. : commanded them that they should spcall unto Daddeus. « to. 1= to.

Ver. 47 — 20 jV.. V. ; sliillful (Or,, kiTi(rrrifj.ova^, rendered " learned " in ver, 44).

Ver. 49. —21 A. v.: had ordained, and the principal men. 22 whose. 23 shewed.

Ver 60 - " A. V. : for the cattle. Ver. 61. - ^5 A. V. t ask the kling .... eonduct for safeguard.

Ver. 62. - ■»' A. V. : the Lord our God should. « Gr., A, iri^rwu ii,o.vof«^<f.v . It might be rendered also, lor an
restoration." , ,,, .

Ver. 63. — 28 A. V. omits aU. lor i,i.via. in. XI. 44. and others with Old Lat. Vulg. Aid. have Kara.

100 THE APOCRYPHA.

54 And ' I separated twelve men from the chiefs of the families of the priests,"

55 Eserebias, and Assamias, and ten men of their brethren with them ; and I weighed
them the silver and the gold, and the holy vessels of the house of our Lord, just

56 as the king, and his counsellors,' and the princes, and all Israel, had given. And
having weighed it, I delivered unto them six hundred and fifty talents of sil-
ver, and silver vessels of the worth of an * hundred talents, and an hundred talents

57 of gold, and twent}' golden vessels, and twelve vessels of brass, even of fine brass,

58 glittering like gold. And I said unto them. Both you are holy unto the Lord, and
the vessels are holy, and the gold and the silver is an offering ^ unto the Lord, the

59 Lord of our fathers. Watch ye, and keep them till ye deliver them to the chiefs of
the families of the priests and Levites, and to the principal men of the families of

60 Israel, in Jerusalem, in ' the chambers of the house of our God. And ' the priests
and the Levites received ' the silver and the gold and the vessels that had been in
Jerusalem, and brought them ^ into the temple of the Lord.

61 And from our leaving the river Theras ^° the twelfth day of the first month,
until we came to Jerusalem by the mighty hand of our Lord, which was over us,^'
he delivered us from the attack of every enemy ; and so we came to Jerusalem.

62 And when we had been there three days, the gold and silver was weighed and ^'^
delivered in the house of our Lord on the fourth day unto Marmothi a ^^ priest

63 the son of Urias ; and with him was Eleazar the son of Phinees, and with them were
Josabdus tlie son of Jesus and Moeth the son of Sabanuus, Levites ; all was delivered

64 them by number and weight. And all the weight of them was recorded ^^ the same

65 hour. Moreover they that had come out of the captivity offered sacrifices ^^ unto

66 the Lord God of Israel, even twelve bullocks for all Israel, fourscore and sixteen
rams, threescore and twelve lambs, goats for a peace offering, twelve ; all of them a

67 sacrifice to the Lord. And they delivered the king's commandments unto the
king's stewards, and to the eparchs ■'* of Coelesyria and Phoenice ; and they honored
the nation and the temple of the Lord.^'

68, 69 And ^' when these things were done, the rulers came unto me, and said, The
nation of Israel, and '^ the princes, and ^^ the priests and the Levites, have not put
a.V!Buy from them, the strange nations of the land, nor their ^-^ pollutions; they have
not separated themselves from the Gentiles, to wit, from ^'^ the Chananites, and
Chettites, and Pheresites, and '■"' Jebusites, and Moabites, and Egyptians,''* and

70 Edomites. For both they and their sons have married with their daughters, and
the holy seed has become mixed with the strange nations ^^ of the land ; and from
the beginning of this matter the rulers and the great men have been partakers of

71 this iniquity. And as soon as I had heard these things, I rent my clothes, and the
holy garment, and plucked out ^^ hair from my head '■''' and beard, and sat me down

72 sad and very heavy. And all '■" they that were at any time ^^ moved at the word
of the Lord God of Israel assembled unto me, whilst I mourned for the iniquity ;

73 and I remained sitting ^° full of heaviness until the evening sacrifice. And having
risen up *' from the fast with my clothes and the holy garment rent, I bowed my "^

74 knees, and stretching forth my hands unto the Lord, I said,

Ver. 54. — 1 A. V. : Then. 2 of the chief of the priest.s (Gr., rHy tfivMpxoiv —ct.yil. S — tuiv lepcW). Nearly

all the MSS., including II., have SeVa instead of SutSeKo. in the last clause.

Ver. 66. —3 A. V. : which (Por S. of the text. rec. we have adopted, with Eritzsche, oiiruj ils. II. m. XI. 44. 62.
and eight others, with Aid., read outws, after which ws seems to have fallen out) .... his council.

Ver. 66. — « A. V. : when I had weighed .... vessels an. Ver. 68. — » A. V. : M a Tow (Gr., cvxv)-

Ver. 59. — ^ j^. v_ ; chief of the priests .... into (see ver. 64 and vii. 8).

Ver. 60. — ' A. V. : So. ' who had received. " brought them unto Jerusalem into the temple of the

Lord (see Com.). The Greek is, ri o-Kt.;)) ra iv 'I. da-ijueyKay ei;, etc. The Codd. II. 65. 19. 108. leave off the preposition
from the verb. The Oodd. 19. 108. have, instead of this arrangement, eU 'lep. after the verb.

Ver. 61. —i» A. V. : from the river T. we departed, u We have, for the sake of clearness, reconstructed

the verse, the A. V. being : first month, and came to J. by the mighty hand of our Lord which was with us : and from
the beginning of our journey the Lord delivered us from every enemy, etc.

Ver 62. — 1= A. V. : that was weighed was. 13 Mammoth, the.

Ver. 64. - " A. V. : written .,;,. Ver. 66. — « A. V. : wore come .... sacrifice

Ver. 67. — '« A. V. : governors. " people and . . God (©sov, 64. 248. Aid.).

Ver. 68. — " A. V. : Now.

Ver. 69. - « A. V. omits and. »o „r„its and. ». people of .... nor the. M of the Gentiles, to wit of.

» omita and. ■'* the M., E. Ver. 70. - == A. V. : is mixed (Gr., heu^ly,,) .... strange people

Ver. 71. — M A. V. : pulled off the. 2' off mi/ head (Gr., KaririKa Toi Tp.x<o|aaTO!, etc.).

Ver. 72. — M A. V. : So all. 2» then. 3» but I sat still (koI exae^M")-

Ver. 73. — ^i A. V. : Then rising up. 32 and bowing my.

1 ESDRAS. iQi

75 0 Lord, I am confounded and ashamed before thy face ; for our sins are multi-

76 plied above our heads,i and our ignorances have reached up unto heaven, ever since ^

77 the time of our fathers, and we are » in great sin, even unto this day. And for our
sms and our fathers' we with our brethren and our kings and our priests were given
over to * the kings of the earth, to the sword, and (o captivity, and for a prey with

78 shame, unto this day. And now in what ^ measure hath mercy been shewed unto
us from thee, O Lord," that there should be left us a root and a name in the place

79 of thy sanctuary, and that thou shouldst discover unto us a light in the house of the

80 Lord our God, and give ' us food in the time of our servitude ? And in our « bon-
dage we were not forsaken of our Lord ; but he made us gracious before the kino-s

81 of Persia, so that they gave us food ; yea, and honored the *emple of our Lord, and
raised up the desolate Sion, in order to give us a firm support in Judaea ° and Jeru-

82 salem. And now, O Lord, what shall we say, having these i/iings ? for we have
transgressed thy commandments, which thou gavest by the hand of thy servants

83 the prophets, saying, The land, which ye enter into to possess as an heritage, is
a land polluted with the pollution i° of the strangers of the land, and they have

84 filled it with their uncleanness. And now give not your daughters in marriage

85 unto their sons, neither take ^^ their daughters unto your sons. Moreover ye
shall never seek to have peace with them, that ye may be strong, and eat the good
things of the land, and that ye may leave it as an inheritance ^^ unto your children

86 for evermore. And all that befalleth " us, taketh place on account of " our

87 wicked works and great sins, for thou, O Lord, who didst lighten us of our sins,^^
didst ^° give unto us such a root. Again we turned " back to " transgress thy law,

88 in mingling " with the uncleanness of the nations of the land. Wast thou not ^

89 angry with us to destroy us so as to leave ^^ us neither root, seed, nor name ? O

90 Lord of Israel, thou art true, for we have been left as a root this day. Behold,
now are we before thee in our iniquities, for by reason of these things we cannot
stand any longer ^^. before thee.

91 And as Esdras in his prayer made his confession, weeping, and lying prostrate ^
before the temple, there gathered unto him from Jerusalem a very great multitude
o/ men and women and youth,^^ for there was great weeping among the multitude.

92 And ^^ Jechonias the son of Jeelus, one of the sons of Israel, called out, and said,
0 Esdras, We have sinned against the Lord God, and ^* we have married strange

93 women of the nations of the land, and now is all Israel full of hope." Let us
make an oath in this matter ^' to the Lord, that ive will put away all our wives,

94 which we have taken of the heathen, with their children, as decided upon by thee,''*

95 and as many as do obey the law of the Lord. Arise, and put in execution, for to

96 thee doth this matter appertain, and we will be with thee, to act vigorously. °°
And ^^ Esdras arose, and took an oath of the chief of the families of ''' the priests
and Levites of all Israel to do after these things ; and they made oath.^^

Ver. 75. — ^ For tm Ke(^oAa« 19. 108. Syr. Old Lat., obTiously in the way of enlargement, haye ras rpixa? ttjc Ke^aXri<t.

Ver. 76. — ^ A. V. : For ever since. « we Aaue 6eP7t and are. Ver. 77. — * A. V. : up unto.

Ver. 78. — 5 a. V. : some {Gr., Kara. nStrov rt ; see Com.). 8 YoT tou KvpCov Kvpiov of the text. rec. we adopt, with

Fritzsche (and A. V.), from III. XI. H. 62. 248. Aid. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg., Tropd o-oO Kvpie. ' A. V., and to discover .
... to give. Ver. 80. — 8 A. V. : Yea, when we were in.

Ver. 81. — ^ A. V. : that they have given us a sure abiding in Jewry.

Ver. 83. — lo a. V. : that the land (oti simply introduces the words of another, and is not to be translated). . . .
pollutions.

Ver. 84. — ^i A. V. ; Therefore now shall ye not join your .... shall ye take.

Ver. 85. — 12 A. V. : moreover you .... the inheritance of the land (Gr., Ka.TaK\r)povoiir}(rt\Te).

Ver. 86. — is a. V. : is befallen. " is done unto us for. '^ Lord, didst make our sins light (III. XI. 19. al.

Aid. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg., read e<ov<^t.<Ta.i).

Ver. 87. — 1« A. V. : And didst (so III. XI. 19. 64. 74. 106. 108. al. Aid.). " but we have turned. " again to.

(19. 108. 121.,»^^flts 6e TTfMVtf). If (i,t^ to mingle ourselves.

Ver. 88. — ™ A. V. : Mightest not thou be (Gr., oixi- lipyiVeiji ; marg. of A. V., "Be not angry, (lij opvw»n5 ")■
" till tlwu hadst left.

Ver. 89. — 22 a, y. : for we are left a .... for we cannot stand any longer by, etc.

Ver. 91. — 23 A_ y. : flat upon the ground. 24 children (Gr., veaviai ; see Com.).

Ver. 92. — 2= A. V. ; Then. 20 omits and. Fritzache places a nai before (rvK^/eiVa/iev on the authority of nearly all
the Codd. with Syr. and Old Lat. 27 a. V. : aloft (marg., " exalted ; " see Com.),

Ver. 93. — 28 A. V. : omits in this matter (Gr., iv toutoI, with 19. 108. 121).

Ver. 94. — 29 A. V. : like as thou hast decreed (Gr., is eKpidt] cot).

Ver. 95. — 80 \. y. : do valiantly (Gr., iirxvv iroietr).

Ver. 96. — ^i A. V. : So. »» omits the families of (Or., tovs jivXipxons)- " «» they sware.

102

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chaptee VIII. (Cf. Ez. yiii.-x. 6.)

Ver. 1. Artaxerxes. The Persian Artach-
Bhasta. This Artaxerxes, as there can be little
doubt, is the same who is mentioned in the pre-
vious chapter, vcr. 4, and as is generally supposed
is Artaxerxes Longimanus. Keil thinks that
the references in Nehemiah (Neh i. 1 ; r. 14 ; xiii.
6) are decisive on this point, especially the last,
which speaks of the thirty-second year of a con-
temporary king of this name while Nehemiah
and Ezra were also contemporaries for a time, at
least, in the work at Jerusalem. Moreover, Longi-
maniis was a contemporary of Jeshiia the high-
priest, and Jeshua still held his ottice in Nehe-
niiah's time. — The genealogy of Ezra as here
given is not complete. Twelve generations (in
Ezra X.) are made to cover a period of more than
a thousand years. Cf. 1 Chron. v. 2-8 ; vi. 7-10;
ix. 11. It was not uncommon in such genealogi-
cal tables to gi\"e only principal names. By com-
paring other lists twenty-seven generations can be
made out.

Ver. 3. As a scribe. Not a mere secretary,
as the word often signifies in the earlier hooks of
Scripture, but a representative of a new class of
literati among the Jews, which though not originat-
ing, took on new glory at about this time. Cf.
Jer. viii. 8 ; art. " Schriftgelchrte," in Schenkel's
Bib. Lex., and Herzog's Real-Encyk., respectively ;
also, Hausrath, 2re/(<7esc/i!tte, i. 93ff., and Schiirer,
pp. 437-463.

Ver. 6. The language in Ezra (vii. 8, 9) is
clearer. The journey, according to him, lasted
exactly four months. 'I'he distance was from 500 to
900 miles according to the ronte. The longer route
was the one usually taken b^- large bodies of men.
— 'E:r' auTtjtj, on his [Ksra's] account. This prep-
osition used figuratively denotes generally the
foundation on wliich an action or state rests.
See Winer, p. 392 ; Buttmann, p. 327.

Ver. 7. Esdras had much skill. Schleusner
would translate this word (eV/o-TTj/xTj), by curam et
diligentiam. It means rather insiijht, knowledge, or,
as the A. V. h-is rendered it, skill.

Ver. 8. Commission, -npoaTayfjiaTos. The A.
V. has in the margin " deci'ee." In vers. 67 and 82
it is i-endered by " commandment, ' as also at 2
Mace. vii. 30. — 'kva-yiiu>(TTT]v, reader. Cf. ix. 41.
This was the title given to the person in the early
church whose duty it w,as to read the Scriptures
at public services. See Herzog's Real-Enctjk., viii.
268, and Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. Our translator
deviates from the Hebrew and LXX., proliably
with reference to the passage cited, which relates
to the reading of the law by Ezra

Ver. 9. The epithet "king of kings" applied
to Artaxerxes in the Hebrew and in the LXX. is
here omitted.

Ver. 10. The ita/at the beginning of this vcr.se
seems to imply that something had preceded on
whicli what is now to be spoken has a dependence.
Fritzsche thinks that it was a visit of Ezra to the
king (ver. 4), in which he had liiid a petition before
him which is now granted. See on this point the
introduction to the book, under the heading "Ar-
rangement of Materials." — Willing and desirous.
The oiiginal is.translateil by one word in the f^XX.,
namely, ^KovctaCSfi.ei'os. And aiperi^ayTa! in our
passage being without the article can scarcely be
80 related to tovs Soi/AojueVouj as it would appear
to be from the translation of the A. V. A better

rendering might be : " that such of the nation
of the Jews as are willing should go up with thee
to Jerusalem, namely, snch as choose it from
among the priests and Levites, and also, from the
people of our realm, " alperi^oyTas being taken as
in apposition with roiis ^ovKojx^vovs. Or, if the
comma is left after the former word : " that such
of the nation of the Jews as are willing should go
up with thee, as choosers (/. e. as preferring it),
also, of the priests and the Levites," etc.

Ver. U. Seven friends the counseUors. Cf.
i. 14. Herod., iii. 81. These were seven principal
families among the Persians, as Herodotus states,
and the heads of these families are probably
meant. See art. " Perser," by Dillmann in
Schenkel's Bib. Lex., and under " Cyrus " and
" Darius" respectivelv, in Herzog's Real-Encyk.

Ver. 16. "With the sUver. in the Heb. (Ez.
vii. 18) it is "with the rest of the silver," etc., a
fact which is noticed in the margin of the A. V.

Ver. 17. Holy vessels. Cf. Ez. viii. 2.5-28.
The king and his counsellors gave in addition to
money, vessels of gold, silver, and copper. That
the last part of this verse and the first part of the
following does not appear in some of the most
important MSS., and hence was omitted from
the Homan edition of the LXX., was probably due,
at first, to the carelessness of a transcriber.

Ver. 20. A hundred talents of silver. About
fifty-seven English pounds. The cor was between
eleven and twelve bushels, and the measure of wine,
about nine gallons.

Ver. 22. The command is given to the Persian
officials.

Ver. 23. The wisdom of God. The Hebrew
adds ; that is in thy hand, i. e., that thou possessest.
— Judges and justices, Kpiroy «ol StKaards.

Ver. 24. -nuapia. In classical usage the vindica-
tive character of the punishment is the predom-
inant thought in this word. It corresponds to the
Latin ultio. This meaning, moreover, is its ety-
mological one. See Trench, N. T. Si/n., pt. I. p.
46. In the New Testament and LXX. it is used
for punishment generally. See Wisd. xii. 20;
Acts xxii. .5; xxvi. 11. In the present passage
its meaning seems to be determined by what im-
mediately follows. — ' Awayay-fi, imprisonment.
Most of the old translators render by banishment.
It is indeed possible that both ideas are included,
i. e., being led away to imprisonment. Cf. Matt,
xxvii. 31 ; Acts xxiii. 10. The reading of II. 55.,
M [kpyvpitf) for ^ {apyvpiKri) puts quite a different
thought into the passage, namely, that nothing so
light as fine or imprisonment would be visited on
transgressors.

Ver. 29. Son of Seohenias. It is generally
supposed that a name has fallen out. It would
iippear from 1 Chron. iii. 22, that Hattu.sh was
really the grandson of S.

Ver 32. Zathoes. This name is wanting in
the Hebrew, hut is found in the LXX.

Vers. 34, 35. For differences in the numbers as
found in our text and in the Hebiew, see accom-
panying tables.

Ver. 41. Kiver Theras. This seems to have
been an incorrect translation of the original He-
brew word. At Ez. viii. 15, we have Ah'aca. It is
su|)posed to be the modern Hit on the Euphrates.
Josephus does not follow the reading of our book,
as usual, but employs the general designation : ei's

1 ESDRAS.

103

t4 irtpov ToB Eitppirov. But Hitzig ( Geschichte, i
282) holda that the gathering-place was really on
the river Theras, ami cites Pausanias, x. 10, 8.

Vers. 43, 44. Maia and Moaman. Probably
11 corruption for Siimajas, which having been left
out at this point, is improperly introduced in the
following verse.

Ver. 4.5. In the place of tlie treasury. In
the Hebrew it is; at the place Casiphia ; in the
LXX. : ^v apyvfjiif toD r6rrov. Our compiler seems
to have explained in the sense of the LXX. rather
than translated. Such a place as Casiphia, on the
route hetween Babylon and Jerusalem, is at pres-
ent unknown.

Ver. 47. Son of Levi. 'Rathar grandson. The
whole number of Levites, as given in this and the
following verse, was but thirty-eight. See also
Ez. ii. 40. They manifested a strange disinclina-
tion to return. Some suppose that it was because
ihey were jealous of the priests. See Smith's Bib.
Did., art. " Levites." Michaelis (Anmerkungen
zum Ezra, viii. 24) supposes that, at this time, the
old distinction between priests and Levites was
not so rigidly enforced as formerly, and that to the
latter the name of priests was sometimes given.

Ver. 49. 'Ecrrip.ai'Bji. It may mean was indi-
cated^ or was written down, recorded. Bunsen's
Bibelwerk prefers the latter meaning, and it better
suits the context. — - The Greek word rendered
twice in the present verse by '" servants," is else-
where in the present chapter (vers. 5, 22), trans-
lated by " ministers." They were the Nethinim,
Cf. ihe Hebrew at Ez. vii. 7.

Ver. 50. Unto the young men. This is not
found in the Hebrew, and is probably an addition
by the translator. For the custom of fasting on
such occasions, see Judg. xx. 26 ; 1 Sam. vii. 6 ;
Joel i. 14.

Ver. 5.1. Weighed, eo-TTjira. See vers. 56, 62.
The same word is used in the narrative concerning
Jadas, Matt. xxvi. 15 : Oi 3e (aTr\aav aiirip rpid-
KovTa apyvpia.

Ver. 57. Fine brass. It was fine in the sense
of being brilliant The Hebrew mentions but two
vessels of brass instead of twelve. See Ez. viii.
27 : " And two vessels of fine copper, precious as
gold" (margin, " yellow," or "shining brass").
They were probably made from oi7c/iafcMm, which
was an amalgam, something like brass. Cf. re-
marks at i. 12.

Ver. 60. The translation of the A. V. is not
clear ; that were in Jerusalem. Better, that had
(previously) been in Jerusalem, It is carelessly
given, it is likely, for to deliver at Jerusalem. Cf.
Ez. viii. 30. — Ta is wanting before h 'Iepou(ra\V)/i
only in two MSS. (108. 245.); but, if stricken
out, the difficulties of the passage would be greatly
diminished. Cf. Text. Notes, ad he.

Ver. 64. AU the weight of them. An inven-
tory of the vessels was made, and the weight of
each .stated at the same time

Ver. 66. 'Tire/j aaiT-np'iov, for deliverance.
They offered a thank-offering for theii; safe arri-
val. In the Hebrew these goats are said to have
been offered as a "sin offering." Instead of
seventy-two lambs, the Hebrew has seventy-
seven.' The idea of sacrificing fo"- all the twelve
tribes of Israel seems to be predominant in aU
these numbers. On this account 72 (= 6 X 12)
appears a better reading than seventy-seven.
Keil, however, calls the latter "die potenzirte
Sieben," " the potentiated seven." Com. on Ez., ad
loc. Cf. ver. 72 ; ix. 39 ; and Luke i. 68.

Ver. 67. And they honored, i. e., the Persian
officials honored.

Vers. 68, 69. Between the history of vers. 67
and 68 several months intervene. — Their pollu-
tions, Tas aKaOapalas aifTwv. The pronoun is
omitted by III. XL 44. and others, with Aid.
For the theological significance of this word, see
Cremer, ad voc. In general, it means impurity as
opposed to a.yia(7ij.6s. Here the pollution seems
to be more of a religious nature, i. e , idolatry.
The construction is difficult, and seems to require
the supjilying of some such words as oiut ^x^f'"'"
6ri<rav, as we have done. — For the Amorites of
the Hebrew text we find here Edomites, while the
Ammonites there mentioned are here omitted en-
tirely. Marriage with the Canaanites was what
was forbidden by the letter of the Law. Cf. Ex.
xxxiv. But the spirit of the Law was undoubtedly
against the intermarriage of the Israelites with
any other heathen nations. This is evident, in
fact, from the reasons given for such prohibition :
namely, that they might not be seduced to idolatry.
The prohibition extended to the priests in its
widest extent from the first. Dent. xxi. 10 ff.

Ver. 71. Very heavy, vepiKviros See also
vers. 72, " full of heaviness ; " and cf. Matt. xxvi.
38 ; Mark vi. 26, xiv. 34 ; Luke xviii. 23, 24. The
word is also found in the classics.

Ver. 73. 'Ek t^s vqimla!, from the fast. This
expression is not found in the canonical Ezra.
Bretschneider {Lex., ad voe.) refers it to the
mental condition (animi mi/ritudo) of Ezra caused
by .his solicitude for his people.

Ver. 74. Our ignorances, ai &yvoiai. " The
kypoovi/Tss are those who are under the power of
sin, and therefore sin against knowledge and will,
but are passively subject to it. Their conscious-
ness is passive, not active, in relation to sin."
So Cremer, Lex., p. 138. Cf. also Fritzsche's
Com., ad loc. ; and Tob. iii. 3 ; Jud. v. 20 ; 1 Mace,
xiii. 39.

Ver. 77. The translator has added somewhat
to the text as we find it in the Hebrew.

Ver. 78. The proper accentuation requires a
qnestion : And now in what measure, i.e., how
great measure.

Ver. 80. Gave us food (Tpo!p-l]v). This is not
a good translation of the corresponding Hebrew
word. The LXX. renders more exactly by fuo-
iroi7)(ri5, " a reviving."

Ver. 82. Having these things, i. e., havmg
these henefits in possession. This is another
apparent addition of our translator.

Ver. 83. The word iio\vafi6s is used of the
worst kind of sensual pollution. See Dent. vii.
1 ff. ; Jer. xxiii. 15 ; Jos., Cont. Apion, i. 32, ii. 6,

vii. 1. r Ti

Ver. 91. Neavlai. The wOTd meAns youth. It
is applied to Saul, Acts vii. 58. A person until
forty years of age might be so called.

Ver. 92. And now is all Israel fuU of hope
(A. v., aloji; marg., exalted). In the parallel
passage in Ez. (x. 2) we read : yet now there is
hope in Israel concerning this thing. And with this
reading agree the MSS. 19. 108. 121. and the
Syriac translation. Fritzsche suggests 6ira\7a.;'
U-Ka\yi<^ = to grieve over; cf. Eph. iv. 19, ajra\-
yec) as an emendation ; but is not satl^hed with it,
and thinks the text must be corrupt. But eWu
may be used in a figurative sense for full of hope.
Sehleusner, whom Bretschneider follows, renders:
"nunc laitissimam concipere licet spem populo is-
raelitico."

104 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter IX.

1 And ^ Esdras rising from the court of the temple went to the chamber of Joanan '

2 the son of Eliasibus, and lodged there, and did eat no bread " nor drink water, mourn-

3 ing over * the great iniquities of the people.^ And there was a proclamation in all
Judaa ^ and Jerusalem to all them that were of the captivity, that they should as-

4 semble themselves ' at Jerusalem; and that whosoever met not Mere within two
or three days, according to the decision of the presiding elders * their cattle should
be devoted to death, and every such person cast out from the people " of the captivity.

5 And in three days were all they of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin gathered

6 together at Jerusalem ; this was '" the twentieth day of the ninth month. And all
the multitude sat in the broad court of the temple trembling because the winter had

7 come on.'^ And '^ Esdras arose up, and said unto them. Ye have transgressed the

8 law in marrying strange wives, thereby to increase the sins of Israel. And now

9 make confession ■'^ unto the Lord God of our fathers, and do his will, and separate

10 yourselves from the heathen of the land, and from the strange women. And the
whole multitude cried ■'^ and said with a loud voice. Like as thou hast spoken, so

11 will we do. But the people are many, and it is the wintry season and '^ we cannot
stand in the open air, and this is not a work of a day or two, for " our sin in

12 these things is spread far. But" let the rulers of the people'* stay, and let all
them from our respective dwelling-places '^ that have strange wives come at a ^ time

13 appointed, together with the elders ^-^ and judges of every place, till we turn away

14 the wrath of the Lord from us for this matter. Jonathas "^ the son of Azaelus ^
and Ezecias son of Thocanus accordingly took this matter upon them ; and Mo-

15 sollamus and Levis and Sabbatseus helped them. And they that were of the captiv-

1 6 ity did according to all these things. And Esdras the priest chose unto him men
who were leaders of their respective father's families,^* all by name ; and in the

17 first day of the tenth month they sat together ^'^ to examine the matter. And ^^
their cause that held strange wives was brought to an end by ^ the first day of the
first month.

18 And of the priests that had^' come together, and had strange wives, there were

19 found, of the sons of Jesus the son of Josedec, and his brethren : Mathelas and

20 Eleazarus, and Joribus, and Joadanus. And they gave their hands to put away their

21 wives, and to offer rams to make reconcilement for their error.^ And of the sons

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Then. '' Cod. II. has the reading, 'Ioji»a ,■ III. 64., 'loiai/av ; the text. rec. 'lavdv.

Ver. 2. — 3 A. V. : Eliasib .... remained there (see Com.) .... no meat. < A. V. : loT. The MSS. 11. 66. 19.

108. have CiTrep lor en-i. In either case, "over ■' would be a better translation. « A, V. : multitude. Cf. Wahl's Ctavis,
'■ '•'• "■■^i*"!- Ver. 3. — « A. V. : Jewry. ' be gathered together.

Ver. 4. — 8 A. V. : according as the elders that bare rule appointed. ' seized to the use o£ the temple, and himself
cast out of them that were (see Com.).

Ver. 6. — " A. V. omits this was (oStoi) with 19. 108.

Ver. 6. — 11 A. V. ; sat trembling in the broad court of the temple because of the present foul weather {(Jr., «ii tSik
im(n(iTa xeifulm). Yer 7 _ 12 j^ y. : So.

Ver. 8. — 13 A. V. : by confessing, give glory. With Fritzsche, we strilte out 86(0.^ after o^oAoyiai-, as a probable gloss.
It IS omitted in 58. with the following ™, and these with Kvplw in 71.

Ver. 10. — 14 A. V. : Then cried the whole multitude.

Ver. 11. —IS A. V. ; But forasmuch as the people are many, and it is foul weather (see ver. 6), so tliat. We adopt,
with Fritzsche, from III. 44. and other authorities, the article before Upa. 'e A. V. : without, and this .... seeing.
Codd. II. adds after ai^ptoi, Kal ovx fvpofj.^v.

Z"' }l' "'J,^'^ '■ "><'"''^*'"'''- " multitude. i» of our habitations (Sr., U rS,v «aTO«t»v ^;ai..). =0 the.

Ver. Id. —21 A. V. : and with them the rulers (Or., Kal .... roii irpeo-^uTepovs).

Ver. 14. _ 22 A, V. ; Then Jonathan. ^ We introduce at this point the proper names of the A. V. which have
been changed in the present chapter in accordance with Fritzsche's text : (ver. 14) Azael, Ezechias, Theocanas, Mosol-
lani, Sabbatheus ; (ver. 19) Matthelas, Eleazer ; (ver. 21) Zabdeus, Eanes, Sameius ; (ver. 22) Elionas, Ismael, Ocidelus,
Talsas ; (ver. 23) Jozabad, Semis, Patheus ; (ver. 24) Eleazurus ; (ver. 25) Sallumus ; (ver. 26) Eddias, Eleazar, Asibias,
BaanMSi (ver. 2,) Ela, llierielus (A. V. omif. and Joabdius), Aedias ; (ver. 28) Elisimus, Sabatas, Sardeus ; (ver. 29)
Johannes, Jozabad, Amatheis ; (ver. 30) Jedeus, Jasael ; (ver. 31) Lacunus, Mathanias, Manas.^eas ; (ver. 82) Annas, Aseas,
Sabbeus, Chosameus; (ver. 33) Altaneus, Matthias, Bannaia ; (ver. 34) Maani, Momdis. Omaerus, Pelias, Carabasion
Samis, Ozora, Zambis ; (ver. 3.5) Zabadaias, Edcs, Banaias ; (ver. 43)Balasamus ; (ver. 48) Anus, Adinus, Sabiteus, Autea
Maianeas, Joazabdu.,, Biatas. We adopt, with Fritzsche, the reading @u,«. (for eeo,«a„oO), with the majority of MSS
A. V. omus and be/ore Jasael (30), Balnuns (32), Eliphalat (33) ; it reads, and Mathaniis (31).

Ver _16 - M A. V : lA. principal men of their families. >» We adopt, with nearly all the authorities, •oT,..e«aBiaaF
Instead of oui-eKXeio-Sijirai' of the text. rec. >'-««™icur

Ver. 17.— 2» A. v.: So. "in. Vor 1R is a -ir

■uo.. "in Eo * ir yri ... Ver. 18. — ^b a. V. : were.

1 I'i: \7 A V. errors(Qr.,T7,9avvoca9). The A. V. notices in the margin the reading of Aid. which was fol-
lowed by the Bishops' Biblo.iy^eias for ayxow- Of. the LXX. at Lev. iv. 22, 28. mou was 101

1 ESDRAS. 105

of Emmer : Ananias, and ZabdKus, and Manes, and Samsus, and Hiereel, and Az-

22 arias. And of the sons of Pliaisur : Elionais, Massias, Ismaelus, and Nathanaelus,
and Ocodelus, and Saloas.

23 And of the Levites : Jozabadus, and Semeis, and Colius, who was called Calitas,

24 and Pathaeus, and Judas, and Jonas. Of the holy singers : Eliasibus, Bacchurus.

25 Of the porters : Salumus, and Tolbanes.

26 Of ihem o/ Israel, of the sons of Phoros : Hiermas, and Jezias, andMelchias, and

27 Maelus, and Eleazarus, and Asebias, and Banseas. Of the sons of Elam : Matthan-

28 ias, Zacharias, and Jezrielus, and Joabdius, and Hieremoth, and Aidias. And of the
sons of Zamoth : Eliadas, Eliasimus, Othonias, Jarimoth, and Sabathus, and Zeralias.

29 Of the sons of Bebai : Joannes, and Ananias, and Jozabdus, and Amathias. Of the

30 sons of Mani : Olamus, Mamuchus, Jedseus, Jasubus, and Jasaelus, and Hieremoth.

31 And of the sons of Addi : Naathus, and Moosias, Laccunus, and Naidus, Matthan-

32 ias, and Sesthel, and Balnuus, and Manassias. And of the sons of Anan : Elionas,

33 and Asseas, and Melchias, and Sabbseus, and Simon Chosamseus. And of the sons
of Asom : Altanaeus, and Mattathias, and Sabannaus, and Eliphalat, and Manasses,

34 and Semei. And of the sons of Baani : Jeremias, Momdius, Ismaerus, Juel, Mab-
dai, and Pedias, and Anos, Rabasion, and Enasibus, and Mamnitanaimus, Eliasis,
Bannus, Eliali, Someis, Selemias, Nathanias. And of the sons of Ezora : Sesis,

35 Esril, Azaelus, Samatus, Zambri, Josephus. And of the sons of Ethma : Mazitias,

36 Zabadaeas, Edais, Juel, Banseas. All these had taken strange wives, and they put
them away with their children.

37 And the priests and the Levites, and they that were of Israel, dwelt in Jerusalem,
and in the country, in the first day of the seventh month. And ^ the children of

38 Israel were in their respective dwelling-places.'' And the whole multitude came to-
gether with one accord into the broad place that was towards the east gate of the

39 temple ; ^ and they spake unto Esdras the priest and reader, that he would bring

40 the law of Moses, that was given of the Lord God of Israel. And * Esdras the
chief priest brought the law unto the whole multitude from man to woman, and to
all the priests, in order that they might ^ hear the law on ^ the first day of the

41 seventh month. And he read in the broad court before the gate of the temple '
from morning unto mid-day, before both men and women ; and all the multitude

42 gave attention to ' the law. And Esdras the priest and reader of the law stood up

43 upon a pulpit of wood, which had been made.*" And there stood up by him
Mattathias, Sammus, Ananias, Azarias, Urias, Ezecias, Baalsamus, upon the right

44 hand; and upon his left hand stood Phaldaeus, Misael, Melchias, Lothasubus,

45 Nabarias, Zacharias.^" And Esdras having taken up the book ^^ before the mul-

46 titude sat conspicuously ^^ in the first place in the sight of them all. And when
he unroUedi' the law, they stood all straight up. And" Esdras blessed the Lord

47 God most High, the God of hosts, Almighty. And all the people answered,
Amen ; and lifting up their hands they fell to the ground, and worshipped the

48 Lord. Jesus, and ^^ Anniuth, and i° Sarabias, and " Jadinus, and ^^ Jacubus, Saba-
thus, Autajas, Maiannas, and Calitas, Azarias, and Jozabdus, and Ananias, Phalias,
the Levites, taught the law of the Lord, and read the law of the Lord before the
people, at the same time instilling what was read.^' .

49 And Attharates said unto Esdras the chief priest and reader, and to the Levites

50 that taught the multitude, even to all,^" This day is holy unto the Lord (and they

Ver. 37. —> A. V. : and LeTites .... so. ' habitations (see Com.) » _ ™u» n™.v ,-^

Ver. 33. -» A. V. : of tlie holy porch toward the east. See ver. 41 below, with note in Commentary. The Greek in
the latter place is irpo tov icpoS ttuASi-o! ; here, Trfm kvaroKas tov lepou ireXoii'O!.

Ver. 40. — ' A. V. : So. ' priests, to hear. » in.

Ver. 41. ' A. V. ; holy porch ( see ver. 38). ' heed unto.

Ver. 42. — » A. V. : was made /or (Aaf purpo.«. ,, . ^. j- ».>!!-„fAV.

Ver. 44. - w A. V. : and N. (omitting Z.). Mtzsche cites H. as agreeing with III. 44. in the reading *aA8ato! (A. V. .
Phaldaius), but II. has iaXaaaio!. ttt il K9 R4 »1 Aid

Ver 46 -" A V. : Then took E, (Gr., k,u iyaXa^iv) the boot of the law. After p.flA.ov, HI. 44. 62. 64. al. Aid.
Syr. Old Lat. hare to! vd^.<.v, but it is probably a correction. '^ for he sat honorably (see Com.).

Ver 46 — is A. V. : opened (see Com.). " So. , . ^, -ii. i * «„

■ZiS-^Zv.oZts^ni »L,se.ni. " o«it» and. " »™<5 and. i» making them withalto un
derstani it (see Com.). The preceding clause is omitted by 44. 52. 68. 64. 248. al. Aid. as m A. V.

Ver. 49. — »" A. V. : Then spake A to all, saying.

Ver. 60. — " A. V. : for (Gr., xal, which might be left untranslated).

106

THE APOCRYPHA,

51 all wept when they heard the law). Go then, and eat the fat, and drink the sweet,

52 and send gifts to them that have nothing, for the day ^ is holy unto the Lord ;
63 and be not sorrowful, for the Lord will bring you to honor. And ^ the Levites ex-
horted all ^ the people, saying. This day is holy to the Lord ; be not sorrowful.

54 And they went ■* their way, every one to eat and drink, and make merry, and

55 to give gifts ^ to them that had nothing, and to make great cheer, because * they
were inspired by the words in which they were instructed. And they assembled
themselves ' — ■

Ver. 51. — ' A. V, : pare (Gr., aTrooroAay) . . ■ , this day.

Ver. 63. — ^ A. V. : So. 3 published all things to. The order in II. and the sense is the same : eiee\evo»' t^ £^/ib>
navTo. Ke^ovres. But in our Greek text we have : eKeAevor n-arrl Tw fi^^ip AeyovTes.

Ver. 64. — * A. V. . Then went they. 6 part.

Ver. 55. — ** A. V. : For ort yap, III. 58. have the former alone; II., ori Kai\ 52. 64. 243. Aid., eri yap (gee Ciwn.).
' A. V. : understood the words wherein they were instructed, and/or tke which they had been assembled (see CoTn.).

Chapter IX. (Cf. Ez. x. 6-44 ; Neh. vii. 73-Tiii. 13.)

Ver. 1 . For a discussion of the question who
this Joanan was, see Keil's Com., at Ez. x. 6.

Ver. 2. And lodged there, Kal aiiKia-eeU tVei.
The Hebrew here is TJ -•'*1 , for which our trans-
lator, in the opinion of Clericus, Eichhorn, Ber-
theau, Fritzsche, and others, read 1v»1. which,
indeed, Rives good sense. It is also the reading
of the Peshito Version. But his rendering was
probably suggested to the translator by the LXX.,
which has the word iwopeidti for aliKicrSels ; and
he adopted the latter because the LXX., in using
the word it did, was obliged to repeat it from the
preceding line. — Tlffdoii' M rm is a peculiar
grammatical construction, found only in our book.
A number of MSS., including II. 19. 5.5. 108.
read iirip for eVi. Cf. viii. 72. See Buttmann,
p. 147.

Ver. 4. Devoted to death. The Hebreiv
word in the form used means to devote to destruc-
tion. It is well rendered by a.viip6(i in our pas-
sage. That they were to be devoted to use in the
temple as victim's (A. V.) is not said. They were
to be devoted to death beyond the powerof re-
demption.— And himself (A. V.), koX avT6s ;
rather, cmd every such person. The word is used
distributively.

Ver. 6. In the Hebrew (Ez. x. 9) an addi-
tional reason is assigned for the people's trem-
bling ; namely, the matter that had called them
together.

Ver. 12. Stay, o-T^jToxra;/. It is the same
word which in ver. 11 is rendered " stand." The
idea is that they were to act as a permanent board
of adjudication in Jerusalem in this matter. —
AaP6yTfs XP^^"" is a peculiar expression, though
Kmpis is so used in connection with Aa^dv- See
2 Mace. xiv. 5. The meaning seems to be cor-
rectly given hy the A. V. More literally it
would be : having designated a time.

Ver. !.•?. Till we turn away. The verb Auto
here used is of considerable theological impor-
tance, although in the present passage having
only its general meaning of loosing, removing,
liberating. See Cremer's Lex., advoc; and Ben-
gel's Gnomon, -At Malt. v. 17, 19, xviii. 18.

Ver. 14. Accordingly took {this matter) upon
(them), i. e.,to carry out. The Greek is: ine-
Se^avTo Kara rauTa. The Hebrew seems to de-
mand a different interpretation. Bertheau, Keil,
the Spealcer's Commentary, and other authorities^
would render in Ezra (x. 15) somewhat thus ;
" Nevertheless, Jonathan, the son of Asahel, and
Jahaziah, the son of Tikvah, opposed this."

Moreover, it is not easy to see, if the Greek Ezra
be followed, what office these men held, or would
assume; since in ver. 16 Ezra is said to have
chosen men for the special purpose of taking this
matter upon them.

Ver. 16. And Esdras, the priest, chose unto
him. The Hebrew text gives the following :
" And Ezra the priest, with certain chief of the
fathers, were separated." It is likely that the
latter text is so far faulty as that it has lost the
letter vav, restored in the with of the A. V. Its
absence in the copy which our translator had
before him probably led him to introduce the
change which he has made in the thought. For
further remarks on the passage, see our Intro-
duction to the present book, under " Sources of
the Work."

Ver. 17. In the first day (A. V.). In the
Hebrew it is different, the idea being that the
matter was settled hy the first day of the first
month. And this is also made clear by the LXX.
at Ez. X. 17 : '4<iis Tjfj-^pas fiias ; and by our text, ews
TTjy, etc.

Ver. 20. Kal iireffaXov t&s Xf'P«5> *°d they
gave their hands. The translation of the A. V.
agrees with the Hebrew (7^ 7ri2, Ez. x. 19) and
the LXX. (/col tSaiKav x**P«) iri the corresponding
passage of the canonical Ezra ; while the trans-
lation of the Greek as found in our book should
be literally, laid their hands vpon to put away."
etc. — Eeooncilement, ^i\a(r/i6v. Cf. LXX. at
Ex. XXX. 10; Lev. xxiii. 27; Numb. v. 8. For
the theological significance and history of this
word, see Cremer's Lex., under l\aa/i6s; Girdle-
stone, 0. T. Syn.,-pp. 212, 217; Trench, N. T.
Syn., 2d ser., p. 134 ; Lange's Com., at Matt.,
p. .336. To illustrate the difference between this
word and others allied to it in theological dis-
cussions on the atonement, we cite the following
from the Hulsean Lectures for 1874, p. 1111 :
"The three terms more particularly used for
Christ's work of atonement are airoXirpaxTis, i\aa-
fitis, and KaraWayii. 1. 'hiroKvTpuais (redemptio)
is the most general term, and points specially to
the ransom (lirrpov) which Christ paid [tmip,
TTipi) men, the ransom being his own blood (1 Pet.
i. 19; Eph. i. 7). 2. 'I\a<r,n((s (expiatio) points
to the mystic oblation which our 'Apxispfbs fieya!
offered once for all, and which avai'led lAiio-Keo-eat
tAs ajiapTias (Hcb. ii. 17), — yea, availed eis
iieiTT\civ a/xaprlas (Heb. ix. 26). 3. KaToAAayi)
{reconciliatio} indicates the result effected 'by
Christ's sacrifice and mediation, — the removal

1 ESDEAS.

107

of the enmity between mankind and God (Rom.
V. 10), the establishment of peace ^irl 7^5; 4^
avdp^TTots cbBoKia (Luke ii. 14)."

Vers. 18-35. It will be seen by the table be-
low that, according to 1 Estlnis, "the number of
priests who were guilty of marrying foreign
wives was sixteen ; while according to the canoni-
cal book it was seventeen. The number of Le-
vites in both lists is the same, namely, ten. But
the number of lay Israelite-* is given as ton more
in Ezra than in 1 Esdra.s. Four of the offendei-s
were of the high priest's family. None of the
division of priests who had returned with Zerub-
babel had kept themselves free from this sin.
No sufficient means are at hand to justify an
attempt to bring the names of the two lists into
harmony. Concerning the superior value of the
one or the other, opinions will differ. But it
should be remembered, that, while the account in
Ezra is based on an extant Hebrew text, the
current text of the LXX. is also in closer agree-
ment with it than with our apocryphal book.

Ver. 36. The Hebrew at this point, if the
best reading be adopted, gives: and some of the
wives had given birth to children. Onr translator
characteristically adds to this fact what one might
suppose would be the natural result of such a
state of things, — the children were to be put
away with the wives. Bertheau would emend
the Hebrew to correspond with our book. But
the Hebrew, as it stands, gives a good sense, and
presents the difficulties of the matter in even a
stronger light by suggesting instead of definitely
stating the case.

Thorough and solemn as this public and judicial
separation of one hundred and thirteen men from
their families must have been, it seems not to
have been sufficient entirely to root out the evil.
Erom twenty-five to thirty years afterwards,
Nehemiah, on the occasion of his second return
to Jerusalem, found that other Israelites had
intermarried with Ashdodites, Ammonites, and
Moabitcs, had children that spoke the languages of
these people, and that even a son of the high priest
had allied himself in this manner with a daughter
of Sanballat the Horonite. See Neh. xiii. 23 ff

Ver. 37. In their (respeotiue) dwelling-places
(icoToiKiais). TheA. V. has in the margin villages.
But the Greek here is not the same as at ver. 46
{Ki/mis), where we have that rendering. See ver.
12. The Hebrew, however, is in both instances

2^1 ''J.

Ver. 38. Our translator says the gathering
was at the east gate of the temple. In the canon-
ical book it is said that it took place before the
" water gate." In fact, it was probably between
the two ; a little east from the one, and a little
west from the other.

Ver. 40. The allusion made in the original
Hebrew to the youth who came together is here
omitted.

Ver. 41. According to the Greek, the trans-
lator says, most indefinitely, before the sacred gate
{wph Toi) Upov irvXHvos). It is probable, however,
that he carelessly omitted the article before irvXw-
yos, and meant to say : before the gate of the tem-
ple. Michaelis so translates. Cf. vers. 6, 38.

Vers. 43, 44. There are thirteen names given
of persons who stood by Ezra while he read ;
seven on the right hand, and six on the left. In
the Hebrew there are also thirteen names given ;
but the seven are on the left of Ezra. Eritzscne
thinks that one name too many has crept into
each of the accounts, supposing that they were

intended to represent the twelve tribes. Michaelis,
on the other hand, supposes that thirteen tribes
were meant to be included, Levi being reckoned
in with the others. But Keil would supply one
more name to the Hebrew text; since, in his
opinion, it is more likely that a word has fallen
out, — the one given in our apocryphal book, for
instance, — than that more persons stood on one
side of Ezra than on the other. As the LXX.
agrees with the Hebrew text, and the number
seven on each side would be quite in harmony
with Israelitish ideas of propriety, the last theory
is perhaps the best.

Ver. 45. Conspicuously, iinS6t,a>s. Wahl's
Clavis translates by "full of dignity;" Bret-
schneider, with Schleusner, " insigniter, gloriose."
But we must believe that it is Ezra's position as
elevated above the people that is referred to. So
Michaelis : " Nachdem er vorhin vor ihnen alien die
vornehmste Stelle eingenommen" etc. See Neh.
viii. 5. This is implied, also, in the reading of II.
III. 58. 64. at. Aid. (irpocKaSero y6.p).

Ver. 46 . Opened the law (A. V. ) , ^k t^ Kvaai
rhv vSfjLov. Schleusner would give to the verb the
meaning of interpreted. So also the Old Latin.
But in addition to the fact that this rendering
would not be in harmony with the context, or be
expected with the aorist, the word is better ren-
dered by unfastened. That is, before he began to
read, Ezra, as was natural, undid the fastenings
of the scroll, and unrolled it.

Ver. 48. Here, again, we find thirteen names ;
and, although there is considerable variation in
the spelling, it is not difficult to find in them the
same ])ersons who are spoken of in the corre-
sponding account in Neh. viii. 7. The LXX. —
probably for the sake of brevity — has only the
Hi'st three names. These persons, being in close
contact with the people, re-read and interpreted to
them what was most difficult to understand. Mi-
chaelis supposes that they recited the words with
Ezra, and that through their united voices they
were able to reach all the people. This is not
probable. It is not to be supposed that Ezra
read, uninterruptedly, the entire time, i. e., for
six hours. But, after reading a certain part, this
part was interpreted, as far as necessary, to the
people. The word incpvadoj {ifxipuaL6w) is used
akso in John (xx. 22). Schleusner would give it
in one passage the force of explico; and in ver.
55 of the present chapter the meaning of exhilaro.
The rendering in the latter case would seem from
the context to be correct ; bat in the former it is
too weak. The English word infuse or instill
seems better to express the earnestness with which
the Levites sought to impress the sense on the
minds of the people.

Ver. 49. Attharates. In the Hebrew this
word is given as the official title of Nehemiah, in
the sense of governor. He receives another and
the ordinary title for governor — Pechah — at
Neh. v. 14, 15, 18. Cf., above, v. 40, and Neh.
X. 1. The text of the Greek Ezra at this point
deviates in other respects from that of the canoni-
cal book, and apparently without good ground.
See remarks in our Introduction to the present
book, ad he.

Ver. 55. "On ja.p- This is an extraordinary
collocation of particles, and sufficiently accounts
for the variations in the readings. — The clause koI
iwia-uyM-na-af begins a new sentence, the remain-
ing part of which has been lost. The Vulgate
adds: "universi in Hierusalem celebrare laititiam
secundum testamentum Domini, Dei Israel.' In

108

THE APOCEYPHA.

Josephus {Antiq., xi. 5, § 5) the account is con-
tinued to the effect that, after the people had
feasted for eight days in their tabernacles, they
departed to their own homes, singing hymns to
God, and giving thanl;s to Ezra for his efforts to
reform the corruptions which had been intro-
duced into their community ; and that Ezra died

full of years, and was magnificently buried at
Jerusalem. Not much confidence can be given
to these statements. It is probable that they are
based on tradition alone. According to another
account Ezra died in Persia. See Schenkel's Bib,
Lex., under " Ezra ; " and Bertholdt's Einleit.,
p. 1012.

A TABLE OF THE NAMES AND NUMBBES OF THOSE RETURNING FROM BABYLON WITH ZERUBBABBL,
ACCORDING TO THE TUEEB LISTS FOUND IN 1 ESDKAS, EZRA, AND NEHEMIAH, RESPECTIVELY

Ezra (ii. 3-60).

JSTehemiah (vii. 8-62).

1 ESDEAS (v. 8-40).

Name.

Number.

Name.

Number.

Name.

Number.

1.

Parosh ....

2,172

Parosh ....

2,172

Phoros ....

2,172

2.

Shephatiah . . .

372

Shephatiah

372

Sapbat ....

472

3.

Arab

Pahath-nioab . .

775
2,812

Arab . .
Pahath-moal

652
2,818

Ares

756

4.

Phaath-Moab . .

2,812

5.

Elam

Zattu ....

1,254
945

Elam .
Zattu . .

1,254
845

Elam

1,254
945

6.

Zathui ....

7.

Zaccai ....

760

Zaccai

760

Chorbe ....

705

8.

Bani

Bebai ....
Azgad ....

642

623

1,222

Binnui .
Bebai . .
Azgad

648

628

2,322

Bani

648

9.

Bebai

623

10.

Astad

3,322

11.

Adoniitam . . .

666

Adonikam

667

Adonicam .

667

12.

Bigvai ....

2,056

Bigvai

2,067

Bagoi (Bago) . .

2,066

13.

Adin

454

Adin . .

655

Adinu ....

454

14.

Ater

98

Ater . .

98

Ater

92

15.

Cilan and Azenan .

67

16.

- -

_ _

— _

_ _

Azaru ....

432

17.

-

- _

_ _

_ _

Annis • . . . ,

101

18.

_

_ _

_ _

_ _

Arom

32

19.

Bezai

323

Bezai

324

Bassal ....

323

20.

Jorah ....

112

Hariph ....

112

Arsiphurith . . .

102

21.

- —

_ _

_ _

_ _

Balterus ....

3,005

22.

Hashum ....

223

Hashum ....

328

_ _

23.

GIbbar ....

95

Gibeon ....

95

_ _

_ _

24.

Bethlehem . . .

123

Bethlehem and )
■ Netophah ) '

BsEthlomse . . .

123

25.

Netophah . . .

56

188

Netophas . . .

55

26.

Anathoth . . .

128

Anathoth . . .

128

Anathoth . . .

158

27.

Azmaveth . . .

42

Bcthjizmaveth . .

42

Bffithasmoth . .

42

28.

Kiijath-arim, Che-

Kirjath-jearim, Che-

phirah, Beeroth .

743

pbirah, Beeroth, etc.

743

Kariathiri . . .

25

29.

-

-

-

_

Caphira and Beroth

743

30.

— —

—

-

- -

Chadiasse and Am-
midii ....

422

31.

Ramah and Gaba .

621

Ramah and Geba .

621

Cirama and Gabbe

621

32.

Michmaa ....

122

Michmas . . .

122

Macalon ...»

122

33.

Bethel and Ai . .

223

Bethel and Al . .

123

_ _

34.

Nebo

52

Nebo (other) . .

52

Betolio ....

62

35.

Magbish ....

156

_ «

Niphis ....

156

36.

(Other) Elam . .

1,254

(Other) Elam . .

1,254

37.

Harim . .

320

Harim ....

320

_

38.

Lod, Hadid, and

Lod, Hadid, and

Calamolalus and

One ... .

725

Ono . . . .

721

Onus ....

725

39.

Jericho ....

345

Jericho ....

345

Jcrechu .

345

40,

Senaah ....

3,630

Senaah ....

3,930

Sanaas

3,330

41.

Jedaiah ....

973

Jedaiah ....

973

Jeddu

972

42.

Immer ....

1,052

Immer ....

1,052

Emmeruth

1,052

43.

Pashur . . . ,

1,247

Pashur ....

1,247

Phassurus

1,247

44.

Harim ....

1,017

Harim ....

1,017

Charnii .

1,017

45.

Jeshua, Kadmiel

Jeshua, Kadmiel,

Jesua,Cadoelus,Ban-

and Hodaviah .

74

and Hodevah

74

nas and Sudias .

74

46.

Asaph ....

128

Asaph ....

148

Asaph ....

148

47.
48.

Children of porters
Nethinim . .
(35 names.)

139
392

Children of porters

Nethinim . . .

(32 names.)

138
392

Children of porters
Servants of temple .

139
372

49.

Other names . .

652

Other names . .

642

(Text shortened)

652

29,818

31,089

33,642

1 ESDRAS.

109

A TABLE as THE FAMILIES RETUKNING WITH EZRA FROM BABYLON ACCORDINO TO TIIE TWO
LISTS, EZRA VIU. 2-24, AND 1 ESDRAS VIII. 29^0, RESPECTIVELY.

Ezra.

No.

1 EsDRAS.

No.

1

Phinehas, Gershotu,

Phinees, Gerson,

2

Ithanmr, Daniel,

Itbaraarus, Gamaliel,

3

David, Hattush, Shechairiahv

David, Attus, Sechenias,

4

Pharosh, Zecliariaii.

150

Plioros, Zacbarias.

150

5

Pabath-moab, Elihoenai, Zerahiab.

200

Phaatb-Moab, Eliaonias, Zarseaa.

200

6

Siiechaniati, Jaliaziel.

300

Zatboes, Sechenias, Jezelua.

300

7

Adin, Ebed, Jonathan.

60

Adin, Obeth, Jonatbas.

250

8

Elam, Jeshaiah, Atlialiah.

70

Elam, Jesias, Gotbolias.

70

9

Shephatiali, Zebadiali, Michael.

80

Saphatias, Zaraias, Michaelus.

70

10

Joab, Obadiah, Jehiel.

218

Joab, Abadias, Jezelua.

212

n

Sbelomith, Josipbiah.

160

Baniaa, Salimotb, Josaphias.

160

n

Bebai, Zechariah, Bebai.

28

Babi, Zachariaa, Bebai.

28

13

Azgad, Jobanan, Hakltatan.

110

Astath, Joannes, Acatan.

110

H

Adonikam, Elipbelet, Jeiel, Shemaiah.

60

Adonicam, Eliphalatus, Jeuel, Samaeas.

70

15

Bigvai, Uthai, Zabbud.

70
1,496

Bago, Uthi, latalcums.

70
1,690

A TABLE OF PERSONS FOUND GUILTY OF HAVING MARRIED FOREIGN WIVES ACCORDING TO THE
RECENSION OF 1 ESDRAS AND EZRA RESPECTIVELY.

1 EsDEAs ix. 19-35.

Prie^.

Lemtes.

Israel in
general.

Sons of JesuSj son of Josedec:
Matbelaa, Eleazarua, Joribus, Joadanus.
Sons of Emmer ; Ananiaa, Zabdaiua,
Manes, Samseus, Hiereel, Azarias. Sons
of Phaisur ; Elionais, Massias, Ismaelua,
Natbanaelua, Ocodelua, Saloaa.

Jozabftdus, Semeis, Colius (Calitas),
Fathaeua, Judas, Jonas.

Soly Singers : Eliasibus, Baechurus.

Porters: Salumua, Tolbanca.

Sons of Pharos: Hierraaa, Jezias,
Melcbias, Maelus, Eleazarus, Asebiaa,
Banaeas. Som of Elam : Mattbaniaa,
Zacbarias, Jezrielus, Joabdius, Hiere-
motb, Aidiaa. Sons of Zamoth : Elia-
daa, Eliasimus, Othonias, Jarimotb,
Sabathua, Zeralias. Sons of Bebai:
Joannes, Ananias, Jozabdus, Amatbias.
Sons of Mnni : Olamua, Mamuchua,
Jedaeua, Jaaubua, .lasaelua, Hieremoth.
Sons of Addi: Naathus, Moosias,
Laccunus, Naidus, Matthanias, Sesthel,
Balnuus, Manasaias- Sons of Anan:
Elionaa, Aaaaa, Melcbiaa, Sabbieua,
Simon, Chosamseua. Sons of Asom:
Altanseua, Mattatbias, Sabannffius, Eli-
phalat, Manasses, Semei. Sons of
Baani: Jeremiaa, Momdius, Ismaerua,
Juel, Mabdai, Pediaa, Anoa, Rabasion,
Enasibua, Mamnitanaimna, Eliasia, Ban-
nua, Eliali, Someis, Selemias, Natba-
nias. Sons of Ezora: Seals, Esril,
Azaelus, Samatus, Zambri, Josephus.
Suns of Ethma : Mazitias, Zabadseas,
Edaia, Juel, Banseaa.

Ezra x. 18-44.

Priests.

Levites.

Israel in

Sons of Jeshua, son of Jozadah:
Maaseiah, Eliezer, Jarib, Gedaliah.
Sons of Immer : Hanani, Zebadiah.
Sons of Hnrim : Maaseiab, Elijah, She-
maiah, Jehiel, Uzziah. Sons of Pnshur:
Elioenai, Maaseiah, Ishmael, Nethaneel,
Jozabad, Elasah.

Jozabad, Shimei, Kelaiah (Kelita),
Pethabiah, Judah, Eliezer.

Holy Singers: Eliashib.

Porters: Shallum, Telera, Uri.

Sons of Parosh : Raniiab, Jeziah,
Malchiah, Miarain, Eleazar, Malchijah,
Benaiah. Sores of Elam ; Mattaniah,
Zechariah, Jehiel, Abdi, Jerenioth,
Eliah. Sons of Zattu: Elioenai, Elia-
shib, Mattaniah, Jeremoth, Zabad, Aziza.
Sons of Bebni: Jehobanan, Hananiah,
Zabbai, Athlai. Sons of Bani: Me-
ahuUam, Malluch, Adaiah, Jashub,
Sheal, Ramoth. Sons of Pahath-moab :
Adna, Cbelal, Benaiah, Maaseiah, Mat-
taniah, Bezaleel, Binnui, Manasseh.
Sons of Harim ; Eliezer, Ishijah, Mal-
chiah, "Shemaiah, Shimeon, Benjamin,
Malluch, Shcmariah. Sons of ffashum :
Mattenai, Mattotbah, Zabad, Elipbelet,
Jeremai, Manasseh, Shimei. Suns of
Bnni : Maadai, Amram, Uel, Benaiah,
Bedeiah, Chelluh, Vaniah, Meremoth,
Eliashib, Mattaniah, Mattenai, Jaasau,
Bani, Binnui, Shimei, Shelemiah,
Nathan, Adaiah, Machnadehai, Shashai,
Sharai, Azareel, Shelemiah, Shemariah,
Shallum, Amariah, Joseph. Sores of
Nebo : Jeiel, Mattitbiah, Zabad, Zebina,
Jadau, Joel, Benaiah.

THE BOOK OF TOBIT.

INTRODUCTION.

The name g;enerally given to the Book of Tobit in the Greek MSS. is simply tafitr;
while in the Vulgate it is Liber Tobies, and in tlie two Hebrew texts Sepher Tobi. The
Chaldaic MS., recently discovered by Dr. Neubauer, has as title the " History of Tobiyah "
(n^mc na^ni:). Some Latin MSS., apparently on the ground that the son holds as
important a place in the history as the father, give as superscription : Tohit et Tobias, and Liber
utriusque Tobice ; in the latter of which titles, it will be noticed, the same name is applied to
father and son, — a usage which is supported by none of the Greek MSS. In the oldest
Greek authorities, however, the name of tlie father does not always appear in the same form,
although the spelling ToifiW is the most common. The Vatican MS. (H.) has TajSeiT; and the
Sinaitic, Tuffeld- The etymology of the word is not clear; but it is likely that the final letter
has been added for the sake of euphony, as is the case with many Hebrew words found in
the Greek Bible (NafapeV, rewTjo-apeV) ; and that the original word was ''3')I0, " mygoodness,"
being itself a shortened form of n»3itD, " goodness of Jehovah," or "pleasing to Jehovah."
The latter name, which in our book is given to the son, was not an uncommon one in Jewish
history after the period of the Exile.

The Different Texts.

There could, perhaps, be no better evidence of the charm which this simple story had for
all classes of persons in the earlier times than the numerous texts in which it was put in
circulation, and the various embellishments it received, in detail, in passing through different
hands. Of texts more or less perfect, there exist in printed form, and have been collated,
three Greek, three Latin, two Hebrew, a Syriac, and a Chaldaic. To determine the
essential character of these different existing texts and their relative value, is naturally of
the highest importance in any really critical study of the book. Which of them is, in all
probability, the oldest? Is the same the original of the others, and the first original? or, are
all but translations of a Chaldaic or Hebrew work no longer extant?

The most common opinion among scholars of all schools may be said to be, that the work
was composed in Hebrew ; but, until recently, this theory has been supported on grounds
which were rather conjectural than real. The recent discovery by Dr. Neubauer, in the
Bodleian Library at Oxford, of a Chaldaic text of the book, which he supposes to be the one
used by Jerome in his version, has given to the matter a somewhat altered aspect. Jerome,
in his preface to the translation of the work as it appears in the Vulgate, says : " Exigilis, ut

lihrum ChahlcEo sermone conscriptutn ad Latinum stilum traham, librum utique Tobice Feci

satis desiderio vestro Et quia vicina est Chaldceorum lingua sermoni Hebraico, utriusque

linrjuce peritissimum loquacem reperiens unius diei laborem arripui, et quidquid ille milii Hebraicis
verbis expressit, hoc eyo accito notario sermonibus Latinis exposui." Since Jerome's time until
now, there have been discovered no traces of the Chaldaic text, of which he here speaks. Dr.
Neubauer, however, is quite confident, and on grounds that must be allowed great weight,
that he has found the same amongst the treasures of the Bodleian Library.! The MS. was
bought by the library from a bookseller in Constantinople (No. 2339 of Neubauer's catalogue).

I See the AtfieniFum for November, 1877, p- 630 ; the Academy of the same date, p. 468 ; Schiirer in the T/ieoIog.
Z.i!n-a(ur2ei<Mng-,1878,No.i.,col.21,andNo.xiT.,col8.831-83B; Bickell, Zeitschrift filr Eatli. Theol., 1878, pp. 216-222 i
uid the text itself published by Br. Neubauer, . T/k Book Tobit, etc., Oxford, 1878.

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. HI

It contains a collection of compositions of the nature of the Midrash, of which the Book of
Tobit is the fifth in number, it being given as commentary to Gen. xxviii. 22. The grounds
on wliich it is maintained that it is nearly related to the Chaldaic text used by Jerome, if not
identical with it, are first and principally, that both, in the first two chapters and part of the
third, employ the third person in speaking of Tobit, while all the other texts make use of
the first person, that is, suffer Tobit to spealc for himself. In addition to this, the two texts
— that of Jerome represented in the Vulgate, and the newly discovered Chaldaic — have the
same general form throughout, with the exception of the closing chapters, which are incom-
plete in the latter. There is the same abridgment of the narrative in the several parts in
both, and the same general habit of giving in a freer, independent form the contents of the
story. It is true there are differences, also, between them, both in order and in words ; in
some of whicli the Chaldaic agrees better with some of the other texts than with the Vulgate.
But these differences, as Dr. Neubauer thinks, can be sufficiently well accounted for by the
fact that the Chaldaic had to be adapted to the Midrash, in which it was found ; while there
can be no doubt that Jerome's version has inaccuracies owing to his haste, and his method
of proceeding in other respects, and was at the same time greatly influenced by the Old
Latin, which he also had before him.

But now, if it be admitted that the newly discovered Chaldaic text is essentially that used
by Jerome, it would not by any means follow that this text is the original one or even the
best extant representative of the original. Jerome himself lays no such stress upon the value
of this particular text as to lead us to suppose that he regarded it as the original. He admits
that he spent but a day with his Jewisli interpreter and his amanuensis upon it, and his work
shows everywhere the most marked influence of the Old Latin. Moreover, it is evident that
the text is given in a fuller and more complete form in the Greek than in the Chaldaic, the
latter being throughout of the nature of an abridgment. But it seems to us conclusive on
this point, that the Clialdaic text, as we have before stated, instead of representing, in the
opening chapter, Tobit as speaking, mentions him only in the third person. This, as Neu-
bauer and Biekell admit, cannot have been the original form of the composition. That is
found in the Greek MSS., which represent him as giving his own history up to chap. iii. 7 ff.,
where the account of Sarah is introduced, and where the third person is necessary, and from
that point it is continued through the book. The good Semitic diction in which tiie Chal-
daic is written, and on which the two last-named scholars lay much stress, inferring that it
must arise from the fact that a Hebrew original lies at the basis of it, might just as well be
the result of the very free way in wliich the translation is made, as well as the Hebraizing
character of all the texts, the best of the Greek not excepted. Under these circumstances,
the opinion of Schurer seems best worthy of support, who says : " So much is quite probable,
that an older Chaldaic, or at least Semitic text preceded our present Chaldaic, in which, in
chaps, i., ii., the first person was preserved. For the Hebrew of Munster, that has retained
the first person, indicates such a model, and the same, as above remarked, is otherwise nearly
allied to our Chaldaic text. We are ready, too, to concede the possibility that the book of
Tobit was originally written in Hebrew, and that from this Hebrew original our Chaldaic
text has come. But it remains a bare possibility. And, in any case, the Chaldaic, with its
arbitrary abridgments and free reproduction of the thought, is much farther removed from this
supposed original than any one whatever of the Greek recensions." '

The two existing Hebrew texts are acknowledged to be of recent origin. The one gener-
ally entitled Hebrceus Munsteri was first printed in Constantinople, in 1516, and at Venice in
1544, 1608. Sebastian Miinster, whose name it bears, received it from Oswald Schrecken-
fuchs, of Memmingen. He regarded it as a libellus vere aureus, and had it reprinted at Basle,
with a Latin translation, in 1542 and 1549. It was also published in 1563, 1566, 1570, and
1576. On its first appearance, opinions were much divided concerning it, some holding it
for a work of Miinster himself, and others for the true original. The edition of 1556, which
appeared after the death of Miinster, was subsequently incorporated, together with the lat-
ter's translation, in the London Polyglot. In this same work of Walton, moreover (vol. iv.),
is to be found the other Hebrew text, which, for the sake of distinguishing it from the for-
mer, is called Hebrceus Fogii, Fagius having published it from a Constantinople copy of
1517,2 in connection with his edition of Senlenlice Morales Ben Syrm (Isnae, 1542), under the
title : Tobias Hebraice cum versione Latina e regione. There is no exact agreement of opinion

1 Vteolog. Uteratwrzntung, 1878, No. U, col. 836. 2 ZuM, Vortrage, p. 125, gives the date «s 1619.

112 THE APOCRYPHA.

respecting the time wlien tliese two Hebrew versions were made. Fritzsche and Reusch fix
the date of that named Hehrmus Fagii, in the eleventh century; Ilgen a century later, while
Sengelmann vacillates between the two. It is for the most part a free translation, or para-
phrase, of the Greek as found in the Roman edition of the LXX. The other belongs to a
recension of the text, which, as we have said, is otherwise represented by the Chaldaic and
the Old Latin. The Hebrew version of the Old Testament apocryphal books by Frankel
(Lips. 1830) was made from the Vulgate. There is said to be, in the Vatican library at
Rome, a Latin translation of a Hebrew codex of the Book of Tobit, made by Bartolocci, but
nothing further is known of it.

Of the three Latin texts of the Book of Tobit, two originated before the time of Jerome,,
and are variously named " Old Latin," " Itala," " Itala L," " Itala H.," etc. They were pub-
lished by Sabatier.i He used, principally, for this purpose, three MSS., Codex Regius, n.
3o64., which contained the whole book, and belonged to the eighth century ; a second, from
the library of S. Germanus a Pratis, n. 4., of the same age, but defective in certain passages;
and added various readings from another belonging to the same library, ii. 15. The last was
of interior value on account of its mutilated character, although not younger than the first two.
Sabatier, in his notes, gives readings from a fourth important MS., which had formerly be-
longed to Queen Christina of Sweden, but which, at that time, was in the Vatican Library,
n. 7. Although of unknown age, its text is of such a character, and differs so much from
that of the three MSS. just mentioned, as to seem to justify the theory of another recension.
Unfortunately, however, this codex contains only chaps, i.-vi. 12. From its purer style, and,
the fact that the quotations from Tobit found in the Fathers agree better with the other recen-
sion, it is thought to be of a somewhat later date.

The Latin version of Tobit contained in the Vulgate was made, as we have already noticed,
by Jerome. Of the three translations in this language, it is, undoubtedly, the least valuable.
Pellican, as quoted by Sengelmann {Einleit., p. 56), was of the opinion that some other per*
son must have done the work and published it under the name of Jerome, in order to give it
the more currency. But the confession of this father Qanius diei laborem arripui), and his
known method of proceeding, as given in the preface to his version of Judith (see Introd. to
that book) , are a sufficient explanation of most of its deficiencies. Unfortunately, the author-
itative position of this text as the one, especially since the Middle Ages, ecclesiastically used
and sanctioned, has given to it an importance which it in no sense deserves. Many translations
into modern languages have been made from it, and not only Roman Catholics, but Protes-
tants have, until a recent period, given it the preference before all others. What seems to be
still another Latin text, sometimes named " Itala III." is e.xtant in an old MS. whose read-
ings have been given by Mai in vol. ix. of his Spicilegium Romanum Vaticanum. As only a
few fragments, however, remain, it is impossible to classify it, relatively to the others, with
any great degree of certainty. Cf. Reusch, Com., p. xxvi.

In the Polyglot of Walton the Book of Tobit appears also in a Syriac translation. That it
is a translation is evident from the exactness with which it follows its still extant Greek
original (Greek A.). It is, indeed, announced in the superscription : " Sequitur Liber Tobit ^
ipse aulem ponitur secundum Iradilioneni LXX. interpreium." But the agreement with this,
recension of the Greek text extends only to vii. 10. For Walton's work two MSS. were
used. On the margin of the first appears at this place, in Latin, the following note : " Up
to this point we have copied from a codex which was translated from the LXX. Since,
however, this was mutilated, and we could not make it out any further, we find ourselves
obliged to transcribe the remainder from another codex. Igitur quce hinc adjinem libri, ab
edilione alia sunt." (Land. Pol., vol. vi., p. 43.) The latter part of the book, then, — that
is, from vii. 11 on, — represents another recension of the Greek text, and, as it is generally
agreed (so Fritzsche, Reusch, Sengelmann, and others), that which is known as Greek B.,
found in the Sinaitic MS. , to which the Itala and the Chaldaic of Neubauer are closely
allied. The text of this Syriac version is given in vol. iv. of the Polyglot ; but the readings,
which are not numerous, in vol. vi. Bernstein has made a few emendations in the Zeilschrift
der deutschen Morgenland. GesellscJiaft (iii. 400.) ; but they are not of great importance.
The extreme literalness of the first of the two above-mentioned MSS. makes it of ccasider-
able importance, as far as it goes, in a critical study of the work.

As already noted, the Greek text appears in three different recensions, aamed *ever-

1 BibLuirum Saeroruim Latinoi Versiones Antiquce, Tom. L

THE BOOK OS" TOBIT. 113

ally A. B. and C. The last is represented by three MSS. (44. 106. 107.), and is the
same as that found in the Syriae version from VII. 11. These MSS., however, are not of
one recension throughout. From the beginning to vi. 9 they have the common text;
from T. 10 to xiii. 18, the recension named C. According to Bickell,^ this recension is also
iound from v. 9 to vi. 18 in a Vatican MS. of the Itala edited by Bianchlni.'' The matter is
by no means yet fully decided to which of the other two recensions — that principally _ repre-
sented, on the one side, by the Vatican MS. (II.), or that, on the other, by the Sinaitic and
Old Latin (Greek B.) — is to be given the preference. Bickell pronounces that known as
Greek A. as the oldest of the three Greek recensions, and the source of the other two, they
being revisions of it, made with the help of the Hebrew original (sic). Gutberlet, since all
the texts, in his opinion, have received more or less canonical recognition by their use in the
church, thinks the matter is not one of the greatest importance, but chooses Greek B., which
is preferable in a literary point of view, as the basis of his Commentary. Greek A., as he
acknowledges, would have the preference on sesthetical grounds, while the Latin Vulgate
surpasses all others in dogmatical importance.' Obviously, the question is not to be thus
settled.

Fritzsdie, in the Prolegomena to his edition of the Apocrypha in Greek, as well as in Ms
Commentary, maintains with the utmost confidence, as against Ewald * and Keusch,^ the
superiority of the text of the book usually followed. It is the text supported by much the
largest number of MSS., and is the most quoted by the Greek Fathers. It is less diffuse than
the other, and less smooth in its style of composition. On the other hand, as has been
recently shown by Schiirer,* it is not to be denied that there are instances where A. seems to
have a text less worthy of confidence than B., if indeed it has not been revised from it. See,
for instance, i. 4, 19, 20. He holds that although there are cases where B. has been doubt-
kss emended, and A. has a preferable reading (as at i. 1 ; i. 4 . the rod iKf/Urov of A. being
undoubtedly correct, while the Sinaitic has rod fleou,- i. 14, the name 'Piyois is wanting), still
there is nothing in the way of holding that, in general, it has the original text rather than A.
The greater dilfuseness of B., he thinks, is scarcely ever of the sort that it should be looked
upon as an enlargement in the way of paraphrase ; but that it would appear, on the contrary,
as though its more circumstantial account had been generally abridged in A. This opinion
of Schiirer has the more weight since it represents his deliberate judgment after critical ex-
amination, he having previously accepted Fritzsche's view.'

In the present volume we have taken the " received text " as the basis of comment, but at
the same time have given a translation of that known as Greek B. The former is found in
the edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons, together with the readings of eighteen
MSB., whose comparatively few variations testify to the purity of form in which it has been
transmitted. It has been best preserved in H., with which 52. (i.-iii. 15) and 108. gener-
ally ao-ree. The remaining MSS., according to Fritzsche, arrange themselves as follows :
m. 58. 64. 243. 248. 249. 55. on the one side, and 23. 71. 74. 76. 236. 44. 106. 107. and
the Syriae version as far as vii. 9, on the other. Codex Alexandrinus (III.) has a mixed
text, but ordinarily agrees with the former series.

Has the Book a Basis in Facts f
It is a question which has been much discussed, whether the Book of Tobit is to be con-
eidered as veritable history or romance. The majority of critics favor, with more or less of
limitation, the latter view. And if the construction of the story and its relation to the
canonfcal books be carefully considered, it must be held to be the correct one. Kor
instance, the two characters of Tobit and Sarra are drawn with too much similarity of
colorino- to suppose that they were actual historic personages. They were both at the same
time treated to vituperation and reproach; at the same time betook themselves to prayer,
and prayed for precisely the same thing, namely, that God would relieve them of their
troubles by removing them from the world. And they are represented ass.milar not on y in
their fortunes, but also in their mental and moral characteristics: m their honesty, in tbeir
innocence of crime, although it was charged upon them ; and in the nameless charm ot
virtuous souls.

8 Plge 19. 4 Jahrb d. BM. Wissenschaji, Ix. 191. 6 Com., p. ui. « Idem, col. am.

n Idem, 187«, No. 7, col. 161.

8

114 THE APOCRYPHA.

Again, no one can read the work without being continually reminded of a certain other
Scriptural personage, whom Tobit resembles in the sad fortunes of his earlier life, as also in
the restful and fruitful experiences of its closing years. The writer had doubtless "heard
of the patience of Job," and " seen the end of the Lord ; " for " the Lord is merciful and
conipas.sionate." Tobit is represented as being like Job, — rich, of high standing, benev-
olent towards the poor; like Job, notwithstanding his moral worth, he became poor, sick,
and miserable. Both alike are mocked in their misfortunes by their wives, on whose support
they are similarly dependent. Both long for death to release them from their sufferings.
Both are healed in a surprising manner, and come in subsequent life into a position and
attain a prosperity whicli far surpass those of their former most prosperous days. In both
cases it is the special interposition of Jehovah which turns the scales in their favor when the
period of their discipline is ended.

Still further, the allusions in chap. xiv. 10 to the Book of Esther, — if they are admitted,
— and the seeming effort to construct the story so as to correspond, in some degree, with that
of this favorite hook, is much more suggestive of fiction than of real biography. Whatever
theory may be adopted in the explanation of this difficult passage (cf. Com., ad loc), the
feeling must still remain, that the writer seeks to enhance the glory of his more or less sup-
posititious hero by associating him, not only with Job in his trials and his triumphs, but also
with this earlier favorite of the Persian court. In view now of what has been said, but one
opinion respecting the composition of the book- seems tenable : it is a work of the imagination.
Where the narrative is interrupted by outbursts of prayer, praise, or supposed prophetic
utterance (as in chap, xiii.), there is the clearest evidence of attempted, though unsuccessful,
adaptation of borrowed expressions to the circumstances of the story. It is indeed possible
that a real family history lies at the basis of the narrative ; but it seems far more probable
that the author set out with certain moral ideas to which he wished to give utterance, and
■which he has clothed in this garb of quasi, or, to some extent actual, history, as the one or
the other best suited his purpose. At least, it would appear that not the history, but the
moral teaching, was the matter which lay nearest his heart.

Historical Difficulties.

That the Book of Tobit presents some peculiar historical difficulties is generally acknowl-
edged, although there is by no means the same unanimity respecting the importance to be
attached to them, or the manner in which they are to be explained. Hengstenberg (Ev. K.
Zeilung, 1853, p. 54), who, in the controversies on this subject twenty years ago, argued in-
favor of the publication of the apocryphal books in connection with the canonical, wrote :
" The Book of Tobit is charged with containing many geographical, chronological, and his-
torical, blunders, as well as some opinions which are improbable and worthy of suspicion.
But the author had no intention of avoiding them, since he did not write history but a didac-
tic story. To judge these [deficiencies, then,] according to the standard of a historical com-
position, is quite a mistake. He that would defend the historical character of the book will
undoubtedly involve himself in the strangest perplexities." But this is just what the most
thoughtful and scholarly of the Roman Catholic defenders of the work — like Welte and
Reuscb — do. It will not be a work of supererogation, therefore, to make investigations con-
cerning the nature and extent of these alleged faults.

First, then, in chap. i. 2, we find the statement that Tobit was carried away as captive
from Thisbe, in Galilee, in the time of Ennemessar (Shalmaneser, cf. Com. below). But, ac-
cording to 2 Kings XV. 29, it was Tiglath Pileser who made this deportation of captives to
Nineveh. The usual explanation of this apparent contradiction is that Tobit may have been
taken indeed, with the captives in the time of Tiglath Pileser, and afterwards, en route, made
his escape (Dereser, Scliolz, Welte), and returned to Palestine to be subsequently removed
to Nineveh by his successor, the Shalmaneser above mentioned ; or, that he was not includlid
at all among those at first deported (Reuseh), but in the number of those removed by Shal-
maneser, as noticed in 2 Kings xvii. 3, 6. But it is a fatal objection to the second explana-
tion that it was not Shalmaneser, but Sargon, according to the JBabylonian inscriptions — and
the account in the passage from the Book of Kings is not out of harmony with it —who took
Samaria, and he did not carry his captives to Nineveh, where Tobit was carried, but placed
them in " Halah and in Habor [by] the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes." Cf.
Bib. Com., ad loc. ; Transactions, 1873, p. 328 ; Eawlinson, Herod., 1. 477 f., and Ancient Mon.,

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 115

jL 152. And with respect to the first explanation, our answer to the second is valid also
against it, — that Sargon was the Assyrian monarch who actually captured Samaria, while
the theory that so important a family as that of Tobit could have been in tbe two deporta-
tions of Tiglath Pileser (cf. Bib. Com. at 2 Kings xvi. 9) overlooked, or that, with the rigor
with which prisoners of war were then guarded, he made his escape from the victorious
Assyrian army, has too much the appearance of a subterfuge to require sober investigation.
The writer of the book was evidently misled by the apparent statements of 2 Kings xvii. 3-6,
xviii. 9-11, and by not comparing them with that of xv. 29. Bosanquet (^Transactions, 1874,
i. pp. 1-27) maintains that Tiglath Pileser, Shalmaneser, and Sargon were all on the throne
together; at first, the first two, then the three, " by some state arrangement which has not
yet been explained." If this were to be admitted, it might still be regarded, at least, as
highly, improbable that Tiglath Pileser being still on the throne, an event of so much import-
ance should have been spoken of as taking place during the reign of his associate and in-
ferior.

A second discrepancy in dates occurs in chap. i. 4. It is there said that Tobit was a young
man (vtanipov ptou Sptos) when his tribe Nephthali fell away (with the ten tribes) from Judah.
But this occurred, if as seems necessary (see Com. ad loc), the political separation is referred
to, a couple of centuries before the Babylonian captivity, while according to the received
Greek text (xiv. 2, 11) Tobit reached only the age of 158. On the other hand, if we follow
the other texts, the discrepancies are found to be no less perplexing.

Another error is found in the fifteenth verse of the same chapter. Sennacherib is repre-
sented as both the son and successor of Ennemessar, i. e., Shalmaneser. But it is now suf-
ficiently well established by the Assyrian inscriptions that Sennacherib ivas the son of Sar-
o-on. Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 155; Herod., i. 481, and Schrader, Die Keilinschriften,
p. 169. Bosanquet {Transactions, 1874, p. 27) would explain by supposing either that Sen-
nacherib suppresses the name of his father, Sargon, because he wishes to be regarded as
descending from the legitimate line of kings, or that he became the son of Shalmaneser by
marriage. Both suppositions, however, are simply conjectures.

Also° in the twenty-first verse, it is said that " not fifty days " passed (the Sinaitic MS.
says " forty days "), i. e., as is evident from the connection, after the return of Sennacherib
from his disastrous campaign in Palestine, " before two of his sons killed him." But from
the account in 2 Kings we learn that he returned to Nineveh and dwelt (3?7»1) there. The
idea of a considerable time is undoubtedly involved in this word. Moreover, the same fact
is clear from the inscriptions (cf. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften, p. 205 f.), according to which
he conducted no less than five more or less important campaigns against his enemies after
this event. And Rawlinson says {Ancient Mon.,n. 169, 170) : "The murder of the disgraced
Sennacherib, ' within fifty-five [ ?] days ' of his return to Nineveh, seems to be an invention
of the Alexandrian Jew who wrote the Book of Tobit. The total destruction of the empire,
in consequence of this blow, is an exaggeration of Josephus, rashly credited by some moderns.
Sennacherib did not die until B. c. 681, seventeen years after his misfortune; and the empire
suffered so little that we find Esarhaddon, a few years later, in full possession of all the ter-
ritory that any king before him had ever held, ruling from Babylonia to Egypt, or (as he
himself expresses it) ' from the rising up of the sun to the going down of the same.' " _

Still, again, in the last verse of the book, it is said that Tobias heard, before his death in
Media at the ao-e of one hundred and twenty-seven (the other texts give, Vulg., 99 ; bm.,
117) of the destruction of Nineveh by " Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus." ISovv, if we com-
pare the date of the period fixed for the beginning of Tobit's captivity (i. 2) with the further
date of his blindness, and of his death (xiv. 2), and of the marriage and death ot iobias
(x. 10; xiv. 14), it will be evident that our author has made other chronological blunders.
First, there is not a sufiicient interval between the alleged deportation of Shalmaneser and
the destruction of Nineveh for the events narrated in the book. Second, supposing iobias
to have been twenty-seven years of age when he returned with his wife to his father s house
- Tobit was sixty-six - then, instead of moving into Media, and living to a good old age,
after his father's death, he must have died, according to the book, very soon after Or, even
if he were less than twenty-seven at the date of his marriage, the representation of the book
(xiv. 12-14) would be an exaggeration. Moreover, third, as we have shown below m
connection with the commentary, there can be no dep<'...lence placed on the statement oi

116 THE APOCRYPHA.

the same verse that " Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus" took Ninereh. Saracus was at this
time king of Assyria, with his capital at Nineveh. One of his ablest generals was NabopolaS-
sar, whom he sent to Babylon to operate against the Susianians, while he retained the bulk
of his forces to engage the Medes, who also had assailed his empire from another quarter.
Nabopolassar, however, instead of continuing to support the waning fortunes of his monarch,
proved faithless, made terms with Cyaxares, king of the Medes at that time, on the condition
that his son should be betrothed to the king's daughter, and both of them turned their united
forces against Nineveh, which fell before them at about B. c. 625. This is Niebuhr's date.
Later authorities place the date of this event at B. c. 609-607. Eawlinson (^Herod., i. 502)
says B. c. 610. Cf. Ancient Mon., ii. 231, 232. This alliance seems to be noticed in a pas-
sage in Herodotus (i. 106): " They took Nineveh — I will relate how in another history —
and conquered all Assyria, except the district of Babylonia." It is plainly stated by Aby-
denus (Euseb., Chron., i. 9): " Sed enim hie, capto rebellandi consilio, Amuhiam Asty-
agis Medorum principis filiam nato suo Nabucodrossoro desporidebat; moxque raptim contra
Ninum, sen Ninivem, urbem impetum faciebat." The same also is supported by Polyhistor,
through Syncellus {Chronograph., ad lac.) and by Josephus, Antiq., x. 5, § 1). The latter says,
" Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to
fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had overthroimi the dominion of the Assyrians."
Hence, while it is possible that Cyaxares may have also borne the name " Assuerus," it
seems reasonably certain that the introduction of " Nabuchodonosor's " name is an anachro-
nism. Sengelmann {Com., p. 118) also cites a Hebrew work of the second century which gives
to Nebuchadnezzar the credit of subjugating Nineveh. But the influence that bis betrothal
with the daughter of Cyaxares had on that event was so important, and his name was so
much more distinguished than that of his father, that such a statement is not to be wondered
at. This may have been the occasion also for what is said in the present book.

Other Improbabilities.

In addition to these historical discrepancies, there have also been urced ao'ainst the credi-
bility of the Book of Tobit, and as it would appear justly, certain other improbabilities of the
narrative. Since these, however, have been for the most part noticed where they occur in
connection with the following commentary, we need only, with the utmost brevity, refer to
them here. In chap. ii. 9, Tobit is represented as sleeping in the court of his house, instead
of the house itself, because he had become ceremonially unclean by coming in contact with a
dead body. But just before (ver. 4), on the same day, by his own admission, he had handled
this very body, and immediately afterwards returned home and partaken of food, apparently
without a thought of its impropriety. Again, while lying by the wall in the court, it is said
that sparrows " muted warm dung into his eyes " (ii. 10), i. e., into both his eyes at the same
time, and he became blind in consequence. The utter improbability of any such thing tak-
ing place in this manner needs only to be suggested. Further, in iv. 12, Noah is represented
as one who married a wife from among his own kindred. The illustration is, to say the least,
" far-fetched," besides, we have no information from the canonical books of Scripture con-
cerning whom Noah married.

Again, there seems to be no good reason for the introduction of Tobit's dog into the nar-
rative (v. 16 ; xi. 4). To say (with Dereser, Scholz, Com., ad loc.) that it was in order that,
on the return of the son and his angel guide, the dog might run ahead to announce their com-
ing, is to say what is quite insufficient, while it lacks the support of the Greek text, accord-
ing to which it is simply said: & Kvaf i-ricreiv aiiTuv. It is true that the dog was much esteemed
in Egypt, and often appears on the monuments of that country (cf. Transact., iv. 172 flf.), and
also, as used for the chase, on those of Assyria (Eawlinson, Ancient Mon., i. 234) and Media
(idem, ii. 301) ; but the present is the only known instance where a Jew is represented as
treating a dog with anything like familiarity. He was employed by them as a watch for
guarding flocks (Job xxx. 1; Is. hi. 10), but, on the other hand, the term " dog " has
always been among them an expression of utter contempt, as it still is throughout the East
(see Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 278). It is a fact worthy of notice that in both the ChaU
daic and Hebrew (Miinster) texts all mention of the dog is left out.

Still further, the young Tobias has a remarkable experience with a fish on the first evenincr
of his journey (vi. 3). He went down to the river Tigris to bathe, and " a fish leaped out of
the water and would have swallowed him. But the angel said unto him, ' Lay hold of the

THE BOOK 01' TOBIT. 117

fish.' And the young man got possession of (mastered, iKpi/rw^) the fish, and drew it to
l^and." And in the following verse it is said that the two travellers, after roasting the fish,
ate it. Did they eat all of it? It is elsewhere said (xii. 19) that the angel only "appeared "
to eat. And what sort of a fish was it that thought to have made a meal of Tobias but was
made a meal of by Tobias? And where was the dog during this startling episode ?

In chap. viii. 9, we read that Raguel, after suffering Tobias — and "being all too easily
persuaded, one might say, considering the circumstances — to marry his daughter, goes out
and digs a grave with the expectation of burying his son-in-law there without any one's know-
ing it, except his wife. But he afterwards (ver. 18) allows his servants to fill the grave, who
would thus learn for what purpose it had been intended. (In the Chaldaic text the account
is somewhat different.) Had lie disposed of the bodies of seven previous sons-in-law in
this manner? How was it possible for him in such a case to escape an investigation on the
part of his own brethren, if not of the government of the country? In chap. ix. 1-6, it
seems to be represented that Raphael, with camels and a servant, made the journey from
Eobatana to Rages in Media and returned in two days. The distance between the two
places must have been nearly or quite two hundred miles, which supposition, moreover,
agrees well with the statement of Arrian that the army of Alexander required eleven days
to travel it in one direction. Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., n. 272 f. Furtlier, in chap. xi.
7, 8, Raphael is said to have counseled Tobias to greet his blind father, on his return, with-
out any previous preparation, by rubbing the pungent gall of the fish on his eyes. The
author, in aiming at special picturesqueness here, ceased to be natural. The Syriac fitly
represents the father as saying in astonishment : " What hast thou done, my son ? " The
conduct of the new-comers was truly sensational in more than one respect. Once more, what
are we to think of a holy angel, of Raphael's pretended rank, who not only acts in general
the part of this angel of the book of Tobit, in connection with a simple family history, but
tells deliberate falsehood, even on the slightest occasion ? He told Tobias (ver.-6), " I have
lodged with our br<*her Gabael; " he declared to-the father (ver. 12): " I am Azarias, son of
Ananias the great." It is no suiiicient justification of such conduct to refer to the sins of
the patriarchs in this respect, as some have done, since no one attempts to justify these sins,
much less to hold that angels should take the patriarchs as their examples. To say, with
Reusch (Com., ad loc), that since the angel had assumed the character of Azarias, son of
Ananias, therefore, it was only a natural consequence that he should act accordingly, is
simply to seek to justify one act of dissimulation by another.

Doctrinal Teaching.

A variety of opinions exists respecting the aim of the author in the preparation of his work,
and it may arise from the fact that no one object was particularly prominent in his mind.
Cramer's theory seems as well as any to meet the circumstances of the case. He says (7)ar-
Btell. d. Moral, etc., p. 14): " In the Book of Tobit, various moral doctrines and truths are in
the way of example set forth, without one's being in a position to pronounce exactly which

the leading idea is Only so much can with certainty be affirmed, that Tobias and

■Sarah play the principal part in them. The leading ideas of the book are that righteousness,
although it may seem to be at the mercy of wickedness, yet, in the end, conquers; that God
hears the true inward prayer of the afflicted in time of suffering ; and that one may win tlie
love of Jehovah by the practice of almsgiving, the burial of the dead, and other pious acts.
Yet there are Bo many other moral reflections mixed in, that the former often seem to stand
[in the boolc] on account of the latter." Our object, under the present head, will be to
point out certain peculiarities in the doctrinal teaching of tlie composition with special ref-
erence to the claim that is made for it to be reckoned among the canonical books of Scrip-
ture.

And we will first notice its position with respect to the ministry of angels. This, in gen-
eral, is its teaching : there are angels good and bad. Among the good are seven of special
prominence, who stand before God and present to Him the prayers of the saints (xii. 15).
One of them is Raphael. The same also appear among men, and participate in various
human activities and events (xii. 12 f.) ; serve as guides on long journeys, in which they
share with their human companions couch and food, although only in appearance (vi. pax-
iim); act the part of physicians in prescribing for bodily ailments (iii. 17). Of the evil
lagels, on the otJbier hand, one is Asmodseus. They seek to injure men, and have power to

118 THE APOCRYPHA.

kill them. They are also capable of sexual lust, and have unhallowed intercourse with the
daughters of men. But there are special means of exorcising tliem, which consist, at lea|f
at times, in certain prepared medicaments which are burnt, the smoke of the same being to
them unendurable (vi. 7). On smelling this smoke the demons will flee to their desolate
dwelling-place in Upper Egypt (viii. 3), where they then may be fast bound by the good
angels.

Now, no one needs to ask the question of a person well acquainted with the teaching of
the canonical books on these several points, whether the Book of Tobit is in harmony with
them. Its angelology will at once be recognized as an exaggeration, and, in some respects, a
total perversion of that of these books. There is nothing, for instance, in the acknowledged
books of the Bible which, when properly interpreted, can be held to support the view that
there are just seven holy angels of superior rank, who specially minister before God. The
passages that are sometimes cited from the Old Testament as showing this (Dan. x. 13 ;
Ezek. ix. 2; Zech. iii. 9) have obviously not this meaning. And the same may be said of
the New Testament (Rev. i. 4 ; iv. 5 ; v. 6), although so sagacious and careful a critic as
Stuart taught the contrary, adducing, among other grounds in its support, the Book of Tobit,
" one of the earliest, most simple and attractive of all the apocryphal books " (^Apoc, ii. 17
ff.). Moreover, tliis doctrine of an order of archangels, seven in number, is not only not to
be found in the Bible, but is to be found in a fixed and definite form in Parseeisra and the
later Jewish enlargements and embellishments of the teachings of the Bible. According to
tlie Zoroastrian religion, tliere were seven superior beings who stood around the throne of
Deity, to each one of whom a distinct name was given. And it is well known that amonor
the Jews at the time of Christ, and earlier, there were Cabalists who taught that tliere were
seven archangels set over the planets, and that they ruled the world respectively, on the sev-
eral days of the week. Raphael was the one whose special sphere was the sun. Among tlie
Babylonians', too, the number seven was even more in use as a holy number than amonc the
Jews, as many instances from the monumcHts prove. On one, for exanfjjle, is the following
so-called " Song of the Seven Spirits ": —

** They are seven ! Tliey are seven !
In the depths of the ocean they are seven !
In the heights of heaven they are seven !
In the ocean stream, in a palace, were they born !
Male they are not ! Female they are not !
Wives they have not ! Children are not bom to them !
Kide they have not! Government they know not!
Prayers they hear not ! They are seven !
They are seven ! Twice over they are seven ! "

See Records of the Past, iii. 143, and Transact., ii. 58. The following works and articles
may be consulted for a fuller presentation of the subject : Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 347'
Kohut (see Index of Authors) ; Schenkel's Bib. Lex., under " Engel " ; Riehm, Handworterb., ad
voc. ; Sengelmann, Einleit., p. 23 ; Bretsclmeider, Systemal. DarstelL, p. 187 f . ; Graetz, Ge-
sckichte, ii. (2) 20, 416; Rbnsch, Buck der JuUlaen, p. 489 f. ; Nork, p. 383 ; Dillmann,
Henoch, p. 97; same by Hoffmann, p. 123; Gfrorer, i. 11; Herzog's Eeal-Enci/k. , under
" Engel"; Langen, Judenthum, etc. p. 297 ; llgen, Einleit., p. Ix.xxiii. ; Stud. u. Krit., 1833,
pp. 772, 1163; 1839, p. 329.

According to the Book of Tobit (xii. 15), further, it is one of the duties of these superior
angels to present to God, in the way of mediation, the prayers of his people. In this respect,
too, it stands outside the sphere of Biblical teaching among works that are acknowledged to
be apocryphal. Some passages from the Scriptures liave been cited, indeed (Job xxiii. 33 ;
Acts X. 4 ; Rev. viii. 3), as having a similar meaning. But in none of these passages is it,
by any means, taught, that angels are actual intercessors for men. The Book of Tobit has
taken its coloring, it is clear, from traditional opinions, which are represented in a still more
definite form in other similar works. The Book of Enoch, for instance (ix. 3), contains the
following address to certain supposed archangels: " And now, to you, O ye holy ones of
heaven, the souls of men complain, saying, 'Obtain justice for us with the Most Hi"-h.' " At
xl. 6, again, Gabriel is spoken of as " petitioning and praying " for those who dwell on earth.
In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in connection with a description of the seven
heavens, thevvriter says (" Test. Levi," iii.): "In the fifth are the angels of the presence of
God, who minister and make propitiatory offerings to the Lord." Again, in chap. v. of the

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 119

same Testament an angel is made to say : " I am the angel who intercedes for pardon with
respect to the nation of Israel." Cf. Fabricius, Codex Pseudep., i. pp. 546, 550.

Still another peculiar feature of the angelology of the Book of Tobit is the plain intimation
that angels may become enamored with women of the human race, and enjoy with them unhal-
lowed sexual intercourse. There is no other reasonable explanation of the relations said to
have been sustained to Sarra by Asmodaaus. But on what is such an idea based ? It can
only be based on a false interpretation of the well-known passage in Genesis (vi. 2), where
the " sons of God " are spoken of as intermarrying with the daughters of men. This view
was widely accepted, at first, in the synagogue and the church, and may have been shared
also by the translators of the Septuagint, since the MSS. are divided between the reading
viol ToTi @eov and S77EA01 t. 0. Two important apocryphal works, in addition to the Book of
Tobit, contain the teaching, — the Book of Enoch, and the Book of the Jubilees, or the
Little Genesis. It is not necessary to say that in our day there are scarcely any commenta-
tors of note who give it the least countenance as the real meaning of the passage cited from
Genesis. Again, the canonical Scriptures give no countenance to the views of the Book of
Tobit (vi. 16) respecting the exorcism of demons. These views, however, are in complete
harmony with practices which were common among the Jews and other nations before and
after the time of Christ. On one of the Babylonian monuments occurs a singular instance
of the use of the magic knot (/can^Sttr^os) for the purpose of exorcising demoniacal spirits.
The inscription is as follows : —
" Go, my son!

Take a woman's linen kerchief,

Bind it (V) round thy right hand : loose it (?) from the left hand;

Knot it with seven knots : do so twice ;

Bind it round the head of the sick man;

Bind it round his head and feet, Uke manacles and fetters:

Sit down (?) on his bed:

Sprinkle holy water over him:

The gods will receive his dying spirit." '

Many allusions in the New Testament itself show how prevalent the use of extraordinary
means for exorcism was at that time (Matt. xii. 27; Acts xix. 13, 16). Josephus, also
(^Antiq., viii. 2, § 5), gives an account of an instance even more extravagant in some of its
features than that used against Asmodasus. And Justin Martyr (Dial, cum Tryph., c. 85)
puts the inquiry, whether a Jew could exorcise a demon by using the name of the God of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. That the power exercised so wonderfully by Christ, and before
and after his ascension by his disciples, over the powers of darkness, was of quite another
sort, and employed in quite another manner, needs no proof. To none of these instances
would the term " exorcise," in its usual signification, be at all applicable.

A second important particular in which the Book of Tobit separates itself in its doctrinal
teaching from the canonical Scriptures is the emphasis which it lays on the matter of fasting
and almsgiving. A careful examination will show that the opinion expressed by Westcott
(Smith's Bible Did., art. "Tobit") on this point is somewhat too favorable. He says:
" There may be symptoms of a tendency to formal righteousness of works; but as yet the
works are painted as springing from a living faith. The devotion due to Jerusalem is united
with definite acts of charity (i. 6-8), and with the prospect of wider blessings (xiii. 11). The
giving of alms is not a mere scattering of wealth, but a real service of love (i. 16, 17; ii. 1-7;
iv. 7, 11, 16), though at times the emphasis which is laid upon the duty is exaggerated (as it
seems) from the special circumstances in which the writer was placed (xii. 9; xiv. 10, 11)."

With respect to fasting, it is well known that among the Jews it was looked upon quite
differently at the time of Christ from what it had been up to the period when the canonical
books of Scripture were gathered. How much stress the Pharisees laid upon the observance
is clear from many allusions in the New Testament, and is proved also from other sources.
Cf. Schiirer, p. 505. Now, the tendency to exaggerate the duty and the merit of fasting
seems to have begun soon after the cessation of prophecy. Some signs of it, indeed, are
manifest in the warnings of the later prophets (Is. Iviii. 3-7 ; cf. Zech. vii. 5). But in the
various apocryphal books, including the present one, it is seen in rapid development. Cf.

1 See Transact., ii. 54.

120 THE APOCRYPHA.

Jud. viii. 6; 2 Esdras vi. 31, ix. 23, x. 4. The writer of Tobit does, it is true, teach that
prayer is to be united with fasting (xii. 8) ; but the whole tenor of the book shows that this
prayer, too, in harmony with the spirit of the time, was but another form of the opus opera-
turn, by which it was hoped to win righteousness before God. It is the advocacy of fasting as
a regularly recurring, and in itself meritorious, observance that divides these apocryphal teach-
ings from that of the canonical books. It is the false spirit that breathes in them, and that
finds its unmistakable utterance at last in the words : "I fast twice in the week; I give
tithes of all I possess," etc. (Luke xviii. 12). We have, indeed, not to go very far back
before we find the veritable prototype of this familiar character. Tobit says (i. 3) : " All th«
days of my life I have walked in righteousness and truth ; " " The whole house of Nephthali
apostatized," but I stood fast (i. 6). " All my brethren partook of the bread of the heathen,"
but I did not (i. 11, 12).

But particular emphasis is laid, in our book, on the duty of almsgiving. In fact, to such
an extent is this the case that some critics have regarded it as one of the leading objects
of the composition to inculcate the duty. Tobit is represented as taking particular credit
to himself for having given alms so freely (i. 3, 16). He enjoins the same earnestly
upon his son (iv. 7, 8). He declares that such giving of alms is an i.yaB6v, and to be
ranged with fasting, prayer, and righteousness (xii. 8). He even holds that it saves
from death (iv. 10), purifies from all sin (xii. 9), and imparts the fullness of life (xii. 9;
xiv. 10, 11). Is this in harmony with the teachings of the canonical Scriptures? No
doubt, they inculcate the same duty. But do they ascribe to its right performance
the same relative importance, and especially do they expect from it the same extraor-
dinary results? The question needs only to be asked. That we do not mistake the
real purport of these passages from the Book of Tobit will appear when they are examined
in the original. It teachos that " almsgiving saves from death " (iK^-ntioirivn ix 9ai>iTou l>verat)
"purifies from every sin" {awoKcieapiiT wairai' afiapriav) , and to those practicing it imparts
" the fullness of life (oi iroioui'Tes Siuaioo-uVat irKriaBria-ovTm (asijs). There can be little doubt that
the word BafaTos is here used in its general sense as denoting the punitive consequences of
sin ; and so including not only the death of the body, but all other evil effects of transgres-
sion. This would appear, not only from the well-established meaning which the term had
already acquired (see Cremer's Lex., ad voc, and Sengelmann, Einleit., p. 33), but also from
the connection in which it is employed, and the striking contrast into which it is broun'ht
(xii. 9) with the idea of purification from all sin and the fullness of life. In fact, it would
have been difficult at that time to have expressed the idea of deliverance from eternal death
with more exactness or definiteness. It is quite a different thought that rules in such pas-
sages as Ps. xii. 1-3; Prov. X. 2, xi. 4, xix. 7; Dan. iv. 27; Matt. xxv. 31 ff.; Luke xi. 41, xvi.
9 ; and many others. In none of them do we find anything that brings any real support to
the teaching that " almsgiving ^uri^e.? from every sin," and rescues one from the destruction
that sin has caused. It is the teaching alone of the Book of Tobit, with other associated
apocryphal books (cf. Ecclus. iii. 31; xxix. 12), and of that perverse rabbinism which did
not hesitate to make void the law of God through its traditions. Indeed, it is easy to see
just where our book steps aside from the safe path. It is where it takes a single and sub-
ordinate element of a virtue, and exalts it above the virtue in its complete form. This, in
fact, is characteristic of all heresy (a'/peo-is. Cf. Trench, Syn. of the N. T., 1st ser., p. 239).
The writer of the Book of Tobit exhibits, only in a superior degree, the marks of a tendency
which appears in the translation of the LXX. when they give iKeTj/juxTwri as the rendering- for
npiS. They took a part for the whole. He went further, and took almsgiving for ixe-qfioa-iyri,
— the outward act for the inward feeling, — and ended by ascribing to it a power which no
one should have dared to give even to righteousness, except in its highest form. As it is,
we meet already, in this pre-Chrislian document, the denial in advance of the central truth
of Christianity: " But if ye walk in the light, as he is in the light, we have fellowship one
with another, and the blood of Jesus Christ, his Son, oleanseth us from all sin." See 1
John i. 5.

Author, Place, and Time of Composition.

The autlior of the Book of Tobit was undoubtedly a Jew, as is sufficiently proved by its
language and spirit. That he wrote in Palestine, however, hy no means follows. He is cer-
tainly not unacquainted with the countries with which the Jews after the Captivity were
brought in contact — Egypt, Babylon, and Media. It is indeed most probable, considering

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 121

especially the form of the narrative throughout, that the opinion of Ewald is coitect, who
holds that the book was written in the far East. He bases his opinion not only on the
author's accurate knowledge of the places where the scene of the book is laid, his use of
proper names then and there common, but also on what he considers the special aim o£ the
work itself. (See GescUclite d. Volk. Is., iv. 269.) The same critic dates its origin at the
end of the period of the Persian dominion (victory of Alexander at Issus, B. C. 333). But
this is evidently too early. Eichhorn could not make up his mind that it was even a product
of the pre-Christian era. Hitzig holds that it was written after the capture of Jerusalem by
the Romans. Graetz, Kohut, and Neubauer refer it to a time when the burial of their dead
was prohibited to the Jews. There are two such periods known in Jewish history: the first
at about A. D. 250, under the Guebres in Persia, at which time Kohut fixes the date of the
composition. But this supposition overlooks the fact that the work is cited by Clement of
Alexandria. Hence, Graetz and Neubauer decide upon the time of Hadrian, " after the fall
of the famous fortress of Bether, so valiantly defended by Bar Kokhba. The Talmud men-
tions in fact that the benediction after meals — ' Blessed be he who is good and doeth good '
— was instituted after the dead bodies round Bether were allowed to be buried." (See Neu-
bauer, The Book of Tobit, p. xvii.) Hilgenfeld and Vaihinger, with Fabricius and others,
maintain that it was composed in the first century (b. c.) ; while even Scholz does not accept
Ewald 's date, but decides for the earlier part of the period of the Graeco-Macedonian rule.

In the mean time, there are certain facts of importance bearing on the question. These
are, (1.) The composition of such a book as the present one by a Jew, in Greek, or its trans-
lation into Greek, if it were first written in Hebrew; (2.) its doctrinal bearings, especially the
form which Judaism hei-e assumes with respect to the outside world, its governments and its
own hopes. These show a much later origin than that supposed by Ewald. On the other
hand, there is no sufficient reason for fixing the date at so late a period as that assigned by
Hitzig, or even by Vaihinger and Hilgenfeld, while it might be urged against their view that
the work bears clear marks of an earlier age. " It is simple in tone. There is wanting in it
that rhetorical pathos which was, at this later period, so much liked. And its contents are
not so artificially arranged or composed in a manner to excite wonder, as was the custom of
th« later time." (Fritzsche, Einleit., p. 16.) On these grounds, it seems on the whole
most hkely that the composition had its origin, as th« latter critic, Keil, Herzfeld, and others
suppose, near the close of the Maccabsean wars.

History.

There is no allusion to the Book of Tobit in the writings of either Philo or Josephus. Tha
supposed references of the New Testament, as for example at Matt. vii. 12 (cf. Luke vi. 31),
2 Cor. viii. 12, to Tobit iv. 16, iv. 9, respectively, are quite too general and uncertain to
claim attention. It is doubtful whether Polycarp (Ep. ad Phil., x.), in the words ; " Elee-
raosyna de morte liberat," would cite Tob. iv. 10, or Ecclus. xxix. 12 (cf. iii. 30), where es-
sentially the same expression occurs. The first undisputed citation is that of Clement of
Alexandria (Strom., vi. 12; see also, ii. 23), who quotes from the Greek text the words of
Tobit xii. 8 : 'AyaShv in\arda nera. tvpoa-ivxvs, and accompanies them with the usual formula of
citation from Scripture. But as he is the first so is he also the last important writer of the
Greek church who assigns to it this position; since Origen, however inconsistent his practice
may have been, rested the authority of the work simply on the usage of the church, declaring
that the Jews rejected it along with Judith (Ep. ad Afric, xiii.). So also Athanasius, who
in his formal list reckoned it definitely among the apocryphal books, but still recommended
its use to those " desirous of being instructed in the rules of piety," and used it himself, and
at times even as though it possessed canonical authority (see Apol. c. Arian., xi.; cf. Tobit
xii. 7). That this was the attitude of the entire ancient Greek church as a body is evident,
amono- other reasons, from the fact that in the reaction of modern times it has been main-
tained by them (cf. Herzog's Real-Encyk., vii. 268). The work was included in no one of
the three important catalogues of the Biblical books by Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nazi-
anzus, and Epiphanius respectively. The same is true of the list of Melito of Sardis, and of
the 85th of the Apostolical Canons.i

Apparently, through the African church, where we find Lucifer of Cagliari (f A. D. 371)
making use of the Old Latin translation of the book, and Augustine (a. d. 354-430) recom-
1 Of. Smith's Diet, of Otirist. Antiq., art. " Apostol. Can."

122 THE APOCRYPHA.

mending it as among the books " received by the church," — i. e., the Latin African church
— it passed into that of the West. At first, however, it was not received without hesitation,
Euffinus (f A. D. 410) classing it among books " ecclesiastical," rather than "canonical,"
while Jerome (a. d. 329-420), as is well known, held it, together with the other apocryphal
productions which had been added to the Hebrew canon, to be unauthoritative. The influ-
ence of Augustine, the controversialist, seems, however, to have finally preponderated over
that of Jerome, the scholar, since the councils of Hippo (a. d. 393), of Carthage (a. d. 397),
and of Carthage (a. d. 419), in all of which he took part, fixed the canon according to his
list in De Doct. Chr., ii. 8. But, as a matter of fact, the views of Augustine himself were
far from being clear on the subject. In practice he, too, admitted a distinction between the
books of the Hebrew canon and the apocryphal (cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 187), and was
no doubt much influenced in his general position by a high regard for the LXX. , possibly,
also, for his spiritual father, Ambrose, who seems to have been a warm admirer of some of
the apocryphal books, especially of Tobit, whom he calls a prophet.

In the history of the book, as of the Apocrypha in general, subsequent to the time of Au-
gustine and Jerome, the influence of both of these fathers is clearly observable, though in
different directions. While the majority held by the opinion of the former, as sanctioned by
the early councils, there were not a few writers of note, even up to the time of the council
of Trent, who as firmly defended, or at least conformed in practice, to that of the latter. An
African bishop, Junilius (cir. A. D. 550), not only distinguishes the apocryphal from the
other books of Scripture, but in his list makes no mention of Tobit whatever. Gregory the
Great (f a. d. 604) apologizes for quoting from 1 Mace., and cites Tobit (Horn, in Ezech.,
ix.) as something which " per quendam sapientem dicitur." Venerable Bede (f A. D. 735)
wrote a commentary on Tobit {In librum B. Patris Tobice explanationis allegoricm de Christo
et Eccksia, lib. i.), but did not regard the work as of canonical authority. Nicolaus de Lyra
(f a. d. 1340), in his Prcefat. in Libr. Tobice, says: "Veritas scripta in libris canonicis
prior est tempore quantum ad plura, et dignitate quantum ad omnia, quam sit ilia quse scri-
bitur in non canonicis." In more modern times, the history of the book has not been peculiar
to itself, but, in general, has corresponded with that of the other works of its class. In the
Anglican church, however, it attained in very early times to an extraordinary position,
which it holds to this day. Not only was the judgment of Luther and other continental
Protestant leaders confirmed that it was a work " useful for Christian reading," but it was
quoted in the Second Book of Homilies as the teaching of " the Holy Ghost in Scripture,"
and several passages were introduced from it into different parts of the Book of Common
Prayer.

TOBIT.

Chapter I.

1 Book ' of the history of Tobit, the son of Tobiel, the son of Ananiel, the son of

2 Aduel, the son of Gabael,'' of the seed of Asiel,' of the tribe of Nephthalim/ who
in the time of Enemessarus king of the Assyrians was led captive out of Thisbe,

3 which is at the right hand of Cydis of Nephthalim ' in Galilee above Aser. I To-
bit walked ° all the days of my life in the way of truth and righteousness,' and I did
many almsdeeds to my brethren, and my nation, who had come together with me

4 into the land of the Assyrians, to Nineve.* And when I was in my country, in the
land of Israel, being young,' all the tribe of Nephthalim '" my father fell from the
house of Jerusalem, which was chosen out of all the tribes of Israel, that all the
tribes should sacrifice there, and the temple of the habitation of the Most High

5 had been consecrated there, and built ^^ for all ages. And ^^ all the tribes which
together revolted, and the house of my father Nephthalim,^^ sacrificed unto the

6 heifer " Baal. And I alone went often to Jerusalem at the feasts, as it was
prescribed unto all Israel ^^ by an everlasting decree, having the first-fruits and
tenths of increase, with that which was first shorn ; and them gave I for ^^ the altar

7 to the priests the children of Aaron. The tenth " part of all increase I gave to the
children of Levi,^' who ministered at Jerusalem ; and the second tenth ^° part I

8 sold,'"' and went and spent it every year at Jerusalem ; and the third I gave unto
them to whom it was meet, as Debbora '^ my father's mother had directed, ^^ because

9 I was left an orphan by my father. And ^ when I became ^* a man, I married
10 Anna who was of my kindred,^* and of her I begat Tobias. And when I was carried

away captive ''^ to Nineve, all my brethren and those that were of my nation " did
11, 12 eat of the bread of the Gentiles ; but I kept myself so that I did not eat,^' be-

13 cause I remembered God with all my soul.''" AJid the Most High gave me agreeable-

14 ness and beauty of form®* before Enemessarus, and'^ I was his purveyor. And I
went into Media, and left in trust with Gabaelus, the brother of Gabrias, at Rages '^

15 a city of Media, ten talents of silver. And ^ when Enemessarus was dead, Sen-
nacherim his son reigned in his stead ; and his ways were unstable and I was no more

16 able to** go into Media. And in the time of Enemessarus I did many almsdeeds °^

Ver. 1. — * A. v. : The book. * words (marg., acts ; Gr., \6yiav) of T. son of T. the son of A., the son of A. the son

of G. 3 Asael (as 64. 106. 248. Co. Aid.). * Nephthali. Fritzsche adopts here and in the following Terses from
II. III. 58. and most of the other authorities, Ne'^iflaAeijut-

Ver. 2. — *» A. v. : Enemessar [aa everywhere] king .... that city which is called properly Nephthali (marg., Kedes
of Nephthali in Galilee). For 'Ei/ejuetr. the Old Lat, Vulg. Syr. HF. HM. and Chald. have " Salmanassar."

Ver. 3. — 8 A. V. : have walked (Gr., ejropevVijv). ' justice {Junius, justi). « came (better, uvjaTropevflettri, from
23. 66. 68., etc., with Co. and Aid.) .... to N., into the land of the A.

Ver. 4. — ''A. V. : mine own country .... but young. ^ Nephthali. ^ where the temple of the habitation ol
the Most High was consecrated and built.

Ver. 5. — " A. V. : Now. " Nephthali. » For SanaXei 248. Co. have ivvaiuiet, which the version of 1611 notices
in the margin, as also the " Bahali deo " of Junius (see Com.),

Ver. 8. — >= A. V. : But I was ordained unto all the people of Israel (so 23. 68. 61. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). w at.

Ver. 7. — " A. V. : first tenth (so 64. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid. and Junius). " sons of Aaron (so Junius). The
reading 'Aapiiv for Afvi is found only in the less important MSS. (68. 64. 243. 249.)with Co. and Aid. I write " children
of L." for uniformity ; cf. ver. 6. ^^ A. V. : another tenth. 20 gold away (see Com.).

Ver. 8. — ^ A.Y.: Debora (so Junius). 22 commanded me.

Ver. 9. — ^ A. V. : Furthermore. 24 j ^as come to the age of. 25 of mine own kindred.

Ver. 10. — 20 j\.. V. : we were .... captives. Fritzsche receives xixy-oXiaTitTBriv from III. 44. 62. and others, with Co
^d Aid. Cod. n. agrees with the text. Tec. in giving -Q)Qj.aKijjTitTdrtti.iiv. 27 a, y. ; kindred (Gr., toO yeVous imv).

Ver. 11. — =' A. V. : myself from eating (see Com.). 29 heart (Gr., ifiuxij).

Ver. 13. — 3** A. V. ; grace and favor (Junius, grattam decoremque). sx go that.

Ver. 14. — ^2 A. V. : Gabael. The Aldine text has Iv aypoU for ei* 'Payois ; A. V. : marg., in the land or country 0/ M

Ver. 15. — ^^ A. y. : Now. ^ Sennacherib .... whose estate (Junius, rationes) was troubled that I could not, eta

Ter. 16. — ■< A. V. : gave many alms. (Cf. ver. 3.)

124

THE APOCRYPHA.

17 to my brethren, and gave my bread to the hungry, and clothes to the naked ; and if
I saw any of my nation who had died and been cast behind the wall ^ of Nineve, I

18 buried him. And if the king Sennacherim slew ^ any, when he came as fugitive from
Juda;a,' I buried them privily (for in his wrath he killed many) ; and* the bodies

1 9 were not found, when they were sought for of the king. And one ^ of the Nine-
vites went and informed the king of me,^ that I buried them, and hid myself ; and '
understanding that I was sought for to be put to death, I withdrew myself for fear.

20 And * all my goods were forcibly taken away, neither was there any thing left me,

21 besides my wife Anna and my son Tobias. And there passed not fifty ' days, be-
fore his two ''' sons killed him ; and they fled into the mountains of Ararat.^^ And
Saeherdonus ^^ his son reigned in his stead ; and he ^ appointed over the whole
business of accounts of his realm and over the entire administration,^^ Achiaeharus,

22 my brother Anael's son. And Achiaeharus interceding ^^ ibr me, I came ^' to Nineve.
But Achiaeharus was cupbearer, and keeper of the signet, and steward, and ac-
countant ; " and Saeherdonus ■" appointed him to be second in rank ; •'■^ and he was
my brother's son.

Ver. 17. — 1 A. V. : my clothes (as 23. 44. 58. 64. 74. al. Co. Aid.) .... dead, or cast about the walls. The reading iiri
(Junius, ad) foron-i'tru) is found in IH. 23. 64. Aid. Co., but it is obyiously a correction. The A. V. has in the margin
behind the walls.

Ver. 18. — 2 A. Y. : Sennacherib [aa everywhere] had slain. For atreKTeivev (instead of an-e'«T«vfe) Fritzsche cites the
authority of III. 55. 71. 74. 76. 249. To these II. can be added. The form of the king's name in II. is always axvpeiK
(for axripeifi) the transcriber haying, apparently, left off the prefix trev, as being the name of a heathen deity.
3 A. V. ; was come, and fled from Judea (Gr., ^\de f^eu-ywi/, etc.). * but,

Ver. 19 — ^ A, V. : when one. 8 complained of me to the king. ' omits and (Se).

Ver. 20. — » A. V. : Then (Junius, Turn).

Ver. 21. — » A. V. : flye and fifty (see Com.). » two of his.
'Apafdr from III. 23. 68. 64. " A. V. : Sarchedonus » who.
and over all his affairs.

Ver. 22. — 15 A. V. : entreating. " returned. " Now A. was .

^ Ararath {text. rec. andJI.). Fritzsche adopts
" his father B (as 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) accounts,

. overseer of the accounts. " Sarchedonus.

'9 next unto him. Cod. II, with the Syr. supplies uid? before ck Seurcpas.

Chapter I,

Ver. 2, Enemessar. See ii. 15. Undoubt-
edly Shalmaneser i.s meant. Whether the pres-
ent form of the word is a corruption (as Grotins
supposes), or simply another name for the same
person (as others think), cannot with certainty
be determined. Rawlinson adopts the former
view. He says ihe first syllable Shal has been
dropped (in Abvdenus we find Bupalussor for
Nabopolassar), and the order of the liquids m
and n reveised. With respect to the historical
statement of the present verse, the same author
remarks that the writer follows the apparent nar-
rative of the Book of Kings (2 Kings xvii. 3-6 ;
xviii. 9-11). See, further, the lutroduction to
the present book, under " Historical Difficulties."
— Thisbe. There was a place of this name in
Gilead, where tlie prophet Elijah was born, and,
for a time, lived. Hence, perhaps, the definite-
ness of the description in our passage. Winer
{Realworfeib., ad voc.) and some others maiutain
the identity of the two places. According to 2
Kings XV. 29 (cf. xvi. 9), the people of this region
were made captives by Tiglath-Pileser.

Ver. 3. For remarks on iA^jSeia, see 1 Esd. iv.

40 £kiKaioavvr\ = " that relationship to the 5iK-f}

which fulfills its claims." See Cremer's Lex., ad
voc — Did many ahnsdeeds. Cf. with the Greek
Acts ix. 36.

Ver. 4. 'Ilyidir0T) .... ^KoSojiite-n. The aorist
is sometimes used in narrative for the pluper-
fect. See Winer, p. 275; Buttmann, pp. 199, 200.
It is hero said that Tobit was a young man at the
time of the falling away of the tribe of Neph-
thalim from Judah. The Chaldaic text agrees
with this repj-esentation : " And when he was but
young in the land of Israel, all the tribe of Naph-

thali rebelled against the kingdom of David, and
refused to go to Jerusalem." Hence Tobit must
have been at least two hundred years old at the
time of the Assyrian captivity. But, according
to a later statement of the book (xiv. 11), he only-
lived to the age of one hundred and fifty-eight
years altogether. It might be said that not a
political, but a spiritual, falling away is meant.
Still, the explanation can be hardly regarded as
sufficient. The Vulgate, while using different
dates, is no less inconsistent. According to it
Tobit was carried away with the captives removed
in the third year of the reign of Hoshea (2 Kings
xvii. 6). He is represented as knowing of the
destruction of the temple (Vulg., xiii. 11, 12),
which took place one hundred and thirty years
later, while elsewhere (xiv. 2) he is said to have
reached only the age of one hundred and two years.

Ver. 5. T^ BaoA. rp Sa|tii\ei, to the heifer
Baal, J. e., the idol Baal which was worshipped
in the form of a heifer. Both the masculine and
leminine genders are used in the LXX., in speak-
ing of this deity.

Ver. 6. _ This statement that Tobit went alone
{li.6vos-. Sin., /.Loi/draTO!) to Jerusalem to sacrifice
does not agree with one found at v. 13. — Often.
Three times a year was prescribed. See Ex.
xxiii. 17.

Vers. 7-9. Respecting tithes, see Numb, xviii.
21, 24-32. On the second tenth, ace Deut. xii.
17 f.; xiv. 22. — I sold, oireTrpaTifii^Tfr. It was
sold on account of the difficulty of transportation,
and so to save expense. This Greek word is
said to be nowhere else found — The third. See
Deut. xiv. 28, 29; xxvi. 12. — Of my kindred.
It was at that time, and is stiU, regarded io the

TOBIT.

125

Orient as praiseworthy to marry among one's owu
kindred.

Ver. 10. Bread of the Gentiles, i. c, food
that was forbidden by the law of Moses. Cf.
Judith X. 5; Acts x. 14.

Ver. 1 1 . ^uuer-iip7](Ta t^v ^vx^v fiov. Most of
the old commentators (as A. V.) hold tliiit the
substantive simply represents the personal pro-
noun. But it might also be taken in its usual
sense. It was the soul that needed to be kept ;
since it was not a matter of eating or not eating,
in itself considered, but of ob.serving tlie Mosaic
law.

Ver. 14. It is not meant that he went ou only
one occasion into Media, but that he was accus-
tomed to go thither (iTropev6fiiiv). See next verse.
— Eages. An old city of Media, and of consid-
erable importance. It is twice mentioned in the
Book of Judith (i. 5, 15, Rai/uu}, but nowhere in
the Hebrbw Scriptures. Accordina; to Arrian it
was ten days' journey distant from Eebatana ;
according to Ptolemy, two thoUiSand furlonas.

Ver. 15. 'feu talents of silver. The Jewish
talent contained about ninety-five English ]lounds.
See Ex. xxxviii. 25, 26. — Sennacherim. He
reigned, according to Kawlinson (Ancient Mon.,
iii. 43), from 23-24 years, and was then mur-
dered.— His ways were unstable. This is to
be understood either of his own conduct or of the
fate which overtook him. His reign was durinj;
a stormy period, and made uncertain through the
wars which he waged. Our book is wrong in
representing him as the son of Shalmaneser. See
Inti'oduciion, under " Historical Difficulties."

Vers. 16-18. Some commentators call atten-
tion to the high Christian standard of Tobit's
conduct, *' Prope accedebat ad evang'dlcam perfec-
tionem" {see Grotius, Annot. ad loc). But, un-
fortunately, it was only one part of the New
Testament morality that Tobit seems to have
recognized. He was certainly ignorant of the
virtue that lets not the right hand know what
the left hand does, and so falls, after all, into
the condemnation of the Pharisee in the para-
ble.— I buried them privily. It was regarded

among the Jews as the greatest disgrace that
one's body should he left unburied after death.
(See 1 Kings xiii. 22; xiv. II.) — As fugitive.
The memorable defeat of Sennacherib before
the walls Of Jerusalem, through the special inter-
position of divine I'rovidence, is probably referred
to. It is often noticed by the later Jewish writers.
See 1 Mace. vii. 41 ; 2 Mace. viii. 19; 3 Mace.
vi. 5 ; Ecclus. xlviii. 21. Cf. Rawlinson, ^nci'cH(
Mon., ii, 168.

Ver. 19. Kcil iKpi$r)f. If this word is made
dependent on on. like daTrrtc, we may suppose a
heudiadys (flairrw Kpv^Srii') ; or with Fritzsche
translate : " that I bury them and am concealed,"
I. e., that I am the unknown one who buries them.

Ver. 21. Ou Si7J\6ov iifjL4pas {j^fiepai) mvTTiKovTa.
This verb is sometimes used with the accusative
of time in the sense of pass, qo by. But the read-
ing of injLepai (II. III. 23. 58. 64.) is sufficiently
well supported. — His two sons. '^I'hey were
called Adramiuflech and Sharezer. See Hawlia-
sou's Ancient Man., ii. 169. This author says
that the murder of Sennacherib " Within fifty-five
[the reading of 23. 58. 64. al. Aid. J days " of his
return to Nineveh is an invention of our book.
He " did not die till seventeen years after his
misfortune (n. c. 681)." See 2 Kings .nIx. 36.
Cod. 11. has fifty days ; the Vulgate, with the
Old Latiu and Chaldaic, forty-five days; HF.,
nineteen ; Gutberlet, following Reusch, would un-
derstand the time after the confiscation of the
goods of Tiibit, and not after the monarch's re-
turn from Jadssa. But we cannot see how th.at
helps the matter, as, from the text, it would seem
that this took place at about the same time with
the other event. — Sacherdonua = Esarhaddon.

Ver. 22, Tlie position of the " keeper of the
signet " was next to that of the king. See Esth.
iii II). Thi^i part of the history is apparently an
imitation of that of Joseph, Daniel, and Nehe-
iniah, as it respects their elevation to high office
in a foreign state, — 'E^a,3€\<pos is a late word,
and not elsewhere found in the LXX,j except in
the present book. There is commonly used with
this meaning the word afe^tds.

Chapter II.

1 And when I came ^ home again, and my wife Anna was restored unto me, with
my son Tobias, at ^ the feast ' of Pentecost, which is the holy feast of the seven

2 weeks, there was a rich meal prepared for * me. And ^ I sat down to eat. And
when I saw abundance of food," I said to my son. Go and bring what poor tnan
soever thou shalt find oict of our brethren, who is mindful of the Lord ; and lo, I

3 tarry for thee. And ' he came again, and said. Father, one of our nation has been *

4 strangled, and cast out " in the market-place. And ^^ before I had tasted anything,^'
I sprang ^^ up, and took him up into a room until after ^' the going down of the sun.

5, 6 And I returned, and washed myself, and ate my bread " in heaviness. And I

called to mind the '^ prophecy of Amos, how " he said, Your feasts shall be turned

7 into mourning, and all your mirth into lamentation. And " I wept ; and after the

ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Now .... wag come. 2 jn. 8 nemjKoorjJ before eoprji is omittecl in III, 248, Co, Aid, The
article before tlie latter word, aa in III. 248. Co. Aid., would make it in apposition with the former. * A. V. : good
dinner prepared me. With eyef^ffyj it was hardly necessary to put the word " prepared " in italics, as in the A. V.
'' A. v., in the which.

Vers. ^7. — "A. V. ; meat. ' But. ^ ia. For eorpayyaAwjuteVos of the text. rec. Ill, 55, offer etrTpayyoMiiievov,
oa also II, as a correction ; 44. 106. : eirrpayyoAiafiei'os. » A. V. : is cast out. " Then (Junius, Turn). u 0/
any meat. ^ start. " omiti after(Gr., eois o5 iiv, etc.). " Then ( Jun., Deinde) .... meat

berlng that. «• as. " Therefokie.

126

THE APOCRYPHA.

8 going down of the sun I went and made a grave, and buried him. And ' my neigh-
bors mocked me, and said, He is no longer afraid of being ^ put to death for this
matter ; he has been even a fugitive,^ and yet lo, he burieth the dead again.

9 And the same night * I returned from the burial, and slept by the wall of my

10 courtyard, being unclean,^ and my face was uncovered ; and I knew not that there
were sparrows in the wall ; and mine eyes being open, the sparrows muted warm
dung into mine eyes, and white spots ° came in mine eyes ; and I went to the phy-
sicians, and ' they helped me not ; but * Achiacharus nourished ' me, until he "

11 went into Elymais. And my wife Anna wove wool in the women's rooms ;^^

12 and she sent it to its owners and^^ they paid her the" wages, and gave her also

13 besides a kid. And when she returned home, it " began to cry ; and " I said unto
her. From whence is this kid ? It is not stolen, is it ? Eeturn ^^ it to the owners,

14 for it is not lawful to eat any thing that is stolen. But she replied," It was given
as ^' a gift more than the wages. And ^^ I did not believe her, and ^ bade her re-
turn ^^ it to the owners ; and I was indignant ^^ at her. But she replied to ^ me,
Where are thine alms and thy righteous deeds ? Behold, all thy works -^ are
known.

Vers. 8-10. — i A. V. : But. » This man is not yet afraid to be. In 23. 44. 52. 64. 108. Co. Aid. oCtoi is inserted
after ifiopelrat (Jun., non amplius metult iste interfici). = A. V., who fled away. » The some night also.

> polluted. « a whiteneRS (marg., while films). ' A. V. : but. ' moreover. » did nourish. » I.

Fritzsche has changed eiropei;e>)>', notwithstanding the authority of the MSS., including II., to itropevBri, as " clearly re-
quired by the context." Junius has profectus esset, and remarks, in a foot-note : Sic Testitulmus ex conjectura sublata
titera una. The Vulg., HM., and Chald. omit the clause.

Vers. 11-13. — " A.V. : did take women's work to do {marg., was hired to spin in the women's rooms). For Iv roU
yvvaiKeioii, llgen would read epyow y. (see Com.). *2 \. y. ; and when she had sent them home to the owners.

13 omits the. " it was in mine house (Qr., ore Si ^A«e n-pis (if) and. " omits and. " is it not stolen ? render.

Ver. 14. — " A. V. : replied vpon me. » far. i' Ilowbeit. 20 but. ^i render. 22 abashed, for ^pv^pinii'
("became red"), Ilgcn would substitute TJpWevov ("served'"), but without sufficient reason. '^ A.\.: upon.

2* thou and all thy works. The Greek is iSoi) yvtixrra n-arra (lerd trov ; hence the italics {thy works) are not needed. The
A. V. has in the margin, " Or, lo all things are known to thee,'' which rendering is admissible, but does not so well suit
the context as the other. Junius, Ecce spectata sunt omnia apud te ; Old Lat., Ecce qucB pateris omnibus nota sunt.

Chapter II.

Ver. 1. Feast of Pentecost. From this pas-
sage we learn that such a feast was at this period
celebrated. Tlie law prescribed (Lev. xxiii. 11,
15) that the time should be reckoned from "the
morrow after the Sabbath" to the morrow after
the completion of the seventh month, i. e., the
fiftieth day. The Jews in foreign lands, subse-
quent to the Captivity, usually devoted two days
to the feast, although the Law required but one.
— ' fifeweaa. The use of this verb to indicate the
reclining posture at table is evidence of a later
date. In the New Testament it is not uncom-
mon. See .John xxi. 20, and Winer, p. 23. Cod.
III. has substituted av€Travad^7)v.

Ver. 4. Into a room. It was not in his own
house, since it would have become thereby un-
clean, but in some adjoining building. See fol-
lowing verse. — Until after the sun had set.
Cum jam travsiisset diesfe.^tus. Grotius.

Ver. 6. Prophecy of Amos. See Am. viii.
10.

Ver. 9. He did not sleep at home, because he
would have rendered the house thereby unclean.
A person who came in contact with a dead' body
was rendered unclean in consequence for seven
days. See Numb. xix. 11. But he must have
previously touched the body when he bore it from
the street into a room to wait for night. And
yet he had not only returned to his house, but had
eaten in it. Either Tobit or his historian must
have forgotten himself at this point.

Ver. 10. ^TpovBla. Small birds of any kind
might be meant, but particularly sparrows. The
Vulgate renders by hirundines, and is followed by
Coverdale's and the Bishops' Bible. The A. V.

has in the margin : " Or, swallows." It is not
likely that Tobit would be afHicted, at the same
time, in both his eyes in this manner; it might,
indeed, be said to be well-nigh impossible. —
White spots, XevK^fiara. This Greek word is
commonly used to designate the disease of the
eyes known as " cataract " But that can scarcely
be its meaning here. It is likely that what is
known as " albugo " is meant. Junius renders
by albuffines. It is a white, hard flake on the
eye, which is of greater or less extent, and not
transparent, and sometimes assumes a bluish ap-
pearance. Among the remedies used for it is the
gall of cattle, sheep, and of certain kinds of fish.
Cf. Fritzsche, Com., ad loc. — Until he [I] went
into Elyma'ia. The reading of the text. rec. is
looked upon as a corruption, since nothing is said
elsewhere of this journey of Tobit. See xi. 17.
Its difficulty may have led gome of the secondary
texts to leave out the allusion entirely, as they
have done. Elymais was a province on the Per-
sian Gulf. See 1 Mace. vi. 1.

Ver. 11. 'Epidevw means properly to work for
wages. It has also a special significance, to work
in ivool. See Fritzsche, RSmerbrief, i. p. 143 ff.
Schleusner (Lex., ad voc.) translates it by lanam
iraeto. Dereser would supply the word ipyots
after yvvaiKiiois. See Textual Notes.

Ver. 13. On the use of fxi] in interrogative
clauses, see Winer, p. 511 ; Buttmann, pp. 248,
250, 255 ff. In this case Tobit seems inclined to
believe that the kid had been stolen. It is, how-
ever, a sad hint, as it respects the character of
his wife. — KAei^ijualos (= kAotti/miios). A late
word, and, according to Fritzsche, here first found.

TOBIT. 127

Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc, who gives citations
from the Fathers, showing its use.

Ver. 14. Was indignant, lit., became red.
" Excandesceham adversus illam, ad verbum : son-
mineo rubore {prce ira) suffundebam contra illam."
WaU's Clavis, ad voc. — Where are thine alms ?
i.e., Where are the good results which might

have heen expected from them if they had been
properly given. " They are not to be found."
" We are in distress." — All thy works are
known. She means, apparently, that it is easy
to see from the misfortunes into which he had
fallen that they amounted to nothing. Cf. Job
ii. 10.

Chapter III.

1, 2 ^ And I being grieved wept,^ and in my sorrow prayed, saying, 0 Lord, thou
art just, and all thy works and all thy ways are mercy and truth, and thou judgest

3 truly anJ justly for ever. Remember me, and look on me ; punish ^ me not accord-
ing to ' my sins and ignorances, and the sins of my fathers, which they * sinned be-

4 fore thee ; for they obeyed not thy commandments. And thou deliveredst ^ us
for a spoil, and unto captivity, and unto death, and /or a proverb of reproach to all

5 the nations among whom we are dispersed. And now thy many judgments are true
in that thou dealest * with me according to my sins and my fathers' ; because we

6 have not kept thy commandments, neither have walked in truth before thee. And
now ' deal with me as seemeth best unto thee. Command * my spirit to be taken
from me, that I may be dissolved,' and become earth ; for it is profitable for me to
die rather than to live, because I have heard false reproaches, and have much sor-
row. Command therefore that I may now be delivered out of this distress, and go
into the everlasting place ; turn not thy face away from me.

7 It came to pass the same day, that in Ecbatana ^^ a city of Media, Sarra " the

8 daughter of Raguel was also reproached by her father's maids, because that she had
been married to seven husbands, and Asmodneus the evil demon killed them ^^ be-
fore they had lain with her. Art thou not clever," said they, that thou hast
strangled thine husbands ? Thou hast already had seven, and wast not named "

9 after any of them. Wherefore dost thou beat us ? ■'^ If they died,^^ go ^^ after

10 them, let us never see of thee either son or daughter. When she heard these
things, she was very sorrowful, so that she would ^* have strangled herself. And
she said, I am the only daughter of my father, and if I do this, it will ^' be a re-

11 proach unto him, and I shall bring his old age with sorrow unto Hades.^" And ^^
she prayed at '^^ the window, and said. Blessed art thou, O Lord, my God, and
blessed is thy holy and honorable name ^' for ever ; let all thy works praise thee

12 for ever. And now, O Lord, I have directed '^ mine eyes and my face toward

13 thee. Command to ^ take me away from the earth, that I may hear no more re-
14, 15 proach.^^ Thou knowest, Lord, that I am pure from all sin with a man,^' and

that I did not pollute ^* my name, nor the name of my father, in the land of my
captivity ; I am the only daughter of my father, and there is no son ^ to be his heir,
neither any near kinsman, nor any son of one '" alive, for whom '^ I may keep my-

VerB. 1-5. — 1 A. V. : Then I . . . . did weep. 2 For IkSik^itjis, which Fritzache adopts from III. 68. 64. and many
other MS8., the text. rec. (with II.) has ckSikjis. ' A. V. : for (see Com.). ' who have (Gr., a Jifio-pTOi- ; but in. 55.
64. and some others with Co. Aid. have 01 ; Junius, qui). c wherefore (Codd. II. 44. 106. omit the connective ; Jun.,
ijuemnbrem) thou hast delivered. « thy judgments are many and true, deal, etc. (so JuniusJ. Fritzsche justly strikes
out the connective before aKri9evai, with II. III. 23. 44. Aid. ; cf , Com.

Vers. 6,7. — 'A. V.: Now therefore (a very common rendering of «ai vvv in the A. V.). ^ and command.
» marg., dismissed, or delivered. ^^ Ecbatane. ^^ Sara.

Ver. 8. — 12 A. V. : whomAsmodeus the evil spirit had kiUed (Jun., occirfcml). The form of this proper name in II. is
everywhere tLiriiuiScan. '^ A. V. : Dost thou not know. For ou cn/vtsis, Ilgen, with Sohleusner, thinks oii oil tU

should be read. " A. V. : had already seven husbands (Co. Aid. : iirra ivSpas] .... neither wast thou named. Cod.
II. and the Syr., as well as III. have the reading uivaod-ij^ (" been profited '■) instead of uico/xacj^i)? of the text. rec. It if
probably to be regarded, however, as a corrupt form of the latter, since the word does not otherwise appear in this form

Vers. 9-13. — 10 A. V. ; us for them. The addition is not in the text, rec., but is found in 28. 44. 62. 64, 71. Co. Aid
Syr. and Junius. i« A. V. ; be dead (died, iire'earai-, i. e., a natural death). " go thy ways (only ^aSife). « slie
tkought to. 18 shall. » the grave (Gr., eisaSov). zi Then. 22 toward (Gr., irpos rj). See Com. 23 A. V.;
thine holy and glorious name is blessed and honorable (euAoyijToi/ to orojua ttj? io^Tjy a-ov to ayiov Kal evrcfiov, 63. 243
248. Co. Aid.). M set (Gr., SsSioita). 2e and say {tl-ir6v). We connect with the following as imperative (Command
lo). Junius has, Dicens ut liberes. 20 a. y. : out of the earth . . . . the reproach.

Vers. 14, 16. "A.V.: with man. (Cod. II. from the first hand suppUes k<ii' before i>'5pis, as do also 23 44. 62. 68.

106. 108. 249. Syr., which, however, would make her say quite too much.) -' that I never polluted. 20 neither hath
»e any child. '•' ol his (Gr., simply, uios | 3\m.,JUius ex eo). " to whom.

128

THE APOCRYPHA.

self /or a wife ; my seven husbands are already dead ; why should I live? And*
if it please not thee to kill me, command some regard to be had of me, and pity
taken on ^ me, that I hear no more reproach.

16 And ° the prayers of them both were heard before the glory ^ of the great

17 God.^ And Raphael was sent to heal them both, that is, to scale away the white
spots from ° Tobit's eyes, and to give Sarra ' the daughter of Raguel for a wife to
Tobias the son of Tobit ; and to bind Asmodaaus the evil demon ; because she
fell ° to Tobias by right of inheritance. At the selfsame time Tobit returned,'
and entered into Ids house, and Sarra •"' the davghter of Eaguel came down from
her upper chamber.

Ver. 15. — ^ A. V. : and why Bhould I live? but, etc. 2 that I should die ... . pity taken of. The text, rec, by

mistake, placed ju^jKeVi before ^Xei^trai^ instead of before aKoSo-at, etc. Walton's Polyglot met the difficulty by rendering
i^eijcrat, miserabilem facpre (I),

Vers. 16, 17.— 3 A. V. : So. « majesty (Or., 8d|i,s). '■ God (9m0 is supplied by 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. Syr., and

the Greek Bibles of 1545 (Basle) and 1697 (Frankfort) ; Jun., Dct. » A. V. : whiteness of. 'Sara. 'spirit....
belonged. 0 The selfsame time came Tobit home. ^^ Sara. I have written " Asmodseus " in this Terse, as CTery-
where hereafter, instead of " Asmodcus " of the A. V.

Chapter III.

Ver. 1 . As we learn from ver. 1 7, this prayer
was uttered in the court of his house, to which
Tobit seems to have confined himself since the
burial recorded in the previous chapter.

Ver. 2. Mercy, iXen/xoavyai. This word is
used elsewhere in the present book as designating
simply a human virtue, or rather the outward
exercise of a human viitue.

ver. 3. M^ /le ^K^LKi]<Tris tois afj-aprtais fiov,
punish me not on account of my sins. " In a
wider use the dative of the thing is employed of
everything in reference to which an action or a state
comes to puss." See Winer, p. 216, and cf. Horn,
xi. 20. — ' Ay yo-ljfiafr I, ignorances. See remarks
at 1 Esd. viii. 75, and cf. Keclus. xxiii. 2.

Ver. 5. The trauslaiiun of the A. V., deal, with
me, etc., rests on the reading iroinaov for Troifliroi,
which, however, is not to be adopted simply on
the authority of the Complutensian Polyglot.
See also ver. .3, which the former reading would
contradict. Cf. the LXX. at Is. i. 24.

Ver. 6. For it is profitable for me, Siiri Xi/o-i-
re\u fLOi. Cf. Luke xvii. 2, Ai/o-iTEXei auTu; also,
Ecclus. XX. 9, 13, xxix. 13; Xen., Mem., ii. 1,15.
— Into the everlasting place. Does he mean
heaven (Luke xvi. 9), the grave (Ecclus. xii. ."j),
or Hades? Probnbly the last. See ver. 10; xiii.
2. But his ideas of the future life can scarcely
be regarded as in advance of those of ihe Old
Testament. Cf. Add. to Esth., ii. 7.

Ver. 7. The same day. The day on which
Tobit uttered his prayer is meant. — Ecbatana.
There were two cities of this name in Media :
one the capital of Noithern Media, the other of
the so-called Media Magna. According to Sir
H. Rawliiison the place here meant was the for-
mer. See Smith's Bible Diet., ad vac. ; Ez. vi. 2 ;
Judith i. 1.

Ver. 8. Asmodeeus (1Z2E7). Cf. Job xxxi. 12.
('!"1'^5^.), and Wisd. xviii. 25 (a oAoflpeiioii'). Many
good authorities, however, think the word is of
Persian, rather than Semitic, origin. See Stan-
ley, iii. 185; Scheukel's Bib. Lex., ad voc; in
Riehm's Handworterb., an article by Delitzsch ;

and, particularly, Kohnt's work. This personage
i.s introduced quite frequently into the Talmud as
Satan himself. It is here intimated that he
obtained power over these seven unfortunates
through their incontinence. But any attempt to
give the narrative at this point a reasonable ex-
planation must be abandoned. Some would
make Asmodaeus the demon of impurity, and hold
that through the fumes of smoke simply the pas-
sions of Tobias and Sarra were deadened (!);
others, that the death of the seven unfortimates
took place by permission of God, and the deliver-
ance of Tobias fi'om a similar fate through jtrayer
and continence. (So Welte, p. 95.) The fumi-
gation, according to this critic, was merely sym-
bolical, or was made with reference to the bodily
appearance of the demon, in which condition the
smoke would have been to him unendurable.
And Tobias and Saral (!) The most probable
explanation is that the whole story is a fabrica-
tion, based on the then prevalent belief in demon-
ology among the Jews, and possibly having refer-
ence to the so-called " loves of the angels." See
Gen. vi. 2. — On 'y€v4ff6ai . . . far' avrris, cf.
Susan, ver. 20.

Ver. 9. If they died, 1'. e., " If they have died
a natural death, good I May you follow them I "

Ver. 10. Would have strangled herself, So-re
a.TTdy(acreai. The Sinaitic MS- reads TjfleATjo-ej'
awiy^aurdai ; Old. Lat., voluit laqueo vitam Jinire.
On the force of So-re in such a construction, see
Winer, pp. 301, 318 ; Bnttmann, p. 244.

Ver. U. At (or before, TTp6s) the window.
See Dan. vi. 10. The meaning is that she turned
her face in the direction of Jerusalem.

Ver. 13. Command to. The mediation of
angels is implied.

Ver. 17. Scale away, Xsir/o-ai. Cf. Acts ix. 18,
where it is said of Paul that there fell from his
eyes d'o-el Aeir/Sej; also, xi. 13 of the present book,
and 1 Mace. i. 22. — Pell to, 4-!Ti$i\\f,. Lit.,
"falls to," the present being used for the aorist
See Winer, p. 267 ; Buttmann, p. 196. Cf. Gea
XV. 3, 4, and vi. 11, 12, below.

TOBIT. 129

Chaptek rv.

1 On that day Tobit remembered the money which he had committed to Gabaelus

2 in Rages of Media. And he said '■ with himself, I have wished for death ; where-

3 fore do I not call for my son Tobias, that I may inform him " before I die ? And
having called ' him, he said.

My son, when I am dead, bury me ; and neglect not thy mother, but honor her
all the days of thy life, and do that which will * please her, and grieve her not.

4 Remember, my son, that she experienced ^ many dangers for thee, when thou wast

5 in her womb ; and when she is dead, bury her by me in one grave. My son, be
mindful of the Lord our God all thy days, and let not thy will be set " to sin, and '
to transgress his commandments ; do uprightly all thy life long, and go not in * the

6 ways of unrighteousness. For if thou practice the truth thou shalt be prospered

7 in all thy works.^ And to all them that live justly give alms of thy substance ;
and when thou givest alms, let not thine eye be envious ; do not '" turn thy
face from any poor man," and the face of God shall not be turned away from

8 thee. If thou hast ■^'' abundance, give alms accordingly ; if thou have but a little,

9 be not afraid to give according to that little ; for thou layest up a good treasure

10 for thyself against the day of necessity. Because that alms doth deliver from

11 death, and sutfereth not to come ^' into darkness. For alms is a good offering"

12 unto all that give it, in the sight of the Most High. Beware of every sort of '^
whoredom, my son, and above all -"^ take a wife of the seed of thy fathers, take "
not a strange woman as wife who ^° is not of thy father's tribe ; for we are children
of prophets. Noe, Abraam, Isaac, Jacob,^" our fathers from the beginning, —
remember, my son, that ^° they all married wives of their brethren,'-'^ and were

13 blessed in their children, and their seed shall inherit the land. And now,^^ my
son, love thy brethren, and turn not away with a proud heart from ^ thy brethren,
the sons and daughters of thy people, in respect to taking thyself ^ a wife of them ;
for in pride is destruction and much disorder,^^ and in dissoluteness is degradation

14 and great want ; for dissoluteness '^^ is the mother of famine. Let not the wages
of any man, who ^' hath wrought /or thee,^" tarry with thee, but give him it out of
hand ; if ^ thou serve God, he will ako repay thee. Be circumspect, my son, in all

15 things thou doest, and be well bred °° in all thy conduct. And do ^^ that to no man
which thou hatest. Di-ink not wine to make thee drunken ; neither let drunkenness

16 go with thee on"^ thy journey. Give of thy bread to the hungry, and of thy gar-
ments to them that are naked ; all that thou hast in superfluity give as ^* alms ; and

17 let not thine eye be envious, when thou givest alms. Pour out thy bread on the

18 burial of the just, and give not "^ to the wicked. Seek counsel from every wise man

19 and despise him not in '^ any counsel that is profitable. And bless the Lord thy
God on every occasion,'^ and seek from " him that thy ways may become straight,^'
and that all thy paths and counsels may prosper, for no nation hath ^' counsel ; but
the Lord himself giveth all good things, and he humbleth whom he will, as he will.

Vers. 1-4. — » A. V. : In that .... Gabael .... and said. ' signify to him of the money. = when he had

caUed.' * despise not ... . shall. '^ saw. This verb opicu, not only means to see, but also to experience.

Vers 5-7 — » Cod. II. omits Ko.i before ni) eeA.^<7T)S. The rendering of the A. V. is pretty strong ; but of. the Greek at
1 Tim y 11 va/xel^ OiKov^iv, and Buttmano, pp. 375, 37S. ' A. V. : or. » follow not, etc. (Gr., fi, nopiyOit roll
cSoIs). » deal truly, thy doings shall prosperously succeed to thee (of. the Greek). '» neither. Cod. II. supplies
iKu' before laiiirorrpe^T);. " A. V. : any poor. ,, -a ^ . , tt is u .

Vers 8-12 ■ i» For vn-apxei, instead of vi,ipx<"; may be cited with Fritzsche not only III. 44. i4., but also II. Hot

li elaeASe;.- II. has ei<r« i^Selv (Old Lat., non pntilur ire in tenebras) " A. V. : gift (see Com.). The Codd. III. 23.
fc. 74 76. 236. omit yip at the beginning. '= A. V. : aU. '« chiefly. " and take (the Codd. III. 58. 64. with

Co. Aid. have the connective). " woman to wife, which. " the children of the prophets, . . Abraham ....
Jacob ; 2° remember .... tliat our fathers .... even that. 21 own kindred.

Vers' 13 14 —'^ A. V. : Now, therefore. =3 despise not in thy heart. ^' in not taking (as 106.). ^^ trouble

(Gr iKariiTTao-ia). =» lewdness is decay .... lewdness. =' which. =» wrought for thee. The Codd. 64.

243.''248 , with Co. Old Lat. and Aid., add croi after JpyioTjTai. » A. V. : for if {icai is supplied by III. 65. 58. 64.).
80 A. V. : bewi.ie(Gr., IrfureTToiSn.iiei'O!). si conversation (of. Bph. y. 15). Do.

Vers 15-20. — "' A. V. : in. ^3 and according to thine abundance give (Gr., ^iv 6 iav Trepio-o-eucrii <roi woiei, etc.).
« but give nothing. '^ Ask counsel of all that are wise, and despise not. »« Bless .... alway (Q.., iv irovrl

t<u.pi). s' desire of. »« directed. aa eveiy nation hath not.
9

130

THE APOCRYPHA.

And now,' my son, remember my commandments, neither let them be blotted'

20 out of thy heart.^ And now I make thee aware of ten talents which I entrusted

21 to Gabaelus ^ the brother '' of Gabrias at Eages in Media. And fear not, my son,
that we have become impoverished ; ' thou hast much wealth, if thou fear God, and
depart from all sin, and do that which is pleasing in his sight.

Ver. 20. — ^ A. V. ; now, therefore. » put (Gr., £|a\en^0^TW(rai/). s mind (Gr., KapStas). * signify /A« to

thee, that I committed ten talents to Qabael. ^ son (marg., eh. i. 14, the brother). ^ are made poor : for.

Chaptek IV.

"Ver. 4. In one grave. Cf. 2 Sam. i. 23.

Ver. 7. Give alms. The Greek is iroUi i\f-
rtiioaivnv, lit. do almsdeeds ; but the context
shows that they were meant to take the form of
gifts. — Thine eye be envious, i. e., penurious,
sparing. Cf. Ecclus. xiv. 9, 10; Matt. xx. 15;
and ver. 16, below.

Ver. 10. On the doctrine of this verse and its
relation to the teachings of the canonical Scrip-
tures, see Introd., under " Doctrinal Teaching."

Ver. 1 1 . Offering, Stupoc. In Matthew we find
this Greek word used several times for a sacri-
ficial offering, and in Mark the Hebrew Corban
(13~ip) is rendered by the same. In the LXX.
it is quite frequently used for the latter word,
as also for nPDQ (in thirty-two places), and for

^^t£'. In the Epistle to the Hebrews it is em-
ployed side by side with evaia.. Hence the trans-
lation wliich we have given it, which also seems
best to agree with the context.

Ver. 12. A strange woman. A woman of
another nation (see Kz. x. 2 f.), and here also
including those not belonging to the same tribe.
Noah is reckoned among those who married wives
" of their own brethren." But where did the
author learn this fact ? Nothing is said of it in
Genesis.

Ver. 13. 'Axpf'i^Tiis. I render by " dissolute-
ness," as seems to be required by the context. Its
literal meaning is " uselessness." But a useless
life generally becomes something much worse than
that. Cf. a passage from Aulas Gellus in Steph-
ens' Thesaurus, under 6.xp^toi. Sophocles {Lex.,
ad voc.) would give it here the meaning of "lazi-
ness."

Ver. 14. Tarry witli thee, avKiaBiiTu. Lit.,
"remain over night."

Ver. 15. Drunkenness. Cf. Ezek. xxxix.
19; Joel i. 5; Hag. i. 6. — On (iv) thy journey.
Fritzsche would refer it to the journey of life.

But it is to be doubted whether this is the mean-
ing, since Tobit is addressing his son, who himself
is about to set out on a journey to Media.

Ver. 16. Envious. See ver. 7.

Ver. 17. On the burial of the just, lirX riv
Tacpov ru)v SiKaluv. Among the ancient Greeks
the meal at a burial was called Tii(()oj. See Horn.,
K, xxiii. 29; Od^s., iii. 309. Cf. Jos., Bel.
Jud., ii. 1, § 8. Fritzsche supposes that the cus-
tom of carrying food to the house of mourning is
meant — which on account of the presence of a
corpse had been defiled — that those who were
present as mourners might not suffer in their
necessarily prolonged absence from their own
homes. The force of the injunction would then
be that Tobias was to bring help and comfort to
the survivors in the case of the death of the
righteous. See Schenkel, Bib. Lex., art. " Be-
grabulss ; " and cf. Deut. xxvi. 14; Ezek. xxiv.
17; Hos. ix. 4; Ep. of Jer. ver. 32. There was
also a custom common among some nations of
carrying food in large quantities to the tomb
of the departed ; and it is not impossible that
this, rather than the above, is what is referred
to in our passage. See Ecclus. xxx. 18, in the
Greek text. The Jews may have adopted this
custom in some measure. So Bretsehueider on
Ecclus. xxx. 18. Grotius remarks : " Sepulio ali-
quo viro bono proximos ejus solare missis cibis et vino
Optimo. Via. Jer. xvi. 7. Nam apud sepulchra
efulari et facere 5oxa? iiriTa^iovs {convivia parenta-
lia) mos non fuit Hebrceorum." Hitzig agrees with
the latter statement in his Commentary on Jere-
miah, ad loc. Reusch ( Com., p. 49) maintains that,
if food was thus carried to the graves of the dead,
it was intended in no sense for the dead, but for
the living, especially the poor, quoting Menochiua
and referring to Calmet as holding the same opin-
ion. — Give not to the wicked, i. e., at the burial
of the wicked.

Ver. 2 1 . That we have become impoverished.
Cf. Judg. vi. 6 ; Ps. xxxiv. 10; 2 Cor. viii. 9.

Chapter V.

1 And Tobias answered and said to him,' Father, I will do all things which thou hast

2 commanded me. But how can I receive the money, seeing I know him not ? And ^

3 he gave him the handwriting, and said unto him. Seek thee a man who will ' go
with thee, and while I live ^ I will give him wages ; and go and receive the money.

4, 5 And '' he went to seek a man, and ^ found Raphael, who ' was an angel, and he
knew it not.' And he said unto him. Can I go with thee ^ to Eages in Media ? ^'' and

Vers. 1-5. — ' A. V. : T. then .... said (as 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). ' Then. 3 which may. « whiles I yet

live, and. " Therefore when. o he. ' that. The article is found before "Pocji., in III. 23. 64. 248. 248. Co. Aid
(flee Com.), .Junius properly renders, aliquem . , . . R. qui erat angetus. * A. V. : But (Junius sed} he knew not
> CaDst thou go with me (so 71. 108. 248. Co., Junius). ^^ omits in Media.

TOBIT. 131

6 knowest thou those places well ? To whom the angel said, I will go with thee, and I

7 know the way well ; and ^ I have lodged with our brother Gabael. And ^ Tobias

8 said unto him, Tarry for me, and I will tell my father.' And * he said unto him. Go,
and tarry not. And ' he went in and said to his father, Behold, I have found one
who ° will go with me. And he said, Call him unto me, that I may know of what

9 tribe he is, and whether he 5« ' a trusty man to go with thee. And ' he called him.

10 and he came in, and they saluted one another. And ' Tobit said unto him. Brother,

11 shew me of what tribe and family thou art. , To whom he said, Dost thou seek for
a tribe and " family, or a hired man to go with thy son ? And *^ Tobit said unto

12 him, I would know, brother, thy race^^ and name. Then he said, I am Azarias,

13 son ^' of Ananias the great, and of thy brethren. And he said to him," Thou art
welcome, brother ; and be not ^^ angry with me because I inquired ^* to know thy
tribe and thy family." And ^^ thou art my brother of a noble " and good stock, for
I became acquainted with ^ Ananias and Jonathas, tlie sons of the great Semei,^^
as we went together to Jerusalem to worship, and offered the first-born, and the
tenths of the fruits ; and they were not seduced with the error of our brethen ; my

14 brother, thou art of a good stock. But tell me, what wages shall I give thee ? a

15 drachma''^ a day, and what is needful for thee, as also for my°' son? And,^

16 moreover, if ye return safe and sound,^^ I will add something to thy wages. And
so they agreed.''' And he said ^ to Tobias, Prepare thyself for the journey, and
may you have ^ a good journey. And his son prepared the things ^ for the jour-
ney. And ^ his father said to him. Go thou with this " man, and God, who ^^
dwelleth in heaven, prosper your journey, and his angel"' keep you company.
And '^ they went forth both, and the young man's dog with them.

17 But Anna his mother wept, and said to Tobit, Why hast thou sent away our

18 son ? Is he not the staff of our hand, in going in and out before us ? Add not'*

19 money to money; but let it be a ransom for'" our child. For as the Lord hath

20 given us enough to live with, this sufficeth " us. And Tobit said " to her. Take no

21 care, my sister ; he shall return safe and sound,'^ and thine eyes shall see him. For
a good *" angel will keep him company, and his journey shall be prosperous, and

22 he shall return safe and sound." And she ceased " weeping.

Vers. 6-9. —1 A. v.: for (Or., /cai). 2 Then. » till I tell my father. Old Lat. (from MSS. Germ, and Reg.),

donee intrem, eta. Codd. III. 23. 44. 64. 71. oi. Co. Aid. read ^lov. * A. V. : Then. o So. « which. 'Then

... be (the word ttrrlv is supplied after maToi in III. 23. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). 8 So.

Vers. 10-12. — » A. V. : Then. i" or. " Then. ^ kindred. " the son (to yipos is found before 'Af. in 44.

68. 64. Co. Aid.) " Then Tobit said (Gr., koI elirei' airrcj; ; Toj/B. is added in 23. 44. etc., Co. Aid. Jun. ; twrf, omitted
in 44. 64. 106. Co. Aid.). ^^ be not now. i" hare inquired. ^^ Fritzsche states, in his critical apparatus, that II.
(with III. 65. 58. 64.) omits trov after ira-rplav. In II. crov is found, but dotted. " A. V. : for. ^^ an honest (for

KoKrti, III. 55. 68. 64 71., etc., with Co. Aid., have jaeyoAT);). 20 know (Gr., iTTeyviatTKov). ^x gons of that great Sa-
maias. The reading of II. is n§t (as Fritzsche states), with III., t^iieiav but Se/xe'oi/ ; text, ree., 'XefLet ; Old Lat. Semiia.

Vers. 14, 15. — 22 a_ y. : wilt thou a drachm. 23 and things necessary (58. 64. Co. Aid. omit aoi) as .... to my

own. 24 Yea, 25 omits and sound. The Greek word here used {vyt.oLvovre'i) means more than simple safety, and
may well be rendered by our common expression "safe and sound."

Ver. 16. — 2a A. v.: So they were well pleased (Gr., evSiKT/o-av). The sense obviously is that they accepted each
other's terms. 27 A. V. : Then said he. 28 (jod send you (Gr., evoSueeiijTe). It is a glaring fault of the A. V. that
in such instances it introduces without necessity the name of the divine being. 29 A. V. : And when his son had pre-
pared a« (/itnjs. ^ omits Kni. 3i g^id, Go . . . . this. Cod. II., with III. 44. 55. 58. 71., omits toutou. 32 a y. :
which. 83 the angel of God (so 64. Co. Aid. and Junius). ^4 po.

Ver. 18. — 85 ^, V. : Be not greedy to add. For apyvpiov rep apyvpita javj ^floitrat, lit. " let not money come to money,"
Grotius would read apyvpiov apo. viw ixtj tfiBatrai, non decuit pecuniam prcf^ferre JUio. Ilgen would substitute apyvpeli^,
"money chest," for the third word. But it is probable that the text is correct. 86 ^_ y. : as refuse in respect of (cf. Com.).

Vers. 19-22. — 87 A. V. : that which (Gr., (Ls) the Lord hath given us to live with doth sufiBce. The margin has : " So
long as God hath granted us to live, this is sufficient.'* 88 a. y. ; Then said T. 89 in safety. *o (Aegood.

" safe. ^ Then she made an end of.

Chaptee v.

Ver. 4. Baphael. This word, in the majority
of MSS., as will be seen, has not the article. The
sense is : a certain Raphael who was an angel, (See
Winer, p. 112.) The meaning of the word " Ra-
phael" is " divine healer."' Afterwards (ver. 12)
he describes himself as " Azarias, son of Ananias,"
the first word meaning "Jehovah helps." We
Aave in both words apparent evidence of the in-
tended symbolical character of the narrative.

Yer. 6. I have lodged with our brother
Gabael. Reusch justifies the deception here
practiced, on the ground that, as he had assumed,
as angel, a human character, — that of Azarias,
the son of Ananias, — in the impersonation of this
character he was obliged to speak and act as he
did. But this is simply supporting one deception
by another.

Ver. 8. There is no analogy to be found in the

182

THE APOCRYPHA.

canonical books for what is here related, that an
angel should accompany a man on Buch a jour-
ney.

Ver. 11. The answer of the anjjel is not with-
out point: "You are seeking a scrvimt, — what
has the matter of family to do witli itV He
seems reluctant to utter the untruth which the
questioning of Tobit at lust leads him to do.
But would the father have been any le^s ready to
intrust his son to the care of this person, if he
had known at first what he is afterwards supposed
to have known 1 In that case, it is true, the
story would have suffered. Some Eoman Catho-
lic commentators seek to excuse the supposed
angel's duplicity by referring to the case of Abra-
ham (Gen. XX. 12 ; xxii. 5). But if the circum-
stances of the two cases were in other respects
similar, we could hardly approve of an angel's
taking a fallible human creature (even though he
were a patriarch) as example.

Yer. 13. As we went together. For remarks
on the discrepancy of this passage with earlier
declarations of Tobit, see above, i. 6.

Ver. 14. 'Eao/iai . . . SiSivai. Such a con-
Btruction would be in Greek a barbarism. Fritzschc
explains by suppo'-ing that either SiS^vai was a slip
of the pen for SiSoiis, t)r that the writer gave faofxai
for tcTOL fioi. — A drachma a day. Among ihe
Jews and liomans in the New Testament times,
the drachma was equal to the denarius, whose
value was about fifteen cents.

Ver. 16. And the young man's dog with
them. It is not so easy to ."^ee why the dog is intro-
duced. It plays no important part in the narra-
tive. It is not again mentioned until the return
home (xi. 4). Wherever el.se the dog is spoken
of in the Apocry))hal books, it is with disrespect
(cf. Ecclus. xiii. 18; xxvi. 25). It is well known
that the animal was regarded as unclean by the
Jews (Is. Ixvi. 3) ; and the terms " dog," " dead

dog," etc., were often used as epithets of reproach
or of humility among them. In fact, this feeling
with respect to dogs has not yet died out in the
Orient. That the jiresent mention is no more
than a humorous addition to the story by some
later hand, it would be easy to credit were there
any external evidence in its support. According
to Winer (Realworterb., ad voc), dogs were seldom,
and not till a late period, kept for pleasure rather
than use, and then only exceptionally. He refers,
in addition to the present passage, to Matt. xv.
27, Cf. ffiarf, xxiii. 173; Of/^s., xvii. 309.

Ver. 18. 'This passage has given great diffi-
culty to commentators. But adopting the read-
ing, and giving it the translation above, seems on
the whole the best. It is supported by Sengel-
mann, Schleusner, Wahl, Fritzsche, and others.
In translating irepiif'Tifia "refuse" (cf. 1 Cor. iv.
13, 'filth"), the A. V. adopted the literal mean-
ing of the word. But it had also sometimes the
figurative meaning of "ransom," which certainly
agrees better with the context. In the LXX. at
Proverbs xxi. 18, we find mpiKaBapiia used to
render the Hebrew "irS, "ransom." " Tradunt
Suidas et alii GrcBci lexicographi sub h. v. : ' Atheni-
enses ad avertendas puhlicas calamitates guotannis
in mare prcecipitasse hominem scderatum, qui Posei-
dorii sacrijicii loco offerreinr ; hinr. apyvptov . . .
7repii//?j/io TOv iratSiou rifxijov y^voiro, [quasi) pmculum
Jiai Jilii nostri, i. e., pro servanda filii vita objectum
(-t coniemium nobis sit.' " Grimm, N. T. Lex., ad
voc. Sophocles {Lex., ad voc.) gives '* ransom " as
the original meaning of the word, referring to the
present passage ; and " offscouring " as a second-
ary signification. The A. V. has in the margin :
" Gr., Let not money be added, but be the offscouring
of our son,"

Ver. 20. Sister. Like "brother," simply an
expression of tenderness, of which usage this
book furnishes several examples.

Chapter VI.

1 And as they went on their journey, they came in the evfining to the river Ti-

2 gris, and they lodged there. And ^ the young man went down to wash himself,

3 and ^ a fish leaped out of the river, and would have devoured him. And * the
angel said unto him, Lay hold of "* the fish. And the young man mastered the fish

4 and cast it upon the ' land. And the angel said to him," Open the fish, and take

5 the heart and the liver and the gall, and put them up safely. And ' the young
man did as the angel commanded him ; and having roasted the fish, they ate* it.

6 And" tliey both went on their way, till they drew near to Ecbatana." And" the
young man said to the angel, Brother Azarias, for what is '- the heart and the liver

7 and the gall of the fish ? And he said unto him, 7oiic/iing the heart and the liver, if
a demon '^ or an evil spirit trouble any one, he " must make a smoke thereof before

8 the man or the woman, and he will ^'' be no more " vexed. And as for " the o-all,
it is good to anoint a man that hath white spots " in Ms eyes, and he shall be
healed.

9, 10 And when they drew^° near to Rages, the angel said to the young man,

• laid hold of (Gr.,

Vers. 2-4. — 1 A. v.: And when. " omits and. " Then. « Talte (Gr., imXafiov).

iKpdrrja-e) the fish and drew it to (mjirg., cast it vpon, av^fiaXev). o To whom the angel said.

Vers. 5-7. —' A. V. : So. = when i}hey had .... did cat. » then. •" Ecbatane.

after eius, is omitted in II. III. 44. 65. 74., and by Fritzsche. " Then. '2 to what use is (Gr., ti eerT-iv). 's devil.
» any, we. '^ the party shall. i» For (iTiiteVi, II. 65. have ou |u^it. ; 64. 243. Aid., oi. |l.^ In j III. 23. 58. 71. ovmt".

The o5 ol the text, rec.

Vers. 8,9.-

•" A. V. : As for {ii is omitted by 44. 107. Jun.). " whiteness.

TOBIT.

133

Brother, to-day we shall lodge with Raguel, who is thy kinsman ; ^ he also hath

11 a ' daughter, named Sarra ; ' I will speak concerning* her, that she may be given
thee for a wife, for to thee doth the inheritance ^ of her fall,' and thou art the only

12 one of her race;' and the maid is fair and intelligent.' And now° hear me,
and I will speak to her father ; and when we return ■'° from Rages we will celebrate
the marriage ; for I know that Raguel cannot marry her to another according to
the law of Moses, or ^■' he will '^ be exposed to ^' death, because it is fitting that

13 thou shouldst receive the inheritance rather than any other person.-"* Then the
young man answered the angel, I have heard, brother Azarias, that this maid hath

14 been given to seven men and that they-'* all died in the marriage chamber. And
now I am the only son of my father, and I am afraid, lest, if I enter il, I die,-"
as also the former ones ; " for a demon ^' loveth her, who ^^ hurteth nobody but
those who approach her. And now I ^ fear lest I die, and bring my father's and
my mother's life, because of me, to their ^^ grave with sorrow ; and ^ they have no

15 other son to bury them. But '^ the angel said unto him, Dost thou not remember
the precepts which thy father gave thee, that thou shouldst marry a wife of thy
race ^* ? And now "^^ hear me, O mij brother, for she shall be thy ^* wife ; and
make no account ^' of the evil spirit, for this night ^° shall she be given thee in

1 6 marriage. And when thou enterest ^ into the marriage chamber, thou shalt take
the ashes of incense,'" and shalt lay upon them some of the heart and liver of the

17 fish, and shalt make a smoke with it. And the demon will ^^ smell it, and flee
awqy, and never come again.'^ But when thou comest '^ to her, rise up both of
you, a,nd pray to God who is merciful, who will save you, and have pity on you '*.
Fear not, for she was '^ appointed unto thee from the beginning ; and thou shalt
preserve her, and she shall go with thee ; and '" I suppose that she wiU ^' bear thee
children. And ^ when Tobias had heard these things, he loved her, and his heart
was exceedingly attached ^ to her.

Ver. 10, — ' A. V. : cousin. ^ one only. The Codd. in. 23. 68. 64. etc., with Co. Aid., add (loroYex^s to SvyaTTjp.

' A. V. : Sara.

Ver. 11. — * A. V. : for (we omit ko.1 before ort, with H. III. 23. 66. 68. 64. 71.). = for ... . right (marg., inher-
itance). 8 appertain (Gr., eirt/iaAAet). ^ seeing thou only art of her kindred ; Junius: quia tu solus es ex genere illius.

Vers. 12, 13. — ^ X.y,: wise. ^ now therefore. ^'^ Cod. II. has viroirTpiij/Mney . . . n-ot^o-w^ei' instead of the

future. '1 A. V. : but ; Cod. II. substitutes icai for ■^. " A. V. : shall. '= guilty of. " the right of inheritance
doth rather appertain to thee than to any other (cf. the Greek). ^^ who.

Ver. 14. — ^^ A, V. : go in unto her, I die. ^^ as the other before (Qr., ot irporepoi ; 58. 64. 243. 248 Co. Aid,, ol
irpdrepOK). " wicked spirit. i' which. »» which come unto her : wherefore I also. " the (Gr., auTii.). ^^ for.

Vers. 16, 16. — "3 A. V. : Then. " thine own kindred. =^ wherefore (Jun., er^o). =" j roen thee to (Gr., o-ol

eirrai e'l! yvvaliea). 27 reckoning. "8 game (Jun., ipsa) night. ™ shalt come. =» perfume.

Ver. 17. — ^^ A. V. : devil shall. ^^ again any more (Jun., negue amplius). 83 ghalt come. ^ which is ... .
have pity on yo« and save you. ^'^ is. sa Moreover. "shall. ss jjow. so effectually (marg., vehemently)
joined Cod. III. has KeKo^Aijro (for ckoAA^Stj) omitting the following auT^j.

Chaptek VI.

if it were a fancy, for our Tobias to indulge 1
We would have given him credit for more .sense
after all his previous travels.

Ver. 5. l)id thej- eat the whole fish? Sengcl-
mann quotes Dale {De Orig. Idol., p. 167) as
follows : " Quern si totum. devorarunt, videntur sane
faisse homines perquam voraces ac gulosi, saltern
junior ilk Tobias, si praitensus iste angelus recera
nil inde comedit, quod exserte de se ipso testatur, xii.
19." In the Chaldaic text the matter is other-
wise represented: "And Tobiyyah ran to the
river to wash his feet, and a fish came .suddenly
out of the river, and devoured the young man's
bread, and the young man cried out. Raphael
said to him : 'Take the fish, and do not let it go.'
And he laid hold of the fish, and drew it to land.
.... So Tobiyyah did, and took out the heart
and the gall, and roasted the fish, and ate, and he
left the remainder on the road." See text in Neu-
bauer, xx.xv., xxxvi.

Vers. 7, 8. According to the Commentary of
Dereser (Scholz), the angel here speaks simply in
harmony with the ideas of that tim,e. But it is a

Ver. 1. To tlie river Tigris. Nineveh, from
which they started, lay on the Tigris. With what
propriety, then, this statement? Fritzsche con-
jectures that an arm of the Tigris, Zah, is meant,
and refers to Xenophon {Anab., ii. 5) and Herod-
otus (v. 52) in its support. Eeusch, however,
holds that there is no need of such a theory, in-
asmuch as the place where they lived may have
not been directly on the river ; or, if it was, that
they may have left it for a time, and then come
back to it again.

Vers. 2, 3. This is certainly a reraarknble fish !
It springs out of the river to catch and swallow
this young man of marriageable age, and yet is
caught, apparently with the bands, by this same
young man, and flung ashore. Why should it
not be relegated to the collection of other so-
called " fish stories " ? Welte, whose opinion
Reusch sanctions, says in explanation (Einleit.,
■p. 90), that it is only the young man's notioii that
the fish sought to swallow him ; and that it is not
%% ail intimated that the fish could have swallowed
turn. But would it not be a singular fancy, even

134 THE APOCBYPHA.

justification which they would probahly regard as
far from suflScient if it were to be move widely
applied: as, for instance, to what our Saviour
says of demoniacal possessions. With respect to
the fact that the gall of fishes and of various
animals was in Persia and Arabia extensively
used for diseases of the eyes, there is no doubt.
In the Mission's Magazine (Basle, 1837, p. 597) it

(Numb, xxxvi. 6-9), the daughter who was an
heir was obliged to marry within her tribe. But
that the father was to be condemned to death in
case she did not, is nowhere enjoined.

Ver. 14. This doctrine of the possibility of
spirits having bodies and senses, and falling in
love with the beautiful daughters of men, was by
no means uncommon even in the early Christian

is reported by a Mr. Wolf that blindness caused church. Cf. Augustine, De Civit. Dei, c. 23.
by iiifiammation of the eyes is still often cured in Ver. 15. How the angel, who was not present

Persia by use of the gall of animals. at the time these words were spoken, canie to the

Ver. 9. Eages. This cannot be the Rages knowledge of them, it is not said. If it is meant

mentioned in other parts of the Book of Tobit to be represented that it was through his super

(i. 14; V. 5 ; vi. 9, 12). Fritzsche thinks it must
have been a place in the vicinity of Ecbatana.
Others (Ilgen) suppose that the text is corrupt.
Meanwhile, the difference in the form of the word
'Pdyn as here found from the usual 'Pa^oi is to be
noticed. The Hebrew (Miinster) and the Chal-
daic substitute for it Ecbatana.

Ver. 12. According to the law of Moses

human knowledge, it is singular that the young
man takes no notice of the fact.

Ver. 16. On the methods nsed in his time for
the exorcism of demons, see the singular account
of Josephus {Anliq., viii. 2, § 5). Cf. also the
Introduction to the present book, under " Doc-
trinal Teaching," p. 118, and the various authori-
ties there cited.

Chapter VII.

1 And when he reached Ecbatana, he came to the house of Raguel. And Sarra
also met him ; and saluted him and he her ; and ^ she brought them into the house.

2 And Raguel said - to Edna his wife, How like is this young man to Tobit my

3 cousin ! And Raguel asked them, From whence are you, brethren ? And they

4 said to him,* We are of the sons of Nephthali,'' who are ^ captives in Nineve. And *
he said to them, Do you know Tobit our kinsman ? And they said. We know him.

5 And he said to them,' Is he in good health ? And they said. He is both alive, and

6 in good health ; and Tobias said. He is my father. And ' Raguel leaped up, and

7 kissed him, and wept, and blessed him, and said unto him. Thou art the son of a
noble and good man. And on hearing * that Tobit was blind, he was sorrowful, and

8 wept. And likewise Edna his wife and Sarra ^^ his daughter wept. Moreover
they entertained them cheerfully ; and after they had killed a ram of the flock, they
set an abundance of food ■'' on the table. And Tobias said ^^ to Raphael, Brother
Azarias, speak of those things of which thou didst talk on the way, and let this busi-

9 ness be dispatched. And ^' he communicated the matter to " Raguel. And
10 Raguel said to Tobias, Eat, drink,'* and be merry,'" for it is meet that thou

shouldest marry my daughter. Nevertheless I will declare unto thee the truth.

Ill have given my daughter in marriage to seven men, who died in the " night they

came in unto her ; nevertheless for the present be merry. And ^* Tobias said I will

12 eat nothing here, till we agree and swear one to another. And Raguel said. Take
her from henceforth according to the law ; '^ moreover ^ thou art her brother ^
and she is thy sister,'"'' and the merciful God will ^^ give you the highest prosperity."*

13 And ^ he called his daughter Sarra,"" and he took her by the hand, and gave her to

Ver. 1. — ^ A. V. : And when they were come to E., they came to the house of R. ; and Sara met them : and after
that they had saluted one another. The verhs in the first two clauses are put in the plural in III. 23. 58. 64. 71. 74.,
etc., with Co. and Aid. The Bame authorities, in general, have aiirois for avTM in the next clause. The Kai hefore
'S.dppa is al.'io omitted by them. The want of clearness in the thought of the last part of the verse has caused consider-
able variation in the MSS. For the reading awrbs auTTjc, are 56. 108. Syr. ; for aurol avTTJv, III. 23, 58. 64. etc., with Co.
and Aid. The text, tec, has aurbs aiiTouy.

Vers. 2-7. — ^ A. V. ; Then said K. "PayouiiX is omitted in II. III. 56. * To whom they said. * Cod. II. has

hero Ne(|)0aAet, although in all other places Ne<|iaA6i/x. " winch arc. '^ Then. ' Then said he. 8 Then (Jun.,
TuTn). " honest and good man. But (Jun., vero) when he heard.

Vers. 8-11. — w A. V. : Sara. ^ store of meat. « Then said T. " in the way .... So. " with. " and
drink (so 65. 58. 71 74. 76. 243. Co. Aid. and Jun.). ^^ make (Gr., yivov) merry; cf. verse 11. i^ A. V. : that (Gr.,
UTrb TTjr vvKTa). A second hand has corrected in II. the word aTre'0(T]trKoc to aiTi;6v^iTK0(ra.v (with III. 64. 243. Aid.) and
this Cod. omits the article before wKTa. 18 A. V. : But (Jun., licro) .... another. R. said, Then.

Ver. 12. — i" A V. : manner (marg., /ati>; Gr., ttji/ Kpi'trii' , see Com.). 20 for (5e ; it is omitted in III. 248. 249. Co.).
21 cousin. 22 thine. 23 omits will. 21 good success in all things (Gr., euoSwo-ei u^ir ra KoAAnrra). See Ctnn.

Ver. 13. — 2s A. V. 1 Then. se gara ; and she came to her father. We have, with Fritzsche, omitted this added

clause, as wanting in most of the better authorities. It is found in 23. 64. 248. 248. Co. Aid. Jun., and the Greek
Bibles of 1546 (Basle) and 1697 (Frankfort).

TOBIT.

135

be wife to Tobias, saying, Behold, take her after the law of Moses, and lead her

14 away to thy father. And he blessed them. And he ^ called Edna his wife, and

15 took paper, and wrote a covenant ; ^ and they ^ sealed it. And ^ they began to eat.

16 And' Raguel called his wife Edna, and said unto her, Sister, prepare the other"

17 chamber, and bring her into it.' And she did ° as he had bidden her, and °
brought her in thither ; and she wept ; and she received " the tears of her daugh-

18 ter, and said unto her. Be of good comfort, my child ; the Lord of heaven and
earth give thee joy *^ for this thy sorrow ; be of good comfort, my daughter.

Ter. 14. — ^ A. V.: OTnits he. ^ did write an instrument of covenants (Gr., eypa^e trvyypatftijv). ^ he. For

ia^ayicraTo II. 56. 108. give the plural, which is probably the correct form, and is adopted by Fritzsche,

Vers. 15, 16. — < A. V. l Then (so J un. ; xai Tore, 106; et ex ilia hora, etc., Old Lat. from MSS. Reg. and derm.).
» A. V. : After {Postea, Jun.). » another (Gr., to eVepov ; see Com.). ' in thither.

Ver. 17. — 8 A. V. ; Which when she had done. " she. i" her thither .... received. Do Wette renders

" wiped away ; " but that, as Fritzsche remarks, would require oLn-e/ia^aTo for aireSe'faTo. In the margin of the ed. of
1611 the alternative rendering is " licked.'* The two Old Latin MSS., Rfig. and Germ., read : et extersit lacrymas.

Ver. 18. — " A. V. : my daughter .... joy. Instead of X^P'"! 108. 243. 248. Co. Aid. ofEer xapai- j Junius, Ixti-
tiam pro tristitia.

Chapteh vn.

Ver. 2. Baguel, "friend of God;" Edna,
" delight."

Ver. 5. The Syriac and Vulgate omit what is
here said with respect to Tobit's health, probably
on account of his blindness.

Ver. 6. Raguel's weeping for joy and weeping
for sorrow follow each other pretty closely. See
following verse.

Ver. 7. 'O ToS Ka\ov, etc. The nominative for
the vocative, as in the classics. Cf. Winer, p.
182 ; Buttmann, p. 140.

Ver. 8. "EBva-av Kpihv TTpoPdruv. This verb
has obviously here a derived meaning. The He-
brew word n^l, however, whose first meaning is
to slaughter, is generally rendered by Bvai and
eua-idC" in the LXX. This may have led Bret-
schneider to f;ive macto as the original meaning
of the Greek verb in his Lexicon of the New
Testament. But in classical Greek the meaning
to sacrifice is the original. Of. Lexicons of Grimm,
Hobinaon, and others. — Tlien said Tobias to
Eaphael. According to the Itala, Vulgate, Chal-
didc, and Hebrew of Miinster, it is Tobias who
introduces the subject of a marriage with Sarra.
But the Greek is not only in much better taste,
but coiTBsponds better with the supposed relation
of Raphael to the young man.

Ver. U. "Emr &i/ a-T-ntrriTf Koi o-Ta9iJTE wp6s fie
(cf. 1 Mace. xiii. 38 : oa-a ea-T-fiKafiiV irphs u/iSs
eo-Tij/te). The verb may here have the nieaning
of promise : until you have promised m.e (i. e., to
give Sarra as wife), and confirmed it. Others sup-
ply ouT^y with o-T^a-jjTE, and refer o-TaS^Te to the
position which the parents took at the betrothal :
till you. have placed her and yourselves stand before
me. So De Wette, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk.

Ver. 12. According to the law, Karh tV
Kpiatv (cf. ver. 12, kot4 rhv vifiov M. ; and ver. 13).
The former expression occurs in the LXX. at

Neh. viii. 18 (A. V., " according to the manner ").
It is also found in the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxv.
13, as the rendering of IDQttJp. Th, KdWurra, the
highest prosperity. The adjective is used ad-
verbially. Cf. Winer, p. 463 ; Buttmann, p. 82 ff.
Fritzsche thinks that the figure called brachy-
logy is employed, and would render : " And the
merciful God will conduct you well, and give you
the highest good (das SchSnste, Beste)."

Ver. 13. On the general subject of_ marriage
in the Orient and the various ceremonies attend-
ing it, see an excellent article in Smith's Bib.
Diet., ad voc. ; and Van Lennep, Bib. Lands, pp.
548-554.

Ver. 14. A covenant, ao-yypaip^v. The con-
tract was always witnessed and signed. Both the
Hebrew texts here make mention of the presence
of witnesses. The Chaldaic runs : " And Keuel
called Ednah, his wife, to bring paper to write
thereon the deed of marriage to his daughter, and
she did so ; and they wrote the deed, and wit-
nesses signed it;." According to Friizsche, writ-
ten marriage contracts are of late date among the
Jews. He claims that this passage is the oldest
example of such a practice.

Ver. 16. Tf) irepov rafieiov. Probably some
room other than the ordinary one is meant. Sen-
gelmann takes Tct/tfior in the sense of edKa/j-os,
bridechamber, and thinks that a room different
from the one which had been previously used for
this purpose was selected.

Ver. 17. And she wept, i. e., Sarra wept. See
next clause. The Chaldaic, however, runs : " And
Ednah embraced her daughter Sarah, and wept,
saying, My daughter, may the God of heaven
show kindness to thee tins night, and watch over
thee, and give thee joy for the sorrow thou hast
had in time past." See also ad loc, our transla-
tion of text B. as found below.

Chapter VIII.

1. 2 And when they had supped, they brought Tobias m unto her. And as he
went, he remembered the words of Raphael, and took the ashes of the incense, and

Vers. 2. — ' A. v. : perfumes.

ae

THE APOCRYPHA.

put the heart and the liver of the fish thereon,'' and ^ made a smoke therewith.

3 And when the demon smelled the stench," he fled into * the upper parts ^ of Egypt,

4 and the angel bound him. And when ^ they were both shut in together, Tobias
rose from the bed, and said, Sister, arise, and let us pray that the Lord may ' have

5 pity on us. And Tobias began * to say, Blessed art thou, O God of our fathers,
and blessed is thy holy and glorious name forever ; let the heavens bless thee, and

6 all thy creatures. Thou madest Adam, and gavest him Eve his wife for a helper
and stay ; from them sprang the race of men.' Thou hast said. It is not good

7 that man should be alone ; let us make for '" him a helper '■' like unto himself.
And now, 0 Lord, I take not this m}^ sister for lust, but uprightly ; let me find

8, 9 mercy and with her reach old age.^'^ And she said with him, Amen. And ^'

they slept both through the night.''''
10 And Eaguel arose, and went and made a grave, saying. This one also, is most
11, 12 likely'^ dead. And Raguel went^* into his house, and" said unto his wife

Edna, Send one of the maids, and let her see '^ whether he be alive ; and " if he he

13 not, that we may bury him, and no man know it. And ^° the maid opened the door,

14 and went in, and found them both asleep. And she^-' came forth and told them that

15 he was alive. And ^^ Eaguel praised God, and said, 0 God, thou art worthy to be
praised with all pure and holy praise ; and '^ let thy saints praise thee with all thy

16 creatures ; and let all '^* thine angels and thine elect praise thee for ever. Thou art
to be praised, for thou hast made me joyful ; and it has not happened to me as I sus-

17 pected ; but thou hast dealt with us ^ according to thy great mercy. Thou art to be

18 praised because thou hast had mercy on two only-begotten children.^^ Grant them
mercy, O Lord, and finish their life in health with joy and mercy. And he

19 bade his servants filP' the grave. And he made for them a^' wedding feast of ^

20 fourteen days. And '*" before the days of the wedding ^' were finished, Eaguel said *^
unto him by an oath, that he should not depart till the fourteen days of the wed-

21 ding '' were expired ; and that then he should take half his goods, and go in health '^
to his father : and the rest "■* when I and my wife are ^ dead.

Vers. 2, 3. — i A. V. : thereupon. 2 The Kal before eKoin-i'io-ei' is omitted in III. 64. 243. Aid. ^ A. V. : The which
Bmell when the evil spirit had smelled. ^ After fiftvycv cws is inserted before eU by III. 58. * A. V. : utmost
parts (Gr., ra acujTaTa).

Vers. 4-6. — " A. V. : And after that. ' out of the bed . . . that God (8505, 23. 71. 74. 76. 108. 236.) would.

* Then began T. ^ of them came mankind (Gr , c»c roihtov iyeyriOri to av9pia7rtov tnTepfui). 10 unto. 11 an aid

(the same word in the Greek is rendered " helper '" in the previous verse).

Vers. 7-11. — 1' A. V. : tlure/ore mercifully ordain that we may become aged together (Gr., ImTnlov IXeijo-iii (le, etc.)
I have rendered freely, but this seems to be the force of iwiratro-io here. "S So. " that (Gr., ttji' jninTa) night

« I fear lest he also (Gr., ni itoi oStos) be i" But when R. was come. " he.

Ver. 12. — " The reading WeTcuo-a;/, of the text. rec. (also of II. I is found as iierut in 108. 236. 248. Co., and as y^uto)
in III. 68. 64. and others, both of which latter are doubtless corrections, although the plural was first written through
oversight, the last word, and not (iior, having been in mind. i» A. V. 07nits and.

Vers. 13-17.— 20 A. v.: So. " omils she. 2= Then. » therefore (Gr., <cai). 2* The ko; before irai^K is
omitted by II. 65. 74. '•> A. V. : that is not come to me which (Gr,, oi« iydverd fioi itaetis) .... hast dealt with me
(Gr., ^€0' fifiCiv). 20 of two that were the only-begotten children of their fathers.

Vers. 18-21. —" A. V. : Then Ra^uel .... to fill. ^ he kept the (Gr., i-^oir,o-e„ avrot! yiiJ-ov). ^ omits of.

»• for (Gr., «ai). 31 marriage. "' R. had said. '3 and then .... the half of .... in safety. m skotdd have
the rest. 35 he.

Chapter VIII.

Ver. 2. The ashes of the incense (A. V:
"perfumes"). The article is here used, though
not in vi. 16. The Orientals make great use of
perfumes. The Hebrews employed for this pur-
pose spices imported from Arabia, or aromatic
plants which grew in Palestine. These plants
were sometimes worn in their natural state about
the person (Cant. i. 13) ; or boiled down, and
mi.xed with oil (.Jidiu xii. 3) ; or reduced to a
powder, which might be carried in a smelling
bottle (Is. iii. 24) ; or u-.ed for fumigation (Cant,
iii. 6). Cf. Smith's Bih. Diet., art. ■' Perfnmcs."
The object in the present case, however, was not
to make a pleasant impression on the demon, but
a disagreeable one. It is better, therefore, to
translate Bu/xiafitiTtcv incense. A fearful smell
must indeed have been caused by burning the

half-decayed heart and liver of the fish in the
manner described. The wonder is that it did not
drive the young Tobias and his bride away, as
well as the demon !

Ver. 3. Upper parts of Egypt. This place
is mentioned because, on account of its desolate-
ness, it was supposed to be the peculiar resort of
the demoniacal powers. Cf. Matt. xii. 43 ; Rev.
xviii. 2, with the introduction to the present book
by Sengelmann, sect. 3. But what is to be under-
stood by the binding? Welte (Einleit., p. 94)
says it is not to be taken literally ; that the limita-
tion of his power over Tobias aloue is meant to
be indicated. But Friizsche properly character-
izes this opinion of Welte as gross arbitrariness.
Undoubtedly, the binding is to be taken literally,
as much as the remaining portion of the narra-

TOBIT.

137

tive. Some Roman Catholic commentators, how-
ever, refjard the whole transaction as symbolical,
or consider the outward means used for the ex-
orcism simply as a, medium for the exercise of
supernatural power on the part of the angel, and
as having no special virtue in and of themselves.
It is represented in the Vulyate that the angel
made the passage through the ai)-, from Ecbatana
to Upper Egypt, with the demon, in one night,
and bound him there so fast that he was never
more able to leive the region. According to
HM. and the Chaldaic the smoke was made
" under Sarah's garments," which would seem to
carrv the idea that the demon was wholly invisl-
Ue.

Vers. 5-9. The relation between husband and
wife, as here represented, is worthy of attention
as indicating the general views of the period
among the Jews touching this subject. Cramer
says, that the description of the mutual relation
of husband and wife in our hook appears to be
based on the principle that the marriage relation
was to be inspired more by a pure, sincere, and
hearty brotherly and sisterly affection than by
mere sexual passion ; that often Tobias is named
the brother of his wife, and Sara the sister of tier
husband. See Moral der Apoc, p. 194 f. But
it is also to be remembered that these words
"brotlier" and "sister" were favorite expressions
of endearment in other relationships as well, and
that in the case before us the exigencies of the
story demanded a more than ordinary control of
the sexual impulse, and, at the same time, would
naturally require unusual expressions of attach-
ment from persons so peculiarly situated. In
another part of the book (ii. 12-14) We find that
there were also at that time at least some ex-
ceptions to the general prevalence of domestic
felicity.

Ver. 8. And she said with him, Amen. It was
the custom in the early Christian church also, in

public prayer, for all those assembled to unite in
the closing Amen.

Ver. 9. Arose, and went and made a grave.
The account of Raguel's conduct with respect to
the grave here, and in verse 18, has a suspicious
appearance. Had he buried the seven unfortu-
nate previous husbands in this clandestine man-
ner "! He does not wish that any man should
know it, if he is obliged to bury Tobias in the
grave that he has made. Yet he allows the ser-
vants to fill it up, and they must have known for
what it was intended. Cf . art. " Burial " in
Smith's Bib. Diet. In the Chaldaic the matter is
somewh.at differently represented ; " Now it came
to pass in the middle of 'the night that Reuel
arose, and bade his servants dig a grave in the
night, saying to them, ' If the young man die, W9
will bury him in the night, so that no man know
it, and there will be no reproach to us.' ....
Then his servants came, and he said to them,
' Cover the grave before any man perceive it.'"

Ver. 19. Made for them a wedding feast of
fourteen days, i.e., double the usual time. Cf.
Gen. xxix. 27 ; Judg. xiv. 12 ; and xi. 19 of the
present book.

Ver. 20. Before the days of the marriage
were finished. It would seem from ix. 1-6 to have
been near the beginning of the marriage festival.
— Mil i^fXSely. The infinitive involves the idea
of permission. He would not be permitted to
depart. Cf. Phil. iii. 16, and Winer, p. 316. So
Buttmann, p. 273 : " And that consequently the
simple infinitive often includes the idea of obliga-
tion, necessilij, permission. This is especially the
case alter such predicates as contain a wish, re-
quest, or summons," etc. This usage is well
known in classic Greek.

Ver. 21. When I and my wife are dead.
The change from the direct to the indirect address
is also common in the classics and the New Testa-
ment. See Winer, pp. 545, 379 ; Buttmann, p. 385.

Chaptek I!X.

1, 2 And ^ Tobias called Raphael, and said unto him, Brother Azarias, take with
thee a servant, and two camels, and go to Rages of Media to Gabael, and bring me

3 the money, and bring him to me ^ to the wedding, for Raguel hath sworn that I

4 shall not depart. And ' my father counteth the days ; and if I tarry long, he will

5 be sorely distressed.'* And ^ Raphael went on his way,' and lodged with Gabael,
and gave him the written document ; ' and he ' brought forth the ° bags which were

6 sealed up, and gave them to him. And early in the morning they went forth to-
gether,^" and came to the wedding. And Tobias blessed " his wife.

Vers. 1, 2. —1 A. V. : Then. ' omits to me. The pronoun is wanting in III. 23. 65. 58. 64. 60. Aid. Old tat.

Vera.4, 5. — 8 A. V. : But. < Tery sorry (Gr., oSvnifl^VeraiAiav). For (.eya (after xp<"''<r<» " tarry long,") 68. 64.
71. 108:288. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. have neyoAojs. See Com. « A. V. : So. » out {Qr., lnoiKV»ri). 'handwriting
(iKt. something written with the hand). ^ who. ^ omits the.

Ver. 6. i» A. V. ! both together (Gr., simply Kotv&s). " For tv\6yif)<re 23. 71. 74. 76. 108. have ifiUicia^ (was well
pleased witk) which is doubtless a gloss, but gives the real meaning of the former word. C(. Com. The Old Latin
omits this clftuse, but adds considerable new matter as follows : " Et invenit Oabelus Thobiam discumbentem : et ex-
silivit, et salutavit, et osculatus est eum : et lacrymatus est Gabelus, et benedixit Deum, dicens : Benediotus Dominus
Sui dedit tibi pacem, bone et optime vir, quoniam boni et optiffli et jasti viri, eleemosynas facientis. Alius es : et bene-
UctuS tu, fill. Det tibi benediotionem Dominus cfflli, et uxori tuss, et patri et matri uxoris tuss : «t benedictus Deiis,
luolriam Tideo Thobi consabrini mel similem." Cf. th« translation of the Sin. MS. which follows.

138

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter IX.

Ver. 2. Tlopeiev^i ip 'Pdyois. We have iv for
Eis. See Winer, p. 413 f. ; Buttmann, p. 333. —
The distance was two hundred miles. But one
receives the impression from the narrative that it
was made by the angel in one day, and that on
the following duy he returned with Gabael. And,
even supposing that several days elapsed, they
could not have been many, as it is evident the
journey was made well within the time allotted to
the marriage festival. The Old Latin (v. 8)
distinctly designates the journey as one of two
days : " Et est iter bidSi ex Bat/mnis, usque Rages
civitatem Phagar, quce posita est in monte." The
Vulgate at this point has seemed to think it neces-
sary that Tobias should recognize the value of
his guide's services thus far, and adds: " Were I
to make myself your slave, I could not sufficiently
repay your care for me." But is not the young
man wanting in ordinary discrimination not to
see in his attendant something more than a mere
man?

Ver. 4. Meya, long. The neuter singular, as

well as the plural, of this adjective, in place of the
adverb ixeydXoK, occurs also in classical Greek.

Ver. 6. And Tobias blessed liis wife. Most
commentators think the text is corrupt. Some
find in ev\6yTtae the idea of eUXoxos, and translate
by gravidam fecit. (Badwell and the Geneva ver-
sion.) Others would read k<x! eiiKSyna-^ Ta0iav Ka!
riiv yvvaiKO. amov, i.e., Gabael blessed Tobias and
his wife. This was a conjecture of Junius (" Et
benedixit ( Gebahhel) Tobijce et uxori ejus "), and ia
found in the margin of the version of 1611. It is
an interesting fact that this particular word in the
later Greek had the technical meaning of " to
marry," as used of the priest who performed the
ceremony. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. The ren-
dering we find in the A. V., however, is perhaps
best in harmony with the context, if the expres-
sion is considered as a sort of conclusion to the
wedding festivities. Tobias felt happy in the
possession of such a wife, and gave a correspond-
ing expression to his feelings.

Chapter X.

1 And ^ Tobit his father counted every day. And when the days for ^ the journey

2 had ' expired, and he ■* came not, he " said. Are they perhaps ° detained ? or is Ga-
8 bael possibly ' dead, and there is no man to give him the money ? And he was very

4 sorrowful.' But " his wife said to him. The child ^^ is dead, since he stayeth

5 so long.^' And she began to bewail him, and said. Thou art a source of care to

6 me,^^ my son, because ■'* I have let thee go, the light of mine eyes. And Tobit said

7 to her," Hold thy peace, take no care, for he is safe. And she said to him, ^^ Hold
thy peace, and deceive me not ; my son is dead. And she went out every day into
the way which he departed,^" and did eat no food in " the day-time, and ceased not
nights " to bewail her son Tobias, until the fourteen days of the wedding were ex-
pired, which Raguel had sworn that he should spend there.

But '* Tobias said to Raguel, Let me go, for my father and my mother look no

8 more to see me. But his father-in-law said unto him, Tarry with me, and I wiU
send to thy father, and they shall make known ^ unto him how things go with thee.

9, 10 And ^1 Tobias said, Let ^^ me go to my father. And^^ Raguel arose, and gave

11 him S.arra ^^ his wife, and half Ms goods, servants, and cattle, and money ; and he
blessed them, and sent them away, saying. The God of heaven give you a blessing

12 before I die,^* my children. And he said to his daughter, Honor thy father and thy
mother-in-law, who ^^ are now thy parents, that I may hear good report of thee.
And he kissed her. Edna also said to Tobias, The Lord of heaven bring thee back "

* they. For ikoyCraTo — ^pxero III. 23. 56. 68. 64. and some others

Ver. 1. — 1 A. v. ; Now.' ' of. ^ were,
with Co. and Aid. have eXoyifero ^ rfpxovTo.

Ver. 2. — 0 A. V. : Then Tobit (so 68., etc., with Co. Aid.). « omils perhaps (Gr., ^^:roTj .aWcTxij^rai, the latter
word being a conjecture oi Ilgen, is adopted by Tritzsche — Old Lat., numquid detmtus est Thobias — for Karntnivvriu. :
see Com.). ' omits possibly.

Vers. 3-6. — » A. V. : Therefore he was very sorry. » Then. lo My son (Or., rb iraMov). " Beeing{Gr

«ioTi ; St., 248. Co.) he stayeth long. " Now I care for nothing. We have adopted, with Pritzsche, the anggestion

of Dmsius, en/ (ieA.ei (for oi (xeAei.). Sengelmann would read oi for oi ; Vulg., heu. Of. Com. is A. V. : since

Vers. 6-8. — " A. V. : To whom T. said (.Jun., cui dixit Tobit). i» But she said. i« they went " meat on

» whole nights. In III. 64. 108. 243. 248. Co. and Aid. SA„ is found after v<,kt^, ; Old lat. tola node, and adds « non
dormiebat. » a. V. : Then. 20 his (ai™ is added by HI. 28. 66. 68. 64. 74. al. Co. Aid.) father-in-law declare

Ver.9. — M A. V. : But. 22 No : but let. Cod. II. (as a correction) as well as III. 23. 65. 64. 71. with Co and Aid"
have ovxi before iiaiv6oT. (Co. and Aid. also a\Ki), but it seems bettor, with Jritzsohe, to reject both as later additions

Vers. 10-12. -23 A. V : Then (Or., J,). 24 g^ra. 25 » prosperous journey (Or., cioSulcret, but, as the context

shows, not to be literally rendered) ; omits " before I die," and adds it improperly in ver 12 2" A V ■ whioh
" restore thee. • . i.. nmuu.

TOBIT.

139

my dear brother, and grant that I may see thy children of my daughter Sarra,'
that I may rejoice before the Lord. And " behold, I commit my daughter unto
thee in trust ; ' do not treat her ill,''

Vcp. 12. — 1 A. V. 1 Sara, before I die (see preceding verse). » omits and. » of special trust (Gr., iv TraptutaTote^/tji).
' wherefore do not entreat her evil. Irltzsche properly remoTes the itai before iin Avirnmil, with II. III. 28. 55. 58. 71.
74. 76. 236. 249.

Chapter X.

Ver. 1. ^EKoyiffaTO iKiiffrtis ri}x4pasj counted
every day. See ix. 4 ; and for this use of the
genitive, Winer, p. 207.

Ver. 2. M^TToTe KOTeVxi7'Toi, Are they perhaps
detained? This is the translation of the Old
Latin, except in the use of the plural : Numquid
detentus est Thobias? Hgen therefore suggested
the reading KaTfcrxv^Tat for KaTTJcrxvvTai, and
Fritzsche adopts the same. But the latter word
would also give a good sense : Have they perhaps
been disappointed f Cf. the LXX. at Jer. ii. 36
and Job vi. 20, where this verb is used to translate
t^^^2l. Grotius : " An elusa eorum spes per Ga~
baelis heredes." On the use of ^■/jirore as an inter-
rogative particle, cf. John vii. 26 ; Luke iii. 15.

Ver. 5. Ilgen and Dereser, following the text.
rec, translate : " I have not myself to accuse
that," t. e., it was the father, not the mother, who

had sent off the son ; and he was therefore the
cause of the supposed bereavement.

Ver. 7. Did eat no food. An obvious hyper-
bole.

Ver. 11. Servants, o-ti/iaTa. Cf. Greek at
Gen. xxxvi. 6 ; 2 Mace. viii. 11 ; Eev. xviii. 13.
This Greek word is also used by the classic poets
and by Xenophon to denote persons. See Cremer,
ad voc.

Ver. 12. The blessing referred to is probably
the gift of children. Some, indeed, construe
TfKva in the accusative after evoS<i<rei, " bless you
with children." The future is here, as not infre-
quently, used for the optative. Cf. Buttmann,
p. 218. — Koil S^'r), and grant. One of the rare
inflections of verbs in /ii. It is for Solri, optative
second aorist. Cf . Eom. xv. 5 ; 2 Tim. i. 16, 18 ;
and see Winer, p. 78 ; Buttmann, p. 46.

Chapter XI.

1 ApTER these things Tobias also went his way,'^ praising God that he had given
him a prosperous journey, and blessed Eaguel and Edna his wife. And he went

2 on his way'' till they drew near unto Nineve. And Eaphael said to Tobias, Knowest

3 thou not, brother, how thou didst leave thy father ? ^ Let us haste before thy wife,

4 and prepare the house, and have at hand * the gall of the fish. And they went their

5 way,°and the dog went after * them. And' Anna sat looking about towards the way

6 for her son. And when she espied him coming, she said to his father. Behold, my '

7 son Cometh, and the man that went with him. And Raphael said,° I know ^'' that

8 thy father will open his eyes ; therefore ^■'^ anoint thou his eyes with the gall, and
being pricked therewith, he will ^^ rub, and the white spots will ^^ fall away, and he

9 wiU " see thee. And Anna ran up,^^ and fell upon the neck of her son, and said

10 unto him, I ^° have seen thee, my son, from henceforth I am content to die. And

1 1 they wept both. Tobit also went forth toward the door, and stumbled. But his
son ran unto him, and took hold of hia father ; and he sprinkled " the gaU on his

12 father's eyes, saying. Be of good hope," my father. And when his eyes began to

13 smart, he rubbed them; and the white spots scaled off" from the corners of

14 his eyes; and on seeing his son, he fell upon his neck, and^° wept, and said.
Blessed art thou, 0 God, and blessed is thy name for ever, and blessed are all

15 thy holy angels, for thou hast scourged, and hast taken pity on me ; behold," I see

2 and went on Ais way.

s Then R Thou

Vers. 1,2. — *A. V. : T. went Ais way (Gr., cTropeueTo Kai T.).
knowest .... father. Codd. 243. 248. Co. Aid. omit ov.

Ver. 4. — * A. V. : take in thine hand. The force of \i^e napa xetp«, however, is as we hare given it, and the con-
text also requires it. " A. V. : So . . . . their way. « For cnrta-Bev (before airi^v) of the text. rec. 68. 71. and some
others have enn-porfei/. According to the Syriac, the mother saw first the dog, on the return of Tobias and the angel,
and hence, probably, the reading ; Old Lat,, '* Et abiit cum illis et canis."

Vers. 5-7. —'A. V. : Now. • thy. For viiit iiov. III. 55. 64. 71. Vulg. Syr. Co. Aid. offer vios <rou ; Old Lit., JUi"'
turn (so Jun.). 9 A. V. : Then said R. " know, Tobias. The authorities for Toi^. are III. 23. 68., etc., with Co.

Aid., but it is probably a gloss.

Ver. 8. —1 In the text. rec. oHv is not found, but seems, perhaps, sufllciently well supported (III. 23. 65. 58. 64. 71.,
etc., with Co.), and is received by Fritzsche. "A. V.: shall. " whiteness shall. "shall.

Vers. 9-13. — is A. V. : Then A. ran forth. ^ Seeing I. " strake of. The verb is npoiriiTaa-e , and •nji' xo^^'" '3
its direct object. w At vii. IS, the same word (edpa-ei) is rendered, " Be of good comfort." The underlying idea ia

rather " courage." » A. V. : whiteness pilled away (Gr., iKeiriaBr) . . . . ra \tvKiiiiitTa ; cf. Com. at iii. 17).

Vers. 14-16.— 20 A. V. : when he saw .... And he. "i for behold. There is no word in the Greek representing

for," but Co. has laU, and Jnn. Nam.

140

THE APOCRYPHA.

my son Tobias. And his son went in rejoicing, and told his father the great things

16 that had happened to him in Media. And^ Tobit went out to meet his daughter-
in-law to ^ the gate of Nineve, rejoicing, and praising God. And they who saw

17 him go marvelled, because he saw.^ And^ Tobit gave thanks before them, be-
cause God had mercy on them.^ And when Tobit ' came near to Sarra his
daugliter-in-law, he blessed her, saying, Thou art welcome, daughter. God be
blessed, who° hath brought thee unto us, and blessed be thy father and thy mother.

18 And there was joy amongst all his brethren who " were at Nineve. And Achia-

19 charus, and Nasbas his brother's son came; and Tobias' wedding was kept seven
days with joy.'^

Vers. 15-19. — ' A. V. : Then. » at. The Greek is irpbt TJi irfXr, (in. 23. 55. 58. 71. with Co. : Trpbj t^i' Trv^iji-).

> A. V. : which. « had receiyed his sight (Qr., I^Ae+e ; 68. al. {pAejre). » But. » him (Gr., avrou's i avToi-,

III. 64. 71. al. with Co. Aid.). ' he. ' Sara. » which. i» which. " great joj.

Chapter XI.

Ver. 1 . In Fritziiche'a text the first part of this
verse, as far as the period, is found at the end of
chap. X.

Ver. 3. The other texts have mentioned the
place wiiere Kaphael and Tobias left the rest of
the company to h.isten on before. The Vulgate
names it " Haran," or "Charan;" the Syriac,
" Basri," or, as Reusch has it, " Kasra ; " the
Greek B., Kaio-apem ; The Hebrew of MUnster
and the Chaldaic Alcris. The Vulgate, moreover,
says that this point was reached on the eleventh
day. These pl.-ices have not been identified.
Ilgen, on account of readings of certain manu-
scripts of the Old Latin, conjectures that the
'ApaKT-fiini of Strabo is meant.

Ver. 4. It is said that the dog went " after "
them. There is no ground, then, in this text for
the opinion of Uereser and Keusch that he is
introduced into the story that he may go on in
advance to signify the return of the son to the
anxious parents. Cf. v. 16. The following state-
ment of the Vulgate (xi. 9) is an obviou^ embel-
lishment : " Now, the dog which had accompanied
them on the journey ran on ahead, and, as a
messenger coming u]), fawned, and wagged his
tail." Both Fritzschft and Sengelmann call at-
tention to the fact tliat the dog is quite super-
fluous in the narrative. It is not grammatically
allowable, with Ilgen and others, to refer aiT6y in
verse 6, *' espied him coming," to the dog, while
the context i.s equally against it.

Ver. 9. 'A-rrh rov vvv airodavovfiai. This is a
remarkable use of the future. It is likely that
some word is to be understood as in the text ; the
expression being proverbial, and so of the briefest
character.

Vers. 10-12. Roman Catholic commentators
are not agreed among themselves with respect to
the healing of Tobit. Some hold it to be miracu-
lous, and others as the result of the use of natural

remedies. According to Reusch (Com., p. 103),
the analogy of the other cure spoken of in this
book would lead us to regard it as miraculous.
The Syriac introduces a very natural addition,
and makes the father ask the son, after his strange
way of greeting him : " What hast thou done, my
son? " In fact, we cannot help thinking that it
would have been far more respectful, and in the
end quite as useful, if the father had been previ-
ously informed of what it was proposed to do for
his benefit.

Vers. 16, 17. Ilgen holds that what is here
said of Tobit's rejoicing and praising God is an
interpolation. He seems to think that it is repre-
sented that the thankful man went through the
streets of Nineveh shouting out his thanksgiving
before all the people ; and says that when we
think of what Nineveh was, and of the circum-
stances of Tobit, it is simply ridiculous. But this
is to put a meaning into the text, and not to take
its natural meaning from it. — Uphs ry nvXr). Cf.
Luke xix. 37 : ^EyyiCovros .... ^Stj -n-phs rp «oto-
ffiiret rov ipous, etc." The verb " does not mean
when he was near, but as he came near (to) the
mountain." So Buttinann, p. .340.

Ver. 18. And Nasbas. This person does not
othervvise appear in the history. Since the words,
" his brother's son," follow immediately, and ac-
cording to i. 22, Achiacharus was a brother's SOD)
it has been held by some commentators that
Nasbas is only another name for the same person.
In the margin of the version of 1611 it is added
after Achiacharus, as a conjecture of Junius, " who
is also called Nasbas." Fritzsche's remark, that
auTov in the phrase 6 e|a5eA.^os aiirov refers to
Achiacharus, is by no means conclusive on that
poiut. It might, by a loose construction not for-
eign to the present book, refer to Tobit. The
other texts give the name differently ; Greek B.,
rJojStCi ; Old Latin, Nabat ; Syriac, Laban.

Chapter XII.

1 And ' Tobit called his son Tobias, and «aid unto him, My son, see that the man

2 who went with thee has Ms wages,'^ and thou must give him more. And he said
unto him,'' O father, I shall not be straitened if I give * to him half of those things

Vers. 1, 2. — » A. V. : Then. = man have his (not In Gr., except 44.) wages which went, etc. > Tobias said nnto
him. The proper name is found only in 248. Co., Jun. The pronoun also (avrip), is omitted In tho text, fvc, but is
found in lU. 23. 56. 58. 71. 74. 248. 249. Co. Aid. < A. V. : it is no harm to me to ^Ve. See OiM.

TOBIT. 14]]

8 which I have brought ; for he hath brought me again to thee in safety ' ; and made

4 whole my wife ; and brought my ^ money, and likewise healed thee. And ' the old

5 man said, It is due unto him. And " he called the angel, arid said ^ unto him. Take

6 haJjf of all that ye have brought, and go away in safety. Then he called both ^part,
and said unto them, Bless God, and praise " him, and magnify him, and praise him
for <^« things which he hath done unto you in the sight of all that live. It is good
to praise God, and exalt his name, and to shew forth with honor' the works of God;

7 and ' be not slack to praise him. It is good to keep close the secret of a king, but

8 it is good to reveal with praise the works of God. Do good, and evil shall not touch
you- Prayer is good with fasting and alms and righteousness. Little ' with righteous-
ness is better than much with mirighteousness. It is better to give alms thap to lay

9 up gold; for alms doth deliver from death, and it shalP" purge away all sin. Those

10 th9.t practice almsgiving " and righteousness shall be filled with life ; but they that

11 sin are enemies of ^^ their own life. Surely I will keep close nothing from you. I
have just said," It is good to keep close the secret pf a king, but it is good to re-

12 veal with praise ^* the works of God. And now,^^ when thou didst pray, and Sarra
thy daughter-in-law, I did bring the remembrance of your prayer^* before the Holy

13 One ; and when thou didst bury the dead, I was " with thee likewise. And when
thou didst not delay to rise up, and leave thy meal, " to go and cover the dea,d,

14 thou and ^' thy good deed were ^ not hid from me, but I was with thee. And now

15 God sent^ me to heal thee and Sarra'* thy daughter-in-law. I am Raphael, one of
the seven holy angels, who ^ present the prayers of the saints, and who ** go in and
out before the glory of the Holy One.

16 And* they were both in consternation,'* and fell upon their faces, for they

17 feared. And'" he said unto them, Fear not ; peace be with you ; but praise God for-

18 ever.^' For not through ^ favor of mine, but by the will of our ^ God I came ;

19 wherefore praise him forever. All these days I simply appeared ^^ unto you ; and I

20 neither ate nor drank,''* but you did see a vision. And now ^^ give God thanks, for

21 I go up to him that sent me; and^* write all things which have happened^ in a

22 book. And when they rose, they saw him no more.'" And they confessed his "
great and wonderful works,*' how the * angel of the Lord had appeared unto them.

Vers. 3-6. — ^ The Greek here, and in Ter, 6, i^ vyw, »• *•, " W health," or, " safe antj sound.'' == A. V. j me the
(Gv., fiov)\ Old L&t., et pecuniam mecujn adtuiit. 3 Then. * So. ^ he said.

Ver. 6. — "J A. V. : took theTn {Qr., KoAeVas tous Bvo KpvTtTuii) both .... God, praise. ' honourably (marg., with

honour) to show forth. The Greek here is tt^t'w^K, hfmqrijice^ "giving him honor." ^ A. V. : therefore.

Vers. 7-10. — » A. V. : but it is honourable (Gr., evSofoK ; Oodd- 71. 236. ?48. S49. Co. rea<\ ei/Jqfor) to reyeal .... Do
tkai which is good, and no^Til shall .... A little. lo a. V. : for alms (the yap is omitted in II. 55. 74. 236.) .... and
shall {avT>} is omitted by 44. 106.). ii exercise alms. ^2 to.

Ver. 11. — w A. V. : For I said. The Codd. III. 65. 64. 74. 76. 243. 248., with Co. and Aid. have fs here instfad of J^.
" It is good .... but that it was honourable (Codd. 74. 76. 248. 249. Co., ffiofoy) to reveal.

Vera. 12, 13. — ^^ A. V. : Now therefore. ^^ Sara .... prayers. ^' In addition to the authorities cited in

Fritzsche's Orit. Ap. for the reading <n((<iropi)f»i)v (III. 68. 64. 71. al. —which are 76. 286. 243. 248. 249. Co. — ), II. may
be cited. The text. rec. has iru/iirap^y(ir|v. " A. V. : dinner (Gi., as ii. 1. apnrroF), ^ omits thou and (contained

in the Gr., ov/c Mode's p.« iyii^^im^iSfv). ^9 w^.

Vers. 14^16. — 21 A. V. : hath sent. 22 gata. » which. i* which. 20 n,ep. 2» troubled (Gr. eT<»p«x9l<r°^)-
The rendering is weak.

Ver. 17. —2T A. V. : But 28 for it shall go well with you ; praise God therefore (Gr., etprivTf {rfj,2v Icrrat ■ rhv Se deov
fvAoyeiTe eU rbv aiiova ; the last t)iv^0 wprd^, hpwever, are omitted in 23. 64. 71- 74. 76. 236. 249. Co. Aid.).

Vers. 18-20. — 29 a. V. : of any. ^o The Codd. II. and III. have vfjMiv instg^ of ijfiiov of the text. rec. ; Old Lat.,
vobiscum. Codd. 44. 58. 106. 249. omit ^nili'. «' A. V. : I did appear. The addition seems necessary for clearness.
»2 A. V. : but I did neither eat nor drink. S3 Now therefore. "but. 2= are done.

Vers. 21, 22. — «» For ou/teTc II. 55. offer mix ; Old Lat. , et non potnenmt iflum videre. ?! A. V. ; Then thpy ponfeased
the, etc. 8' great and wonderful works of God, and, ?tc. The reading followed by the A. V. (ftiufiotrTa roi «eoC km
w) is supported by III. 23. 55. 58. 71. Co. Aid. =» Cod. n. omits the article.

Cbaptpr XH.

Ver. 1. "Opo, see, in the sense of " hare a care,"
"look ont for it," like the verb iwtii€\4ofiai. This
meaning is also given to the word in the cljiasics.
gee Buttfljann, p. 243.

V«r. 2. B\iTrTonai, disabled, weakened, The
weaning is that he would have enough left, so
ti^t he irpiald OOt be embarrassed.

Ver. 3. 'Ayfiox' for 07^x^1 instead of the usual

^X" as perfect of S-yw. The former is a late
word. The intimation of Tobias in this verse
with respect to his wife is anything but compli-
mentary. But it is do(jbtlpss » ?|ip- Be refers
to her deliverance froija tlje influence of tlje
demon.

Ver. 5. Go away in safety. The meaning is
not clearly expressed. Tobit wishes him simply

142

THE APOCEYPHA.

a happy journey. As the Germans say : " Eine
glikkliche Reise ! " " A pleasant journey ! "

Ver. 7. KaKhv oux €up-f)(r€i vfxas. The article
is omitted with the subject, probably on account
of its omission with the preceding &,ya66v through
the general nature of the thought. " Evil shall
not find (reach) you."

Ver. 8. Prayer is good with fasting and
abns. For remarks on the doctrine of fasting
and almsgiving, as taught in this book, see Intro-
duction. The Hebrew word npT* is rendered
-1 T :

by iKeri/ioavyrj in the Septnagint at Dent. xxiv.
13 ; Dan. iv. 27. In fact, there are at least
thirteen passages where a similar rendering is
given. The lesson, on which no little stress is
laid in Scripture, would thereby be taught by
the translators of the LXX., " that mercy toward
our fellow-men is the grand token of righteous-
ness in the sight of that God who manifests his
own righteousness especially by showing mercy
and goodness." Girdlestone, 0. T. Syn., p. 261.

Ver. 9. According to the text. rec. the angel
makes no effort to reconcile the theoretical prin-
ciples which he lays down with what was practi-
cally true in the case of the much-suffering
but righteous Tobit. The Vulgate, however, puts
into the former's mouth the words : Et quia ac-
ceptus eras Deo, necesse fuit, ut tentatio probaret te.
— Doth deUver from death, and it shall purge

away aU sin. Attention should be called again
(see Introduction) to the unmistakable and_ start-
ling import of this declaration. The giving of
alms shall, purge away all sin and deliver from
(spiritual) death I How important to study the
grounds on which the authenticity and genuine-
ness of such a composition are suppor(;ed, whose
teachings are so obviously in contradiction to the
letter and spirit of the canonical Scriptures !

Vers. 12-15. I brought the remembrance of
your prayers. This idea that angels presented
prayers before God is also found in the book of
Enoch (xv. 1 ). See remarks of Hoffmann, ad loc.
Others have erroneously adduced passages from
the canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament
(.as Job xxxiii. 23 ; Zech. i. 12) in support of the
same doctrine. Cf. Introduction, under " Doc-
trinal Teaching," and the various commentaries
on Rev. viii. and ix.

Ver. 20. For I go unto him that sent me.
Strangely enough, some Protestant commentators
have been driven to such straits in their attempted
justification of the opinion that the Apocryphal
books ought to be retained as a legitimate part of
the Bible as to cite this passage as suggesting to
our Saviour his words in John xvi. 5. Keerl well
replies : " Let him understand it who can under-
stand it ; I confess that such statements appear
to me, in my 'foolishness,' too strange, too pro-
found." Die Apohyphen/rage (ed. 1855), p. 109.

Chapter XIII.

1 And ■• Tobit wrote a prayer of rejoicing, and said,
Blessed be God that liveth for ever, and blessed be his kingdom.

2 For be doth scourge, and hath mercy ;
He leadeth down to Hades,'' and bringeth up again ;
Neither is there any that shall escape ' his hand.

3 Confess him before the Gentiles, ye children of Israel,
For he hath scattered us among them.

4 There declare his greatness,
Extol him before every living being,*
For he is our Lord and God,
He is our Father for ever.

5 And he will scourge us for our iniquities,
And will have mercy again, and will gather ns out of all nations,
Wherever ye have been scattered among them.*

6 If you turn to him with your whole heart,
And with your whole soul, to deal ° uprightly before him.
Then will he turn unto you.
And will not hide his face from you.
And see what he will do for you,'
And confess him with your whole mouth,
And praise the Lord of righteousness,^
And extol the everlasting King.
In the land of my captivity do I confess him,
And declare his might and majesty to a nation of sinners.'

Vers. 1, 2.-I A. V. : Then. 2 Hell. = can avoid (^«,),eiJfeTai).

Ver8.4,5.-<A.V.: And(so64.106,243.248.Co. AId.)extol him before all the living (Gr., ^a.^!,? fflrro?) For he

b our Lord, And he « the God, our Father. I have changed the order of the words to correspond better with that of
the Greek. • among whom he hath scattered us (Gr., oj iiv cr«op,r.<r«,-T« iv airoU ; 243. Co., ol Su^^,,k<' vuii)

Ver. 6.- « A. V. : mind and deal Wal ,ro.^,n,T. is found in 23. 74. 236.). ' Therefore see . . with vou • of

mightlT^iSwontM, with Co.; Jnn.,a;io<«(Msimo). » praise him .... sinful nation. "

For eSvci II. and m. have

TOBIT. 143

0 ye sinners, turn and do justice before him ;
Who knows but that he will accept ^ you,
And baye mercy on you ?

7 I will extol my God,

And my soul shall praise the King of heaven,
And shall rejoice in his greatness.

8 Let all men speak, and let all praise him in Jerusalem.*

9 0 Jerusalem, city of the Holy One,

He scourges thee for thy children's works.

And will have mercy again on the children of the righteous.*

10 Give praise to the Lord in uprightness
And bless * the everlasting King,

That his tabernacle may be built ^ in thee again with joy,
And he make joyful in thee ° those that are captives,
And love in thee for ever ' those that are miserable.

11 Many nations shall come from far to the nanie of the Lord God,
Having * gifts in their hands, even gifts to the King of heaven ;
Generations of generations shall render thee jubilant praise.'

12 Cursed are all they who ^° hate thee.

And blessed shall all be who " love thee for ever.

13 Rejoice and be glad for the children of the just,

For they shall be gathered together, and shall bless the Lord of the just.

14 0 blessed are they who ^"^ love thee, for they shall rejoice in thy peace ;
Blessed are they who '^ have been sorrowful for all thy scourges ;

For they shall rejoice for thee, when they have seen all thy glory,
And my soul shall " be glad for ever ;

15 Let it bless ^^ God the great King.

16 For Jerusalem shall be built up with sapphire, and emerald," and thy walls

with " precious stone ;
And thy towers ^' and battlements with pure gold.

17 And the broadways " of Jerusalem shall be paved with beryl and carbuncle and

stone of Suphir.^"

18 And all her streets shall say. Alleluia ;

And they shall praise him, saying, Blessed le God,
Who ^^ hath exalted thee ^^ for ever.

Ver. 6. — » A. V. : can tell if he will accept.

Ver. 8. —2 A. V. : lor his righteousness (h iiKawmyri, 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid., the Greek Bible o£ 1545 (Basle)
and 1597 (Frankfort) ; Jun., jwjJe, and in the margin, " Grsrc, injustUia ").

•Ver. 9. — s A. V. : the holy city. (We find iyia (for oyi'ov of II., the Uxt. rec, and other authonties) in HI. 65. 64.
71. 76. 236. 243. 248. Co. Aid. See Com.) Ue will scourge (the future, but better rendered as present, as it repre-
sents a general truth, and one which the Israelites were even then experiencing. The margin of the A. V. has, more
literally, " He will lay a scourge upon the works of thy children '■) sons of the righteous (cf. Ter. 13).

Ver. 10.-« A. V. ; for he is good (t. e.,5Ti AyaSij, as 248. Co.), and praise. Cod. II. has i.y^m (a.s text. /«. ) by the tot
hand, and there is not, as stated in Fritzsche's apparatus, a correction to ayo.e^ ; III. has tu, iyaS^. » A. V. : builded.
6 let him make joyful therein («.r is found in III. 23. 64. 249. Aid.). ' Lit., unto all the generations of the seen. _

Ver 11 —8 A V • with (Qr exovT«). » All generations shall praise thee with great joy (Gr., yti-eai yii'aav

Siamai o-oi ayoAA.a.rti'). Codd. III. 64. 243. 249., with Co. and Aid., add alreVovo-i mi I.<t€, 64.) Km alter yerea,^, and
omit the pronoun after the following verb. The form iyaXA.V is found in the text, rec, but is changed in hM text
by Fritzsche to iyaWCaaiv, with HI. 23. 44. 64. and many others.

Ver8.12-14.-i»A.V.: which. "which. i^ which. i= which. « And shall (see next Terse)

Ver. 16. -« A. V. : Let my soul bless (Codd. II. and III. have ev*pai/9<»-.Tai just before, instead of the plural of
the same, and we have consequently made J) <l,vxv M™ the subject of it, and transferred the words to the precedmg Terse,
while continuing the same subject for evKoyeirm here). , ■„ .^ ^ j. . '

Vers. 16, 17. - " A. V. : sapphires, and emeralds. " In harmony with the text of Fritzsche, we connect ™ t«x,
o-ov with kie^ i^C^. Cf. following. « A. V. : Thy walls and towers. « the streets. » stones of Ophir (Gr.,

^vt'ls. - a A. V. : Which. ^ extolled it. Fritzsche would emend the text. rec. «.^a.<r. which is also the read-

ing of the Codd. (HI. adds e«) to v'1,<o,Te « eU. It is probable that the pronoun was orerlooked on account of the end-
ing of the Terb. The direct address seems to require it.

Chaptek XIII.

Ver. 1. This "prayer of rejoicing'' is made
np mostly of expressions of prayer and praise
Ivhich are familiar to Old Testament readers, and

has but little adaptation to the peculiar circum-
stances of the case before us. Sengelmann sug-
gests that it may have been separately composed

144

THE APOCRYPHA.

by some person whose name was Tobit, and after-
wards included in tlie present book. But that is
scarcely probable.

Ver. 5. As in verse 9, so here, the future
(naaTiyda^i) is used for the present, as denoting
both what has taken place and what will be in the
future. Cf. Winer, p. 279 f. ; Buttmann, p. 311.

Ver. 6. See Deut. xxx. 2-4. — The everlast-
ing King, rhv ^aatKia toiv altin^iap'. Cf. Ps. cxlv.
13. Some would improperly give to aiiivuv the
sense, of " worlds," as intended to magnify the
creative power of God. The same expression is
found in 1 Tim. i. 17 : "S'Ow li'nto the king eter-
nal," etc. In Heb. i. 2, however. Si' oZ Kal
Toiis alavas i-!roiri(rev, the above-mentioned render-
ing would seem to be applicable. — A nation of
sinners. Grotius thinks the Assyrian people is
meant. But the connection seems to require that
the reference be to the Israelites, and there is
sufficient justification in their idolatry for their
being thus stigmatized. In fact, the following
sentence appears to be conclusive on this point:
" who knows but that he will accept."

Ver. 7. T^ ^vuriKei rov ohpavov. The dative is
here used probably through the influence of the
following it,oiJLoXoyfiaea>aav, which was already in
the writer's mind. Pritzsche thinks the expres-
sion " King of heaven " is nowhere else found
(except in verse 11) in the Old or New Testament.
But in the LXX., at Dan. iv. 34, we have rhv
^a(n\4a rod oi/pavou. ^

V6r. 9. City of the Holy One, -irciAis ayioi.
Pritzsehe would translate " city of the sanctn-
ary," making ayiov neuter, as referring to the
temple. But it seems preferable to refer it to the
subject 6f the imiiiedlately following /xatfTtyiiaei.

Ver. 1 1. Cf . Ps. lxx>ivi. 9, to the name of tJii
Lord, i. e., where He is named, to Jerusalem and
the temple.

Ver. 16. Cf. Is. liv. 11, 12 ; Rev. xxi. 18-20.

Ver. 17. The word translated "streets" in
the A. V. is TTXaTfiai, i. e., broad streets; ^u/iij
(ver. IS) commonly denotes a narrower street.
— y7)(fioAo7T)e^<rovToi. This word means, first, " to
play juggling tricks;" then, "to make inlaid
work, to pave."

chap*ek xrv.

1, 2 And ^ Tobit made aii end of praising Gbd. And lie was eight sta.& fifty years
old when he lost his sight, and he recovered it ^ after eight years ; and he gave alms,

3 and continued to fear the Lord God and to praise hina.' But he became * very aged ;
and ' hfe called his son, and the sons of his son, and said to him. My son, take thy

4 sons,°/or behold, I am aged, and about' to depart out of this life, go into Media,
my son, for I surely believe those things which Jonas the prophet Spake of
Nineve, that it shaill be overthrown ; however, there will be for a time more peace '
in Media ; and that our brethren still in the land shall be scattered ' from that good
land ; and Jerusalem shall be desolate, and the house of God ih it shall be burned,

5 and shall be desolate for & time ; and again " God will have naetcy oil them, and
bring them again into the land, and ^^ they shall build the '^ temple, hiit not like to
the former one,^' until the epochs of the age '* be fulfilled ; and afterward they
shall return from dll places of their captivity, and build up Jerusalem gloriously,
and the house of God shall be built in it for ever with a glorious building, as the

6 prophets have spoken concerning it.'' And all the heathen '° shall turn, and fear

7 the Lord God truly, and shall bury their idols. And all the heathen shall " praise
the Lord, and his people shall confess God, and the Lord shall exalt his people ;
and aU those who '* love the Lord God in truth and justice shaU rejoice, shewing

8 mercy to our brethren. And now, my son, depart out of Nineve, because all those

9 things which the prophet Jonas spake will " come to pass. But keep thou the
law and the commandments, and be '"' merciful and just, that it may go well with

Vers. 1, 2. — ' A. V. : So. ^ which was restored to him. 3 he increased (Gr., Trpoo-e'^eTo) in the fear of the Lord
God, and praised him. Pritzsehe adopts from III. 23. 44. 66. 68. 64. 71. 106. Co. Aid. efo|u.o\o7eIo-«ai for iliofioXoyeiTO of
the text, rec, thus relieving the awkwardness of the construction. But the awkward constructions, it must be admitted,
are more generally the original ones.

Vers, 3, 4. — * A. V. ; And when he was (Gr., jueyaAus fie e/ijpao-e ; 44. m fi^ iyripatrev). " omits and. * the six

sons (so III. 58. al. Co. Aid.) .... children. ' am ready. 8 a. V. : and that for a time peace shall rather be.

^ and that our brethren shall lie scattered in the earth. I have rendered according to the construction of the Greek.

Ver. 6. — 1" A. V. : tkal again. " where. "2 a. The article is found in the Greek. " A. V. : first. " the
Ume of that age (Gr.,Katpoi rov aioi^os). I have received after otKoSo^TiffiJo-eTai : eis wacras ras yeveoLs rov aiCivoi otfioKOfijii
j?ith II. (in the margin), III. 23. 65. 64. 71. Aid. Co. and the A. V. On the margin of the last it is remarked : " For ever
is not found in the Roman copy." There is little doubt that the corrector of II. meant to read ev5o^ta, although he has
omitted to dot the final letter in the alternative word {evS6^tui of the text. rec). Fritzscbe gives ivSoitf, as the reading
of II. by a corrector. The Codd. 44. 106. 243., with Co., have oiSomfiTi Mofoi. " A. V. : thereof.

Vers. 6-9. — ^^ A. V. : nations (Gr., ndvTa ra idvij). The context seems to demand the above rendering. " A. V. :
So Shall all nations (see preceding verso). " which. » that those things .... shall (Gr.,irdvT»s lorcu). It renders
irivTuthj "surely." 20 a. v.: show thyself (Gr.,yei/ov = KlD)-

TOBIT.

146

10 thee. And bury me decently, and thy mother with me ; and ' tarry no longer at
Nineve. See,** my son, how Aman handled Achiacharus that brought him up,
JJiow o.\i|; of ,light Jie brought him into darkness, and how h? rewarded him ; -and
iGod sayed Achiacharus,' but the other had his reward, and he himseK went down *
'into darkness. Manasses gave alms, and escaped the snare of death which one ^

11 set for him ; but A.ma,n fejll into the snare, and perished. And now, my children,'
^«!e ' w^ifit .alms do^th, and how righteousness doth deliver.

And while he was saying this,? he gave up the ghost in the bed ; and he was'

12 a hunplred and fiifty-eight ^^ years old ; and he^^ buried liim honorably. And when
Ani;\a died,^^ ,he b.uried her with his father. But Tobias departed w;ith his wife

13 ,and ,l(is soniS ■'* to Eqb^tana''* to Jiaguel his father-in-law. Afld he ■'° becan;ie,old
with honor ; land he buried his fa,ther and mother-in-law honorably, and he in-

14 berited their svibstance, and his father Tobit's. And he died at Ecbatana in
1.5 Media, being a hundred and twenty-seven ^° years old. And " before he died

Jbe hefird of the destruction pf Nineve, which was taken by N^buohodqnp^flr aod
Asuerus ;■** and ^before his death he rejoiced over Nineve.

V)^r. 10. — ,1 A. V. : but. *,B,enieinber (Gr., tSe). ^ agaiu : yet Achiarqhup was savedj(Kat ^Axiax'vos f^ev etrififl^,
JII. 23.j5^.:58.,ff^. «M*fi. <3o. Aid.) ^ for he went ioyra (Gr'.,,K(it avrbs jcar^^ij). B,sn^rea .... they had. The Qpdd.
23.-64., with Co. anfi Aid., have the pliaral eTrrj^ai/ ,f pr the sing. The proper name ,i^ written as 'A5o/a in 11. 65. 1Q6;
'Afity/i, in44.; Acab in the Syr. ; Nadab, in the Olji Lat.

Ver. 11.. — 8 A. V. : Wherefore now, my son (Jun., NvtUi: Ergo jUi ; iratZlov, 23. 55. 58. 64. 71. etc., with Co. Aid.).
' consider (Gr., tSere). .s "when he had said these (Aing-5. ^ being. ' lo an hundred and eight and fifty. The

Codd. 44. 106. 55. give the. number as fifty, instead of fifty-eight. " In addition to III. 58. 74. 76. 248., cited by
Fritzsche as authority lor Idai/icf, II., tlie Greek Bible of 1697 (Eranlifort), and Jun. may be mentioned. Fritzsphe re-
tains the plural form.

Vers. 12, 15. — ^ A. V. : his mother was dead (Gr., ore anedavev *A.vva. ; the addition is found in 71. 76. 236. 248. Co,
Jun.). 13 and children. " Ecbatane. le Where he, etc. (Jup., D'fii c.onse?wffrA(^»om(e). w Bcbatane . . . . ap
hundredand seven and twenty. ■" But (Jun., autem). ^^ Assuerus. 'Aao-ouTipos (Fritzsche says, 'Atrou'vjpoy, but this
is not theJorm given in Holmes and Parsons' notes) in 23. 58. 64. 76. 248. Co. Aid. (text, rec, "A<n>r|po!) j III., 'Ao-oiiiipot

Chapter XIV.

Vers. 1, 2. According to ver. 11 Tobit died
at the age of one hundred eight and fifty, that
ia, ninety-two years after the restoration of his
sight. The figures of the Vulgate are quite dif-
ferent, according to which he became blind at
fifty-six; was restored four years later, and died
at one hundred and two. The impossibility of
arriving at any satisfactory adjustment of the
dates of the book, as they relate to the life of
Tobit and his son, will appear from the great
diversity that rules in the MSS. and old versions.
For instance, the Old Latin, Hebrew of Fagius,
and the Peshito, agree with Greek A. in giving
Tobit's fifty-eighth year as the time when he
became blind ; while the codices 44. and 106. give
fifty ; the Vulgate, fifty-six ; Cod. Sinait., sixty-
two ; Cod. Alex., eighty-eight. His entire age is
given by Greek A. as one hundred and fifty-eight ;
by the Vulgate and the Peshito as one hundred
and two ; the Old Latin, Sinait., Arab., and one
MS. of the Vulgate, as one hundred and twelve ;
codd. 44. 106. 55., as one hundred and fifty. The
period of blindness lasted, according to Greek
A., eight years ; the Peshito, seven ; Vulgate,
Old Latin, Sinait. (ii. II.), four. He lived after
this, according to the Vulgate, forty-two years ;
the Peshito, thirty-seven ; and the Old Latin,
fifty-four years.

Ver. 3. 'Eyiipacre, became old. The Attic
form was iyiipam. — Take thy sons. According
to Ilgen, Dereser, and others, Tobit had hitherto
superintended the education of his grandchildren,
and here turns over this duty to their father.
But there is no sufficient ground for such a sup-
position either in the context or in the word \d^e.
This word, in fact, plainly looks forward to the
following &we\ee (cf. verse 12), and I have pointed
accordingly.

10

Ver. 4. This verse has given commentators
much trouble, on account of the reference to
Jonah. It is well known that God recalled, on
account of the repentance of the Ninevites, the
judgments which he had sent that prophet to pre-
dict. The other texts omit this reference to the
prophet. Ilgeu and Grotius would substitute
l^aoifi for 'Iccras. Cf. Nah. iii. 7 ; Zeph. ii. 13 ; and
the translation of the Sinait. MS. which follows,
ad loc. But there seems to be no good reason for
this change. Tobit may well have thought that
the evils against which Jonah had warned this
heathen city had been delayed only for a time
through their self-humiliation, and that it would
certainly come in the future. Verse 4, cms Konpov
. . . . fifXP^ xptifou. The writer may indeed have
had a definite period in view, although the Greek
obviously admits of a somewhat indefinite mean-
ing (cf. Luke iv. 13; Acts xiii. 11, &XP' «<"(">";
and Ecclus. i. 23, 24). But it is more likely that
he uses these expressions without knowing to
what they referred. The translatiou of the A. V.,
" for a time," is a fair rendering. — Our breth.-
ren, i. e., the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. The
" good land " is of course Palestine.

Ver. 5. Kaif/oi, epochs, i.«., periods of time
in the providence of God predetermined upon.

The places of their captivity. The A. V.

has explained, rather than translated, 4k -rav
ai'YuctXwiriiic, from their captivities. The idea of
place is however, undoubtedly involved m the
plural, and we have suffered the rendermg to
stand.

Ver. 9. *iXeAe^M">'> merciful, a lover of meroy.
A word which appears not to occur in this form
elsewhere. „ , , ^^ .

Ver 10. El's Nii'eui On the use of this prep-
osition for i>', see above, ix. 2 ; and cf. Wmer,

146

THE APOCRYPHA.

p. 416, Buttmann, p. 333. — How Aman handled
Achjacharus. Is the reference to the story of
Haman and Mordecai in the Book of Esther?
There are apparent reasons for the supposition,
and it has been adopted by some critics. Both
Achiacharus and Mordecai were " keepers of the
signet " to the monarch. Both were second in
authority in the realm; the difference in name
might be accounted for from the fact that more
than one name of the same person was not un-
common ; besides, there are several minor points
of resemblance in the history. The discrepancy
in dates, which would amount to more than a
hundred years, might not be regarded as an in-
superable objection, if the same fault in other
parts of the present work is considered. But, on
the other hand, these points of resemblance in the
two histories seem more than counterbalanced by
the differences. ITor instance, Mordecai gained
his high station in Susa under a Persian mon-
arch ; Achiacharus in Nineveh, under Sacher-
donus, i.e., Esarhaddon. Again, according to
the present account Achiacharus had brought up
Aman, and there could hardly have existed such
a relationship between the Mordecai and Haman
of the Book of Esther. Sengelmann thinks it
favorable to the former theory that the Manasses
mentioned in this same verse is probably but the
Jewish name for Achiacharus, and that this might
be a corruption for Mordecai, the latter being
called (Tfbab) naC'H at Esth. x. 3, which might

easily have been mistaken by a copyist for nt£73JD.
On the other hand, Hgen supposes that 'A^oii' was
read for 'Afiav by a copyist, and then Manasseh
substituted for Achiacharus, in harmony with 2

Chron. xxxiii. 22, 25. Grotius would identify
the Manasses here mentioned with the Nasbas of
xi. 18, who, in his opinion, is identical with Achi-
acharus. On the whole, there seems not to be
sufficient data at hand to admit of a satisfactory
conclusion. We should hardly be justified, how-
ever, in regarding, with some critics, the passage
as a later addition, or in supposing that the
writer had the facts of the Book of Esther but
imperfectly before him.

Ver. 1 5. And before he died he heard of the
destruction of Nineve. It is well known that
authorities differ respecting the exact date of the
destruction of this city. According to the report of
Abydenas and Syncellus (through Euseb., Chron.,
can. i. 9), it would appear that it took place at
about the time when Nabopolassar ascended the
throne of Babylon, b. c. 625. According to an-
other reckoning found in Eusebius and Jerome,
Nineveh fell in the year 606, or at latest 605
(cf. Schrader, Keiiinschrift., p. 231 f.). There is
no obvious historical ground, if the first date be
correct, for the statement that Nebuchadnezzar
had personally anything to do with the capture
of Nineveh. He was still too young at this time.
But his betrothal with the daughter of Cyaxares
seems to have been one of the means adopted for
strengthening the alHance between his father, Na-
bopolassar, and the Median king, whereby the
Assyrian monarchy was overthrown. It is impos-
sible to say who is here meant by " Asuerus," as
several different persons bear this name in Bibli-
cal hooks, although it may have been one of the
names of Cyaxares. This view is held by Eawlin-
son. See his Herod., i. 523.

THE BOOK OF TOBITJ

CHAPTER I.

1 Book of the history of Tohith, the son of Tobiel, the son of Ananiel, the son of Adael,
the son of Gabael, the son of Raphael, the son of Raguel of the seed of Asiel from the

2 tribe of Nephthalim, who was carried away captive in tlie days of Enemessarus, the Icing
of the Assyrians, from Thisbe, whicli is on the right of Cydis of Nephthalim, in Upper
Galilee, above Asser, back of a road to the westward, on the left of Phogor.

S 1, Tobith, walked in the ways of truth and in righteousness all the days of my life, and
did many alms deeds to my brethren and to my nation, who had gone with me as captives

4 into the land of the Assyrians, to Nineve. And while I was in my country, in the land of
Israel, and while I was young, the whole of my father's tribe, Nephthalim, fell away from
the house of David, my father, and from the city of Jerusalem which was chosen from all
the tribes of Israel that all the tribes of Israel might sacrifice [there] ; and the temple of

5 the habitation of God was sanctified and built in it for all future time. And as for all
my brethren and the house of my father Nephthalim, they sacrificed to the calf which

6 Jerobeam,^ the king of Israel made at Dan [and] ^ on all mountains of Galilee. And I
was accustomed to go, quite alone, often to Jerusalem on the feast days, according as it
is prescribed for all Israel for a perpetual ordinance. With the first-fruits, and the first-
born, and the tenth of the cattle, and the first shearings of the sheep I hastened to Jeru-

7 salem and gave them to the priests, the sons of Aaron, for the altar. And the tenth of
the grain, and the wine, and the oil, and of pomegranates, and the figs, and of the rest of

8 the fruits of trees I gave to the sons of Levi, who minister in Jerusalem. And the second
tenth I discharged in money from the six years, and went and consumed* it, year by year,
at Jerusalem, and I gave it^ to the orphans, and the widows, and to proselytes who dwelt
among the sons of Israel I appropriated it, and gave it to them in the third year, and we
consumed it according to the regulation prescribed concerning these things in the law of
Moses, and According to the precepts which Debbora, the mother of Ananiel, our father,

9 had enjoined, for my father left me as an orphan when he died. And when I had grown
to be a man I took i wife from the seed of our father's house, and begot from her a

10 son and called his name Tobias, after I was carried away captive into Assyria.^ And
when as captive I came to Nineve, and all my brethren and they of my race ate of the

11 bread of the heathen, I, on the other hand, kept myself so that I did not eat of the
12, 13 bread of the heathen; and when I was mindful of my God with my whole soul,

the Highest also gave me favor and a shapely figure in the si^ht of Enemessarus,

14 and I purchased for him all things which he needed ; and I went into Media and pur-
chased for him from there till he died. And I deposited with Gabael, the brother of

15 Gabri, in the land of Media, bags of silver amounting to ten talents. And when Ene-
messar died and Sennacherim his son reigned in his stead, the roads of Media also were

16 unsettled, and I was no longer able to go into Media. And in the days of Enemessarus'

17 I did many alms deeds to my brethren, to those who were of my race: my bread I
was wont to give to the hungry, and clothing to the naked, and if I saw any one of my

18 nation dead and cast behind the wall of Nineve, I buried him. And if the king, Sen-
nacherim, had slain any when he came back as fugitive from Judaja at the time of the
judo-ment which the King of heaven had brought upon him on account of the blas-
phemies which he had utte°red, I buried them ; for many of the sons of Israel he slew in
his ratre, and I slipped their bodies off and buried them. And Sennacherim sought for

19 them and found them not. And a certain one of the inhabitants of Nineve went and

1 I give here a trannlation of the so-called " text B." of the Book of Tobit, the same being for the most Pajt that of
the Sinaitic MS- (X.) and where that fails, of the Itala. I follovv in all oases unless a deviation is indioated i ri z>che s
text, as found in his edition of the Apocrypha published in 1871. See Introduction to loblt under ihe Ditferent
Xexts."

- The Greek spelling is followed. ,, ^, ,, . ,. ,. .-on

s No Kai is found in the Sinait. cod., but is inserted by Reusch on the authority of Latin MS b.

4 eSairoii/a)./, Sin. ; " iSiSow per errorem soripsit Fritzsohe," Reusch. See Tisohendorf 'b ed. of LXX.

" T1JV SeKajyjtf rpirriv. Reusch.

0 Jritzsohe joins the last clause with the next verse. I have foUowed Keusch.

' The Greek is followed. See ver. 16.

148 THE APOCRYPHA.

informed the kino; of me, that I was tlie one who had secretly buried them, and when I
was aware that the king knew of me, and that my life was sought, I was afraid and ran

20 away. And I was robbed of all my possessions, and there was nothing left me which was

21 not passed over to the royal treasury except Anna, my wife, and Tobias, my son. ^ And
forty days passed not away before his two sons killed him and fled into the mountains of
Ararat. And Sacherdonus, his son, succeeded him in the kingdom, and placed Achicha-
rus, the son of Anael, my brother's son, over the entire business of accounts of his king-

22 dom, and he had power over the whole civil adttiini^traticin. Then Achicharus interceded
for me and I returned to Nineve. For Achicharus was chief cupbearer and keeper of
the signet, and comptroller, and accountant for Sennacherim, king of Assyria, and Sa-
cherdonus gave him the position of second to himself. But he was my cousin, and of
my kinsfolk. ,

Chapter 11.

1 And under king Sacherdonus I came back to my house, aiid ttere were returned to me
my wife, Anna, and Tobias, my son; and at our feast of Pentecost, which is the holy

2 feast of weeks, there was an excellent meal prepared for me. And when I sat down to
the meal, and the table was spread for me, and many dishes served up for me, 1 said
to Tobias, my son, My child, go and bring hither any poor man whatever whom thou
mayest find of our brethren of the captivity in Nineve, who is mindful of the Lord with
his whole heart, and he shall eat in common with me, and lo, I wait for thee, my cMd,

is until thou dost come. And Tobias went to seek some poor man of our brethren; and
when he returned he said, Father! And I said to him. Behold I [listen], my child. And
he answered and said, Father, behold one of our nation has been killed and cast out in

4 the market-place; just now he has been strangled there. And I sprang up and left
my meal untasted and bore him awa;y out of the street, and placed him inside one of the

5 little buildings until the sun had set and I might bury him. On returning therefore, I

6 washed myself and ate my bread in sadness, and called to mind the prophetical word
which Amos uttered at Bajthel, saying, Your feasts shall be turned into sorrow, and all

7 your songs into lamentation ; and I wept. And when the sun had gone down I went out

8 and dug a grave and buried him. And the neighbors derided me saying. Is he no longer
afraid y For already his life has been sought for this very thing, and he ran away, and

9 lo, he is burying the dead again. And on the same night I washed myself and went into
my court and slept by the wall of the court, and my face was uncovered on account of

10 the heat. And I knew not that little birds were in the wall above me, and their warm
dung fell squarely ^ into my eyes and brought on leucoma. And I went to the physi-
cians to be treated, and the more they plied me with their unguents the more blind my
eyes became from the leucoma until my sight was wholly gone. And for four years I
could not use my eyes. And all my brethren grieved on my account, and Achiacharus

11 took care of me for two years, until he went into Elymais. And at that time Anna, my
wife, was engaged among womanly employments in working in wool, and returned it to

12 her employers, and they gave her her pay. And on the seventh of Dystros" she cut off
what was woven and sent it to the employers, and they gave her her pay all of it, and

13 gave her for the family a young goat. And when she came home the kid began to bleat,
and I called her and said. Whence is this kid V It has n't been stolen has it i" Return it

14 to its owners, for we have no right to eat anything stolen. And she said to me. It was
given me as a present in addition to the pay. And I believed her not, and told her to re-
store it to the owners; and I was indignant at her because of this. Then she retorted
by saying, And where are thy alms? AVhere are thy righteous deeds? Behold thy
matters are known.

Chapter III.

1 And I grew very sad at heart and wept with sighs, and amid sighings began to pray,

2 Thou art righteous, O Lord, and all thy works are righteous, and all thy'ways are mercy

3 and truth; thou judgest the world. And so, O Lord, be thou mindful of me, and look
upon me and take not vengeance on me for my sins and for my ignorances and those of

4 my fathers. I sinned before thee, and turned a deaf ear to thy precepts, and thou gavest
us to spoil and captivity and death, and to ridicule and babble and reproach amono- all

6 the nations where thou didst scatter us. And now, thy just judgments are many in
dealing with me tor my sins, because we kept not thy precepts and walked not uprio-htly

6 before thee. And now, according to thy pleasure deal with me, and order my spirit to be
taken from me, that I may be released from the earth and become dust, since it were gain
for me to die rather thau to live: because 1 have heard false reproaches and I have much
^ (KaOnrey. 2 Macedoniau word for March.

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 149

Borrow. O Lord command that I be freed from this distress ; discharge me into the ever-
l^fv,»".?, *'^' ^"^.*"''" °°* t^i^y *hy f^ce from me, O Lord, for it werl gain for me to die
rather than experience much distress in my life, and that I should oiot hear reproaches.
, O" *f ''7 " happened to Sarra, the daughter of Raguel in Ecbatana of Media, that
she also heard reproaches from one of the maids of her father, for the reason that she
had been given m marriage to seven men and Asmodseus, the evil demon, killed them be-

fn""?.! %K T 1 ^®' T *^^'^ ';r''°'" '' t'° ^""^ ^''^l' ^°'"'^"- A-"! *e maid said
o^iTi J ' ^^^ °^'' **' ^'"^'* '^ husbands; behold alreadv thou hast been

9 Redded to seven nien and wast not named after one of them. Why do^t thou chastise us

for thy husbands, because they died ? Go thou with them, and let us see of thee neither

10 son nor daughter for ever. On that day she was grieved to the soul and wept, and havino-
gone up into the upper room of her father she would have hanged herself; and ao-ain she
considered -with herself and said. They might reproach my father ;and say to him, Thou
tedst one beloved daughter and she escaped her misfortunes by hano'ino- herself and I
tang my father's old a^e with sorrow to Hades. It is better for me not to han^ .my-
self, but to pray to 'the Lord that I may die, and no longer hear reproaches in ■mv life.

11 At this juncture she spread out her hands toward the window, and prayed, and 'said,
Blessed art thou, O merciful God, and blessed is thy name for ever, and let all thy works

12, 13 bless thee for ever. And now I have lifted up my face and my eyes unto thee. Com-

14 mand that I be released from the earth, and that I no longer hear reproaches. Thou

15 knowest, O Lord, that I am free from every impurity with a man, and that I have stained
ineither my name nor my father's name in the land of my captivity. I am an only child of
my father and he has no other to be his heir, nor has he brother at hand, or relative, that
I should keep myself for him as wife. Already my seven [husbands] have perished,
and why should 1 live any longer? And if it seem not good to thee, O Lord, to kill me,
look now upon my reproach.

'16, 17 At this point the prayer of both Of them was heard before the glory of God, and
Raphael was sent to heal both : to relieve Tobith's eyes of the leucoma in order that he
might behold with his eyes the light of God, and as to Sarra the daughter of Ea<<uel,to give
her to Tobias, the son of Tobith, as wife, and set Iher free from the evil demon Asmo-
deeus, because by inheritance she fell to Tobias rather than any of those who wished to
marry her. At that point Tobith returned from the court into his house, and Sarra, the
daughter of Raguel, she also descended from the upper room.

Chapter IV.

'1 On that day Tobith bethought himself of the money which he had deposited with

2 Gabaelus in Rages of Media ; and he said in his heart, Behold, I have asked for death ;
S ivhy not call Tobias, my son, and inform him of this money before I die? And he called

his son Tobias, and he came to him; and he said to him, My child, when I die, bury me

respectably; and honor thy mother, and leave her not all the days of her life; and do

*4 what is pleasing in her eyes, and grieve not her spirit in any single thing. Be mindful

of her my child, because she experienced many dangers in her womb on thy account;

3 and when she is dead, bury her beside me in one tomb. And all thy days, my child,
remember the Lord, and do not choose to sin, and to transgress his precepts. Practice

'6 righteousness all the days of thy life, and walk not in the ways of unrighteousness. For

7 those who practice truth 'will have prosperity in what they do. And to all who practice

righteousness' give alms of thy substance, my son, and do not turn thy face away from

any poor man, and so will it come to pass that the face of Gt)d will not be turned away

■8 from thee. According to thy ability, my son, give alms : if thou have abundance, give

the more alms from it; if thou have little, from that little itself communicate; and be not

9 anxious, my son, when thou givest alms. Thou wilt lay up for thyself a noble reward

10 against the time of need ; for alms free from death, and do not suffer one to come into

I'l, 12 darkness. A good gift is an alms to all who bestow it, before the highest God. Keep

thyself, my son, from all fornication. As wife take the nearest from the seed of thy

'parents, and marry no strange wife who is not of the tribe of thy parents. For we are

sons of the prophets, who prophesied in truth in the former times. Noe prophesied lin

the eiatly days, and Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, our fathers from the beginning of

the world. Call to mind, my son, how all these married wives of the race of their fathers,

and were blessed in their sons; and the seed of their sons shall possess the heritage of the

'I'B earth.' And thou, -my son, love thy brethren, and show not such proud spirit towards

the 'daughters of the sons of thy people that thou wilt accept no one of them ; for pride

U is destruction and great unsteadiness, and luxury is poverty and great impiety. Give his

'iTftoitfltiis verse to-Ter.'19tod-aslTe,l"rltzscliBha9'emended Ood. X., which is incomplete,, from the Old La,t.,.and
has given the whole text as there found. Reusch has supplied a text from the jklexandrine Oodex.

150 THE APOCRYPHA.

wages the same day to every man who shall have worked for thee, and let not the wages
of a man remain with thee; and thy wages shall not be diminished, if thou serve God in

15 truth. Give heed to thyself, my son, in all thy works, and be wise in all thy utterances;
and what thou hatest thyself, that do not to another. Drink not wine to drunkenness, and

16 let no iniquity whatever fasten itself upon thee in thy whole life. Give of thy bread to the
hungry, and clothe the naked with thy garments. From thy abundance of every sort,

17 my son, bestow alms; and let not thine eye look when thou givest an alms. Pour out

18 thy wine and thy bread over the tombs of the just, and give it not to sinners. Seek

19 counsel of a wise man, and do not despise it ; for all counsel is useful. On every occasion
bless God, and entreat of him that he direct thy ways and all thy paths, and that thy
purposes may turn out well, for other nations have not a worthy purpose. Whom he
will, he elevates; and whom he will he brings low, even down to the underworld.^ And
so, my child, be mindful of these precepts, and let them not be blotted out from thy heart.

20 And now, my child, T inform thee that I entrusted ten talents of silver to Gabaelus, the
brother of Gabri, at Rages in Media. And fear not, my child, because we have become
impoverished. Thou hast many good things, if thou fearest God, aiid fleest every sin,
and dost practice what is good before the Lord thy God.

Chapter V.

1 Then Tobias answered and said to Tobith, his father : All things which thou hast

2 enjoined upon me I will do, father ; but how can I receive it from him, when he
neither knows me, nor I him ? What token can I give him that he may recognize me
and have confidence in me so as to give me the money? And the roads into Media — T

3 do not know the way of getting there. Then Tobith answered and said to Tobias, his
son. His written obligation he gave me, and I gave a written obligation to him ; and I
divided it into two parts, and we took each a piece, and I laid it along with the money.
And now, behold, twenty years are gone since I deposited this money. And so, my child,
seek for thyself a trust)' man who shall go with thee, whom we will pay after thou

4 hast returned, and get from him this money. And Tobias went out to seek a man who
should go with him into Media, one acquainted with the way; and when he went out
he found Raphael, the ann;el, standing before him, and he knew not that he was an angel

5 of God. And he said to him, Whence art thou, young man? And he said to him, From
the sons of Israel, thy brethren, and I have come hither to get employment. And he

6 said to him, Dost thou know the way to go into Media? And he said to him, Oh, yes!
I have been there many times, and have experience, and am acquainted with all the
roads. I have often gone into Media, and lodged with Gabaelus, our brother, who
lives at Rages in Media ; and it is a definite journey of two days from Ecliatana to

7 Rages ; for it lies in the mountain, Ecbatana in the midst of the plain. And he said to
him. Wait for me, young man, until I go in and inform my father; for I have need of thee

8 to go with me, and I will give thee thy wages. And he said to him. Behold, I wait;
only do not stay long. And Tobias went in, and informed Tobith, his father, and said
to him, Lo, I have found a man from our brethren, of the sons of Israel. And he said to
him. Call the man to me, that I may learn of what race he is, and of what tribe, and

9 whether he is sufficiently trusty to go with thee, my child. And Tobias went out and
called him, and said to him. Young man, ray father would see thee. And he went in to
him, and Tobith greeted him first. And he said to him, Much joy be unto thee ! And
Tobith answered and said to him. What joy remains to me more? I am even one who
has no use of his eyes, and see not the light of heaven, but sit in darkness as the dead
who no more see the light; I am alive among the dead; I hear the voice of men, and see
them not. And he said to him. Be of good courage: to heal thee is near with God; be
of good courage. And Tobith said to him, Tobias, my son, wishes to go into Media, if
thou canst be his companion and guide; and I will give thee thy wages, my brother.
And he said to him, I shall be able to go with him, and I know all the ways ; and I have
often been going into Media, and passed through all its plains and mountains, and I am

10 acquainted with all its roads. And he said to him, My brother, of what family art thou,

11 and of what tribe? Show me, my brother. And he replied, What use hast thou for a
tribe? And he said to him, I desire to know truthfully, brother, whose son thou art, and

12 what thy name is. And he answered him, I am Azarias, son of the great Ananias, of thy

13 brethren. And he said to him, Health and safety to you, my brother; and be not vexed
at me, brother, that I wished to know the truth and thy father's house. Thou also art a
brother of ours, and of an excellent and good race. I was acquainted with Ananias and

«
1 The Sin. Cod. confounds vers. 7 and 19, omitting wtiat intervenes between tlie words iroioCcrtv UKauxrvvrflf of tho
one, and Sua-ei tnipio'; auroi; ^ovAv)!/ ayajSriv of the otiier ; but with the exception of the latter words, which are not
found in it, the Old Latin sufticiently well restores the sense.

THE BOOK 01" TOBIT. 151

Nathan, the two sons of the great Semelias, and they went with me to Jerusalem, and
worshipped with me there, and they did not go astray. Tliy brethren were good men,

14 of a good stock art thou, and I bid thee welcome. He also said to him, I will give thee
as wages a drachma a day and the things thou mayest need, just as to my son; and

15 do thou go with my son, and I will add somewhat to thy wages. And he said to him, I
will go with him. And be without anxiety : we shall go away in health, and in health shall
we return to you, for the road is safe. And he said to him, A blessing be upon thee, my

16 brother! And he called his son, and said to him. My child, get ready the things neces-
sary for the journey, and go along with thy brother ; and the God who is in heaven
preserve you [to get] there, and bring you back to me safe and sound ; and may his angel
attend you with safety, my child I

And he went forth to go his way, and kissed his father and mother; and Tobith said

17 to him, A safe journey ! And his mother wept, and said to Tobith, Why hast thou sent
away my child? Is not he the staff of our hand, and does he not go in and out be-

18 fore us ? Add not money to money, but let it be as refuse in comparison with ^or, as a

19 ransom for] our son. As we receive enough from the Lord to live, let this suffice us.

20 And he replied to her. Be not anxious: our child will go in health, and in health will he
return to us. And thy eyes shall see him on the day on which he will return to thee in

21 health. Be not anxious; fear not for them, my sister; for a good angel will attend him,

22 and his way shall be prospered, and he shall return safe and sound. And she ceased
crying.

Chapter VI.

1 And the young man departed, and the angel with him; the dog, too, went out with
him, and accompanied them on the journey; and as they travelled together the first night

2 came upon them, and they spent it at the river Tigris. And the young man went down
to the river Tigris to bathe his feet; and a huge fish leaped out of the water, and would

3 have swallowed the foot of the young man. And when he cried out, the angel said to
the young man, Lay hold and get possession of the fish. And the young man mastered

4 the fish, and drew it up upon the land. And the angel said to him. Divide the fish, and
take out its gall and heart and liver, and lay them up by thee, and throw away the insides;

5 for its gall and heart and liver are good as medicine. And the young man divided the
fish, and collected together the gall and the heart and the liver; and some of the fish he
broiled and ate, and left over a part of it, which he salted. And they journeyed both

6 together until they drew near to Media. And then the young man spoke to the angel,
and asked him, Brother Azarias, what are the medicinal quaUties in the heart and the

7 liver of the fish and in the gall? And he answered him, Ihe heart and the liver of the
fish, — make a smoke with them before a man or a woman who is attacked by a demon
or evil spirit, and every attack will cease from him, and they will not continue with him

8 any more for ever. And the gall is to anoint a man's eyes with who has leucoma on

9 them. Blow it in upon the white spots that are on them, and they will get well. And
when he had come into Media, and already approached Ecbatana, Raphael said to the

10 young man. Brother Tobias! And he said. Behold, I [listen]! And he said to him.
In the house of Raguel must we lodge this night; and the man is of thy kin, and has a

11 daughter whose name is Sarra; and he has no son i or daughter, with the sole excep-
tion" of Sarra ; and thou art her next of kin, to whom she falls by inheritance rather
than to any other man, and thou hast the right to inherit her father's substance. And
the maiden is intelligent and courageous and very beautiful, and her father is a noble

12 man. He also said:"Thou hast the right to marry her; and listen to me, my brother,
and I will talk this night with her father concerning the maiden that we may get her for
thee as bride, and when we return from Rages we will celebrate the wedding with her;
and I know that Raguel cannot withhold her from thee, or betroth her to another, without
exposing himself to death according to the ordinance of the book of Moses; and because
of the knowledge that the inheritance is thine, it is fitting that thou, rather than any
other man, shouldest marry his daughter. And now listen to me, my brother, and let
us this night speak about the maiden, and ask her in marriage for thee; and, when we

13 return from Rages, we will take her, and lead her away with us to thy house. Then
Tobias answered and said to Raphael, Brother Azarias, I have heard that she has
already been given to seven men, and they died in their bridal chamber; the night
when they entered in unto her they also died.2 And I have heard it said that a demon

14 killed them. And now I am afraid, because, while he does not injure her, he kills him
who has a mind to come near to her. I am my father's only child, [I am afraid] lest I
die and bring down the life of my father and my mother, with grief on my account, to

15 their grave ; "and they have no other son to bury them. And he said to him. Dost

1 Iho Greek is vibt ifirriv. ' Tte last clause is omitted by Keusoli, following the best Latin MS8.

152 THE APOCRYPHA.

thou not recall the injunctions of thy father, that he bade thee marry a wife from the
house of thy father? And so hear me, my brother, and be not anxious about this

16 demon, and take her. And I know that this night she shall be given thee as wife. And
when thou enterest into the marriage chamber, take some of the liver of the fish, and the
heart, and place it on the ashes of the incense, and the smoke will issue from it ; and the

17 demon will smell it, and will flee away, and no more appear in her neighborhood forever.
And when thou art about to have connection with her, rise up first, both of you, and
pray and entreat the Lord of heaven that mercy and salvation may come upon you. And
fear not; for she has been apportioned to thee from eternity, and thou wilt save her, and
she will go witli thee ; and I suppose that thou wilt have children from her, and they
will be to thee as brothers ; have no anxiety. And when Tobias heard the words of
Raphael, and that she was his sister, from the seed of his father's house, he loved her
■very much, and his heart cleaved to her.

Chapter Vll.

1 And when he arrived at Ecbatana, he said to him, Brother Azarias, take me a direct
course to Raguel, our brother. And he took him to the house of Raguelus, and they found
him sitting by the door of the court, and they saluted him first; and he said to :them.
Many welcomes, my brethren! And I hope you come in the best of health! And he led

2 them into his house; and he said to Edna, his wife. How like is this young man to

3 Tobith, my brother! And Edna asked them a,nd said to them. Whence are you, my
brethren 7 And they replied to her. We are of the sons of Neplithalim, of the captivity

4 at Nineve. And she said to them. Do you know Tobith, our brother? And they

5 answered iher. We know him. And she said to them, Is he well ? And they replied to'lier.

6 He is alive and well. And Tobias said. He is my father. And Raguel sprang up, and

7 kissed him tenderly, and wept. And blessing him he said, A blessing be upon thee, my
child, who art the son of a noble and good man! O the wretched misfortune, that a
righteous man and a giver of alms should become blind! And falling on the neck of

8 Tobias, his brother, he wept. And Edna his wife wept for him; and Sarra, their
daughter, she also wept. And he slaughtered a ram from the flock, and entertained
them heartily; and, after they had bathed and washed and sat down to eat, Tobias
said to Raphael, Brother Azarias, , Speak to Raguel that he give me Sarra, .my sis-

9 ter? And Raguel heard the remark, and said to the young man, Eat and drink and

10 be merry this night; for there is no man who can properly marry my daughter, Sarra,
except thyself, my brother. And moreover, likewise, I have no power to give her to any
other man, except thyself, because thou art my next of kin. And [yet] verily I will

11 make known to thee the truth, my child. I have given her to seven men of our brethren,
and they all died the night when they entered in to her. And now, my child, eat and
drink, and the Lord will show you mercy. And Tobias said, I will not eat here at all, nor

12 drink at all, until thou hast arranged these matters with me. And Raguel said to him,
I will do it, and she shall be given thee, according to the ordinance of the book of Moses ;
and it has been fixed in heaven that she is to be given to thee. Receive thy sister.
From now on thou art her brother, and she is thy sister; from to-day and for ever she is
made over to thee. And the Lord of heaven prosper you, my child; this night, also,

13 may he bestow upon you mercy and peace. And Raguel called his daughter, Sarra, and
she came to him; and, taking her hand, he gave her away to him, and said, Receive her
according to the law, and according to the ordinance written in the book of Moses that
she is given thee as thy wife, and keep her, and lead her away to thy father in health,

14 and the God of heaven give you prosperity and peace. And he called her mother, and
bade her bring paper ; and he wrote a certificate of marriage, and that he gaveher away

1.5 to him as wife according to the ordinance of the law of Moses. After that they bean
IB to eat and to drink. And Raguel called Edna, his wife, and said to her, Sister, make

1 7 ready the other sleeping-room, and lead her in there. And she went into the sleeping-
room, and put the couch in readiness, as he had bidden her, and led her in there, and

18 wept over lier; and, when she had wiped away the tears, she said to her. Be of good
cheer, my daughter; the Lord of heaven give thee joy for thy sorrow; be of good cheer,
my daughter. And she departed.

Chapter VIII.

1 And when they were through with eating and drinking, they wished to go to iSleep,

2 and they led away the young man and conducted him into the sleeping-room. And
jTobias recalled the words of Raphael, .and, bptftok the liver and, the beMt.of ithpifish out

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 153

of the little sack where he had kept them and laid them on the ashes of the incetise.

3 And the odor of the fish was a check to the demon and hei ran away into the apper parts
of Egypt, and Raphael went and fettered hdm there and bound him forthwith.' And they

4 went out and shut the door of the sleeping-room. And Tobias arose froitei the couch and
said to her, Sister, rise up, let us pray and entreat our Lord that he will bestow upon us

t) mercy and deliverance. And she rose up, and they begin to pray aiid entreat that (hey
might find deliverance; and he began, saying. Blessed) art thou, O God of our fathers,

6 and blessed is thy name for ever ; let the heavens bless thee, and thy whole creation f6r
ever. Tliou didst make Adam and madest for hira^ a Mpful sifpport, Eva, Ms' wife; and
from both sprang the race of men. And thou didst say, It is not good for roan to be alone,

7 let us make for him a helper like himself. And now, I take not this my sister for the'sake

8 of lust, but in truth. Command that mercy be shown me and her, and that we become old

9 together. And they Said with one another. Amen. And they slept through the night.

And Haguel rose up and called his servants with him, and they went and dug a grave;

10 for he said. He may perhaps have died and we become a, laughing-stock and reproach.

11 And when they were through digging the grave, Raguel went into the house and called bis

12 wife and said. Send one of the maids and let her go in and see if he is alive; and it dead,
13' that we may Ijury him, so that no man know it; And they sent the maid, and lighted

the lamp and opened the door; and she went in and found them at rest and asleep to-

14 gether. And the maid came out and told them that he was alive and that there was no

15 trouble. And they blessed the God of Heaven and said. Blessed art thou, O God, with

16 all pure blessing; let them bless thee for ever ; and blessed art thou that thou hast made
me glad, and it has not happened as I suspected, but thou hast dealt with us according

17 to thy great mercy. And blessed art thou that thou didst pity two only-begotten
children. Grant them, O Lord, mercy and salvation, and bring their life to a close with

18 joy and mercy. Then he ordered his servants to fill up the grave before the dawn should

19 appear. And he bade his wife make much bread. And going out to the herd he brought
two bullocks and four rams and ordered that they should be made ready, and they began

20 to prepare them. And he called Tobias and said to him, Under fourteen days thou
shalt not stir a step from here, but remain in this place eating and drinking with me and

21 makinc' "lad the soul of my daughter, that is cast down. And of my entire property take
hence half and go in health to thy father, and the other half is yours when 1 and my wife
are dead. Be of good cheer, my child, I am thy father and Edna thy mother. And we
are with thee and thy sister from this time forth for ever ; be of good cheer, my child I

Chamer IX.

1, 2 TflBN Tobias called Raphael and said to him, Brother Azarias, take with thee four ser-
vants afld two camels, and go to Ragfes and visit Gabaetus, and give him the written obliga-
S tion and cet the money and bring him with thee to the wedding. For thou knowest that

4 my father will be counting the days, and if I delay a single day I shall grieve him sorely.

5 And thou seest how Raguel has sworn, and I cannot disrerard his oath. And Raphael,
with the four servants and two camels, went to Rages of Media and stayed over night
with Gabaelus ; and he delivered to him his written Obligation and told him about Tobias,
the son of Tobith, that he had married a wife and that he invited him to the wedding.
And he rose up and counted out to him the little sacks with their seals and they laid them

6 together. And they arose early in the morning together, and started out for the wedding;
and they came into the house of Raguel and found Tobias reclining at table. And he
spran* up and embraced him, and wept and blessed him and said to him, A noble and
good man, son of one noble and good, righteous and merciful, art thou; may the Lord give
thee and thy wife heaven's blessing, and to thy father and the mother of thy wife. Blessed
he God that I have seen Tobias, my cousin, a picture of him.'

Chapter X.

1 But Tobith reckoned day by day the number of days it would require for him to go

2 and to return. And when the days came to an end and his son did not appear, he
said. Has he perhaps been detained there? Or is Gabael possibly dead and no one de-

3 4 livers to him the money? And he began to be sorrowful. And Anna, his wife, said,
'Mv son has perished and is no more among the living. And she began to weep and la-

5 ment for her son, and said. Woe to me, my child, that I let you go away, the light of my

1 Beiisoh has lor the laet clause xal imarf^^^v iropaxruta, " and returned immediately." „,^.v^ .rirf„

» 'O^oiw airi Reuseh would emend to St. .Bo» « Ta^W toO dwi^fau (io» o^wf. The Old Lat. is : " quomam mdto
ThM amaobrim mti similem."

154 THE APOCRYPHA.

6 eyes ! And Tobith said to her, Be silent, have no anxiety, sister ! He is well, and they
have been finely entertained there; and the man who went with him is trusty, and is one
of our brethren. Grieve not on his account, my sister. He will be here right away.

7 And she said to him, Do not talk to me, and deceive me not; my child has perished. And
she rushed out and day by day looked round about on the road which her son went, and
trusted to nobody ; ' and when the sun went down she returned home and lamented
and wept the whole night and had no sleep. And when the fourteen days of the wedding

8 were over which Raguel had sworn to observe for his daughter, Tobias went to him and
said. Send me away, for I know that my father and mother do not believe that they shall
see me again ; and now I beg thee, father, to send me away that I may go to my father —

9 I'have already told you in what state I left him. And Raguel said to Tobias, Stay, my
child, stay with me, and I will send messengers to thy father Tobith, and they shall in-

10 form him concerning thee. And he said to him, By no means, I pray you permit me to

11 go hence to my father. And Raguel rose up and delivered to Tobias Sarra, his wife, and
half of all his possessions, menservants and maidservants, cattle and sheep, asses and

12 camels, clothing, and money, and vessels, and he sent them away .in health, and em-
braced him and said to him. Farewell, my child, in health go hence; the Lord of heaven
prosper you and Sarra thy wife and may I see from you children before I die. And he
said to Sarra, his daughter, Go to thy father-in-law, for from this time forth they are thy
parents as those who have begotten thee; go in peace, my daughter; may I hear good
of thee as long as I live. And embracing them he let them go. And Edna said to Tobias,
My child and beloved brother, may the Lord bring thee back and may I see thy children
while I live and those of Sarra my daughter before I die. Before the Lord I give over my
daughter to thee in trust; grieve her not all the days of thy lite. Go, dear child, in peace,
from henceforth I am thy mother and Sarra thy sister. And may we all be prospered in
the same thing all the days of our life. And she tenderly kissed them both and sent them

13 away in health. And Tobias went away from Raguel hale and happy and blesssing the
Lord of heaven and earth, the King of all, that he had given him a prosperous journey;
and he [Raphael?] said to him. May it be granted thee ^ to honor them all the days of
their life.

Chapter XI.

1,2 And when they drew near to Caserin,' which is over against Nineve, Raphael said,

3 Thou knowest how we left thy father; let us hasten on in advance of thy wife and get the

4 house ready while they are on the way.* And they went on both together; and he said to
him, Take in thy hand the gall. And the dog went along with them, behind him and

6, 6 Tobias. And Anna sat looking around over her son's road. And she espied him
cominCT and said to his father, Lo, thy son is coming and the man who went with him.

7 And Raphael said to Tobias before he got near his father, I know that his eyes will be

8 opened ; rub the gall of the fish into his eyes and the medicine will make them shrink
up and the leucoma will peel off from his eyes and thy father will see again and behold

9 the light. And Anna ran up and fell on her son's neck and said to him, I have seen

10 thee, my child, henceforth I am ready to die. And she wept. And Tobith rose up and
stumbled with his feet, and he went out to the door of the court. And Tobias advanced to

11 him, and the gall of the fish was in his hand; and he blew it into his eyes and took hold of

12 him and said. Be of good courage, father. And he applied the medicine to him once

13 and again; and with both his hands he peeled off [the substance] from the corners of his

14 eyes ; and he fell on his neck and wept, and said to him, 1 have seen thee my child, the light
of my eyes! And he said. Blessed be God, and blessed his great name, and blessed be all

15 his holy angels. May his great name be upon us and all the angels be blessed for ever, for
he chastised me and behold, I see Tobias, my son. And Tobias went in rejoicincr and
blessing God with his whole mouth ; and Tobias told his father that his journey had been
prospered and that he had brought the money and how he had married Sarra, the daughter
of Raguel, and. Behold she is at hand and is in the neighborhood of the gate of Nineve.

16 And Tobith went out to meet his daughter-in-law, rejoicing and blessing God, to the
gate of Nineve. And the inhabitants of Nineve, as they saw him going, and walkincr aloncr

17 in his full strength and led by the hand of none, wondered. And Tobith acknowledo-ed
before them that God had had mercy on him and that he had opened his eyes. And Tobith
drew near to Sarra, the wife of Tobias his son, and blessed her and said to her, Welcome,
daughter, and blessed be thy God who has brought thee to us, daughter, and blessed is thy
father, and blessed is Tobias my son, and blessed art thou, my daughter. Enter into thy

1 Reuss adopts foreVei'eeTO oufiect from " C," (l'. e., 44. 106. 107.), iyev^aro ouSefos.

3 Reusch would substitute /aoi for o-ot, and put the Terb in the optative instead of the subjunctive. " G." has yivotri
uoi Ti^ar Tof nevd^pw juou, etc. ; Old Lat., " Injunctum est miki a Domino honorari vos omnibus diebus viteB nestrm,^^

* Reusch writes from conjecture XoAdx ; the Old Lat. has Charam ; the Codd. named by Beusch "0.," Xdutropeia.

* 'El* <p epxovToi. Reusch, c(i>s epxerai OTritru iift^v.

THE BOOK OF TOBIT. 155

house in health, in blessing and joy enter in, my daughter. On this day there came joy
18 to all the Jews who were in Nineve. And Achicar and Nabad, his cousins, were present
to rejoice with Tobith.

Chapter XII.

1 And when the wedding was over Tobith called his son, Tobias, and said to him. My
child, see that thou givest his wages to the man who went with thee and give him more

2 than the wages. And he said to him, Father, how much as wages shall I give him? I
shall not be harmed if I give him half of the property which he brought here with me;

3 he has guided me prosperously, and my wife he has cured, and the money he has brought
in my company, and has healed thee : how much additional as wages shall I give him?

4 And Tobith said to him. It is right for him, my child, to receive half of all that he brought.

5 And he called him and said. Take half of all that thou didst bring as thy wages, and

6 go in liealth. Then he called the two aside and said to them, Bless God and acknowl-
edge him before all the living for the good things he has done in your case that you
might bless and praise his name; declare the works of God to all men with honor and

7 be not slow to acknowledge him ; to conceal a secret of a king is well, but to acknowledge
the works of God and reveal them [is also well] ; and [so] acknowledge him with honor.'

8 Practice the good and evil shall not find you. Prayer is good with truth, and alms with
righteousness better than wealth with unrighteousness; better is it to give alms than hoard

9 up money. Almsgiving delivers from death and it cleanses from every sin ; those who

10 give alms shall be filled with life; those who practice sin and unrighteousness are enemies

11 of their own souls. I will make known to you the whole truth and conceal from you
nothing. Already I have shown you and said, A secret of a king it is well to conceal,

12 and to reveal with praise the works of God. And now, when thou and Sarra didst pray I
brought the memorial of your prayer before the glory of the Lord, and when thou didst bury

13 the dead bodies likewise, and when thou didst not delay to rise up and leave thy meal and

14 go and bury the corpse, then I was sent to thee to prove thee and at the same time God

15 sent me to heal thee and Sarra thy daughter-in-law.'' I am Raphael, one of the seven an-

16 gels who stand in waiting, and go in before the glory of the Lord. And the two were in

17 consternation and fell down on their faces and were afraid. And he said to them. Fear not ;

18 peace be to you! Bless God for ever. I, when I was with you, was not with you by my

19 favor but by the will of God, bless him for ever; praise him. And you observed me that

20 I ate nothing, but it was a vision you saw. And now bless the Lord on earth and acknowl-
edge God. Behold I ascend up to him that sent me ; record all that which has happened to

21, 22 you. And he ascended. And they arose and could see him no more. And they
blessed and praised God and gave him thanks for all these his great works, that an angel
of God had appeared to them.

Chapter XIU.

' 1, 2 And he said. Blessed be God who lives for ever and blessed be his kingdom, for he

chastises and shows mercy, he leads down to Hades, in the lowest part of the earth and

he brings up from the great destruction and there is nothing which shall escape his hand.

3, 4 Confess him, ye sons of Israel, before the nations, for he scattered you among them, and

there he showed you his greatness ; and exalt him in the sight of everything that lives, since

5 he is our Lord and he is our God and he is our Father and he is God for ever. He will
chastise you for your unrighteousness and will have mercy on you all ' out of all peoples

6 among whom you may have been anywhither scattered. When you turn to liim with your
whole heart and your whole soul to practice truth before him then will he turn to you and

8 will no longer hide his face from you. And now observe what he has done with you, and
confess him with thy whole mouth and bless the Lord of righteousness and exalt the eternal

10 King.* And again, thy tabernacle shall be set up in thee with joy, [and he will turn] to make

11 glad in thee all the captives and to love in thee all the wretched even for ever. A clear
licht shall shine to all the ends of the earth ; many nations shall come to thee from far and
dwellers in the uttermost parts of the earth to thy holy name, yea having their gifts in their
hands. To the King of heaven generations of generations shall give praise in thee and [carry V

12 the] name of the chosen one to eternity.* Cursed shall be all they who speak a harsh
word, cursed shall be all they who destroy thee and cast down thy walls, and all who
overturn thy towers and set fire to thy dwellings, and blessed shall be for ever those who

13 fear 8 thee. Then go' and rejoice before the sons of the just, for all shall be gathered

1 Beuss has emended to : ra 5e epya tou deov i^oiioKoyeltrBai rflTi/iWff, omitting Kai avaxaXvnTeiV, Kai i^oixoXoyeiadv.

* Tlie Greek is, riji' rujiActij;' a-ov. -, . .^ . -

s We follow tlie Binaitic Cod., witli Fritzsche | Reusoh supplies from other MSS. Kai m/vafei vjiai. ^

« The next three verses are wanting in X. ' BeuBoh's text reads, rh ovojia o-ov enAeicToi'

" Iteusch adopts, from the Old Latin, oucoSoiu>Ovt« for ^^oufuroi of the Sin.

t B«QSch has xo^P^h which is the reading of II.

156 THE APOCRYPHA.

14 together and shall bless the everlasting Lord. Happy are they that love thee and happy
are they that shall rejoice over thy peace, and happy are all the men who shall grieve
for thee on account of thy chastisements, for they shall have joy in thee and shall see all thy

15, 16 joy for ever. My soul blesses the Lord, the great King, for in the city of ^ Jerusalem
shall be built his house for ever. Happy shall I be if the remnant of my seed survive
to behold thy glory, and to give thanks to the King of heaven. And the gates of Jeru-
salem shall be built vntb sapphire and emerald, and all thy walls with precious stone ;
the towers of Jerusalem shall be built with gold and their bulwarks with pure gold ; the

17 broadways of Jerusalem shall be paved with carbuncle and stone of Suphir. And the

18 gates of Jerusalem shall utter songs of praise and all her dwellings say, Alleluia, blessed be
the God of Israel. And blessed ones shall bless the holy name for ever and aye.

Chapter XIV.

1 And the words of Tobith's thanksgiving were ended, and he died in peace, one

2 hundred and twelve years old, and was buried with honor in Nineve. And he was
sixty-two years old when he became blind; and after he saw again he lived in good

3 circumstances, and practiced almsgiving. And still more he praised God, and confessed
his greatness. And when be was dying he called Tobias, his son, and charged him,

4 saying. My son, take away thy children, and hasten into Media, for I believe the word
of God against Nineve which Nahum uttered: that all things shall be and shall come upon
Assur and Nineve; and what the prophets of Israel have spoken, whom God sent, all will
come to pass, and nothing at all will fail from all the predictions ; yea, all will take
place in their time ; and in Media there will be safety, rather than in Assyria and in
Babylon. [Go] for I know and am assured that all things which God has spoken will be
fulfilled and will be, and not one word of his utterances fail. And our brethren who
dwell in the land of Israel will all be scattered, and carried away captive from the good
land, and the whole land of Israel will be desolate, and Samaria and Jerusalem will be

5 desolate, and God's house in it will also be burned until its time. And again God will
have mercy on them, and God will return them to the land of Israel; and again they wUl
build the house, yet not as the first, until the time when the period of the epochs has
been fulfilled. And afterwards all will return from their captivity, and will build Jerusalem
gloriously, and the house of God will be built in it, according as the prophets of Israel

6 have spoken concerning her. And all the nations which are in the whole earth will turn,
and fear God truly, and all will forsake their idols, which seduced them to their false

7 ways, and will bless the eternal God in righteousness. All the sons of Israel who are
saved in those days, remembering God in truth, will be gathered together, and will
come to Jerusalem, and dwell for ever in the land of Abraam in safety, and it will be
given over to them; and they that love God in truth will rejoice, and they that practice

8 sin and unrighteousness will cease from the whole land. And so, my children, I enjoin it
upon you : serve God in truth, and do that which is pleasing in his sight, and enjoin it upon
your children to practice righteousness and almsgiving, and that they be mindful of God,

9 and praise his name at every opportunity in truth, and with their whole strength. And

10 now, my child, do thou go away from Nineve, and remain not here. On the very day on
which thou shalt bury thy mother by my side, stay not over night in her borders; for I see
that there is much unrighteousness in her, and much guile comes to fruit in her, and they
are not ashamed. Behold, my child, what Nadab did to Achicarus, who brought him up:
was he not brought down alive into the earth? And God paid back the dishonor to his
face; and Achicarus came out into the light, while Nadab went into the eternal darkness,
because he sought to kill Achicarus. Because he practiced almsgiving in my case ho
escaped the snare of death which Nadab laid for him ; and Nadab fell into the snare of

11 death, and it destroyed him. And now, ray children, see what almsgiving does; and what
unrighteousness does — that it kills. And, behold, my spirit is departing. And they laid

12 him on the bed, and he died, and was buried with honor. And when his mother died
Tobias buried her by his father, and he and his wife went away into Media, and dwelt

13 in Ecbatana with Raguelus, his father-in-law; and he cherished them honorably in their
old age. And he buried them in Eobatana, of Media, and inherited the house of Raguelus

14 and that of Tobith, his father. And he died with honor when he was one hundred and

15 seventeen years old; and he saw, before his death, and heard of the destruction of
Nineve; and he saw her captives led to Media, whom Asuerus," the king of Media, led
captive. And he blessed God in all which he did to the sons of Nineve and Assur, and
he rejoiced before his death over Nineve; and he blessed the Lord, who is God for ever
and ever. Amen!

^ Beusch has axlopted n-oAiv for rp jrd\et of the Sin.

3 BeusDh has 'Axiaxopos, which is the originai reading of X. ; Old lat., Aehiear.

THE BOOK OF JUDITH.

INTRODUCTION.

The Book of Judith, ■which Luther for some reason not yet explained places at the hegin-
ning of the apocryphal books in his translation of the Bible, in the English Bible comes fourth
in order, being preceded by 1 and 2 Esdras and Tobit. Its contents are, in brief, as fol-
lows : An Assyrian king, called Nabuchodonosor, residing at Nineveh, was carrying on, in
the twelfth year of his reign, a war against a certain Median king named Arphaxad. After
five years of conflict, the latter was defeated and slain, and his capital, Ecbatana, destroyed.
In this war the neighboring peoples had allied themselves to the one side or the other, as
their own prejudices or interests dictated. The war being over, and his victory having been
duly celebrated by Nabuchodonosor, he determined to take vengeance on such nations, in-
cluding the Jews, as had refused to become his allies against Arphaxad.

Operations against the latter people were undertaken by Olophernes, the general of Nabu-
chodonosor, at first in connection with a certain fortified place called Betulua, situated some-
where in the mountains of Judah. He laid siege to the place, and after a period of thirty-
four days had brought the inhabitants into a condition of the deepest distress. They despaired
of deliverance, and, with the hope of saving at least their lives, wished to surrender to the
Assyrians. Ozias, however, one of the "governors" of the city, counseled delay for five
days longer, expressing the hope that within this time Jehovah would in some way interpose
for their deliverance. At this point Judith, a rich, pious, and beautiful widow, presents
herself before the elders of the city and declares her readiness to engage in an enterprise for
the rescue of her people, but is unwilling to communicate the details of her plan. She is
allowed to go forth on her perilous undertaking, and reaches in safety the Assyrian camp,
attended only by a single maid. Here, after three days, she succeeds in so far winning the
confidence of Olophernes and his oSicers that she is allowed to remain alone in the former's
tent while he is in a state of beastly intoxication. With his own sword she sunders the head
of this redoubtable general from his body, and under cover of the darkness makes good her
escape with the bloody trophy. Arrived in Betulua, she advises that the head of Olophernes
be suspended over the walls, and that a feint of attacking the Assyrians be made at the break
of day. Her counsel being followed, the Assyrians are utterly routed and are pursued by the
Jews as far as Damascus. Thirty days are consumed in plundering the Assyrian camp, after
which great honors are paid to Judith by the high priest and the entire nation. She dies at
the ao-e of one hundred and four years, and is publicly lamented for seven days. During her
lifetime, subsequent to the defeat of the Assyrians, and for a long period after her death,
Israel had peace.

Is the Booh a History or a Romance?

With the exception of Wolf and Von Gumpach, those who in modern times defend the
story of Judith as a veritable history are found almost exclusively within the bounds of the
Roman Catholic church. How serious a task these persons have taken upon themselves, and
how far short they have come of its successful execution, we shall endeavor to show. It is
seen, in the first place, in the widely divergent theories proposed by them in accounting for
the origin of the work. Some would assign the events narrated to a period just previous to
the Babylonian captivity, others, with equal assurance, to that just after the return, while by
still others they have been located in almost every subsequent century down to the time of
Christ. Naturally, the difficulty of disposing of Nabuchodonosor is one of the greatest, and
there is scarcely an Assyrian, a Babylonian, Persian, or Seleucian king with whom, at one

158 THE APOCRYPHA.

time or another, he has not been identified, — Cambyses, Xerxes, Esarhaddon, Kiniladen, Me-
rodaeh Baladan, among them. There is a like want of unanimity among its defenders respect-
ing the authorship of the work. Some maintain that it was Judith herself. Others fix
upon Joacim, the high priest. Wolf will have it that it was no other than Achior the Am-
monite.

The geographical problems which the remarkable campaign of Olophernes force upon the
careful reader are no less productive of differences of opinion among the supporters of the
credibility of the history. No one seems able to trace this general's line of march in a man-
ner satisfactory to his co-laborers. Such a state of things is, in itself, calculated to awaken
doubt even in the minds of those naturally inclined to accept the supposition of a real his-
tory. But when the actual facts of the case are known, the misstatements, the anachro-
nisms, the geographical absurdities, the literary extravagances of the book considered, it is
difBcult to see how any unprejudiced reader can hesitate in his decision that, whatever slight
basis of truth or worthy aim it may have had, it is essentially a work of the imagination. In
harmony with this view, Luther speaks of it as a kind of allegorical, didactic, passion-play
(Paxsionss-piel) ; Grotius, as an allegorical work intended for comfort and encouragement ;
Buddeus, as a drama; Niebuhr, an epic; Babor, an apologue; Jahn, a didactic poem; Movers
and Ewald, a legend ; Eichhorn, a worthless [?] fable of an ignorant Jew; Bertholdt, purely
a work of the fancy; Keil and Gutmann, a free, poetic working over of a traditional, and dur-
ing its transmission much changed historical saga ; Fritzsche and De Wette, a poem with
patriotic and moral aim ; Vaihinger, a prophetico-poetical narrative ; Westcott, historical
fiction. This line of opinions which, under various forms of expression, is essentially one,
finds its support in the following among other similar characteristics of the book.

First, the impossibility of reconciling its historical statements and presuppositions with one
another or with universally acknowledged facts. In the earlier chapters of the book, for ex-
ample, we read that an Assyrian army marched against the Jews. This could have happened
only before the Exile, while in the later chapters the entire representation is of a period sub-
sequent to the Exile. It is distinctly stated, in fact, that the people had but just returned
from the Captivity, and that the temple, which had been destroyed, was again restored and
consecrated (iv. 3; v. 18, 19). They had no longer a king, but were politically united under
a high priest by the name of Joacim, who ruled in connection with the Sanhedrin (iv. 6, 8;
XV. 8). After the heroic act of Judith, the country is said to have had peace for a long time
(xvi. 25). It is as impossible, from these historical data, to fix the period covered by our
narrative soon after the Captivity as immediately before it. Still, this has been the usual
course of those attempting to defend its credibility. Nabuchodonosor, for instance, is assumed
to be some Persian king. Gutschmid sought to identify him with Artaxerxes Oohus, who is
known to have had a general by the name of Olophernes. But while meeting this compara-
tively trifling condition of the problem he became involved in a network of more serious diffi-
culties, from which he found it impossible to extricate himself. He was obliged, among other
things, to explain how it was possible for Nineveh to be still in existence at that period, and
how such a campaign as the one described could then have been undertaken against Israel.
Those, on the other hand, like Wolf and Niebuhr, who have preferred to take the bull boldly
by the horns, and to locate the history where its opening chapters place it, have shown a no
less astounding temerity in the character of their suppositions and logical combinations.
Fritzsche (Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. w.) says of these critics: " That history knows nothing of a
Nabuchodonosor, as king of Assyria in Nineveh, or of a Median king Arphaxad, who built the
walls of Ecbatana, troubles them not. By the latter mentioned they understand, at one time,
Deioces, the builder of Ecbatana (Herod., i. 98 [according to Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 883,
there was really no such person]; at another time, and more commonly, his son Phraortes.
Here, truly, there was something to hold to, that this person, in the twenty-second year of
his reign, was overwhelmingly defeated by the Assyrians (Herod., i. 102). The difference in
name could indeed be explained, and that the task of building Ecbatana had been entrusted
to him by his father might be considered as a pardonable error of representation. But diffi-
culties multiply as we advance. At the very start, the Nabuchodonosor wanted cannot be
found. On the basis of certain vague data these critics proceed to guess : it is Esarhaddon,
it is Saosduchinus, or Kiniladen. They even fix on the Babylonian Merodach Baladan, and
Nabopolassar, but without explaining how any one of them came to bear the name " Nabu-
chodonosor." They lose themselves in labyrinthine speculations in order to bring this period

THE BOOK OF JUDITH. 159

into harmony with the condition of the Jews as described. Since no Jewish king is mentioned,
and yet there must be one, so it must have been the time when Manasseh was in prison at
Babylon, or, just then, had little authority, or when king Josiah was under guardianship. The
captivity of the people and their return from the same is left unexplained. Has the temple,
according to v. 18, been wholly destroyed — it is only a desecration ! The high priest Joacim
was Eliakim, represented in 2 Kings xviii. 18 to be an important personage under Hezekiah;
or, as Von Gumpaoh supposes, the high priest Hilkiah under king Josiah (2 Kings xxii. 4).
And finally, to adduce but a single other circumstance, the beautiful Judith executed her
bold undertaking, according to this theory, in somewhere about the sixtieth year of her life!"

Again, the geographical difficulties encountered by those who would defend the authenticity
of the book are as hopelessly numerous and embarrassing as the historical. Let us notice, for
example, some of the places mentioned in connection with the campaign of Olof ernes, and see
what light one of the most learned commentators of our book has been able to shed upon it.
According to chap. ii. 15, Olophernes started from Nineveh with an army of 120,000 infantry
aiid 12,000 cavalry. After a march of three days (ver. 21) the army came to the " plain of
Bsectilaeth." Wol^supposes this to have been " Malatia " (Melitene), which was more than
three hundred miles from Nineveh to the northwest. Since this place could not really have
been reached in the time stated, he conjectures that they must have reckoned from some
other nearer place (p. 91). From there the army marched " into the liill country and de-
stroyed Phud and Lud and spoiled all the children of Rasses." By "Phud," this critic
thinks the Choloians are meant, a people more than another three hundred miles to the
northeast of Malatia ; by Lud, the Lydians, double that distance to the west ; while by the
" children of Rasses," the inhabitants of Tarsus, or Cilicia, are supposed to be meant, to
reach whom the army must march back a couple of hundred miles or so, in a southeasterly
direction. Then the " children of Ishmael " were subdued, inhabiting the country "to the
south of the land of the Chellians." These Ishmaelites, Wolf thinks, were to be found directly
to the east, inhabiting a part of Mesopotamia. Another long march of from tivo hundred to
three hundred miles must be made, and the river Euphrates crossed, to reach them. The
Euphrates was then recrossed, and the fortified places, " liigh cities," on the river "Arbona,"
— supposed to be " Chaboras " — de'Stroyed. But, according to Wolf's theory respecting the
Chellians, the army was already on the right side of the river for this purpose, and he is there-
fore obliged to suppose that after bringing these Ishmaelites into subjection they had gone
over to the south side again, and carried on operations, of which our book says nothing.

The next point of attack was the " borders of Cilicia," the very land and people from
which they had but just come, and which, one might suppose, had already been sufficiently
punished by this agile and insatiable general of Nabuchodonosor. From Cilicia the line of
march is to the " borders of Japhet," by which, our critic thinks, the high table-land
in the vicinity of the mountain range HaurSn is meant. From thence they compassed " all
the children of Madiam," and " went down into the plain of Damascus." Was there ever
another army, in ancient or modern times, that could march with such rapidity as this, or
that has been led by a general who conducted his campaigns on such a singular plan ? If
Olophernes had no mercy on his soldiers, that he put them through this shuttle movement,
back and forth over plains and mountain ranges indifferently, we should suppose that the
question of forage and supplies for such a multitude would have led to a different course.
Our book nfives us but slight indications respecting the time consumed in this remarkable
scries of military operations ; but Wolf, who seems never to be at a loss for theories, would
have us understand that Olophernes left Malatia with his army in the " middle of September,
B. C. 638," and reached Damascus after passing over a distance of two thousand miles, more
or less — as one may readily compute for himself from the data given by this critic, — fighting
many battles, and reducing a large number of fortified places " at the end of May, B.C. 637,"
i. e., in eight months, the rainy season included! See Wolf, Com., pp. 91, 108.

In addition to these geographical and historical objections to the supposition that the work
before us is to be interpreted as fact, its structure in other respects is equally against it.
Many of the proper names, forinstance, seem to have been selected with special reference to
the characters they represent in the story. Such are Judith, " Jewess ; " Achior, " brother
of liwht;" Betulua," virgin of Jehovah; " and Nabuchodonosor, as a common designation
for a° dreaded, hostile sovereign. The descent of Judith, too, is obviously for a special pur-
pose traced back to Simeon, to which tribe also her husband belonged, as well as the elders

160 THE APOCRYPHA.

of Betulua. Moreover, the plan of operations of the Assyrian army, in its attempt to reduce
Betulua (chap. vii. passim) is wholly inconsistent with the supposition of an actual case. So,
too, the delineation, in many of its features, of the principal character of the book, Judith.
Her conduct is especially noticeable for its unnaturalness after her return from the Assyrian
camp, where, like another Jael, she had made a striking display of heroic patriotism, but at
the expense of all womanly instincts. The scene where Achior swoons quite away (xiv. 6)
at the sight of Olophernes' head, is as highly colored as that where the heroine, like a queen,
summons him into her presence with the words : " Call me Achior, the Ammonite! " The
whole representation of Judith's proceedings in the hostile camp presupposes an amount of
stupidity and carelessness on the part of Olophernes and his chief officers that can only be
paralleled by their operations in the attempted capture of Betulua with its handful of de-
fenders.

Probable Date of the Composition.

The possibility of dating the origin of the book at or near the time of the Babylonian Cap-
tivity beino', as we have already seen, from the nature of the case, out of the question, there
are but two other theories touching the time of its composition which seam to demand con-
sideration: that which would assign it to the period of the Maccabees, or thereabouts, and
that which sees symbolically depicted in it the relations of the Romans to the Jews during
the time of Hadrian or Trajan. Hitzig, who first suggested the latter theory, fixed upon the
insurrection under Barkochba or Simon, during the reign of the former emperor (a. d. 132),
as the event symbolized (cf. his work, Ueber Johannes Markus und seine ScJiriften, p. 165).
But Volkmar, who, in a number of shorter articles, and especially in his Handbook of Intro-
duction to the Apocrypha,^ has been its principal supporter, advocates the view that the insur-
rection brought to a close at the beginning of the reign of Hadrian, A. D. 117, is meant.
Graetz, in the fourth volume of his History of the Jews, accepts in a somewhat modified form
this position of Volkmar, while others, as Lipsius, Hilgenfeld, Derenbourg, Schiirer, Ewald,
and Fritzsche are unable to find any sufficient ground for it. The theory of Volkmar, in
brief, is this : " The book is a poetic narrative of the historic victory of Judith (i. e., Judasa)
over the legate of the new Nebuchadnezzar (Trajan) after his victorious campaign against
the apparently invincible new Median (Parthian) empire. This book of imaginary history
was composed under the veil of the language of the Old Testament, to celebrate the day of
the victory of the Jews in March (des Adar), after Trajan's death, particularly to celebrate
the 'day of Trajan,' from A. D. 118, at the end of A. D. 117, or the beginning of A. D. 118,
not earlier, and also not later. According to this, by Judith is meant Judsea; by Nabuchod-
onosor, Trajan; by Assyria, Syria; by Nineveh, Antiocl^; by Arphaxad, a Parthian king
Arsaces ; by Ecbatana, a new, immense citadel of the later Medians, Nisibis, or the smaller
BatnsB, or both together, but especially the latter ; by Olophernes, a barbarian general, Lusius
Quietus. Joakim means " God raises up; " Achior, " friend of light ; " Bagoas is the name
for the office of eunuch in general. The temple was destroyed by Titus. The return from
Exile followed either under Trajan or Hadrian." Cf. Fritzsche, in Schenkel's £i6. Lex., ibid.

One of the greatest difficulties which this bold but ingenious and ably defended theory has
to contend with is the serious doubt whether Palestine was at all concerned in the insurrec-
tion in question. Lipsius, Schiirer, and others dispute it, and, as it would seem, with good
reason. Those who advocate the affirmative are obliged to rely principally on a single ex-
pression in the biography of Hadrian by Spartianus, where it is said that Palestine, at the
beginning of the emperor Hadrian's reign, was rebelliously inclined : " Lycia denique ac Pales-
tina rebelles animos efferebant." Cf. Schiirer, p. 353, note 6. The rabbinical tradition makes
mention, indeed, of a war by this Moor, Quietus, but probably refers to that carried on in
Mesopotamia. Still further, Volkmar is obliged, in order to insure safety to his theory, to
deny the genuineness of the first epistle of Clement of Rome, where our work is quoted (Ep.
i. 55). But the question of the date and authorship of this epistle is a far less doubtful one
than that concerning the Book of Judith. And it is much more reasonable to accept the
-ormer as evidence to reach conclusions touching the latter than to reverse the process. Cf.
Zeller's Jahrb., 1856, iii., and Donaldson, Apostol. Fathers, p. 135. Moreover, the fact that
the book is quoted in the first epistle of Clement of Rome may be taken as weighty evidence
in support of the view that it had its origin in a much earlier period. Hence, even were the
supposition to be accepted that the Clementine letter did not originate until after a. d. 118,

1 Handbuch der EitUeit. in dU Apoleryphen.

THE BOOK OF JUDITH. 161

still the balance of probabilities would be in favor of a considerably earlier date for the Book
of Judith. How imperfectly, too, in general, the events of the supposed rebellion in tho
time of Hadrian would be symbolized by those narrated in the work before us may be seen
in the careful comparison made by Fritzsche and the other critics before alluded to. There
are besides not a few minor particulars in which the argument seriously halts. Volkmar, for
instance (Einleit., p. 14), asserts that the " Arphaxad " of the Book of Judith is the Old
Testament designation for the later Medes, or Parthians. But in the genealogical tables of
Gen. X. 2, " Arphaxad " is the name given to a Semitic branch of the human family, while
the Medes belonged to the Japhetic. There are also noticeable, occasional examples of ex-
travagant and arbitrary interpretation, an overstraining of the symbolism, and an unauthor-
ized interchange of the letters of words indicating numbers, in apparent subserviency to a
preconceived adjustment of the history.

The principal theory remaining respecting the origin of the Book of Judith, that it was
written during the first or second centuries before Christ, or more definitely, at or near the
Maccabaean period, does not lack the support of scholarly pens. The ground for such a theory
is, of course, to be sought in the work itself, and necessitates the previous supposition that it
contains at least some more or less trustworthy historical data. Ewald, for example ((?e-
schichte, iv. 618), and essentially Vaihinger (Herzog's Real-Encyk. , s. u.), refer it to the pe-
riod of the campaign of the Seleueian king Demetrius II. against Egypt, B. c. 131-129. He
had escaped from his imprisonment among the Parthians, been again elevated to the throne,
and now breathed vengeance against all those who had made war upon him, the Jews under
John Hyrcanus included. Vaihinger, indeed, thinks the work could not have been composed
earlier or later than the year B. c. 128. Hilgenfeld (^Novum Testamentum, etc., Fase. I., p. 89),
on the other hand, fixes on the period B. c. 147-145 for the date of its composition. Movers
(^Bonner Zeitschrift, H. 13, p. 47) would npt put it, so far back. To him the work suggests
events in connection with the war of Ptolemy Lathurus against Alexander Jannaeus, B. c. 105.
His argument is based on the theory that the author purposely transferred the geographical
relations of his own time to an earlier period. These relations could oidy have existed,
he thinks, from the time of John Hyrcanus to that of the invasion of Judaea by Pompey. But
his reasoning is far from conclusive. Cf. De Wette, Einleit., p. 579.

According to Keil the probable historical groundwork which the author of the Book of Ju-
dith made use of in his composition is to be found in a notice contained in the thirty-first book of
Diodorus Siculus; where a campaign of Artaxerxes Ochus against Egypt is mentioned, in which
can)paign a certain Cappadocian prince, by the name of Olophernes, greatly distinguished him-
self. In this campaign, moreover, this monarch invaded Palestine, taking and destroying
Jericho. Still further, according to Sulpicius Severus (ii. 14), there was a eunuch by the name
of Bagoasin his army, and that writer, as more recently Herzfeld (Geschichte, ii. 118), seems to
think that it was some special event of this campaign in which the author of the Book of Judith
found the materials for his composition. Keil, then, holds that the work originated in the first
decade of the second century before Christ, believing that a hundred and fifty years must
have elapsed after the occurrence of the events before they were narrated in our book. His
principal reasons for this opinion are : (1.) That there are to be found in the work no evi-
dences of the religious persecutions which the Jews suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes.
(2.) That it is there stated that after the defeat of Olophernes the Jews enjoyed peace for a
long period, which might well refer to that preceding the reign of Antiochus. Cf. Einleit.,
pp. 727, 729.

Both of these arguments of Keil, however, might be used with equal propriety as applica-
ble to a time somewhat subsequent to the Maccabaean wars. In fact, the Jewish people were
so often in the condition presupposed in the present narrative, and the geographical, histori-
cal, and other data were obviously, to such an extent, chosen for the express purpose of dis-
guise, that it is no wonder that the date of composition has been made to oscillate between
such extreme points. ' ' The poet intentionally makes his sketch in a period long past, and
carefully veils the dangerous names of the present, while he, in fact, depicts the more clearly
and thoughtfully, for such as could understand it, the actual affairs of his own period."
(Ewald, Geschichte, iv. 619.) And since this really seems to be the case, it is perhaps best
to leave the question of a more exact designation of the date of our book unsettled. It is
enough that a great majority of its allusions, direct, and especially indirect, such as its point
of view touching the Mosaic law, its exaggeration of particular features of the same, the blood-
11

162 THE APOCEYPHA.

thirsty spirit it breatlaes, the representation of the Jewish people as for a long time oppressed,
references to the prominent position of the Sanhedrin, to the observance of the day before
the Sabbath and the new moons, and the stress laid upon the circumcision of proselytes, have
led most unbiased critics to think of the later centuries before Christ, and generally to fix
upon some part of B. c. 200, for the date of its origin. The influence of the later Hellenism
on the composition are numerous and marked. Cf. iii. 7; xv. 13; xvi. 7. This view is also
strongly supported by Jewish traditions. According to Zunz (Vortrage, p. 124), the book of
Judith " stands in a double relation to the Maccabaean period: On the one band, it gives us the
saga of a deliverance and of a supposed public festival. On the other hand, in the later rab-
binical teaching, Judith is represented as daughter of Jochanan, or of Mattathias, and heroine
of the time of the Hasmonsean dynasty. This tradition is found in a form which differs very
much from the Greek, in the collection of the rabbinical histories, and at the same time Jerome
mentions that Judith in the Aramaic language was not regarded by the Jews as a canoni-
cal writing but as a history. It might be quite possible that in a Palestinian city a festival was
observed in honor of some heroic deed of a woman, and after the true occasion had been for-
gotten and had given place to a much enlarged and embellished legend, a narrative was com-
posed in honor of Judith, and probably before the destruction of the temple." The rabbi
Gutmann, also {Die ApoJc., etc., p. 172), in support of his theory that the narrative has its
basis in some actual occurrence, adduces incidentally further evidence for fixing its date near
the Maccabsean period. He says that the story is quite clearly referred to in a prayer which
was used for the first Sabbath of the festival of the dedication of the temple, beginning:
Dtt^ni ''D ''J7125S '''2 TJT IS, and occurring in connection with a reference to the religious perse-
cutions under Antioclius. The names Judith, Achior, Olophernes, are distinctly given. How
far back the composition of this prayer dates is unknown.

Literarij and Moral Character.

As a purely literary work the composition before us is certainly not to be reckoned among
the least worthy of the Old Testament Apocrypha. We can hardly accord to it, however, the
praise of which Fritzsche — possibly as a kind of indemnification for his thoroughly unfavor-
able judgment in other respects — sees fit to give it. "The narrative," he says {Einleit.,
p. 127), "contains nothing tedious, pompous, strained, but is brief, simple, natural, and
shows, also, originality. Similar things may be found in the older literature, but not in the
degree that one can really charge it with imitation. It is the spontaneous fruit rather of the
author's own sphere of education, or, at least, he makes use only of a reminiscence here and
there in the pursuit of his aim. Appropriate, and sometimes, most appropriate are his deline-
ations of single points and characters. The representation of Nebuchadnezzar brino-s before
one the image of an insatiable conqueror who, in his presumptuousness, desires to know that he
is recognized as lord of the world, yes, even as God himself. That of Holophernes, the success-
ful general, who, proud of his good fortune, imagines himself safe, and therefore falls so easily
a victim to thoughtlessness and self-indulgence. The Jewish people, just now conscious of
freedom from heinous sin, especially its traditional sin of idol-worship, ought to have con-
fronted this danger without fear, but in its weakness, proved itself unequal to the emergency.
It gives up, and chooses rather to submit itself to the will of the enemy than to perish heroically
while doing the utmost. The rulers, indeed, are not to the same extent wanting in confi-
dence in God, slill, are so weak as to yield to the threats of the people, gaining thereby only a
brief respite before the surrender should take place, — which, in fact, was nothino- less than a
tempting of Providence. This people sat down in despair, whose history had made such a
powerful impression upon even a foreigner, like Achior, that he, at this very time, predicted
to the haughty foe the worst consequences, if Israel were now free from heinous sin! But one
man, no — a woman, a Jewess, a widow, beautiful and rich, despaired not. The men having
become women she became a man, a master, the ideal of thegeniune Jewess. In the streno-th-
ening consciousness of the strictest observance of the law and unsullied chastity, her confi-
dence in God is not to be shaken. She undertakes with manly resolution, thromrh one bold
act, to deliver her people and the temple of her God, or to yield herself as a sacrifice for them.
But she is withal a woman, and as such, knows full well how to employ deception and dissim-
ulation also."

Did Fritzsche need, as in these closing words, to slander the whole of womankind, in order

THE BOOK OF JUDITH. 163

to find fitting words in whic.li to describe this old-time heroine? Or did he think, in thus seek-
ing to put Judith on a supposed level with all other women in this one matter of a capacity
for cunning and dissimulation, to weaken the force of one of the principal objections against
this character as here portrayed? To our mind it is one of the chief literary faults of the
author of our book, that he was unable to sketch this idealJewish woman, without making her
something else and something less than a true woman; or without representing her, according
to Fritzsche's judgment, as a man in boldness, and a woman only in craft! The character,
moreover, is not simply objectionable from a literary point of view, but even more so from a
moral stand-point. The question needs only to be asked : What would be the natural, yes,
inevitable influence of this story of Judith on the mind of one considering it, not as a calm
critic, but with all the reverence and loving prepossessions of one taught to regard it as a part
of the true, inspired Word of God? Could it be otherwise than most harmful?

This Judith tricks herself out in all her finery, with bracelets and anklets and paint in order
to captivate Olophernes through the beauty of her person and find opportunity to take his life.
Her way is strewn with deception from first to last, and yet she is represented as taking God
into her counsels and as having his special blessing in her enterprise. Having succeeded in
reaching the Assyrian camp and inflaming the heart of Olophernes with unhallowed passion,
she assents to his request to take part in a carousal at his tent and to spend a night in his em-
brace (xii. 14). " Who am I," she says, "that I should gainsay my lord? Surely whatso-
ever pleaseth him I will do speedily and it shall be my joy unto the day of my death." In
fact, it would seem to have been a mere matter of chance that Judith escaped an impure con-
nection with Olophernes, and something which she could by no means have counted on as cer-
tain — not to say probable — when she went to his tent. Indeed, her entire proceeding makes
upon us the impression that she would have been willing even to have yielded her body to this
lascivious Assyrian for the sake of accomplishing her purpose. That God by his providence
interposed to prevent such a crime, cannot relieve her of the odium attaching to her conduct.
It would, in truth, have required of her a faith greater than that of Daniel confronting the
lion's den, to suppose that in thus rushing uncalled into temptation she could rely on the divine
interposition at the nick of time. And she exposes herself in this manner to sin, simply for
the present purpose of gaining the confidence of a weak slave of his passions that she may put
him to deatii. If the conduct of Jael, in seeking on the spur of the moment the life of a
sleeping guest and fugitive who had confided himself to the protection of her tent, is worthy
of reprobation, there are elements of moral turpitude in the character of Judith even more
reprehensible.

Hers was a deUberately planned assassination. It was attempted at the imminent risk of
sacrificing her own purity. It was carried out by a series of deceptions which would do credit,
not to a woman, but to a master of finesse and falsehood. God's blessing was invoked
not only on the enterprise in general, but on the deceptions themselves. " Smite," she says
(ix. 10), " by the deceit of my lips the servant with the prince." And again (ix. 13): " Make
my speech and deceit to be their wound and stripe." An old commentator (Calovius, Bib.
III., in loc.) remarks: "Petere enim a Deo utfaveat deceptioni est Deum in societalem sceleris vo-
care, ut promoveat opus Satanm, et innuere deceptionem aliquam Deo gralam esse posse : petere a
Deo, ut inspiret deceptionem, est statuere Deum esse auctorem peccati, i. e. Deum negare esse
Deum." That the doctrine of the present book should give no offense to that class of theolo-
gians, one of whose recognized principles is that " the end justifies the means," is not sur-
prising. It is, however, matter of surprise that distinguished Protestant theologians like
Rudolph Stier (Dte Apok., ^ic, passim), and others, should find nothing in it deserving of
special censure. It breathes throughout the spirit of that condemned Pharisaism which while
straining out a gnat swallows a camel. Dissimulation, revenge, an indecent coquetry, an abuse
of prayer and the divine Providence, are here no more sins ; but to fail of the observance of the
ceremonial law in the least particular, that is the greatest of offenses. In fact, some of the
most solemn and divinely sanctioned lessons 6f Jewish history must be unlearned in order to
accept the moral stand-point of the present narrative. Judith, for instance, proudly traces
her descent back to the patriarchs. It is Simeon, who, no doubt with direct reference to the
vengeance he took on Shechem, the violator of Dinah's chastity, is assigned to her as ances-
tor. And yet the dying Jacob found in that very act of Simeon occasion for loathing and
dread: " O my soul, come not thou into their secret; into their assembly, mine honor, be not

thou united; for in their anger they slew a man Cursed be their anger for it is fierce,

and their wrath for it is cruel." Gen. xlix. 6, 7.

164 THE APOCBYPHA.

AutJior and Original Language.

The author of the book of Judith was probably a Palestinian Jew, and wrote in the Hebrew
language. Both of these views are accepted with considerable unanimity by scholars of all
confessions and shades of philosophical opinion. The conjecture of Wolf, that Achior the
Ammonite composed it, he supports by a long array of learned and ingenious arguments, but
they are not such as carry particular weight for other minds. (Cf. his Com., pp. 188—196.)
Eiehhorn, on the other hand (Einleil., p. 322 ff.), ascribes the work to the pen of a Christian
who lived in the first century, and wrote in Greek. With him, as far as the language is con-
cerned, agree Capellus, Pabricius, Jahn, D'ahne, and Von Colin. The principal fact which has
weight in determining the place of composition, is the definite knowledge shown by the author
concerning the geography and history of Palestine, while in the case of other lands coming
under notice he expresses himself only in the most general terms. The writer, however,
seems not to have lived at Jerusalem, but as it would appear, at some point in the neighbor-
hood of the real, or fictitious, Betulua, where the principal scene of the narrative is laid, i. e.,
somewhere in the mountains that overlook the plain of Esdraelon.

Most of the grounds for maintaining that the work was originally written in Hebrew must
he sought in the composition itself. Jerome does, indeed, as in the case of the Book of Tobit,
speak of having used a " Chaldaic " text in the preparation of his Latin translation (Vulgate)
of Judith, but there is little probability that this text was the original. (Cf. Prcef. ad lib.
Judith.) In apparent contradiction to his testimony, Origen affirms {Ep. ad African.'), that
the Jews made no use of the work even as apocryphal, as he had learned from themselves.
Just what he means by this, is uncertain. It is said by some that the remark had its ground
in the fact that the "Chaldaic" original at this time had been so far supplanted by the
Greek text that it existed in only a very few copies, and that hence it was unknown to the
Jews with whom Origen conferred about it. But it seems far more likely that this so-called
" Chaldaic " text may have been simply a translation of the work into the language prevalent
in Palestine at the time of Christ. At least, so far as his work Is to be taken in evidence,
Jerome could have made but very little use of any " Chaldaic " text, the " many codices " of
which he speaks being doubtless but different MSS. of the Old Latin, by which, as matter of
fact, he was chiefly influenced. Cf. below, under " Different Texts, Vulgate."

But the proofs of a Hebrew original fiu-nished by the book itself, even in its Greek dress,
are quite sufficient. They consist not alone in examples of Hebraisms occurring here and
there, but in the entire form and coloring of the composition from beginning to end : its
lexicography, its syntax, and its style. Among other things, the infrequent use of Greek
particles is quite noticeable. No other book of the LXX. can compai-e with it in this
respect. In chapters i., iii., iv., xi., the particle Se is wholly wanting; i,\\i, in iii.-v.,
vii., ix.-xi., xiii., xv.; /ih occurs only at v. 20; &y, only at xi. 2, 15, xii. 4, xiv. 2. The
particles t€, o5y, and Spa, are not found at all. On the other hand, the expression, so com-
mon in Hebrew, iv tuis fniepais, occurs ten different times; and (r<p6Spa (^SQ), about thirty
times. There are also many apparent examples of failure on the part of the Greek trans-
lator to understand the original, — easily to be explained on the supposition that the original
was Hebrew. For instance, at chap. iii. 9, we have toS trpiovos, instead of toD ireSi'ou, as in
chap. iv. 6 ; because in the first case the translator probably read "liuja, instead of ~ii©"'D-
At chap. i. 8, he evidently read ''05?? instead of ''n!!J3, and hence translated ^i* toIs ^Sveat
instead of h rais iT6\e(ni', as might have been expected. And at chap. ii. 28, he gives Soiip
as the rendering, it would seem, of "lili Aaipa. Cf. 1 Mace. xv. 11. Other apparent failures
of translation have also been noticed: as at ii. 2, ix. 9.

A multitude of peculiar expressions, too, indicate a Hebrew origin. We have at vii. 4,
for example, eKaaros -rrphs rhv n\{i(rioy ai/rov ; at iv. 2, ir(f>65pa, (rip6Spa., as the probable transla-
tion (as we have noticed above) of ^SQ, twice repeated; at vi. 12, effaXov 4v \tBois, as it
would appear for Q"'33S3 ^~)^. Cf. also the use of Kal at the beginning of sentences intro-
ducing a conclusion (vi. 1; xi. 11 ; xiv. 11; xv. 3, and elsewhere), as well as the frequent em-
ploymentof a demonstrative in connection with a relative (v. 19 ; vii. 10; viii. 22; x. 2; xvi. 4).
Moreover, some of the geogra[)hical names of the book, for which no corresponding places
are now to be found, may perhaps be accounted for on the natural supposition of an incorrect
rendering of the same from the Hebrew. See De Wette, Einleil., p. 577. That these names

THE BOOK OF JUDITH. 165

in every instance, however, represent an actual place then existing need not be assumed. On
these and other similar grounds, then, we are quite safe in accepting, with Ewald, De Wette,
Fritzsche, Vaihinger, Hitzig, Ndldeke, Keil, Volkmar, and many others, the opinion that the
Book of Judith was originally written in some dialect of the Hebrew language.

The Different Existing Texts.

Like the ancient Hebrew books of the Bible which had been translated into Greek by the
Hellenistic Jews, the Book of Judith also, not long after its composition, was similarly
honored, and after a time found a place in the Greek Bible. And although this Greek text
has in the course of time been considerably modified in its form, it still maintains its place
(in the absence of the original) as the purest, most exact and complete, Representation of the
same now in existence. In fact, considering that it is extant in different MSS., was the
vulgar text of the early church, and has been subject to the vicissitudes of all such ancient
works, the imperfections are no more numerous than might have been expected.

According to Fritzsche {Einleiu, p. 117, and Lihri Apoc. Vet. Test., Prsef., p. xviii), this
text is to be found in its best form in II., far less pure in HI. 52. and 55. Outside of these,
the other MSS. range themselves as follows: on the one side, 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236.,
and often 23.; on the other side, 64. 243. 248. 249., to which often 52. 55. and III. join them-
selves. The Complutensian and Aldine editions of the LXX. present a mixed text, made
up from that found in both of the series of MSS. Each of these two families of codices has
a text which, mainly for subjective reasons, has been much amended; the former, however,
more than the latter. In connection with this common form of the Greek text, thus modified,
there are also two other forms in which it has been transmitted in this language, — the one,
as found in the MS. 58., which is followed by the Syriac and Old Latin versions ; the other, in
MSS. 19. and 108. These are not, however, to be looked upon as different recensions from
the original, but simply as independent efforts to work over into a shape more acceptable to
the person or persons concerned the ordinary Greek text. One among many proofs of this
is the fact that all the Greek MSS., as well as the Syriac and Old Latin, have at chap. iii. 9,
the reading rod irpiovos instead of to5 TreSi'ou; the Greek translator having obviously, as we have
shown under the last head, read the Hebrew at this point falsely. Nickes, with whom
Volkmar agrees, differs somewhat from Fritzsche with respect to the value to be attached to
the several MSS. According to him, the common Greek text is to be found in II. III. (23.)
52. 55. Of the other MSS., 64. 243. 248. 249. belong together on the one side, and 44. 106.
71. 74. 76. 236. on the other. The MSS. 58. 19. 108. form a class by themselves ; with which,
moreover, tlie Old Latin and Syriac best agree.

The Vulgate, as the text which has been most used and translated, and been made the
ground of comment, not only by Roman Catholics but by Protestants, down to a very late
period, has attained to honors and a position quite undeserved. It is simply an arbitrary,
and often extravagant, working over of the narrative on the basis of the Old Latin, which
itself (as we have seen) is but an imperfect offspring of the Greek. The principal features
of the story are indeed preserved ; but within these limits the changes are numerous and
important. There are, for example, alterations in the order of statement (chap. xiv. 5-10
stands at the close of chap. xiii.). Considerable is left out (i. 13-16) ; quite as much added
(iv. 11 f.; xiv. 8 f.). The sense is sometimes essentially modified. Differences in names
and numbers are quite noticeable. It is interesting, indeed, to observe more particularly
what Jerome says of his own work in the preface to the same, as above quoted. He in
substance remarks that it was reckoned by the Jews among apocryphal works (Jiayiographa,
Cf. Credner, Geschickte des N. T. Kan., p. 309 ff.) ; that he himself held it in no great estima-
tion, and could spare no time for a thorough handling of it. But inasmuch as some greatly
prized the book, and it was used at the Nioene Council with the other Scriptures, he had
done his friends the favor of editing it. Still, he, had given it little attention (unam lucn-
hratiunculam dedi) ; and it was necessarily so (sepositis occupntionibus vehemenler arctatux) ;
moreover, quite proper, since the book had really no authority, and could not be used for
rieciding questions in dispute (cujus auctorilas ad roboranda ea, quce in conlenlionem veniunt,
minus idonea judicatur) . He had not translated (non ex verba verbum transferens), he adds,
but simply given the sense {sensum e sensu), and that in a condensed form, hoping thus the
more easily to overcome the difficulty arising from the many variations in the [Latin] MSS.,
and get at the meaning of his " Chalda'C " copy (multorum codicum varietatem vitiosissimam
amputavi, sola ea, quce intelligentia Integra in verbis Chaldceis invenire potui, Latinis expressi).

166 THE APOCRYPHA.

There ia no evidence that Jerome made any use, in his superficial work, of Greek MSS.,
or much use of the " Chaldaic " of which he speaks. De Wette (Einleil., p. 576) says there
is but one apparent instance of the latter. In chap. xvi. 3, he has in multitudine fortitudinis
suce, while the Greek is iv ixvpiaai Smd/ieas butou, 21 haviag seemingly been read instead of
ia^. In this chapter, elsewhere, his translation conforms almost literally to the Old Latin,
while throughout the entire book parts of verses, peculiar constructions, noticeable words,
furnish the unmistakable proof that his chief reliance was on his Latin MSS. Fritzsche
mentions, indeed, as convincing evidence in this direction, the fact that quite a number of
Latin forms and expressions are found in this translation of Jerome, which occur in none
of his other works, and which may be traced directly to his Latin authorities (Einleit., p. 22).
Some critics even doubt whether Jerome really had the book in a " Chaldaic " text before
him at all. In addition to the positively adverse testimony of Origen, already noticed, it is
thought that this father might have made the assertion — as he seems not to have been above
doing in other instances — simply for effect. (Cf. Yolkmar, Einleit., p. 9.) Such a supposi-
tion would be, at least, scarcely less probable than that of Nickes, that the passage cited
from Origen is an interpolation; or that of Soholz and Wolf, that a distinction is to be
made between a " Chaldaic " and a " Hebrew" text, and that Origen speaks simply of not
knowing of the existence of one of the latter kind. But the recent discovery of a Chaldaic
text of Tobit, which may have been used by Jerome in his translation of that book, is in-
directly corroborative of this father's assertion, and it will probably be no longer disputed.

Ecclesiastical Recognition.
By virtue of its connection with the other books of the Old Testament in the translation
of the LXX., the work before us, like Tobit and the remaining apocryphal compositions,
found its way into the Christian church. It seems to have been held in no little estimation,
and to have been widely used. The fact that Josephus makes no reference to it has been
improperly urged by some as certain evidence of late origin. It is first cited by Clement of
Rome (i. 56). Clement of Alexandria, also, quotes it with respect. Jerome and Origen,
however, as we have seen, were too well informed to concede to it canonicity. The unsup-
ported assertion of Jerome, that it was used at the Nicene Council in numero Scripturarum,
must not be taken for more than it is worth. Melito of Sardis does not place it in his list of
the books of the Old Testament, .which was that of the Palestinian LXX., i. e., the LXX.
as revised from the Hebrew. The Apostolic Canons have been improperly cited in its favor
(cf. art. " Apostol. Can.," in Diet, of Christian Antiq,, p. 113). It was rejected by Cyril of
Jerusalem and Athanasius, and Nicephorus placed it among the books " disputed," in his
Stichometry. Hilary speaks of some who sought to make out twenty-four books in the Old
Testament, corresponding to the number of letters in the Greek Alphabet, " by the addition
of Tobit and Judith" (i. e., in place of Ruth and Lamentations). This may be taken as
plain evidence that the work was sometimes assigned to an undeserved place, simply throuo-h
the lack of knowledge and investigation. (Cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 180). Ruflinus
enumerates it among the books called "ecclesiastical," in distinction from "canonical."
That now, notwithstanding so much uncertainty, and on the part of some decided opposition,
the Book of Judith attained to the rank of a canonical work in the Western church, was
evidently due not to the essential merit of the composition itself, or a knowledge of its history,
but to the want of discrimination and conscientiousness on the part of those having to do with
it. And that the Council of Trent should finally set its seal, not only on the book as such,
but on Jerome's so-called translation of the same, as from that time to be and to be treated
as of inspired authority throughout the Roman Catholic church, did not alter its essential
character in any respect, or reverse the true verdict of history respecting it.

JUDITH.

Chapter L

1 In the twelfth year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, who reigned over the As-
syrians ^ in Nineve, the great city, in the days of Arphaxad, who " reigned over the

2 Medes in Ecbatana,* and built at Ecbatana and round about it walls of hewn
stones * three cubits broad and six cubits long, and made the height of the wall

3 seventy cubits, and the breadth thereof fifty cubits, and set the towers thereof upon
the gates of it, an hundred cubits high, and laid the foundation of them to the

4 breadth of ^ threescore cubits, and made ^ the gates thereof, even gates that were
raised to the height of seventy cubits, and the breadth of them was forty cubits, for
the going forth of his mighty armies, and for the setting in array of his footmen ;

0 even in those days the king Nabuchodonosor made war with king Arphaxad in the

6 great plain that is on ' the borders of Ragau. And there allied themselves with *
him all they that dwelt in the hill country, and all that dwelt by the * Euphrates,
and the ' Tigris, and the ' Hydaspes, and in " the plain of Arioch the king of the Ely-
mfeans ; and many ^^ nations assembled themselves against the sons of Cheleud.^^

7 And Nabuchodonosor the king of the Assyrians sent unto all that dwelt in Persia,
and to all that dwelt westward, and to those that dwelt in Cilicia, and Damascus,

8 Libanus,''^ and AntUibanus, and to all that dwelt upon the sea coast, and to those
amongst the nations ^* that were of Carmelus, and Galaad, and the upper -"^ Galilee,

9 and the great plain of Esdrelom, and to all that were in Samaria and the cities thereof,
and beyond the ^'^ Jordan unto Jerusalem, and Betane, and Chelus," and Kades, and
the river of Egypt, and Taphnas,'^ and Ramesse, and the whole -"^ land of Gesem,

10 until you come above ^° Tanis and Memphis, and to all the inhabitants of Egypt,

11 until you come to the borders of Ethiopia. And^^ all the inhabitants of the whole
earth ^^ made light of the commandment of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians,
neither went they with him to the battle, for they were not afraid of him, but ^ he
was before them as one man ; ^^ and they sent back '■'^ his ambassadors from them

12 empty,^° and with disgrace. And ^ Nabuchodonosor was very angry with all this
country, and swore ^* by his throne and kingdom, that he would surely ^ be avenged
upon all the borders ^ of Cilicia, and Damascus, and Syria, that he would slay with
his sword also all ^^ the inhabitants of the land of Moab, and the children of Am-
mon, and all Judjea, and all that were in Egypt, till you come to the borders of

13 the two seas. And he put his army ^^ in battle array against king Arphaxad in the

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. V. : omfis over the Assyrians (■A(rtrvptwi', in nearly all the authorities, but not in 62. 64. 249. Co.
Aid.). ^ which. * Ecbatane. * in Ecbatane walls round about of stones hewn {e;r' 'E. koX kuk\<si, etc. The

connective fails in III. 44. 64. 74. 106. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. ; 19. 108., " built Ecbatana and enclosed it with walls,
etc.) s the breadth thereof in the foundation. Fritzsche would emend the text. Tec. by substituting avTtav for

avTijs, after irAaroy, since the towers and not the city must be referred to. So, too, in ver. 4.

Vers. 4-8. — » A. V. : he made. ' king N which is the plain in. (III. X. 52. 64. 243. 248. 249. Old Lat. Co.

Aid. supply TreStW. The text, ree, has simply toiItA eortF.) ® came unto {Gr., trvvyfvrtjaav Trpb? avjiv; see Com.).

^ omits the. i" omits in. ^ Elyroeans and very many. We omit ir^i^pa. after iroAAa, with II. III. X. Old Lat.

^ A. V. : of the sons of Chelod, assembled themselves to battle (see Com.). For the reading xeXeou'S are III. 23. 44. 58.
and many others. The form of the word in the text. rec. (and II.) is xe^eoy^- ^^ A. V. ; Then N. king .... and
LibanUB. III. 19. 58. 64. 74. 76. 108. Co. Aid. prefix KaC. " Instead of rots Bvein, which probably arose from a mis-
translation (see Com.), rati irAXeo-ic should probably be read. ^ A. V. ; Carmel .... higher.

Vers. 9-11. — " A. V. : omits the. » Chellus (II. III. et al., XeAoiis). i" Taphnes. " all the. 2» beyond
(Gr., eTrdvui). 21 But. 22 land {text, rec, naaav riji' yrji' ; 19. 23. 58. 64. al. with Co. Aid. omit wa(rav). 23 yea

(Gr., oAA'). 24 \i;'ith Fritzsche, we adopt els after ws avrip, from III. X. 19. 23. 52. and others, instead of lo-oy of the
text. rec. (with n.). 20 a. V. : away. ^ without eilect.

Vers. 12-16. — 27 a. V. ; Therefore. 28 gware. 29 Fritzsche receives for et fjuqv of the text, rec, ^ ^^c. He sus-
pects, however, that the true reading of the text, rec was ei /i^. so a. V. : those coasts. =' and (106. 108. Co.) that

. . . the sword all (108. Co.). 32 Then he marched . . with his power. The Greek might also be rendered ;

168

THE APOCRYPHA.

seventeentli year, and he prevailed in his battle, and put to flight the whole army ^
of Arphaxad, and all his horsemen, and all his chariots, and became lord of his

14 cities ; and he ^ came unto Ecbatana,^ and took the towers, and spoiled the streets

15 thereof, and turned the beauty thereof into its shame. He took also Arphaxad in
the mountains of Ragau, and smote him through with his spears,^ and destroyed him

16 utterly that day. And* he returned with them' to Nineve, hoth he and all his
mixed troop,' being a very great multitude of men of war ; and there he took his
ease, and banqueted, hoth he and his army, an hundred and twenty days.

attached with his army etc. {wapeTd^aro ev 777 Svvdfiet ai/rov n-pbs 'A.). ^ A. V. : for he overthrew ail the power. * omits
he. 3 Ecbatane. « into (44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. omit au-rijs) shame .... darts (Qr., fi^ui-aii). ^ So. « after-
ward. The words fxer* avriov — probably on account of the difficulty of translating them — are omitted in 19. 108. Old
Lat. Syr. Cf. Com. ' A. Y. : company of sundry nations fcnl/A/iiKTot),

Chapter L

Ver. 1. This verse is left incomplete on ac-
count of a long parenthetic statement beginning
with verse second, the natural course of the nar-
rative not being resumed till verse fifth. — In
Wineve. Rather, in Babylon. Cf. Introduction,
under the first heading. — Arphaxad. A person
of this name is mentioned in the canonical Scrip-
tures (Gen. X. 22, 24; xi. 10) as the son of Shem
and ancestor of Eber ; and it is an interesting
fact that Josephus held him to be the ancestor of
the Chaldaeans (Aniiq., 1, 6, §4). The Median
king who is here so called is thought by some to
be identical with Deioces, by others wnth his son,
Phraortes; while Niebuhr regards the word as
but another form of Astyages ( Ashdahak), a com-
mon title of the rulers of Media. Cf. Winer,
Healworterb. ; Schenkel's Bih. Lex.^ ad voc.

Vers. 2-4. Ecbatana. There were two Ec-
batanas : one in the north, tlie other in the south,
of Media. The latter is doubtless meant. Ac-
cording to the text of the Vulgate Arphaxad
built the entire city ; according to the other texts,
only the fortificiitions. But, as a matter of fact,
it is not probable that Ecbatana ever had any
"walls of the character here described. Rawliu-
Bon says : " Tlie Medes and Persians appear to
have been in general content to establish in each
town a fortified citadel or stronghold, round
which the houses were clustered, without super-
adding the further defense of a strong wall.
[Modern researches have discovered no signs of
town walls at any of the old Persian or Median
sites] Ecbatana, accordingly, seems never to
have stood a siege. |It yielded at once to Cyrus,
to Alexander, and to Antiochus the Great.] When
the nation which held it was defeated in the open
field, the city [unlike Babylon or Nineveh] sub-
mitted to the conqueror without a struggle. Thus
the marvelous description in the Book of Judith,
which is internally very improbable, would ap-
pear to be entirely destitute of any, even ' the
slightest, foundation in fact." See Ancient Mon.,
ii. 2B8. The northern Ecbatana or Gaza, at a
period considerably later in the time of the Sas-
sanians, was indeed surrounded with a strong
wall, winch was guarded by numerous bastions,
and pierced by gateways ; but there is no evi-
dence that this was ever true of the Median
city.

Ver. 5. Eagau (Rages, Rbages). It was the
city next in importance to the two Ecbatanas in
ancient Media, and was situated at the extreme
eastern part of the empire. It was the name
also given to a considerable district within which
the city lay. If there be any historical truth at

the basis of the present narrative at this point,
it may rest on the fact that the Median rebel
Phraortes fled to this place after his defeat by
Darius Hystaspis. Cf. Rawlinson in Smith 9
Bib. Diet., art. " Rages ; " and Ancient Mon., iii.
412.

Ver. 6. AUied themselves with him, ;. e.,
NabuchodoDOsor. The Greek here is awrivT-nirav
wphs avT6v. The verb is used in a f liendly as well
as in a hostile sense ; here, evidently in the for-
mer. They responded to his summons to act as
his auxiliaries in this war. — Hydaspes. Not
likely the river in India of this name, but pos-
sibly the same as the Choaspes in Susiana. The
Romans, in fact, sometimes gave the river Cho-
aspes this name. See Winer, Realworterb., ad voc.

— Ariooh. Cf. Gen. xiv. 1, 9; Dan. ii. 14. —
Elymseans. Cf. Gen. xiv. 9. The country which
to the Jews was known as Elam was called also
Cissia or Susiana, and lay on the opposite side of
the Tigris from Babylon. — Assembled them-
selves against the sons of Cheleud, eh irapar-
a(iv viaiv XeXfoiS. It has been conjectured that
Cheleud is a corruption for Xa\w<', i. e., Ktesi-
phon. Ewald, on the other hand, thinks that the
word is a nickname for the Syrians ; namely,
" sons of the moles," that is, " trench diggers "
(iVn)- De Wette translates, with the A. V.,
" from the sons of Cheleud." And Wolf ( Com., ad
loc.) supposes it to be a rendering of j'~l^b"'n"''32,
and would translate " sons of the army," or,
freely, " born soldiers."

Ver. 7. Of the lands to the West which are
first mentioned in general terms, Damascus and
Cilicia are by way of example particularly speci-
fied. The writer seems to have Palestine all the
while in view, and, when he reaches it, accords to
it a much n)ore detailed description. — tlpts Svtr-
ixals. Lit., toward the settings, the genitive tjK'lou
being understood. — Cihoia. This was the most
southeasterly province of Asia Minor nearest to
Syria, whose principal city is next mentioned.

— Ijibanus and AntiUbanus. Libauus is the
Greek form of the word Lebanon. The word
Anlilibanus is not elsewhere found in the Bible
(cf. Josh. xiii. 5). The region indicated is usually
known as Coele-Syria, " the hollow Syria," taking
its name from the valley, about a hundred miles
long, which lay between Lebanon and Anti-
Lebanon.

Ver. 8. Among the nations. Vaihinger (Her-
zog's Real-Encjjk., art. "Judith") and others dis-
cover here a failure in translation; ''ISS? having

JUDITH.

169

been read instead of "'"1373. " among the cities."
Cf. Textual Notes. — Carmelus. The Carmel
meant is doubtless the well-known Mount Carmel
so celebrated in Jewish history through its con-
nection with scenes in the life of the prophet Elijah.
It lay on the Mediterranean. There was another
Carmel (cf. Josh. xv. 55) in the mountainous
country of Judah. — Galaad. This is the Greek
form of the word Gilead. — Upper Galilee, i. «.,
the country north of Carmel and west of the
Jordan. — And the great plain of Ssdrelom.
This word has different forms even in the present
book. At iii. 9, iv. 6, it is Esdraelon ; at vii. 3,
Esdraelom, in the " received text," although some
good manuscripts (X.) have an v instead of /t as
the last letter. It is the Greek form of the He-
brew word Jezreel, and the name is given to the
plain in honor of the old city which occupied its
eastern extremity.

Ver. 9. Samaria, t. c, the district, and not the
city. — And beyond the Jordan. Here this
phrase means, not as commonly the country east
of the Jordan, but that lying west of the river. —
Betane. This place is not easily identified. Mo-
vers, followed by Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk,
and other authorities, think that the Beth-anoth
of Josh. XV. 59 is meant, — a place in the moun-
tainous district of Judah. According to Rawlin-
Bon (Herod., ii. 460) the Batansea, or Betana, of
the Greeks, the Basan of the Jew.s, and ancient
capital of the kingdom of Og, is intended (see
Num. xxi. 33). — Chelus. Supposed by some to
be the Halhul of Josh. xv. 58. Others would

identify it with Chalutza (Elusa). — Kades. Pos-
sibly the Kedesh {W'^V) of Josh. xv. 23. —
Taphnas. A frontier fortification near Pelusiiim
and the " Daphnse Pelusiae" of Herod., ii. 30, 107.

— Bamesse. Probably the chief city of the land
of Goshen in Egypt. — Gesem. Goshen.

Ver. 10. Tanis. Thought to be identical with
the ancient Zoan.

Ver. 11. 'E^ouAktoc, made light of. See also
xi. 2, 22; and Xen., i/em., i. 6, 9. *aDA.os (</)AoO-
pos) is akin to iraipos (Lat., paulus), evil, bad, and
then worthless.

Ver. 12. Swore by hia throne and kingdom,
i. e., that as surely as he was king he would do it.

— Judsea. Here meant to include the whole of
Palestine. — The borders of the two seas. The
two arms of the Nile are meant (Astaboras and
Astapus), called by the Arabs, respectively, "the
white sea " and " the blue sea."

Ver. 15. Destroyed him utterly that day.
Lit., " to that day " (ftosr^s ri/jiepas ixeliifis), i.e.,
from the day of the battle to the day when he
pierced him through with a spear. Gaab would
read ^cis, morning, for etas, until ; but it is quite
unnecessary.

Ver. 16. We have translated, with Fritzsche,
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and other authorities, ^e'/
aliTwv, by "with them," instead of by "after-
ward," as the A. V. It probably refers loosely to
the prisoners and booty taken in this series of
battles. A failure to understand it may have
led to its omission in some manuscripts (249.
Co.).

Chapteb ii.

1 And in the eighteenth year, the two and twentieth dai/ of the fir.st month, there
was talk in the palace ^ of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians, that he would '

2 as he said, avenge himself on aU the earth. And he called together all his ser-
vants,' and all his nobles, and communicated with them respecting his secret plan,

3 and fully set forth the entire wickedness of the earth with his mouth.* And they
decided on the destruction of * all flesh, that did not obey the commandment of his

4 mouth. And it came to pass ° when he had fully ended his plan,' Nabuchodono-
sor king of the Assyrians called Olophernes the chief general * of his army, who °
was next unto him, and said imto him,

5 Thus saith the great king, the lord of the whole earth, B.ehold, thou shalt go
forth from my presence, and take with thee men that trust in their strength, •"' of
footmen to the number of an hundred and twenty thousand, and a multitude ^^ of

6 horses with their riders twelve thousand ; and thou shalt go against all the west

7 country, because they disobeyed the order of my mouth.^^ And thou shalt bid
them make ready " earth and water, for I will go forth in my wrath against
them, and will cover the whole face of the earth with the feet of mine army, and

8 I will give them for a spoil unto them ; and their wounded " shall fill their valleys

9 and brooks, and the overflowing river shall be filled with their dead "' ; and I will

Vers. 1-4. — * A. V. : house. 2 should. ^ go he called unto him all his officers (Qr., Kai (TvcMoAeo-a TraFxas tous
tfepaffowas avToO). Fritzsche thinks that, in giving this verb, the translator read H^^'' when he should have read
P|^2^, to reveal, disclose. * A. V. : them his secret counsel, and concluded the afflicting of the whole earth out of
his own mouth (Gr., avrereAecre naa-av rjjc Koxiav tt)5 yrjy, etc.). ^ Then they decreed to destroy. « omits it came
to pass (eycVeTo). ' counsel. " captain. ^ which.

Vers. 5-12. — '» A. V. : own strength. " footmen an (so 44. 106.). . . . the number. ^ my commandment (64.
243. 248. Co. Aid., ei- tcJ pijixart ixm). " declare unto them that tluy prepare for me (58. 64. 243. 243. 249. Co. Aid. add
Iim). ^* BO that tjieir slain (Gr., rpav/taruu ; see Com. at 1 Maco. i. IS).

1^ the liver shall be filled with their dead till U

170 THE APOCRYPHA.

10 lead their ^ captives to the utmost parts of all the earth. But go thou ^ forth, and
take beforehand for me all their frontier ; ° and if they will yield themselves unto
thee, thou shalt also watch them closely ^ for me till the day of their punishment.

11 But concerning them that rebel, let not thine eye spare, to deliver^ them to

1 2 slaughter and spoil in all thy land. For as I live, and by the power of my king-

13 dom, I have spoken, and I will do these things * by mine hand. And thou more-
over ' transgress none of the commandments of thy lord, but accomplish them fully,
as 1 have commanded thee, and defer not to do them.

14 And * Olophernes went forth from the presence of his lord, and called all the chief

15 men ^ and the generals, and officers ^^ of the army of Assur ; and he mustered
chosen '^ men for battle,'^ as his lord had commanded him, unto an hundred and

16 twenty thousand, and twelve thousand archers on horseback. And he ranged them

17 as a great army is set in battle array .^^ And he took camels and asses and mules ^*
for their baggage,'^ a very great number ; and sheep and oxen and goats without

18 number for their sustenance ; ^^ and plenty of victuals'' for every man of the army,

19 and very much gold and silver out of the king's palace.'* And he and all his power
went forth '* upon the way to go before king Nabuchodonosor,^" and to cover all the
face of the earth westward with their chariots, and horsemen, and their chosen foot-

20 men. The great mixed troop also went ^' with them like locusts, and like the sand

21 of the earth, for the multitude of them ^* was without number. And they went
forth from ^ Nineve three days' journey toward the plain of BsectilEeth,^ and pitched
from Basctilfeth '^* near the mountain ^^ which is at the left hand of the upper Cilicia.

22 And he took all his army, the footmen, and the horsemen, and his chariots,^^ and

23 went from thence into the hill country. And he put to flight "" Phud and Lud, and
spoiled all the children of Rassis,^' and the children of Ismael, who ^ were before *"

24 the wilderness at the south of the land of the Chellfeans."' And ^'^ he went over the ^
Euphrates, and went through Mesopotamia, and destroyed all the fortified ^* cities

25 that were upon the river Abrona,^^ till you come to the sea. And he took the borders
of Cilicia, and put to flight *° all that resisted him, and came to the borders of Ja-

26 pheth, which were toward the south, over against Arabia. He compassed also all
the children of Madiam,'" and burnt up their tents,"' and spoiled their sheepcotes.

27 And ■*" he went down into the plain of Damascus in the time of wheat harvest, and
burnt up all their crops, ^^ and destroyed their flocks and herds, also he spoiled their
cities, and utterly wasted their fields,*' and smote all their young men with the edge

28 of the sword. And *^ fear and dread of him fell upon aU the inhabitants of the sea
coast, who ^^ were in Sidon and Tyrus, and on ** them that dwelt in Sur and Ocina,
and all that dwelt in Jemnaan ; and they that dwelt in Azotus and Ascalon *^ feared
him greatly.

overflow (Gr. Trorajubf imK\v^iav rots vmpoU auTwi^ irATjpw^^o-eTat). i them. = Thou, therefore, Shalt go (Gr., crv 5i

i^i^Stav jTpoKaTa\rn(/T^]. 3 coasts. * shalt reserve them. 6 them ; but put (Gr., Soucai). fl the slaughter and
spoil them wheresoever thou goest .... whatsoever (as 52. 64. 243. 248. Co, Aid.) I have spoken, that (ra, 65. 74. 77. 236.)
will I do.

Vera. 13-18. — ^ A. V. : take thou heed that thou {Gr.,Kal <rv Se ; but 71. Co. omit jcat). » Then. » governors

(SvvdiTTas). ^" and captains, and the (19.) officers. ^^ the chosen. 12 the battle. (For eKe\ev(rev X. III. 19.

52. 58 have irpoadra^ev .) 13 ordered for the war (Qr., 6v Tpoirov n-oAejuov ttXtjAos irvvrdcriTeTai). 1* omits and mules

(with 52. 64. 71. 74. 76. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). ^' carriages. « provision. " victual. " house.

Vers. 19-22. — " A. V. : Then he went forth and all his power. ^ to go before king N. in the voyage. 21 A great
multitude also of sundry countries came. 22 omits of them [avrdv). 23 of_ 24 Bectileth, jSeKreAe'd is found ia
III. 23. 66. 64. 243. 28. Co. Aid. 25 After opovs, 68. has 'Ayyiov ; Old Lat., Agge (Cod. Corb. as Vulg., Atige)'. m a. V. :
Then .... his footmen, and horsemen, and chariots.

Vers. 23-26.-2' x. V. ; destroyed (SieKofe, lit., " cut through"). =8 Basses. We find 'Poiro-cis in n. III. 23. 64.
Aid. ; X. has 'Paao-o-ets ; Old Lat., Thiras et Rasts (Cod. Corb. and Vulg., Tharsis, t. c, Tarsus). 2fl j^^ y. : which.

90 toward, 3i Chellians (Fritzsche adopts from X. III. Xe^eiav \ II. 108. 68. 19. Syr., XoAfiaioji'). 82 Then

•8 omits the. " high. 3' Arbonai. This form is supported by 64. and some other MSS., with Co. Aid. The Old
Lat. has Beccon (Cod. Corb. and Vulg., Mambrt). 80 a. V. : killed (Gr., KareKoi/ze). See ver. 23.

Vers. 26-28. — " A. V. : Madian. This is the form found in the text, rec, but Fritzsche properly adopts Moticifi from
II. III. X. 23. 58. 71. 38 A. y, ; tabernacles (Gr., o-KTjviojLiaTa). 36 Then. ^0 fields (tovs iypov? ; right but better
here " crops "). " countries (Gr., ireSi'a ; cf. preceding). « Therefore the. The article is wanting before the
words " fear " and " dread - respectively, in II, X, 23,, while X, has airoC after the former, instead of the latter word
as in the text. rec. « A, V. ; coasts, which " omits on. *» After Ascalon, X, 58, Syr. Old Lat, add " and in

Gaza."

JUDITH.

171

Chaptee II.

Ver. 1. The first month. The month Nisan,
— or Abib, as it was called before the Exile, —
answering nearly to our April. Of. Beilage i., in
Schiirer's Neutest. Zeitgeschichte, p. 669. As the
campaign was to be carried on in a mountainous
region, it could not have well begun before this
time. See, however, verse 27.

Ver. 2. His secret plan, i. c, the resolution
which he had privately made.

Ver. 4. Olophernes. The form of the word
in the Vulgate is Holofernes. In the Old Latin it
is " Olofernes," which conforms better with the
Greek. Its meaning is uncertain. It occurs also
in Cappadocian history about b. o. 350.

Ver. 7. Make ready earth and water. These
were the symbols of a full and unconditional sur-
render. Cf. Herod., vi. 48, 49; Uv., xxxv. 17.
The speech of Ncbuchodonosor is intentionally
clothed in the most boastful language, in order to
enhance the more the greatness of the delivery
which Israel experienced.

Ver. 12. "Oti (uv, for by my life. An excep-
tional employment of the participle. Winer (p.
354) calls it a Hellenizing of the Hebrew infini-
tive absolute. Cf. Thiersch, De Pentateuchi Ver.
Alex., -p. 164 ff.

Ver. 14. The word translated " governors " in
the A. v., by us "chief men," is SwiaTas, and
refers, it would seem, to the rulers of the differ-
ent provinces. The other officers mentioned are
of inferior rank. Cf. ix. 3; Wisd. v. 23, viii. 11 ;
Ecclus. iv. 27, vii. 6, x. 3, 24, xi. 6, xdii. 9, xxxviii.
33, xli. 17 ; 2 Mace. ix. 25 ; 3 Mace. vi. 4.

Ver. 15. An army of one hundred and twenty
thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry
would not seem to be an extravagan tly large one,
but quite in keeping with the circumstances.

Ver. 16. By the twelve thousand " archers on
horseback," Wolf thinks Scythians are referred
to. But the bow was the usual Oriental weapon,
t6^ov fiifia being sometimes used symbolically for
the Persians, in distinction from \6yxv^ iVx^s for
the Greeks. Cf. jEsch., Pers , 147.

Ver. 19. With their chariots. Only persons
of rank fought in chariots, it being regarded the
most honorable form of warfare, as it was also
the safest. For a description of the Assyrian
war chariot, see Ancient Man., i. 406 ff.

Ver. 20. This " mixed troop " may simply
have been soldiers not fully or regularly armed.

Ver. 21. Toward the plain of Baectilseth.
This word may possibly be a corrupted form of
Bekaa, which is the name of a valley between the
two chains of Lebanon. The different manu-
scripts give other forms of the word : B€itTi(rj,e)-
\d{e)6, also, Ilo/cTaAoifl, and the Old Latin " Bithi-
lat" and " Bethulia." Wolf conjectures that a
part of the Taurus chain of mountains is meant,
from which the Sultan-su takes its rise. He says :
" The high table-land, Malatia, was the most
desirable starting-point for operations in the
direction of Asia Minor, since from here roads
into the interior of all the regions west and north
would be open [t], while the fruitfulness of the
district would at the same lime furnish the army
and its herds of cattle j-ich sustenance." Com.,
p. 91. Bat this place was at least three hundred
English miles from Nineveh. How, then, could
such an army reach it in a three days' march?
To meet this difficulty, this critic is obliged to
make other wholly groundless suppositions.

Ver. 23. Phud and Lud. The first name
seems to refer to the Libyans, and the second is
held by some to designate the Lydians (cf. Gen.
X. 6; 1 Chron. i. 8; Is. Ixvi. 19; Jer. xlvi. 9;
Ezek. XXX. 5). But it is more likely, from the
manner in which the latter name is used in the
Scriptures in connection with Cush and Phut,
that it also was some African people in the neigh-
borhood of Egypt. In one of his prophecies
(cf. xxvii. 10; xxx. 5; xxxviii. 5) Ezekid pre-
dicts the overthrow of Cush, Phud, and Lud, as
being the auxiliaries of Egypt, and at the same
time with it. With what propriety, then, are
these people mentioned here 1 If they are not
entirely out of place, the least unreasonable sup-
position would perhaps be that they are either
colonists or mercenaries employed against/ the
forces of Assyria. Wolf thinks Cholcians are
meant by Phud, and by Lud the Lydians to the
west. — Children of Bassis. Gesenius would
identify Rosh (or 'Pdn, which is probably but an-
other form of the present word, and occurs in
Ezek. xxxviii, 2, 3 ; xxxix. 1) with a tribe which
was located to the north of the Taurus, and was
the beginning of the present Russian people.
Wolf ( Com., p. 95 f.), who, as in the case of Phnd
and Lud just noticed, is obliged to make the
most violent conjectures in his attempts to har-
monize the statements of our book with geo-
graphical and historical facts, accepting the read-
ing of the Old Latin, regards Thiras (Thars) as
hut another name for Tarsus (Cilicia), while
Rassis (Rosos) is Rhosus, situated on the Gulf of
Issus ! It would seem to be a sufficient objection
to this supposition that any part of Cilicia is
meant, that in verse twenty-fifth it is spoken of as
having been subsequently overrun and ravaged
by the Assyiian general. Cf. arts. " Rasses " and
"Rosh" in Smith's Bib. Diet., and "Ros" in
Schenkel's Bib. Lex. — Sons of Ismael, Bedouins
of Northern Arabia, to the south of Babylon. —
Of the land of the CheUseans. — A few MSS.
only (including If.) read XaKZaiaiv for XfX\aia>v
(XeA.Aewj', XeAea))/). It is doubtless a correction.
And that it restores the true reading of the origi-
nal is very questionable. The word seems rather
to point back to the Ghellus (Chalutza, Elusa) of
i. 9, and the people must be sought for in the
vicinity of Kades.

Ver. 24. Went over the Euphrates. He
recrossed it to go into Southern Mesopotamia. —
The river Abrona. Possibly the river " Chabo-
ras," as Grotius and others suppose. The con-
jecture of Movers, that it was not a proper name
at all, but stands for ~in3n ~0.'3, beyond the river,
i. e., the Euphrates, has little to support it.

Ver. 25. Borders of Japheth. Here still we
must venture forwards uncertainly. Possibly the
borders which separated the Sinaitic and Japhetic
peoples are meant. Wolf thinks that he is able
to fix the place exactly, and indicates the high
table-land in the vicinity of the mountain range
Hauran.

Ver. 26. Madiam, i. e., Midian.

Ver. 27. In the time of wheat harvest. This
came generally in the month Abib (April); but,
as Wolf supposes, it may have been somewhat
later than in Palestine, but hardly so late as June.
He thinks that Olophernes set out on his expedi-
tion in April, and had his headquarters in the

172

THE APOCRYPHA.

plain of Malatia (Baectilseth ) until September,
and made the rest of the campaign to Damascus
between September and Jane. But the text gives
us no other indications of the time which had
elapsed than the 22d day of the first month in
chapter ii., and the fact of its being the time of
wheat harvest wlien the victorious army reached
Damascus. — Utterly vrasted. Cf. Luke xx. 18 :
AiKfiTia-ei aMv : " grind him to powder." Here
the still more emphatic ^eKlx/iiia-e is used.

Ver. 28. Sur and Ocina. Sur is also given
as Sud in some MSS. But the place was prob-

ably Dor (~lil), a seaport town near Carmel.
Ocina was also most likely a seaport town ( Acchoy,
now better known by the • name Ptolemais. —
Jenmaan. It was, as it would seem, the Philia
tine city Jabneh (n.33|;, cf. 2 Chron. xxv. 6).
which lay on the Mediterranean. — Azotus (Ash-
dod) and Ascalon (Ashkelon). They were like-
wise cities of the Philistines. The former was
situated about midway between Gaza and Joppa,
and the latter further to the south.

Chapter III.

1, 2 And ^ they sent ambassadors unto him with words of peace, saying, Behold,
we the servants of Nabuchodonosor the great king lie before thee ; use us as it

3 is ^ good in thy sight. Behold, our farm-houses,* and every place of ours,* and
every field ^ of wheat, and the ^ flocks, and the ' herds, and all the folds * of our

4 tents, lie before thy face ; use them as it may please thee. Behold, also ' our cities
and the inhabitants thereof are thy servants ; come and deal with them as it is good

5 in thy sight. ^^ And the men came to Olophernes, and reported unto him according to

6 these words. -"^ And he came down upon the sea coast, both he and his army, and set
garrisons in the fortified ^* cities, and took out of them chosen men as auxiliaries.^'

7 And" they and all their country round about received him with garlands, and

8 dances, and ^* timbrels. And he ^^ cast down all " their frontiers,^' and cut
down their groves ; and his thought was ■'^ to destroy all the gods of the land,
that all nations might '" worship Nabuchodonosor only, and that all tongues and all

9 their tribes might ^"^ call upon him as god. And ^^ he came over against Esdraelon
10 near unto Dotsea, which is over ^ against the great saw of Judaea.^* And he pitched

between Gaebee ^^ and Scythopolis, and there he tarried a whole month, that he might
gather together all the baggage ^^ of his army.

Vers. 1-6. — 1 A. V. : So. ^ to treat of peace .... eball be. * houses (Gr., at eVavXet?), * all our places.
Fritzsche receivea into hia text the words KaX n-a? tottos {ayp6^, 58. Syr. Old Lat.) ij^wv from III. 19. 23. 62. 64. 74. al.
with Co. Aid. Old Lat. (Cod. Corb.), which are wanting in the text, rec. ^ A..y. : all our fields. <• oTnits the.

T OTnits the. ^ lodges (Gr., fnavhpiu). » pleaseth (68. 106.) .... even ^^ seemeth good unto thee. " So

.... declared .... this manner.

Vers. 6, 7. — ^2 A. V. : Then came he down toward .... high. ^ for aid (Gr., et? <rvti.tia\ia.v). i* So.

^ the country (Gr., n-ao-a ^ ,rept\<Dpos avrwf ; the pronoun is omitted by 23. 44. 71. 76. 106.) .... them .... witk
dances, and witk.

Ver. 8. — ^"^ A. V. : Yet ho did. ^^ OTnits all. 18 it jg probable that ra icpo should be read for to opia (see iv. 1),
although it has no MS. authority. It would seem that the translator mistook the word in the original. . i" A. V. :
for he had decreed. For /cat ^v X. 58. Old Lat. Syr. fas A. V.) have ort ^v. The reading, fieSo/xeVof, instead of hetoytiivov^
is also supported by IT. as well as by III. X. 19. 68. 71. oi. with Old Lat. Syr. , cited by Fritzsche. Either would give a
good sense, but the former might easily have sprung from the latter through an error of a copyist. so A. V. : should.
'1 and tribes should. The word ,r5(rat is omitted before " their tribes," in III. 19. 23. 56. 58. 64. 108. 248., and many
other Codd., with Co. Aid., and seems out of place ; but it was probably found in the original text.

Vera. 9, 10. — 22 A. V. : Also. »> Judea, over (marg., Dotca; Dolhan, Junius). The A. V. follows the Aldlne
text. "A. v.; strait(8ee Com.) of Judea. " Geba. The text. rec. haa Taifial; X. 6i.,yatfiav ; HI. Tat/3ai>; 19.
108., ye/SoA ; 68. 23., yajSctt. " A. V. : carriages.

Chafteb hi.

Ver. 4. 'ATTavrar, deal with. This is a later
meaning of the word. Cf . 2 Mace. vii. 39 ; 3
Mace. iii. 20.

Ver. 8. Cut down their groves, i. e.. The
sacred groves in which the idols of the people
■were to be found. Cf. 1 Kings xii. 10 ; xv. 13 ; 2
Chron. xiv. 3.

Ver. 9. Near Dotsea (Dothan). See Gen.
xxxvii. 17. This place still bears its ancient name.
It is situated four or five miles south of Jenim and
but a short distance from the plain of Esdraelon,
— Over against the great saw of Judsea. The
word vplwi/, saw, is thought to be a mistranslation
of "VitD''S5, plain, for which the translator read

"litffa. It was for a long time a great puzzle to
scholars, both on account of the corruption of
Dotasa into " Judea " and the singular word
trploms found in the text. It was Keland who
first suggested the idea of a mistaken transla-
tion.

Ver. 10. Gsebee and Scythopolis. The first
place has been thought by some to be Gilboa
(Fritzsche), by others, " Geba," on the road be-
tween Samaria and Jenim. Scythopolis, " city of
the Scythians," is given as the synonym of Beth-
shean or Bethshan in the LXX., and is the place
now known as Beisan. It was the largest of the
ten cities and the only one west of the Jordan.

JUDITH. ITS

Chaptek IV.

1 And the children of Israel, that dwelt in Judsea, heard of ^ all that Olophernes the
chief generaP of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians had done to the nations,
and after what manner he had spoiled all their temples, and brought them to nought.

2 And ° they were exceedingly afraid before * him, and were troubled for Jerusalem,

3 and /or the temple of the Lord their God ; for they had but just come up ' from the
Captivity, and all the people of Judsea had been * lately gathered together, and the

4 vessels, and the altar, and the temple sanctified from ' the profanation. And ' they
sent into all the border of Samaria and villages,' and to Basthoron, and Belmeii,

5 and Jericho, and to Choba, and -Slsora, and to the valley of Salem, and possessed
themselves beforehand of all the tops of the high mountains, and walled about
the villages on ^ them, and laid in provisions as a preparation for ^' war ; for

6 their fields were of late reaped. And Joacim, the high priest, who ■'^ was in those
days in Jerusalem, wrote to them that dwelt in Betulua, and Betomesthsem,^^ which

7 is over against Esdraelon before the plain " near to Dothaim, charging them to
occupy " the passages of the hill country, for by them was the entrance ^^ into
Judaea ; and it was easy to stop them that were coming up," because the passage

8 was strait, for two men at the most. And the children of Israel did as Joacim the
high priest and the council ^^ of all the people of Israel, who ■" dwelt at Jerusa-

9 lem had commanded thera. And '° every man of Israel cried to God with great

10 fervency, and with great fervency ^"^ did they humble their souls, hoth they, and their
wives, and their little ones,^'' and their cattle ; and every stranger and hireling,'^

1 1 and their servants bought with money, put sackcloth upon their loins. And ^* every
man and woman of IsraeP^ and the children that dwelt in^** Jerusalem prostrated
themselves ^' before the temple, and cast ashes upon their heads, and spread out

12 their sackcloth before the Lord, and put^* sackcloth about the altar. And
they ^' cried to the God of Israel all with one consent earnestly, that he would not
give their little ones '" for a prey, and their wives for a spoil, and the cities of
their inheritance to destruction, and the sanctuary to profanation and reproach,

13 an object of sport to the nations.'^ And the Lord heard their cry,^- and looked
upon their affliction.'^ And ^ the people fasted many days in all Judtea and Je-

14 rusalem before the sanctuary ^ of the Lord Almighty. And Joacim the high priest
and all the priests that stood before the Lord, and they who ^' ministered unto the
Lord, their loins being ^' girt with sackcloth, offered '* the daily burnt offerings,

15 with the vows and the free gifts of the people. And they ^ had ashes on their
mitres ; and they *° cried unto the Lord with all their power, that he would look
upon all the house of Israel graciously.

Vers. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : Now .... heard. ' captain. " Therefore. * of. '^ were newly returned (Qr., irpotr-
^aTw9 ^<Ta.v ara/5e^7]«dTes). * were. ^ house sanctified after. 8 Therefore. » coasts .... the villages. Fritz-
Bche adopts Ku>>Aa; {ttxt. rec, Kui/as, as proper name) from III. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. ; 68. has eis ras Kiafi. ; II. 44.,
Kiovi ; X KioAa ; 19. 108., K6iAa. » A. V. : Bethoron .... Bsora .... and fortified the Tillages that were in.

Vers. 5, 6. — " A. V. : up victuals for the provision of, etc. (Gr., eis trapiuTKevtiv iroKefiov). i^ ^igo .... which.
15 Betbulia and Betomestbam. Here II. has the form jSatroiiAoiia, lilie the other Codd., though commonly the form 'in
this MS. is /SoiTvAoiio ; X., ^oirouXia. " A. V.: toward the open country (marg., plain).

Vers. 7, 9. — 16 A. V. : keep {Gr., BLoKaTaa^fZv). i" there was an entrance. " that would come (Trpoo-jSaiVoi/Ta?).
" high priest had commanded them with the ancients (marg., governors). The Codd. 44. 71. al. insert Trpocnj |aTo
before ^ -yepouo-ia. i^ A. V.: which. 20 Then. 21 vehemency. ( For exTei/ia, near the close, 19. 53. Old I.at.,
offer VTjtrreiij ; cf. Ps. xxxT. 13. The change was probably due, however, to the fact that efcrei'i^ occurs just before.
Cod. X. omits the whole phrase.)

Vers. 10-12. — 22 A. V. : their children (cf . ver. 12.) » Instead of the article before iiiaiorro^ (as text. rec. ), Pritzsche
adopts mil, as found in III. X. 19. 23. 55. 53. 64., etc., with Syr. Co. Aid. 21 a. V. : Thus. ^ omits of Israel (so
62. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). 20 little children (Gr., ,rai6ia, but see ver. 12, ri yrima), and the inhabitants of.
Tritzsche would strike out the icai, with II. 58. 74. 108. 248. Old Lat. Syr. 2' A. V. : fell. 2» the face of the

Lord ; also they put. 20 omitt they. =» children (see preceding ver.). si and for the nations to rejoice at.

Vers. 13-16.— "2 A. v.: So God (64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) .... prayers. » looked upon their afflictions (II. has

e<rei8«, with an oi over the first letter, i.e., lit elSev). ^ for. "' God. X. supplies eirecroi/ before nari irfiiTmrrov tUv
ayiW. » A. V. : which. »' had their loins girt. ^8 and offered. s» and free .... and. *> omits they.

Chapter IV.

Ver. 2. It is to be noticed that the temple has
been already restored. This took place cir. b. 0.
520.

Ver. 3. To m.^kc the point just noticed still
more certain, we read here that the people h.id
just returned from the Captivity. See Introd,,

174

THE APOCEYPHA.

nnder " Historical Difficulties." It is said, more-
over, that tlie vessels of the altar of the house had
been sanctified from the profanation (byAntio-
chus Epiphanos'!). Cf. Herzfeld, i. 319.

Ver. 4. Sent into all the border of Samaria.
The Samaritans at this time were a mixed people
whom the Isinp of Babylon had established in the
country after depopulating it of its original inhab-
itants. They were idolaters. They had not been
allowed to participate in the rebuilding of the tem-
ple, and were on terms of the bitterest hostility
with the Jews at the time when the supposed
events here recorded took place. Hence the state-
ment before us is not a little surprising, as well as
suggestive. Many hold it for an unmistakable
evidence of a late date for our work. — Bsethoron.
There were two places of this name, an upper and
a lower. They still survive in what is known as
Beit'-ilr, a little to the northwest of Jerusalem. —
Belmen. A place apparently in the neighborhood
of Dothaim. Cf . vii. 3. — And to Choba. Prob-
ably the same as Chobai (cf. xv. 4, 5), and may
be the Hobah (H^in) of Gen. xiv. 15, a place
north of Damascus. — .^sora. As it would seem
for the Hebrew ~n!jn, Hazor. The Syriac has
the reading, Bethchorn, )'. e. Bethoron. — And to
the valley of Salem. Thought by some to be
the plain of Sarou, tlie " Sharon " of the Old Tes-
tament. Others (Smith's Bib. Diet.) refer it to
the broad plain of the Mukhna, which stretches
from Ebal to Gerizim.

Ver. 6. One MS. (58.) calls this high priest,
here and in verse 8, 'IXiaKeifi. This name is not to
be found in the list of the names of the liigh priests
given in 1 Chron. vi., and it is not likely that the

Eliakim mentioned in 2 Kings xviii. 18, was ever
raised to this dignity. On the theory that the book
before us is in the main fictitious, the title " Joa-
cim," i. e. " the Lord hath set up," would be an
appropriate one for the character. — Betulua and
Betomesthsem. The name which desi,i.;nates the
scene of the principal events of our book does not
elsewhere occur. Its derivation has been sought
in various Hebrew words, but most generally in
n^b^na, i. c, " virgin of the Lord." Possibly
the author changed the name of some other place
into Betulua in order to answer the requirements
of his story. Its location would seeiL/ to be given
with sufficient definiteness, but all attempts to fix
its exact site have hitherto failed. The other
place mentioned was in the vicinity of Betulua,
but its actual position remains also unknown.

Vers. 9-11. The law of Moses provided for
only one public, strict fast in a year (Lev. xvi.
29 ff.). After the Exile the occasions for fasting
were greatly multiplied and were reckoned at last,
with the rise of the Phari.saic spirit, among the
most meritorious of good works. Cf. Keil, Ar-
chaSL, p. 353.

Ver. 12. Cities of their inheritance, t. e. the
cities of the land which they had inherited. Cf.
Ecclus. xlvi. 8 ; 1 Mace. xv. 33, 34.

Vers. 14, 15. Accordingto the Vulgate the high
priest Joacim went about and admonished the peo-
ple to continue their fasting and praying as the
surest way of finding deliverance. — Their mi-
tres. Both the high priest and the ordinary
priests wore crowns, the latter being of linen and
somewhat simple in form and ornamentation, the
former highly ornamented and costly.

Chaptek V.

1 And it was reported to Olophernes, chief general ^ of the army of Assur, that the
children of Israel had prepared for war, and had shut up the passages of the hill
country, and walled about every high mountain top,^ and had laid impediments

2 in the plains.^ And * he wasf very angry, and called all the princes of Moab, and

3 the generals ^ of Ammon, and all governors of the sea coast, and said ^ unto them,
Tell me now, ye sons of Chanaan,' who this people is, thatdwelleth in the hill coun-
try, and what are the cities that they inhabit, and what is the multitude of their
army, and wherein is their power and their strength, and what king is set over them,

4 as leader * of their army ; and why have they contemptuously refused ° to come and

5 meet me, more than all the inhabitants of the west ? And ^^ Achior, the leader *^
of all the sons of Ammon, said to him,-"^

Let my lord now hear a word from the mouth of thy servant, and I will report
unto thee the truth concerning this people,^' which inhabiteth this hill country near

6 thee ; -"^ and there shall no lie come out of the mouth of thy servant. This people

7 are descendants of^^ the Chaldaeans, and sojourned formerly i" in Mesopotamia,
because they would not follow the gods of their fathers, which were in the land

8 of the Chaldaeans." And ^' they left the way of their ancestors, and worshipped

Vers. 1-5. — ' A. V. : Then was it declared .... the chief captain. 2 had fortified ail the tops of the high hills.
= champion countries. ^ wherewith. » captains. « the (68. 74. lOB. 286. 248. Co.) governors .... he said.

'Canaan. » and strength .... or captain (Gr., jj-youfiEVOs). » determined not (lit., carried on the bacli).

lo Then said. n captain. ■= omits said to him. w declare unto The Codd. III. 19. 23. 62., and others

with Co. Old. Lat. supply toutov after Aaou, and we let it stand, although not found in Fritzsche's text. i* A. V. :
dwelleth near thee and inhabiteth the hill countries. Literally, the Greek would be rendered, " which inhabiteth thifl
hill country, inhabiting near thee."'

Vers. 6-8. — " A. V. : descended of. " they sojourned heretofore (Or., to n-porepov). " Chaldea. " For.

JUDITH.

175

the God of heaven, a God ■^ whom they came to know.'' And " they cast them

out from before * their gods, and they fled into Mesopotamia, and sojourned there

9 many days. And^ their God commanded them to depart from the place where

they sojourned, and to go into the land of Chanaan.* And ' they dwelt there,'

10 and were increased with gold and silver, and with very many cattle. And because '
a famine covered all the land of Chanaan,-"' they went down into Egypt, and so-
journed there, as long as ^^ they found nourishment ; ^^ and they became there a

1 1 great multitude, and there was no numbering of their race.-'^ And ^* the king of
Egypt rose up against them, and they overreached them in work and in brick and

12 brought them low," and made them slaves. And''' they cried unto their God, and he
smote all the land of Egypt with incurable plagues ; and " the Egyptians cast them

13, 14 out from before them.^' And God dried up-" the Red Sea before them, and
brought them on the way to Sina, and Cades-Barne ; and they cast forth ™ all that

15 dwelt in the wilderness. And "^ they dwelt in the land of the Amorites, and they
destroyed by their strength all them of Esebon, and passing through the Jordan they

16 possessed all the hill country. And they cast forth before them the Chanaanite, and
the Pherezite,'''' and ^' the Jebusite, and the Sychemite, and all the Gergesites, and

17 they dwelt in that country many days. And as long as ^* they sinned not before their

18 God, they prospered, because God who '^ hateth iniquity was with them. But when
they departed from the way which he had ^' appointed them, they were destroyed
in many battles for a very long time,^ and were led captives into a land that was
not theirs, and the temple of their God was cast to the ground, and their cities were

19 taken by their ^' enemies. And now, having ^^ returned to their God, they came '"'
up from the place where they were scattered, and possessed Jerusalem, where their

20 sanctuary is, and ^^ settled down ^^ in the hill country ; for "^ it was desolate. And
now, my ^* lord and master,^^ if there is error in this people, and they sin
against their God, we will look to it what this offence among them is, and will

21 go up and "" overcome them. But if there is no transgression in their nation, let my
lord now pass by, lest their Lord and their God defend them,'' and we shall be
a reproach before all the earth.'"

22 And it came to pass when '" Achior had finished these sayings, all the people
standing round the tent and round about murmured. And the chief men of Olo-
phernes and all that dwelt by the sea side, and in Moab, said * that he should kill him,

23 For, say they, we will not be afraid before the children of Israel ; for lo, it is a

24 people that have no strength nor power for a strong orderly battle.^' Now there-
fore, lord Olophernes, we will go up, and they shall be food for *^ all thine army.

Vers. 8-10. —' the God (no article in the Gr.). 2 knew (Gr., e'jreyt'coirav). » so. ' the face of. i^ Then.

B Canaan. ' Where ^ o-mits there. » very much .... when {Gr., yap ; 74. 76. 236 , Si). ^f> Canaan,

" while. 12 were nourished (see Com.). *3 and became .... so that one could not number their nation.

Vers. 11-14. — " A. V. : Therefore. i^ dealt subtilly with them, and brought them low with labouring in brick
(Qr. KareffO^itraVTO oiiTovs iv n-Affj* — X. 58. TrtiK^; cf. Ex. i. 14 — KaX -nXivSta^ KuX eTaTreiVoxrav aVTOUs. A. V. read
KttTecrot/itcraTo .... eTaireCvaitrev .... idero, with III. X. 19. al.). l"" Then. ^^ 80. " of their sight (Gr., airo Trpotriit-
n-ov aiTui-. See Ter. 8). '» omits up (Gr., Karef^pavex ; preposition is omitted by 44. 71. 106). '» to mount (In 64.
68. 64. Co. and Aid. opo? is read for hUv, as well as by .Junius. The A. V. has in the margin : Gr., into t/u way of the
wilderness 0/ Sina) . . . and cast forth {i^i^aJ^t 52. 64. 248. Co. Aid. al.).

Vers. 15-18. — 21 A. V. : So. -^ over J Canaanite, the P. 23 ojriits and. 24 -whilst. 25 the God that

(the article is found in 23. 44. 58. 74. 249. Co. Aid.). 26 omits had. 27 very sore (Gr., eVl n-oAi) o-iJioSpa). 28 the.
The force of the preceding possessive pronoun is to be brought along to this point.

Vers. 19, 20. — 20 ^. y. : But now are they (aorist participle). ^° and are come. ^i places where .... have

possessed . . . . is and are. '2 are seated, s3 Yot 'in X. has ore. ^i Now therefore my (19., fiou). =5 governor.
3" be any .... let us even consider that this shall be their ruin, and let us . , . . we shall.

Vers. 21-24. — ^7 a, y. : be no iniquity .... Lord defend tkem, and their God be for them (Gr., /Aijirore inrepaoTrt'oT) 6
Kupios a-irim Ktu 6 Bm tanitv virep axnCiv). =' A. V. : become .... all the world. so And when (eyeVero ; 44. 71

106. omit). *o round about the tent murmured .... spalte. " afraid of the face of .... a strong battle

The Greek is tii TrapaTufiv laxopi"- See remarks in Com. at 1 Esd. ii. 30; cf. also vii. 11, xvi. 12; Wisd. xii. 9.
*2 A. V. : a prey to be devoured of (Qr., €is KaTd^pu)ia).

Chapter V.

Ver. 1. %KivM\ov. This word referred origi-
nally to the trap-stick on wliich the bait was fas-
tened (cf. LXX. at Josh, xxiii. 13 ; I Sam. xviii.
21) ; then, generally, anything against which one
strikes or stumbles (cf. Wisd. xiv. U ; Ecclus. vii.
6 ; xxvii. 23 ; 1 Mace. v. 4.)

Ver. 2. The princes (&pxo'^a^) of Moab, and
the generals (iTTpaTr]jovs) of Ammon, and all
the governors (trarpciTraj) of the sea-coast.

Ver. 3. Sons of Chanaan. Really applicable
only to the inhabitants of the sea-coast.

Ver. 5. Achior has a great deal to say about

176

THE APOCRTPHA.

his speaking the truth, probably becanse it was
scarcely to be expected from him under the cir-
cumstances, and possibly, too, because he would
be obliged to say what might be considered by
Olophernes as offensive.

Ver. 6. Of the Chaldaeans, i. c, through Abra-
ham. Ur is commonly supposed to have been
in Mesopotamia, where also Stephen, by impli-
cation (Acts vii. 2, 4), fixes its locality. See, how-
ever, a full discussion of the matter in Smith's
Bib. Diet., art. "Ur;" and Wolf, Com., ad loc.
Josephus (Aniiq., i. 6, §5) says: "Now Terah
hating Cbaldsea on account of his mourning for
Haran, they aU returned to Haran, of Mesopo-
tamia."

Ver. 8. God of Heaven. An expression fre-

Juently found in the later books of Scripture,
n Josephus (/. c.) we are told how Abraham
came to his peculiar views about God for which
he was driven out by the Chaldseans.

Ver. 10. As long as they found nourisli-
ment, /lexp^s ov Sierpa(p'qtTav. This appears to be
the correct translation, although several other
renderings are given. Dereser : " till they again
found sustenance ; " De Wette : " till they re-
turned."

Vei. 11. Overreached them. The same
word, KaTa(ro(pl(oiiai, is rendered by the A. V.
at Acts vii. 19 as here. But the meaning seems
to be better expressed by overreach, circumvent.

See the Hebrew at Ex. i. 10; and cf. Jud. a.
19 (A. v., "deceive"). — AvtoI/s eh Sov\ovs,
(made) them slaves. The preposition is used
tropically as denoting aim or end. Cf. Winer,
p. 396.

Ver. 14. Cades-Bame. Also called simply
Kades. See above, i. 9.

Ver. 15. Dwelt in the land of the Amorltes.
Cf. Numb. xxi. 2.5, 31. — Esebon. The chief
city of the children of Ammon was Heshbon.

Ver. 18. Here we have the announcement of
the destruction of the temple, and of the Captivity,
which is worthy of notice as a general indication
of the date of the history.

Ver. 19. It -was dqsolate, i. e., the monntait
country, of its inhabitants ; and they did not
need to take possession of it again.

Ver. 20. Kal 4^ia-Kei\i6ueea. Seelutrod., p. 164.
The sentence which precedes does not contain the
leading idea, and the following xai serves to give
a greater prominence to that which it introduces.
But it is scarcely translatable. It is a species of
anacoluthoD. Cf. Winer, p. 438, and, below,
verse 22; vi. 1 ; x. 2, 7, 14; xi. 11 ; xiv. 11. —
Buin (A. v.), tTKivSaXov. Better here, offense. The
plural of the same word is rendered by " impedi-
ments" in verse 1. Cf. its use at Wisd. xiv. 11
(A. v., "stumbling-blocks "), and see remarks at
verse 1, above.

Chapter VI.

1 And when the tumult of the ^ men that were about the council ceased,^ Olophernes
the chief general ° of the army of Assur said unto Achior before all the foreign
peoples, and to all the sons of Moab,*

2 And who art thou, Achior, and the hirelings of Ephraim, that thou hast prophe-
sied amongst us as to-day, and hast said, that loe should not make war with the race
of Israel, because their God will defend them ? And who is God but Nabucho-

3 donosor ? He will send his power, and will destroy them from the face of the earth,
and their God shall not deliver them ; but we his servants will smite ^ them as one

4 man ; and they shall not withstand ^ the power of our horses. For with them we
will overrun them,' and their mountains shall be drunken with their blood, and their
plains shall be filled with their dead bodies ; and not by one step shall they with-
stand * us, but " they shall utterly perish, saith king Nabuchodonosor. the ^" lord of

5 all the earth ; for he said it ; " his words shall not ^'^ be in vain. But '^ thou, Achior,
a hireling of Ammon, who " hast spoken these words in the day of thine iniquity,
shalt see my face no more from this day, until I take vengeance on the race^'

6 that came out of Egypt. And then shall the sword of mine army, and the spear ^°
of them that serve me, pass through thy sides, and thou shalt fall among their

7 wounded," when I return. And '* my servants shall carry thee away " into the

8 hill country, and shall set thee in one of the cities of the passages ; and thou shalt

Vers. 1-4. — 'A. v.: omtw the. 2 was ceased. 'captain. * A. and aU the Moabites before nil the company of

other nations. (We place as in the text, in conformity with the order of the Greek.) b people of I destroy.

« for they are not able to sustain (Gr., «oi ovx uiroo-njo-OKriii ; cf. 1 Mace. T. 40 ; vii. 25, and the immediate context of
the present verse). ' tread Ihem under foot. (We adopt Kti.TaitXvmii.cv, ^th Fritzsche, from 19. 6.5. 74. 108. 286. in
place of KaTaKau<ro)ier, we will burn (them in them, 1. e,, their cities) of the text. ree. The Codd. 62. 64. 248. 249. with
Co. and Aid. (as A. V.) have«aTinraT^o-ofm/.) « fields .... their footsteps shall not be able to stand before.' (See
Com.) "for. 10 omi« the. "said. « None of my words (64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have fiou).

Vers. 5-8. — " A. V. : And (Qr., o* «e'). " which. Cod. X. offers here instead of the relative, in. " of this

nation. '» multitude. Jritzsche adopts x«Ait« (for \a6s of the text, rec). Old Lat., lancea. The Codd. give Aais

without exception. But it would seem to have been an early corruption of x«A«05. " A. V. : slain (Gr., rpaii-
uariai,. Cf. remarks in Com. at 1 Maoc. i. 18). •» Now thtnfore. >» bring thee back, etc. (Gr.,' im)/t»ro<n^<rovii<
ret

JUDITH.

177

9 not perish, till thou art ^ destroyed with them. And if thou dost hope in thy
heart ^ that they will ' not be taken, let not thy countenance fall. I have spoken
it, and none of my words shall be in vain.

10 And * Olophernes commanded his servants, who stood around in his tent, to take
Achior, and bring him to Betulua,^ and deliver him into the hands of the children of

11 Israel. And ^ his servants took him, and brought liim out of the camp into the plain,
and bore him ' from the midst of the plain into the hill country, and came unto the

12 fountains that were under Betulua.* And when the men of the city on the top of
the mountain ' saw them, they took up their weapons, and went out of the city to
the top of the mountain ; '"' and every man that used a sling took possession of the

13 place of their ascent and hurled stones upon ^^ them. And crouching under the
mountain, they bound ^ Achior, and left him behind cast down at the foot of the

14 mountain,'^ and returned to their lord. But the Israelites descending from their
city, came ^* unto him, and loosed him, and brought him into Betulua,^^ and presented

15 him to the rulers " of their " city, who ^* were in those days : Ozias ^^ the son of
Micha, of the tribe of Simeon, and Chabris '^ the son of Gothoniel, and Charmis ^^

16 the son of Melchiel. And they called together all the elders ^^ of the city ; and all
their youth ran together, and their women, to the assembly. And they set Achior in
the midst of all their people, and ^ Ozias asked him of that which had taken place.^*

17 And answering, he reported ^^ unto them the words of the council of Olophernes, and
all the words that he had spoken in the midst of the rulers of the sons of Assur,'^^

18 and how far Olophernes had spoken proudly against the house of Israel. And ^''

19 the people fell down and worshipped God, and cried,''^ saying, 0 Lord God of
heaven, behold their arrogance,^' and pity the low estate of our race,'" and look
upon the face of those that are sanctified unto thee this day. And '^ they comforted

20, 21 Achior, and praised him greatly. And Ozias took him out of the assembly
into''' his house, and made a feast to the elders. And they called on the God of
Israel all that night for help.

Vers. 8-13. — 1 A. V. : be. '^ persuade thyself in thy mind. ^ shall. * Then. ^ that waited in ... .

Bethulift. 8 So. ' they "Went (Or. , ajnjpai/ ; 44. 106., ijAeot.). ^ Bethulia. ^ o,,!^^^ on the top of the mountain
(so 58.). I*' hiU. " kept them from coming up by easting of stones against (Qp. , iteKpanjo-ai' rriv ava^atriv ainuv

(Col eJSoAoi' eV Ai'dot; e'lr'). ^ Nevertheless having gotten privily under the hill, they bound (xal un-ofivtroi'Tes viritKiTtit rov
opov9 eSritrav). ^ and ca.«t him down and left him at the foot of the hill (Gr., ical ic/iTJKai' epptixij.evov, etc.).

Vers. 14, 15. — ^* A. V. : descended .... and came. ^^ Bethulia, lo governors {Or., apxovra.^). " the (Qr.,
avTuv ; it is omitted by 44. 7L 74. 76. 106. 236.). " which. ^ Cod, II. everywhere spells this proper name O^ewt?.

20 JFor 'Aj3pts of the teact. rec, Jritzsche adopts from III. X. XaBpcis. This is the reading of II. also, and not Xap^El?J
as stated in Friczscbe's Grit. Ap. 2X For Xap/j-t^ of the text, rec, Fritzsche adopts from II. X. Xapjaeis ; 111. has XoA-
fiei^ ; 44. and others, Xapfil.

Vers. 16-21. — 22 J^^_ y. : ancients. Here {as at viii. 10) the Greek is Toiij Trpeo-purcpous, and not, as at iv. 8, ^ yepouo-wL.
Cf. also, X. 6 ; xiii. 12 ; 1 Esd. vi. 8. 23 A, V : Then. 24 ^as done. 2b he answered and declared- 20 princes

of A. 27 whatsoever 0 Then. 23 cried unto CJod. (Thelast two words are not in the Greek of the (ea:^ rec,

but are found in 243. Co. Aid. Jun. ). 29 pride (Gr. , vTrepij(|)oj'etas). lu this sentence ("behold their pride") the

Codd.X. 19. 108. use, instead of leariSe, the stronger iiti^Ke^ov, i. e., "behold to punish." so ^. y. ; nation,

ai Then. *2 unto.

Chapter VI.

Ver. 1 . By the " sons of Moab " are meant,
apparently, the people east of the Jordan, in dis-
tinction from the remaining peoples, who were
gathered from the coast of Palestine and Syria.

Ver. 2. After the separation of the ten tribes,
the tribe of Ephraim preponderated to such an
extent over the others that the kingdom of Israel
was often called Ephraim. But in employing
this title Olophernes shows that he was not so
ignorant of the history of the country as he pre-
tends to be. — -Ajid who is d &e6s t i. e., here, " the
true God."

Ver. 3. His power, i. e., his army, as very
frequently in this book and the books of the Mac-
cabees.

Ver. 4. Lit., and the step of their feet shall
not withstand. Not by a single footstep forward
would they be able to withstand then;.

Ver. 5. Race that came out of Egypt. An
allusion to the fact of their former enslavement.
12

Ver. 7. Cities of the passages, i. e., a city
that lies in the way of the ascent to the moun-
tains, one of the mearest fortified cities of the
enemy.

Ver. 9. Let not thy countenance fall. " Don't
be worried," as we sometimes say ironically.—
AiaTri'irrei;' (^=2), to fall to the earth, come to nought.
Cf. Gen. iv. 6. In ecclesiastical Greek it means
" to backslide." Cf. Euseb., H. E., v. 2.

Ver. 15- Gothoniel, cf. Judg. i. 13 (Othniel) ;
Charmis, cf. Gen- xlvi- 9 ; Josh- vii. 1 (Carmi) ;
Melchiel, cf- Gen- xlvi- 17 (Malchiel).

Ver. 17- Council, <rvveSplas. The same word
is used of this assembly at verse 1, and at xi. 9.
The word translated "assembly" in verse 16, on
the other hand, is eKKKria-iu, i. e., an assemblage of
the people. Cf. verse 21, vii. 29, xiv- 6; Ecclus.
XV. 5, et passim; 1 Mace. ii. 56 (with Ifumb.
xiii. 31).

178 THE APOCRYPHA.

Ver. 19. 'Evrl rhs iirepijipapetas. The plural is
emphatic, great pride. Cf. Winer, p. 177. —
Those that are sanctified. The whole Jewish
people are meant. Dereser would connect on {iy)
this day with iTrlp\f\poy.

Ver. 21. Feast, ttiJtoi'. lAt., a drinking ; then,
a drinking in common, a feast. The unsuspecting
confidence which is here accorded to this Gentile
Achior — as afterwards on the part of the Assyri-
ans to Judith — is scarcely natural.

Chapter VH.

1 The next day Olophernes commanded all his army, and all his people who had
come to help him, that ihey should move against Betulua, and take beforehand the

2 mountain passes,-' and to make war against the children of Israel. And every
mighty man of them marched ^ that day, and their force of ' men of war was an
hundred and seventy thousand footmen, and twelve thousand horsemen, beside the
baggage, and the* men that were afoot ^ amongst them, a very great multitude.

3 And they camped in the valley near unto Betulua,* by the fountain ; and they
spread ' in breadth over Dothaim * as far as Belbjem,* and in length from Betulua ■"*

4 unto Cyamon, which is over against Esdraelon. And '"■ the children of Israel, when
they saw the multitude of them, were greatly troubled, and said every one to his
neighbor. Now will these men lick up the face of the whole earth ; -"^ and '^ neither

5 the high mountains, nor the valleys, nor the hills, will '* bear their weight. And
every man took up his weapons of war, and having''^ kindled fires upon their

6 towers, they remained and watched all that night. But on ^* the second day Olo-
phernes brought forth all his horsemen in the sight of the children of Israel who "

7 were in Betulua,'* and examined the passages up to their city, and searched
out their fountains of water, and took possession of them,'^ and set garrisons of men
of war over them ; and he himself departed to "" his people.

8 And there ^' came unto him all the chief ^^ of the children of Esau, and all the
leaders ^* of the people of Moab, and the generals ^^ of the sea coast, and said,

9, 10 Let our lord now hear a word, that there be no disaster ''^ in thy army. For

this people of the children of Israel do not trust in their spears, but in the height of

the mountains wherein they dwell, because it is not easy to come up to the tops of

H their mountains. And now, our lord,''* fight not against them in orderly battle," and

12 there shall not one man of thy people fall.^* Remain in thy camp ; keep every
man ^ of thine army ; and let thy servants get into their hands the fountain of water,

13 which issueth forth from ^^ the foot of the mountain, for all the inhabitants of Betu-
lua ^' have their water thence ; and thirst will consume ^ them, and they will ^^ give
up their city ; and we and our people will *■ go up to the tops of the mountains that

1 4 are near, and will camp upon them, to watch that none go out of the city. And ^^
they and their wives and their children will ^^ be consumed with famine, and before
the sword come against them, they will be laid low ^ in the streets where they

15 dwell, and thou shalt ^* render them an evil reward, because they rebelled, and met
thee not with peace.*^

Vers. 1, 2. — i A. V. : which were come to take his part that they should remoTe their camp against Bethulia to talco
aforehand the ascents of the hill country. 2 Then their strong men removed their camps in. 8 the army of the.

* other. 6 For ,re^ot, 58. has irape^oSevrat ; Old Lat. , cum eis comitantes. The force of infantry is given as 8 000 in

Cod X.

Vers. 3-7. — "A.V. : Bethulia. '' s^r&nd themselves. 8 over Dothaim (marg., _/ro7n Do^Aaim, Junius ; Gr.,«7rt A.).
The form of the proper name((exl. rec., Aco9of(i) AuSaeiV is found in II. III. X. • A. V. : even to (Fritzsche omits Kai
with III. X. a(.) Belmaim. For /ScA^oifi are 11. III. 65. " A. V. : Bethulia. "Now. 12 the earth (Gr., riis yij!
jriin)! i the last word is omitted by 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236.). ^^ tor. "areableto. (Thevcrbisinthefutureten.se.)
" Then .... when they had. i« in. "which. "8 Bethulia. " viewed (Gr., eVto-KeiJ/aTo) the passages up

to the city (Gr., ra? ava^drrei'; T>J5 ir. avTuc), and came to (Gr., e</)ti5eu(r€ ; Junius, invachns occupavit) the fountains
of their waters (Cod. X. with II. 44. 71. 74. 76., etc., omits the possessive pronoun after uSaTwf), and took (Gr., npo-
KareAa/SeTo) thorn. ^" removed towards (Gr., av^^ev^ev eis).

Vers. 8-12. — 21 A. V. : Then. 22 ip^oKjei ; cf. vi. 14. -> A. V. : governors. " captains. 25 not an overthrow
(epava-i^a. ; lit., fragment). 2« Now therefore, njy. " battle array (Gr., KaSiit yiveriu TriAefioi TrapaT6.(im, i. c, as

regular warfare is carried on. Cf. v. 23). '' .so much as one .... fensh. 2° and keepall themen. For ii/ofieH-o^
(remain) 58. Old Lat. Syr. offer aWa jaeLcof. 80 x. V. : of.

Vers. 13-15. —»' A. V. : Bethulia. 8J go shall thirst kill (Gr., ireXei ; " de sili absumente," Wahl's Clavis, ad voc).
8' shall. 81 giijii 80 So. 80 jijaii. 87 shall be overthrown (Gr.jicaTooTpaje^o-oi'Tai. The context is to be con-
eidered). 88 xhiu shalt thou. 89 ^ot thy person peaceably.

JUDITH. 179

16 And their ^ words pleased Olophernes and all his servants, and they resolved ^ to

17 do as they had spoken. And a detachment' of the children of Ammon de-
parted, and with the:ca five thousand children of Assur, and they pitched in the val-
ley, and took the waters, and the fountains of the waters of the children of Israel.

18 And^ children of Esau went up with the children of Ammon, and camped in
the hill country over against Dothaim ; and they sent some of them toward the
south, and toward the east, over against Egrebel,^ which is near unto Chus,° that
is upon the brook Mochmur. And the rest of the army of the Assyrians camped in
the plain, and covered all the face of the land ; and their tents and baggage made
an encampment with many camp followers ; and they amounted to ' a very great

19 multitude. And * the children of Israel cried unto the Lord their God, because their
spirit ° failed ; for all their enemies had compassed them round about, and there was

20 no way to escape from among them. And the whole army of Assur remained about
them, the'" footmen, and the chariots, and their horsemen, four and thirty days. And •"

21 all their vessels of water failed all the inhabitants of Betulua.^^ And the cisterns
were emptied, and they had not water to drink their fill for one day, for they gave

22 them to drink by measure. And^' their young children lost " heart, and the ■'^ women
and the young men fainted for thirst, and fell down in the streets of the city, and
in ^° the passages of the gates, and there was no longer any strength in them.

23 And ^^ all the people assembled to Ozias, and to the chief of the city, the young
men, and the women, and the^* children, and cried with a loud voice, and said be-

24 fore all the elders, God be judge between us and you, for you have done us great
injustice,''^ in that you have not spoken with the children of Assur on behalf of

25 peace.'"' And ^^ now we have no helper ; but God hath sold us into their hands,

26 that we should be laid low before them with thirst and great destruction. And
now ^^ call them up,''' and deliver the whole city for a spoil to the people of Olo-

27 phernes, and to all his army. For it is better for us to become " a spoil unto them:^
for we shall "^ be his servants, and '" our souls will ^' live, and we shall not see the
death of our infants with our eyes, nor our wives nor our children as they pine

28 away.^ We take to witness against you the heaven and the earth, and our God and
Lord of our fathers, who '" punisheth us according to our sins and the sins of our

29 fathers, that he do not according as we have said this day. And'^ there arose a great
lamentation on the part of all at once '^ in the midst of the assembly ; and they cried

30 unto the Lord God with a loud voice. And Ozias said '' to them, Brethren, be of
good courage ; let us endure yet five days, in which ^ the Lord our God may turn his

31 mercy toward us ; for he will not forsake us utterly. But if these days pass, and

32 there come no help unto us, I will do according to your words.'^ And he dispersed
the people, each to his post ; ^' and they went upon " the walls and the towers of their
city ; and he sent away the women and the children '' into their houses. And they
were brought very low ^ in the city.

Vers. 16-19. — ^ A. V. : these (Gr., avruv ; III., avrov). 2 he appointed (text, rec.^ followed by Jritzsche, ovviT-

a^av. Codd. m. X. 55. 58., with Old Lat. Syr. Co. Aid , hare the verb in the singular). 3 So the camp (n-ap€^j3o\^,
but cf.CoTW.). * of the Assyrians . . Then the. ^ Eltrebel {II. X. 23. , Eype^iJX, and are followed by Fritzsche). .
" Chusi ((«!(. rec, Xoiii, but 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. as A. V.). ' the face of the whole .... carriages were

pitched to ; 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. omit iy oxKa Kal V"" (see Com.). « A. V. : Then. = heart (6r., to m/tC/ia).

Vers. 20-26. — ^^ A. V. : escape out . . . . Thus all the company ((rucaywy^, 23. 44. 64. a/. Co. Aid.). . . . 60/A their (so
68.). ^1 chariots (58. omits ra) and horsemen .... so that. ^ Bethulia. ^^ them drink .... Therefore. " were
oat of (Gr., ^SujitTjcrec). ^'^ their. (After yvvalKet the pronoun is stricken out by Fritzsche, following II. III. X, 19.
65.58.) ^**and young .... by (Gr.jCj' Tats, etc.). "Then, 18 itoM young men and women and children. ^"^ injury
(Gr., aSiKt'ai'). 20 required peace of the children of A. 21 Por. 22 thrown down .... Now therefore.

23 unto yow, etc. (Gr., iiriica\e(TatrBe aiiTOus.)

Vers. 2T-30. — 21 A. V. : be made. 25 adds, than to die for thirst. After Stapirayif, 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. insert :
f) aTcodavelu eV 5ti//Tj. 20 A_ y. : will. 27 that. 28 may. 20 ami not see .... before our eyes .... children to
die ((tT., eKKetnovtrai Taff i//u;^ac auTwj/). ^^o ^yiiicli, Bi Then, ^2 was great weeping with one consent. 83 Then
said 0. ^ yet endure . . , , the which space.

Vers. 31, 32. — ''f' A, V, : And , , , , word, ^ every one to their own charge (Gr., nU riiv iavrov n-a/)€jLt)3oX^i'),
8' unto (Or., iirt). J*6 and towers (58,) . , , . and sent (Fritzsche adopts aTreareiXef — text, rec, £fan-e'(rreiAe — from

II. X. 55. 19. 1U8, ; III. 23. 44. on-eoretAav) the women and children. ^o yery low brought.

Chaptee VII.

Ver. 2. The army had been increased then, I fifty thousand infantry. Cf. ii. 15. The Syriao
over and above all its losses since its start, by {and Codex Ger. 15 of the Old Latin has one ban-

180

THE APOCEYPHA.

dred and seventy-two thousand; another Codex
of the Old Latin (Corb.) and the Vulgate, one
hundred and twenty thousand. And for twelve
thousand horsemen, the Syriac, Old Latin, and
Vulgate have twenty-two thousand. — Amongst
them. Some would make this refer to the bag-
gage, which is mentioned just before. It can,
however, with equal propriety refer to the army ;
these persons bfing the unarmed, mi.\ed multi-
tude of which we read in ii. 20.

Ver. 3. Belbaem. Cf. Belmsen, iv. 4, with
note. — Cyamon. Possibly the place now known
as Tell Kaimon, on the eastern slopes of Carmel.
This would answer the description, if Esdraelon
be regarded as Jezreel. Eusebius knew the ])lace
under the name of Ka/jL/ioiva, and Jerome as Ci-
mana. Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet., ad voc. The A. V.
hiis in the margin " Beanfield," which is the
meaning of the word.

Ver. 4. Lick up, ^KXel^ovcii' (Lat., elingo).
Cf. Bar. vi. 20, whei'e it is also employed ; and
Numb. xxii. 4, where it is used in the" LXX. of
cattle, for Tjnb. — Bear their weight. Their
wants with respect to sustenance would be too
great for the country to supply them.

Ver. 7. Garrisons, Trape/iffoAds. It is other-
wise rendered at verse 17. Cf. note there.

Ver. 8. The children of Esau, i. e., the Edom-
ites, inhabiting the country to the southeast of
Palestine.

Ver. 10. Ue-irot9ai', trust in. Cf. on this word,
■with the dalive after 4Tri, Winer, p. 214. —
"Wherein they dwell, ip oTs a!/Tol hoiKov(nv ii/
auTois. This redundancy in the Greek is caused
by an effort to conform to the Hebrew idiom.
Cf. Winer, p. 148 ; al-o, v. 19, x. 2, x^i. 4, of the
present book, for further examples of the same
usage.

Ver. 11. Kaflois 'yiy€Tanr6\efios Trapard^ews,i. c,
as regular warfare is carried on. The last word
was u>ed of an arm;/ in array, a line of battle. It
was employed also for the battle itself, as in 1
Esd. i. 30, where Josiiis was carried back from the
hne of combatants to the rear. Cf . also 1 Mace.
iii. 26, iv. 21 ; 2 Mace. viii. 20; Diod. Sic, iii. 70.

Ver. 12. Eichhorn remarks on the conduct of
Olopherncs at this point (Jiinleit. in d. Apok.
Schrift., p. 306) : " Becomes at last to Bethulia,
an iubignificant place, and lies for months inactive,
just as though it were the most unconqueral'le
fortress, for whose siege one should make im-
measurable preparations. And what prepara-
tions does he make ? After long inactivity, he
seeks at last to do what among the ancients was
always the first thing in surrounding a city, —
cuts off its water supply And the inhab-
itants of the city do not hinder it ! " And we
may add : 'I'his victorious general does not seem
to know enough to undertake this simple matter
of himself, but must he advised to it by some of
the least esteemed of his allies.

Ver. 15. Met thee not with peace. They
did not come to him with proposals for peace, in-
stead of resisting as they were then doing.

Ver. 16. They resolved. The verb is plural

(see Text. Notes), and probably refers to Olo-

phernes and his ofHcers. They concluded, resolved,

to do as the Edomites had advised.

Ver. 17. Detachment .... departed. The

word translated " detachment " is wapfii^oKii. It
means: 1, an insertion beside or among others;
2, a distribution of men in an army ; 3, the body
of men so distributed ; 4, like arparSTtidov, a
camp. In this sense it is Macedonian. A still
further meaning is a fortified place. It has here
the third meaning, and refers to the body, detach-
ment of Edomites. In verse 12 it has the fourth
of these meanings. Cf. Grimm at 1 Mace. iii. 3,
in which book the word occurs with great fre-
quency.

Ver. 1 8. And the children of Ammon, i. e.,
those who remained. A part had already gone in
another direction. See previous verse. It is not
needful to say that the word rendered " children "
here jind elsewhere, so frequently, is vloi. We
have not thought it necessary to give it its literal
meaning of " sons," as the exjjre.ssion has become,
in connection with the A. V., in a certain sense
technical. — Egrebel. The Peshito version has
Eerabal, which- seems to indicate Acrabbein, —
a place mentioned by Eusebius. It is the pres-
ent Akrabih, lying about six miles southeast
from Shechem. — Chus. By some identified with
the present Dshurish. — The brook Mochmur.
Probably the Wady Makfuriyeh. — Made an
encampment with many camp followers, /care-
(TTpaTow^iivaav iv ux^v iroW^, etc. We have
so translated, making iix^os refer to camp-
followers in distinction from the regidar army.
Bunscn's Bibelwerk renders : *' was extended with
many people." De Wette : " was extended in
great masses." The following clause seems to
favor our rendering, in which the entire army
appears to be referred to: "and they amounted
to a very great multitude."

Ver. 20. It might well be asked how this re-
nowned and successful Assyrian general, with his
immense army, can spend so much time before
this iusignificfint place, of which neither sacred
or profane history has a word to say. And it
would also be interesting to know how, without
opposition, the army of Olophernes came into
such close proximity toBetulua as to possess itself
of all their water-supply? Had not the commands
of the high-priest, Joacim (iv. 6), that the different
avenues of approach to the city be occupied, been
complied with? Cf. above, verse 12. — The cis-
terns. They were for rain-water.

Ver. 21. Drink by measure. Grotius: " Con-
venit cum aliarum gentium historiis, apud quas
in obsessis oppidis aqua ad dimensum distributa
est."

Ver. 22. Fainted, i^eMiroy. It is a somewhat
free but allowable rendering. Cf. xi. 12 ("fail");
Luke xvi. 9 {iKKiirri, "fail"); Wisd. v. 13 ("dis-
appeared") ; Ecclus. xl. 14 ("come to nought").
Ver. 25. Hath sold. The figure is taken
from the treatment of slaves. They would say :
"It is God's purpose that we should become the
slaves of the Assyrians, and it were belter so than
that we should here perish from thirst."

Ver. 27. For a spoil. Here els Sidpirayliv
{i.e., "plunder"). In ver. 26, however, els irpo-
voiiT]v {i.e., " to forage upon").

Vers. 30, 31. Ozias hoped, it would seem, for
rain during this time. Cf. viii. 31. The rainy
season, in Palestine, lasts from October to March.
In April and May there are rarely any showers.

JUDITH. 181

Chaptee VIII.

1 And ' at that time Judith heard thereof, daughter ^ of Merari, son of Ox, son of
Joseph, son of Oziel, son of Elcia, son of Ananias, son of Gedeon, son of Eaphain,
son of Achitob,' son of Elias, son of Chelcias, son of Eliab,* son of Nathanael, son of

2 Salamiel,^ son of Sarasadai,' son of Israel. And Manasses, her husband, was of her

3 tribe and her kindred ; and he had ' died in the barley harvest. For while he had
the oversight of them that bound the * sheaves in the field, the hot wind ' came upon
his head, and he took to his ■"' bed, and died in his city of Betulua ; ^^ and they buried

4 him with his fathers in the field between Dothaim and Balamon.''^ And Judith was

5 a widow in her house three years and four months. And she made her a tent upon the
roof ^' of her house, and put ^^ sackcloth upon her loins, and wore ^* her widow's ap-

6 parel. And she fasted aU the days of her widowhood, save on eves of sabbaths,'^
and sabbaths," and eves of new ^' moons, and new ■" moons, and feasts,^" and festival

7 days ^^ of the house of Israel. She was also of a goodly flgure,^^ and very beautiful
to behold. And her husband Manasses had left her gold, and silver, and menser-

8 vants, and maidservants, and cattle, and lands ; and she remained upon them. And

9 there was none that gave her an ill word, for she feared God greatly. And she
heard of ^^ the evil words of the people against the ruler " because '^^ they fainted
for lack of water ; and '^^ Judith heard of all " the words that Ozias had spoken unto
them, and that he had sworn to them '^* to deliver the city unto the Assyrians after

10 five days. And^ she sent her waiting- woman, that had the oversight'" of all her

11 affairs,*^ and called Ozias and Chabris and Charmis, the elders '^ of her ^^ city. And
they came unto her, and she said unto them.

Hear me now, 0 ye rulers of the inhabitants of Betulua,'^ for your words that
you have spoken before the people this day are not right ; and you have established
the oath which you have uttered between God and you,**^ and have promised to de-
liver the city to our enemies, unless within these days the Lord turn to help you.°^

12 And now who are you that have tempted God this day, and set yourselves above"'

13 God amongst the children of men.' And now search out"" the Lord Almighty,

14 and"' you shall never find out*" any thing. For you cannot find the depth of the
heart of man, neither can you grasp "■ the thoughts of his mind ; and ^^ how can
you search out God, that hath made all these things, and know his mind, and ^" com-
prehend his purpose ? Nay my brethren, provoke not the Lord our God to anger.

15 For if he choose not to help us within these five days, he hath the power to defend in

1 6 what days he will, or also " to destroy us before our enemies. But do not you force "
the counsels of the Lord our God, for God is not as man, that he may be threatened,

17 neither is he as the son of man, that he should be wavering.*" Therefore let us wait

Ver. 1. 1 A. V. : Now. 2 ^kich was the daughter. There is no article in the Greek, as is the case also before

*' son " in each instance in the present Terse, although the A. V. has " the.'' ^ Fritzsche adds here, " son of Ananias,
son of Gedeon, son of Raphain, sou of Achitob " from III. X. 23. 52. Old Lat., Syr. They are found in the A. V. al-
ready (with Junius) except that the last two words are spelled as Itaphaim, Acithoh. « A. V. : Eliu, son of Eliab
B Samael {so Aid. ; marg., Samaliel, with 248. Co.). ** Salasadai.

Vers. 2, 3. — ' A. V. : And M. was her husband, of her tribe and (19. 71. 108. omit aiir^c) kindred, who. ^ as he

stood OTerseeing them that bound. Jor i-n-l tou fiecrjiAeiJoi^os, III. X. 19. 44. 65. 64. put the last two words in the plural
and III. X. 19. 63. 64. the following words (to 5piy|ttii). " A. V. ; heat(Gr., oKniio-oii'). i» fell on (it is literal (eireo-ei/
iiri.) but perha,ps better rendered by our expression " took to ") his ; III. 23. 66. 68. 71. 108. aL Syr. Old Lat. have aurou
11 A. V. : the (Aid.) city of Bethulia. ^ Balamo. The form, ^akafnav, is supported by II. III. X. 23. 65.

Vers. 4-9. — " A. V. ; So .... top " put on (Or., irTcii]Kev ; ituKev, 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. ; iire'eero, 68.). ^ ware.
M> save the eves of the sabbath (Gr., ^^poo■a^^aTwl'. without the article). 1^ the sabbaths. '8 the eves of the new.
10 the new. 20 tjie feasts. ^i solemn days (Gr., xapM-oovrii'). 22 countenance (Gr., tw €i5et). 23 jjqw

when she heard. 2» governor (Gr., toi' ipxorra). 2s that. 20 for. 2' had heard all. 28 ji^d s,vorn. Cod.
II. has &5 for lot. The A. V. puts all between " for Judith "...." five days," inclusive, in a parenthesis.

Vers. 10, 11. — 20 A, Y. ; then. so government. &^ things thAt siie haA. 32 to call .... ancients. 83the(Gr.,
ai/T^s). s* governors .... Bethulia. ^a touching this (HI. 19. 23. al. Co. Aid.) oath which ye made and pronounced
{kox ^onjo-are Tov opicovhi> iKaXrjtraTe) between God and you. 36 Instead of rjiitf of the text. rec. II. III. X. 249., with

Aid., give vixLV, and the A. V. may therefore be regarded as correct. According to Holmes and Parsons, II. haa ^/itV.

Vers. 12-16. — a^A.V.: stand instead of (Gr., I'o-Tao-ee uirep toO 6.). Tritzsche, following Holmes and Parsons, cites
JI. aa supporting (with III. X. 66. et al.) the reading i'm-aTe, but II. has loraTOi. =8 a. V. : try (Gr., lltriieie).

-^ but. ^'^ know (Gr., iinyviii(retT6e). *l ye perceive (Gr., SioMj^etrBt ; so Fritzsche, with III. 19. 44. 66. 64. al.),

I' things that he thinketh : then. " or. ** will not help . ... us when he will, even every day, or. 62. 64. 74

76., etc., with Co. and Aid., have for yjiLepav;, "at irao-ats yifi€ptus.

Vera. 16-17. — *^ A. V. : Do not bind (marg., engage ; ivexvpa^are). ■** Fritzsche adopts, with Biel and others,

Sm/ynfBrivai (ttxt. rec., wiill H., Suunig^ai.) from 19. 23. M. 5S. CI. Numb, xliii. 19, and the Com. below, ad loc.

182 THE APOCRYPHA.

for salvation from ^ him, and call upon him to help us, and he will heed our cry,^

18 if it please him. For there arose none in our generations,' neither is there any now
at this time,* neither tribe, nor family, nor people, nor city, among us, which wor-

19 ship gods made with hands, as it was in earlier times.^ For which * cause our
fathers were given to the sword, and for a spoil, and had a great fall before our '

20 enemies. But we know none other God save him,' therefore we hope ° that he

21 will not overlook ^^ us, nor any of our race. For if we be taken, so will aU Ju-
daea " lie waste, and our sanctuary be ^^ spoiled ; and he will require the profana-

22 tion thereof from our mouth.-'* And the slaughter " of our brethren, and the captivity
of the country, and the desolation of our inheritance, will he turn upon our heads
among the Gentiles, wheresoever we shall be in bondage ; and we shall be an offence

23 and a reproach before them '* that possess us. For our servitude will ■'^ not be directed

24 to favor ; but the Lord our God will " turn it to dishonor. And now,^* 0 brethren,
let us shew '* to our brethren, that their life depends ^^ upon us, and the sanctuary,

25 and the temple, and the altar, rest upon us. Besides all this ^^ let us give thanks

26 to the Lord our God, who trieth us, even as also our fathers. Remember what
things he did with Abraham,''^ and how he tried Isaac, and what happened to Jacob
in Mesopotamia of Syria, when he kept the sheep of Laban his mother's brother.

27 For he hath not tried us in the lire, as he did them, for the examination of their
hearts, neither hath he punished ^* us ; but the Lord doth chastise ^* them that come
near unto him, for admonition. ^^

28 And Ozias said^° to her, All that thou hast spoken hast thou spoken with a good

29 heart, and there is none who will '" gainsay thy words. For this is not the first day
wherein thy wisdom is manifest ; ^' but from the beginning of thy days all the peo-
ple have known thy understanding, and that '^^ the disposition of thine heart is good.

30 But the people were very thirsty, and compelled us to do as we have spoken unto

31 them,'" and to brinj; an oath upon ourselves, which we will not break. And'^ now
pray thou for us, because thou art a godly woman, and the Lord will send us rain

32 to fill our cisterns, and we shall faint no more. And- Judith said unto them. Hear
me, and I will do a thing, which shall go from generation to generation to the

33 children of our race.^^ You shall stand this night in the gate, and I will go forth
with my waiting-woman ; and within the days that you have promised to deliver

34 the city to our enemies the Lord will visit Israel by mine hand. But inquire not
you of mine act, for I will not tell ^ it unto you, till the things be finished that

35 I do. And Ozias and the princes said** unto her, Go in peace, and the Lord God

36 go *^ before thee, to take vengeance on our enemies. And *^ they returned from the
tent, and went to their posts.*'

Vers. 17-19. — * of. = i^gar our voice. 8 age. * in these days. ^ hath been aforetime. « the which

' Codd. 44. 74. 76. 106. 236., with the Old Lat. and Syr., reads auron', instead of rjfuiiv. It would make a smoother sen-
tence, but is probably a correction.

Vera. 20-23. — * A. V. : god (Gr., erepov $€ov ovk eyvutp-ev iTXy)v auTou, the last two words being omitted by 52. 64. Co.
Aid.). » trust. M despise. " nation .... so all Judea shall. For (cafl^ireTai of the lext. rec, FritzBche

adopts KAte^CT-erat from 19. 23. 44. 64. Thilo {Acta Tkomae, p. 16) conjectures that the word should be Trav0ijo-eTai. but
the first named critic would prefer Kau^Tjo-eTtLi, if one may depend on conjecture. 12 jV. V. : shall be. ^^ at our

mouth. Instead of o-To^aros, II. III. X. 55. 19. 108. Old Lat. Syr. offer aijuaTo;, but, although so well supported it
must be looked upon as a probable correction. i4 In the margin " fear," which would be to adopt the reading of

62. 64. 2-13. 248. Co. Aid., •i>6^av, for cfdroi'. « A. V. : to all them. 10 shall. " shall. .

Vers. 25-27. — '8 a V. : Now therefore. i"* shew an example (Gr., ^iriSeifwiae0a). 20 because their hearts depend
(Gr., oTt . . . . Kpe^j.aTaL i) ijjvxit avTuii'). 21 house .... Moreover. 22 which .... as Ac did .... to Abraham.
23 taken vengeance on. 21 scourge. 2c to admonish them.

Vers. 28-36. — 2« A. V. : Then said 0. 2;tiia,tmay. 28 jj manifested (Gr., irpiSijAcSs loriv). 2in,ecause. (This seems
not to be just the force of koBStl here.) so do unto them as we have spoken. The position of auroi? after i\ak^tTaifj.ev
is against such a construction. « a. V. : Therefore. »2 ']:hen said Judith .... throughout all generations ....
nation. ^ declare. (The Codd. III. X.19. 62. read ivayyeXS (for epi of the text, rec), 52. 248. Co. Aid., iiray^eXi).
8> Then said 0. and the princes. =» be. It is better to retain the force of the preceding verb, iropeuou. so So.

s^ wards.

Chapter VIII.

Ver. 1. Only the most important of the an-
cestors of Judith are mentioned, a.s is evident
from the fact tliat an interval of six hundred years
lies between Sarasadai and Jacob. Other MSS.
increase the number of ancestors to seventeen.
Sarasadai fails in the Syriac, Old Latin, and

V-ulgate ; while vlov Su^fiir is added, probably
with reference to tlie statement of verse 2 and ix.
2. Even the principal personage of Betulua is said
to have been descended from Simeon. Cf. vi. 15.
Ver. 2. It -was regarded as praiseworthy to
marry among one's own kindred. Cf. Tob. L 9.

JUDITH.

183

Ver. 3. Solomon had a vineyard at Baal-
liamoii, which may possibly be the same place as
the one here mentioned. The fact that Manasses
was buried " with his fatliers," in a special place
outside of the city, is evidence of the importance
of his family.

Ver. 4. The law of Moses laid no restriction
on the marria(^e of a widow, except in case she
was left childless, when the brother of the deceased
husband had the right to marry her.

Vers. 5, 6. The usual period of special mourn-
ing was for a widow one month. The fact that
Judith is represented as intermitting her fasting
on the day before the Sabbath and the new moon,
is regarded by Herzfeld as evidence of a late
period for our book (1. 319 ; cf. also Bertholdt,
Einleit., p. 2563; iahn, Einleit., p. 921). Wolf
thinks that what is here said of the " eves of
sabbaths," etc., i.s an interpolation of the Greek
text (Com., p. 2.5). It is not, however, at all
likely, although the words are omitted in the
Syriac and 58., while the Old Latin gives for it
prmter canam puram, and leaves out (except the
Codex Germ. 15.) the word ttpovou/mtjvlui/. Cf.
Mark xv. 42 : o itrri irpoa-d^^aroy.

Ver. 7. After the word " Manasses," the Old
Latin gives a table of his progenitojs ; but it is
obviously taken from verse 1.

Ver. 10. Her waiting woman, riif aPpav airris,
Ot. remarks, Add. to Eslh., v. 2.

Ver. 14. Cf. Job xi. 7 ; Jer. xvii. 9 ; Rom. xi.
S3, 34.

Ver. 16. 'Evexvpd^a. This word means liter-
ally to take security from any one. Cf. Job xxiv.
3, in LXX. Here the meaning is " to use force,"
that is, attempt to compel God to adopt a certain

courseof action. We have accepted, with Fritzsche,
the reading SiaprridTivai, to be deceived, or in sus-
pense. Probably the aiitlior had the LXX. trans-
lation of Kumb. xxiii. 19, in his mind. Some
ci-itics, retaining SiaiT-qdrimi, would derive it from
S101T6U1 (/. e., Sid aiTeo)) with the meaning " to be
entreated." Others derive it from Siandai, with
the signification " to be judged," or " called to
account." The rendering of the A. V., "be waver-
ing," is based on the reading SiapTrjflijfai, this being
one of its metaphorical meanings.

Vers. 18, 19. The statement made is irrecon-
cilable with any theory that assigns the author-
ship of our book to a period previous to the
Babylonian captivity.

Ver. 23. Directed to favor. Asunder Cyrus?

Ver. 27. That come near. The Orientals
speak of one as being near the king when he has
his confidence, and stands in somewhat intimate
relations with him.

Ver. 28. "With a good heart. The meaning
is : thou hast meant welt.

Ver. 29. KaSiJTi. hit., in what manner ; hut the
context seems to require the meaning given
above.

Ver. 30. "We will not break. Even the un-
necessary oath could not be broken. Cf. Josh. ix.
19, 20.

Ver. 32. This language of Judith has a cer-
tain undisguisable post facto coloring, and the
whole transaction lacks the ordinary marks of
probability.

Ver. 33. ■Waiting woman, S/Spas. Cf. verse 10.

It is used for PiaH at Ex. ii. 5, and for nnj73
at Gen. xxiv. 61, by the LXX.

Chapter IX.

1 But ^ Judith fell upon fier face, and put ashes upon her head,^ and uncovered the
sackcloth which she was wearing ; * and it was just when ' the incense of that even-
ing was offered in Jerusalem in the house of God.^ And ^ Judith cried with a loud

2 voice to the Lord,^ and said, O Lord God of my father Simeon, into whose hand '
thou gavest a sword to take vengeance on ^ the strangers, who deflowered a
maid to her defilement,^" and uncovered ^J the thigh to her shame, and polluted
her womb -"^ to her reproach; for thou saidst, It shall not be so, and yet they did so ;

3 wherefore thou gavest their rulers to be slain, and their bed, which was ashamed
of their deception, to be bathed in blood, ^^ and smotest servants with their lords,

4 and lords " upon their thrones ; and thou gavest ^^ their wives for a prey, and their
daughters to be captives, and all the booty to be the spoil of " thy dear children,
who also " were moved with thy zeal, and abhorred the pollution of their blood,

Ver. 1. — 1 A. v. : Then. ^ After these words Cod. 58., with the Old Lat. and Syr., have the addition koI fiieppij^e
rbv xiTui/a avriji which was doubtless meant; as an explanation of what immediately follows. ^ A.Y.: wherewith she
was clothed. * about the time that (Gr., ipri). » the Lord (so III. 65. 68. 64. Co. Aid.). « omils And. ^ omits
to the Lord, irpbt iciiptoi/ (so 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.).

Ver. 2. — » A. V. : to whom (agreeing with 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). » of. " loosened the girdle of ... . (Or.,
fAucraf jU^Tpai/ TTopOevav) to defile Jier. For eAvo-af, 19. 108. read ikviJ.xiva.v7o (" maltreated ; " cf. Am. i. 11 ; 4 Mace,
vviii. 8). ^^ A. V. : discovered. ^2 ijer virginity (Or., ^^rpac ; 248. Co. Tiapdevia-v).

Ver. 3. — ^^ A. V. : so that they dyed their bed in blood, being deceived. The pronoun after a-rpbifivriv is omitted by
III. X. 44. at. Cod. 248. with Co. reads ijpSevo-a™ (apSevoi, to water), 23. 64. 243. Aid., ^SeOo-oro (to wet, soak), instead
of nSeVaTO of the text. rec. Fritzsehe conjectures that the word may originally have been ijSvvaTO (sweetened). Uis text
reads ; Kal tJji' orpwfivJji' oMTiav ri ijSvvaTO ttjc aTrixTtiv avriav ei9 atjita. For oTraTiji' aiiTutv, the Codd. III. 52. 64. and others
have anaTTiOdirav, while II. X. 19. 23. 44. 55. and others read the latter without omitting the former, except that X
leaves out the pronoun. ^* A. V. : the servants .... the lords.

Yer. 4. — ^ A. V. ; and hast given. r« their (so 19.) daughters .... their [avTtav, 19. 64 74. al. Co. Aid.) spoil*
to be divided amongst. " which.

184

THE APOCRYPHA.

5 and called upon thee for aid. 0 God, O my God, hear me also, the ' widow. For,
thou hast wrouglit the former things, and these, and those that followed and present
things ; and what will be thou hast thought of,'^ and what thou hast thought of has

6 come to pass ; ' and * what things thou didst determine were ready at hand, and said,
Lo, we are here. For all thy ways are prepared, and thy judgment is in ^ fore-

7 knowledge. For behold, the Assyrians are multiplied in their power; they are ex-
alted with horse and rider ; ' they glory in the strength of footmen ; they hope''
in shield, and spear, and bow, and sling, and know not that thou art Lord, deciding '

8 battles. Lord * is thy name. Throw down their strength in thy power, and bring
low ^° their force in thy wrath, for they have purposed to defile thy sanctuary, and ^'■
to pollute the tabernacle where thy glorious name resteth, to strike off with the^

9 sword the horns •'^ of thy altar. Behold their pride ; send down " thy wrath upon

10 their heads ; give into mine hand, the ^* widow's, the power that I have conceived ;
smite by the deceit of my lips servant ■'^ with prince, and prince with his servant ;

11 break down their stateliuess by the hand of a woman. For thy power slandeth not
in a " multitude, nor thy might in strong men ; but ^' thou art a God of the lowly,"
a helper of the oppressed, an upholder of the weak, a protector of the forlorn, a

12 saviour of them that are without hope. Verily, verily,^" O God of my father, and
God of the inheritance of Israel, Lord of the heavens and the earth. Creator of the

13 waters. King of all thy creatures,^^ hear thou my prayer, and make my speech and
deceit to be their wound and stripe, who have purposed cruel things against thy
covenant, and thy hallowed house, and against the top of Sion, and against the

14 house of the possession of thy children. And make thy whole nation and every
tribe fully recognize and know that'^^ thou art the God of all power and might, and
that there is none other that protecteth the race ^ of Israel but thou.

Vers. 4-6. — > A. V. : a. z For thou hast wrought not only those things, but also the thing!: which fell out before,
and which ensued after ; thou hast thought upon the thinga which are now, and which are to come. 3 The elaUBe,

and what thou hast thought of, etc. {koX eyeirrier\tTav i. ei^ei/o^S,]!), is omitted by 62. 243. 248. Co. Aid. * A. V. : Tea.
' judgments are in thy. For i KpiVii, III. 64. 248. Co. Aid. read al xpia-eti ; 68. Old Lat. Syr., oi (CTi'o-eis.

Vers. 7, 8. — » A. V.: man (Gr., iraPaTp). ' (Aei> footmen .... trust. « the Lord that breakest the (Gr.,

OTjj/i-pi^o,!/, but here better rendered by " deciding ;" cf. XTi. 3). » the Lord. '"down. " ajirf (Eritzsche

receives a nai from X. 19. 44.). " and to cast down with. (The Kai here the same critic rejects as not appearing in
II. III. X. 44. 66. 68. " Strilse off '' would seem to be a better rendering for /caTn^oiAeii' than that given in the A. V., if
the context is considered.) is horn. It should be rendered as plural. Ci. Com.

Vers. 9-14. — " A. v.: and send. " m/iicA am a widow. i" the servant. (The A. V. has the article also before

each of the three following substantives, although not found in the Greek.) " mnits n. i» for (Or., iAAd).

M afflicted (Gr., rdmivaii). m I pray thee, I pray thee (Gr,, i/al fai). 2i and earth .... every creature (Gr.', n-i<r7,s
icritrem Tov. The pronoun is omitted by 44. 68. 74. 76. 106. 286.). =! every nation and every tribe to acknowledge

that. The Gr. of Fritzsche's text is noiiiiTov iirX a-aj/rbs e'Skous uov «ol iritnjs ^v\fi<:. The text. rec. (with X.) has i-nX iriv
TO iBvK. The Codd. III. 68. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. write the first clause as in the former instance, excepting <rov
which they omit — all but 64. 243. » people (eSxcus, 52. 68. 64. 243. 248. Co. Ald.> '

Chaptek IX.

Ver. 1 . Uncovered the saokclotli. She wore it
under her mouriiinfj garments. See viii. 5. —
Incense of that evening. Cf. Ex. xxx. 7, 8.

Ver. 2. She prays to the God of her father
Simeon. See viii. 1. This invocation would
seem to be scarcely in place when we consider
that Jacob highly disapproved of the conduct of
his sons whicli is here applauded. Cf. Gen. xxxiv.
30, anil xlix. 5-7. It is, in fact, but another evi-
dence of the later origin of our book, when alone
one would have ventured so to reverse the verdict
of this patriarch. An intense hatred of "the
heathen," as at the time of the Maccal)ees, miglit
well be the immediate cause of this change of
sentiment. Dereser ( Com., p. 166) remarks; "If
Judil;h, who sprang from Simeon, looked upon that
event from another point of view, one is not per-
mitted to hold her private opinion for a declara-
tion of the Holy Scriptures." (!) — Who de-
flowered, etc. The word /xiiTpav Grotius would

change to fi.iTpav. But the former has the support
of nearly all the MSS.

Ver. 4. Pollution of their [the Israelites']
blood, I. e., through the shameful act of the She-
chemites.

Ver. 7. Multiplied in their power. They have
an immense military force.

Ver. 8. Kepas. It is used doubtless in a col-
lective sense. Cf. Ex. xxvii. 2.

Ver. 10. The Old Latin has ex labiis suasionis
mem. Codex Corb. reads charitatis for suasionis.
They are evident corrections. — Stateliness, ivia--
T-i}ixa. The same word is used of Israel at xii. 8,
" raising up," i. e., elevation. It is the earlier
form of kvaaTefxa (from cic/o-TTjyUi).

Ver. 13. My word and deceit, i. e., my deceit-
ful, misleading words. The following words are
added as a justification of this petition. — The top
(mpvil>rti) of Zion, i. e., Mount Zioii, by whicli
here Jerusalem is meant.

JUDITH. 185

Chapter X.

1 And it came to pass when ^ she had ceased to cry unto the God of Israel, and

2 had made an end of all these words, she rose from her prostration,^ and called her
maid, and went down into the house in which she passed ' the sabbath days, and

3 her * feast days, and took ' off the sackcloth which she had on, and laid off ° the
garments of her widowhood, and washed her body all over with water, and anointed
herself with precious ointment, and arranged ' the hair of her head, and put on a
turban,' and put on her garments of gladness, wherewith she was clad during the

4 life of Manasses her husband. And she put ° sandals upon her feet, and put on the
anklets and the bracelets and the rings and the ear-rings and all her ornamentation ;
and she adorned herself very much," to allure " the eyes of whatsoever men might "

5 see her. And ■" she gave her maid a canteen " of wine, and a cruse of oil, and
filled a bag with barley bread,^* and cakes ^° of figs, and with pure " bread ; and she

6 wrapped up all her vessels ^' together, and laid them upon her. And " they went
forth to the gate of the city of Betulua,'" and found standing by it Ozias, and the

7 elders "^ of the city, Chabris and Charmis. And when they saw her — her ^ counte-
nance was altered, and her apparel changed '^ — they wondered at her beauty very

8 greatly, and said unto her, The God ^* of our fathers give thee favor, and accom-
plish thine enterprises ^^ to the pride ^^ of the children of Israel, and to the exalta-

9 tion of Jerusalem. And she " worshipped God. And she said unto them. Com-
mand the gate of the city to be opened unto me, and I will ^° go forth to accomplish
the things whereof you have spoken with me. And ® they commanded the young

10 men to open unto her, as they ^° had spoken. And they did so. And ^' Judith
went out, she, and her maid with her. And the men of the city looked after her,
until she had '^ gone down the mountain, and '° tUl she had passed the valley, and
they '* could see her no more.

11 And^^ they went straight forward '° in the valley ; and an outpost '' of the As-

12 Syrians met her, and laid hold of her, and asked her. Of ■wha.t people art thou?
and whence comest thou and whither goest thou ? And she said, I am a daughter ^'
of the Hebrews, and am fleeing *" from them because *^ they shall be given you to

13 be consumed ; and I am going *° before Olophernes the chief general ^^ of your army,
to make a truthful report ; ** and I will shew him a way, whereby he shall ^^ go, and
win all the hill country, and of his men shall not one man, not one living soul perish.*®

14 And*' when the men heard her words, and beheld her countenance, they wondered

15 greatly at her beauty, and said unto her. Thou hast saved thy life, in that thou hast

Vera. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : Now after that (iy^i'eTO is omitted by 44. 106.). ' where she had fallen down. See Coyn.

> A. V. : in the which she abode in (Greek, fite'Tpi^ev, etc.). * in her. ^ pulled. ^ put off (Gr., i^Mtraro, and

ill the preceding line 7reptei'\aro). ^ braided (Gr., SieVafe). ^ a tire upon it. See Com.

Ver. 4. — ^** A. V. : took (Gr., thafie .... cis). ^o about her her bracelets and her chains (i/feAia, see Com,), and her
lings (fioKTvXt'ous ; cf . Is. iii. 20, where this word (in the LXX.) is rendered in the A. V. " ear-rings " being followed by
ireptSe^ia, " rings ") and her ear-rings (ivuria, at la. iii. 20, " nose jewels ") and all her ornaments (to;' K6(rjuor), and
decked herself bravely (^KoAAwTriVa-To <r(/)o$pa). " For and-n^trtv of the text, rec, II, (with III. X. cited by Fritzsche)

has aTTOLVTijtriVj which might therefore well be adopted, although the idea of meeting to charm, attract, is not excluded.
>2 A. V. : all men that should.

Ver. 6. — ^* A. V. ; Then. " bottle. (For ourKoiTvTivijv, which was a leather-covered canteen, X. has simply aa-Kov,
*' wine-skin.") ^ parched com (Gr., aXif}Lruiv), w lumpa (cf. 1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; xxx. 12, where the same word in

the LXX. is rendered in the A. V. *' cakes ''). " fine (Gr., KaQapiav), It was pure in a ceremonial sense. This word
is omitted by 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. Old Lat. Syr. but it is doubtless genuine. " A. V. : so she folded all these

things (marg., wrapped or packed). The Greek is irept«£tVAii)cre iravra ra dyyeia. Of. CoTn.

Vers. 6-9. — 1" A. v.: Thus. 20 Bethnlia. » there .... ancients. "^ A. V. : that (itai) her (see Co»n.).
* was changed. 24 repeats the God. (The second o fleos is not found in II. III. X. 44. 55. 58. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. 249.
Old tat.) 26 enterprises (Gr., ^Tri-njfiejijLtaTa ; cf. xi. 6, where it is rendered '* purposes," and xiii. 5, where it is trans-
lated as here). ^e glory. " Then they (23. 44. 62. 55., etc., with Co. Aid. have the plural). '> gates that

I may. 20 go. so she (sing, found in III. X. 64. 74. Co. Aid., and with the addition aiiroi! in 19. 108. ; cf. viii. 35).

Vers. 10-12. —" A. V. : when they had done so, Judith »2 was. ^ and (Co.). " omits they. » Thus.

86 forth. 37 the first watch, eto. (Qr., (rvinjvnjaei' .... irpot^vAoK^. Cod. 58., with the Old Lat. and Syr. have, " and
Bhe met the first watch," etc. At xiv. 2 we find the same word with the article, eU rriy 7rpo0v\aic^»'). ^ took (Gr.,

fTweKafiov), ^^ woman (Gr., Qvyarrip), ^ am fled. " for.

Ver. 13. — ^ A. V. : coming. *3 captain. « declare words of truth. ^^ can. (The verb is future, and might bo
better so remiered in this place.) « without Ic^^ing the body or life of any one of his men. The translation is nol
absolutely incorrect, but lacks the force of the original (trclp^ p-Ca ovSi iryeO^a ^ui}«, etc.);

Veia. 14. — " A. V. : Now.

186

THE APOCRYPHA.

hasted to come down to the presence of our lord. And now ^ come to his tent, and

16 some of us will ^ conduct thee, until they have delivered thee to his hands. And if so
be " thou standest before him, be not afraid in thy heart, but report that which thou

17 hast spoken,* and he will treat ^ thee well. And* they chose out from them-
selves ' an hundred men, and they accompanied * her and her maid and brought "

18 her to the tent of Olophernes. And there was a concourse in all the camp, for her
coming was noised among the tents ; and they came and encircled '" her, as she stood

19 without the tent of Olophernes, till they told him of her. And they wondered at her
beauty, and admired the children of Israel because of her, and every one said to his
neighbor. Who will ■'^ despise this people, that have among them such women ? It ^'
is not good that one man of them be left, who being let go could ^^ deceive the whole

20 earth. And they that kept guard by ■'* Olophernes went out, and all his servants, and

21 they brought her into the tent. And Olophernes rested npon his bed under the mos-
quito net, which was woven with purple, and gold, and emerald,^* and precious stones.

22 And ^* they told " him of her ; and he came out into the front part of ^* his tent,

23 and silver lamps were borne '^ before him. And when Judith came ^^ before him
and his servants, they all marvelled at the beauty of her countenance. And she
fell down upon her face, and did reverence unto him. And his servants took her
up.

Vers 15-17. — A. V. ; i now therefore ^ shall. ^ when (Gr., idv), * shew unto him according to thj

word. c entreat. " Then. ^ of them. 8 to accompRnj (Taarg., and they prepared a. cha.not /or her). The

Greek is Kai irape'^ei'lai' avTp. At sv. 11 we find efev^e Ttts a^id^as auT^s, rendered in the A.V. by "made ready her
carts." At 1 Kings xviii. 44, we have in the LXX. ^ev^ov to apfia. a-ov (A.V. : Prepare thy chariot), as rendering for a
Hebrew word meaning " to bind." But here the .'orco of the preposition is to be noted. Literally, the verb means to
yoke besiile, to covpfe, i. e., they joined themselves to her as an escort. » A. V. ; they brought.

Vers. 18-23. — i» A. v.; Then was there throughont . . . .about. " would. '^ surely it. (See Com.)

13 might. " lay near. ^^ Now .... a canopy (see Com.) .... emeralds (58.) i^ So. 17 shewed (Gr.,

avTjyy^tKav). 18 before (Gr., cis rh TTpoffKriifLov. The A. V. gives the impression that he went outside of bis tent, but
it was into what was called In Latin the proscenium z= \oyelov of Polyb. xxx. 13, 4). i» with silver lamps going.

™ And when J. was come.

Chapter X.

Ver. 2. Kai Ai/^o-ti?. Cf. on the force of the
connective the note at t. 20. — 'Airli tSs Trriia-eas.
This word means simply " fall," and refers only to
Judith's prostrate position, and not at all (as im-
plied in the A.V.) to the place where she was.
See ix. 1. — Precious ointment. Different kinds
of oil were used for this purpose : olive oil, oil of
myrrh, and of the castor bean. Here it is called
fiipov, and its valuable quality indicated by de-
scribing it as thick, ndxos. — In which she passed.
Cf. viii. .'5, 6.

Ver. 3. A turban, /xirpav. The A. V. has in
the margin, " Gr. mitre;" but it is a different
word which is so rendered at iv. 15 (ic(5a/)is). Cf.
xvi. 8, where also we find the present word ren-
dered " tire " in the A. V. It seems better to
render by "turban," as the word " mitre " has a
technical meaning in connection with the dress of
the pries^ts.

Ver. 4. Sandals were not worn in the house.
Great atteiitiou was bestowed on them by the
female sex, the thongs with which they were bound
on being often richly embroidered. — XKiSams,
anklets. This word is used by the LXX. to trans-
late rrTyS. it means a going, marching, and in
the plural step-chains. They were short chains
attached by females to the ankle-band of efvch
foot, so as to compel them to take short steps, go
" miucingly." See Is. iii. 30. It may mean here
" bracelet " or " anklet ; " but piobably has the
latter signification, as another word for " bracelet,"
ij/eAia, immediately follows.

Ver. 5. In this scrupulosity of Judith with
respect to what she ate there is evidence of a late
authorship for our book. She would not eat even

the ordinary bread of her own people, she says.
It must be Kadap6s. This word, however, is prob-
ably meant simply to distinguish the Jewish prep-
aration from that of the heathen. Cf. xii. 1, 2. —
The word TreptSiTrXSic, fold together, wrap up, ia
said to be found only here. Judith wa.s afraid
these vessels, to be used in rooking, might come
in contact with something ceremonially unclean.

Ver. 7. On Kai in a secondary clause after a
particle of time, cf. Winer, p. 438. The clause
beginning " and her countenance was altered,"
with the one next following, are parenthetic, be-
ing the ground of the following assertion.

Ver. 8. She worshipped God. This prob-
ably refers to a simple bowing or kneeling. Some
suspect, however, a failure in translation, and
think that Judith bowed herself before the elders.

Ver. 10. 'Aireo-Kciirei/oc, looked after her. The
word contains the idea of looking down from
above. The ending euw for tm is of late orisrin
Cf. Winer, p. 92. ^

Ver. 13. Aiafmre'eo. It means, first, to sound
apart, to be out of harmony. At a later period,
however, it received other derived meanings: (1)
to he wanting, to he missed; (2) to perish. Either
of the last two meanings would be proper in the
present case.

Ver. 14. For the construction where Kof intro-
ducing the principal clause is left untranslated,
cf. verse 7, above, and v. 20.

Ver. 15. 'Wm conduct, Trpoire'uij'ouin. The first
meaning of the verb is to dismiss, send forth. Sen
Wisd. xix. 2. ; Xen., Cijr., ii. 4, 8. A secondary
meaning, as here (cf. Acts xv. 3), is to accompanu
Cf. 1 Esd. iv. 47 ; 1 Mace. xii. 4.

JUDITH,

187

Ver. 17. The number of men sent as escort to
■Judith and her maid to the tent of Olophernes
seems, from onr point of view, somewhat large.

Ver. 19. "Oti, rendered "surely" in the A.
v., appears designed to introduce the remark of
some other person, and may be omitted in the
translation.

Ver. 21. Kwvoyjreiov. It was a couch with cur-
tains used to protect one from mosquitoes, and
the name was derived from Kdi/aip, a gnat (Lat.
eulex). Cf. Herod., ii. 95. Here the reference

seems to be simply to the curtains : iv r/f «a>vu-
jrciij). Cf. xiii. 15; xvi. 19. Other forms of the
word in nse in ecclesiastical Greek were koivu-
Tre^y and Kwvwiriojy.

Ver. 22. The lights were necessary, inasmuch
as it was still night (xi. 3). She had gone forth
in the night, probably in order to make it seem
more likely that she was afugitive (viii. 33). But
the sentinels and the men of the camp — how
could they have discovered, then, that she was so
extraordinarily beautiful ? See verses 14, 19.

Chapter XI.

1 And Olophernes said unto her, Woman, be of good comfort, fear not in thine
heart, for I never hurt any that was willing to serve Nabuchodonosor, king ^ of

2 all the earth. And now '' if thy people that dwelleth in the mountains had not set
light by me, I would not have lifted up my spear against them ; but they have done

3 these things to themselves. And ° now tell me wherefore thou didst flee * from
them, and didst ^ come unto us ; for thou dost ° come for safety.' Be of good com-

4 fort, thou shalt live * this night, and hereafter ; for none shall hurt thee, but treat "

5 thee well, as they do the servants of king Nabuchodonosor my lord. And " Judith
said unto him,

Receive the words of thy servant, and suffer thy handmaid to speak in thy pres-

6 ence, and I will report ^^ no lie to my lord this night. And if thou wilt follow the
words of thine handmaid, God will bring the thing perfectly to pass by thee ; and my

7 lord shall not fail of his purposes. For as Nabuchodonosor king of all the earth
liveth, and as ^^ his power liveth, who hath sent thee to put in order ^' every living
thing, not " only do men serve ^^ him by thee, but also the beasts of the field, and
the cattle, and the fowls of the air, shall live by thy power under Nabuchodonosor

8 and all his house. For we have heard of thy wisdom and the subtle devices of thy
spirit ; ^^ and it is reported in all the earth, that thou only art clever " in all the

9 kingdom, and mighty in insight, and admirable as army leader.'' And now '^ as
concerning that which Achior said '^'' in thy council, we have heard his words ; for
the men of Betulua ^' saved him, and he informed them of ^'^ all that he had spoken

10 unto thee. Therefore, O lord and governor, disregard ^' not his word ; but lay it
up in thine heart, for it is true. For our race is not punished,^^ neither does the

11 sword prevail '^ against them, except they sin against their God. And now, that
my lord be not driven out ^^ and so become unsuccessful,^ and that death may
fall ^ upon them, sin ^ hath overtaken them, wherewith they will provoke their

12 God to anger, when they do ^ that which is not allowed '^ to be done. For since
victuals failed "^ them, and water of every kind was scant, they have determined
to fall ^' upon their cattle, and purposed to consume all those things, that God by his

13 laws hath forbidden them to eat.^^ And they have '^ resolved to consume "^ the first-
fruits of the grain, and the tenths of the ^ wine and the '* oil, which they had reserved

Vera. 1-7. — * A. V. : Then said Olofemes .... the king. 2 Now therefore. * But. * art fled. ^ art.
• art. ' safeguard. ^ For ^^(n?, X. offers ^tojj ^^(rjt. ^ A. V. : entreat. " Then. ^ declare. " As

. . . . (w. 13 for the upholding of (Gr., ecs KaTip^wcnv). " for not. iB only men shall serre.

Vers. 8-10. — i*^ A. V. : thy policies (Gr., ra iravovpyevjuaTa rfi'; ilrvxri<; trov). " excellent (Gr., aya66s, but its mean-
ing is determined by the context ; marg. of A. V., in favour). ^^ knowledge {Gr., eTrttxrijiJLri) and wonderful in feats of
war (Gr., ev (rrpaTevtiaai iroAeVou). ^^ Now. so the matter, which Achior did speak. ^i Bethulia. 22 declared
unto them. 23 reject (Gr.,7rape\%s). 24 nation shall not be punished (Gr., ov .... eKSiKarat) 2D can . .

prevail (ouSe icaTiffxuet)

Vera. 11, 12. — 26 \^ y. ; defeated (ck^oAos). 27 and fmstiate of his purpose. 28 even death is now fallen (Gr., Kai
«irnr€tT€iTat BivartK €iri, the force of iva. being continued from the preceding clause). 2b and their sin. There is a

/tat, but see Com. so a. V. : whensoever they shall do. » fit. (SeeCom.) S2 for their (III. 23. 44. ai. Co. Aid.)
victuals fail. The particle yap is omitted in III. X. 19. 44. 62. 65. al. Co. and Aid., and the verb changed from efe'A-
tirei' to Trape^4\nrev (III. 2.36., irope^eAetn-ev), i. e., the yap appears as irap in these authorities by mistake. Cod. II. has
e^e'AeiTrei'. 33 A. V. : all their water is scant, and .... lay hands (Gr., ttSlv vStop .... E,rt^aAeii'). s* God hath for-
bidden them to eat by his laws.

Ver. 13. —"A. V. : and are. " spend. " corn .... of. " omits the.

188

THE APOCRTPHA.

as sacred to ^ the priests that serve in Jerusalem before the face of oar God, which *
things it is not lawful for any of the people so much as to touch with their hands.

14 And they have sent messengers' to Jerusalem, because they also that dwell there

15 have done the like, to bring them the permission from the council.* And it shall
be when it announces it to them and they do il,^ they shall be given thee to be de-

16 stroyed the same day. Wherefore I thy servant, having learned of ° all this,
fled' from their presence; and God sent' me to work things with thee, whereat

17 all the earth shall be astonished, whosoever' shall hear it. For thy servant
is God-fearing," and serveth the God of heaven night and day. '' And now "
my lord, I will remain with thee, and thy servant will go out by night''' into
the valley, and I will pray unto God, and he will announce to ^* me when they have

18 committed their sins ; and I will come and shew it unto thee ; and-'^ thou shalt go
forth with all thine army, and there is none of them that wilH^ resist thee.

19 And I will lead thee through the midst of Judaea, until <Aom come before Jerusalem ;
and I will set thy throne in the midst thereof ; and thou shalt drive them as sheep
that have no shepherd, and a dog shall not growl '" at thee ; for these things were
told me '* according to my foreknowledge, and they were announced unto me, and I
was sent ^' to tell thee.

20 And ^° her words pleased Olophernes and all his servants ; and they marvelled at

21 her wisdom, and said. There is not such a woman from one end of the earth to the

22 other, for beauty of face, and intelligent speech.''^ And ^ Olophernes said unto her,
God hath done well to send thee before the people, that strength might be in our

23 hands, but ^' destruction upon them that lightly regard my lord. And now thou
art beautiful ^* in thy form,^* and sagacious in thy speech ; ^° surely if thou do as
thou hast spoken, thy God shall be my God, and thou shalt dwell in the palace ^
of king Nabuchodonosor, and shalt be renowned through the whole earth.

Vers. 13-15.-1 A, V. : sanctified and reserred for (Gr., Sti^vKa^av a-ytacrai'Tes). 2 the wliicli. 3 j-qj .... some.
There is no word for messengers in the Greek, but it is contained in the Terb and the foUowing tovs (neraico^itroi/Taj.
* A. V- : a license from the senate (Gr., ■nji' a(t>€a-iv .... -yepouo-ios. Cf. iv. 8). i- Now when they shall bring them
word (for ecrrot .... (is av ava-yyeiK-a — 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have the fut. plur.), they -wiW fortkvnth do it, and.

Vers. 16-19. — " a. V. : thine handmaid fcf . yers. 5, 17) knowing [l-irtyvovaa). 7 am fled. 8 hath sent. " and
whoBOOTer. » religious. u day and night (as 19. 44. 106. 108. 236.). '= now therefore. " by night (Gr., Kara.
•*KTa, i. e., night by night). " tell. (Fritzsche adopts ii/ayycAt; from III. 19. 62. 58. 64. Old Lat. instead of ii><:l of the
ttxt. Tec.) ^ then. Fritzsche adopts wai here from III. 23. 44. 56. 58. 71. 74. 76. Co. Aid. It is wanting in the text,
rec. '8 A. V : shall be . . . shall. i^ so muck as open his mouth. Literally, it would be, " mutter with hia

tongue." w A. V. : were told me (marg., have I spoken, ikaXridrt ^ot ; ef. Luke i. 45 ; Acts. is. 6 ; Heb. ix. 19).

^ declared .... am sent (Gr., aTreirra\t)i/).

Vers. 20-23. — 20 A. V. : Then . 2' 6olA for . wisdom of words. Fritzsche adopts the reading cv/coXAei Trpoo-oiirou

feom 19. 44. 62. 64. Old Lat. Syr. But n.,withIII., has iv (toAi! ^rpoo-oWnf). The text. rec. agrees with the latter, excepting,
the preposition. M a. V. : Likewise. 23 and. " j,„(4 beautiful. ^ countenance (Gr., tiSei). 26 witty in

thy words. The word rendered '* witty " is ayaeis, whose generic meaning is " good." But it means good in its kind
and hence may be used as an epithet for all sorts of nouns as opposed to fcoKtSs, bad in its kind. See Liddeil and Scotf a
Lex., ad voc. The context here determines, as at yer. 8, the particular meaning to be attached to it. 27 house.

Chaptek XL

Ver. 2. Set light by me, i<pa.iXuTiv fif. Cf.
vei-se 22, and remarks in Com. at i. II.

Ver. 7. For as N llveth. Here we

have ^, and not, as at ii. 12, the unusual parti-
ciple. Cf . remarks in Com. at that place. — The
beasta of the field. Cf. for a similar thought
Bar. iii. 16, and Ps. viii. 7 ; but especially Jer.
xxvii. 6, where it is said by the prophet that God
had given the beasts of the field to serve Nebu-
fhadnezzar. — 'EttI N. koI iravrhs tov oIkov aijrov.
We adopt this emendation of Pritzsche, in which
the genitive is substituted for the accusative,
the latter being in such a connection apparently
inadmissible.

Ver. 8. As army leader. Lit., in armies of
war. But Wahl would render a-rpiTev/M here by
camp.

Ver. 9. Saved him (marg. of A. V., gat him),
Tripinroti]<ravTo. Cf. 1 Mace. vi. 44, to get (Tepmoi-
Tiaai) him, etc. The literal meaning is to make
remain over and above ; hence, to keep safe, save ;

in the middle voice, to get, save for one's self; get
possession of. The active is also sometimes "so
used. The LXX. uses this word at Gen. xii. 12:
but they will save thee alive (ire St vepnroi^a-oi'Tai).

Ver. 1 1 . We have translated the words exfioXos
and &wpaKTos in their usual signification ; the first
by driven out, and the second by unsuccessful. Cf.
Fritzsche, Com., ad loc. — Not allowed to be
done, i.Toirlat'. Lit., that which is out of place. Here
in the sense of anything sinful. The word in this
form does not occur elsewhere in the LXX. or
N. T. — For the force of Ka.1 before KaTeAcEjStTO,
see V. 20.

Ver. 12. AH the water (A. V.). Better, wa-
ter of every kind {irav SSwp), including rain-water,
spring water, etc. — 'E7n/3a\6T<' is used iutransi
tively in the sense of fall upon. The Old Latin
adds : et bibere sanguinem eorum.

Ver. 13. "Which. We might have expected
S.S instead of the neuter &. — The word alros
means " wheat," and also " grain " in general.

JUDITH.

189

Ver. 16. The old question her^ comes up:
wheiher deception is ever justifiable, — whether
especially, however, this deception of Judith can
he justilied. There are two classes of apoloj^ists
for her : (I ) those who would find in her words a
doulile sense, oue of which was true; (2) those
■who declare her actions right on the ground of
necessity. Does, then, necessity know no law,
not even a moral one 1 Or can anything be

necessary which is opposed to the moral law ?
It is certainly a remarkable circumstance that
Juditli is so exceedingly particular not to break
the ceremonial law with respect to eating anything
forbidden ; while she seems to regard it as a mark
of special virtue to practice this deception on Olo-
phernes, and even asks God's blessing on her acted
and spoken falsehoods.

Chaptek XII.

1 And ^ he commanded to bring her in where his silver vessels were set out,^ and
bade that they should spread a mat for her that she might eat of his food, and drink

2 of his wine.^ And Judith said, I will not eat thereof, lest there be an offence ; but

3 provision shall be made for me of the things that have been brought along.^ And *
Olophernes said unto her. But if what thou hast fail, whence could we get to give

4 thee like them ? " for there are ' none with us of thy nation.' And Judith said ' unto
him. As thy soul liveth, my lord, thy servant will not consume ^^ those things that
I have, before the Lord work by mine hand the things that he hath determined.

5 And '' the servants of Olophernes brought her into the tent, and she slept till mid-

6 night ; and she arose towards ^^ the morning watch, and sent to Olophernes, saying,

7 Let my lord now bid that thy servant be suffered to go forth unto prayer. And''
Olophernes commanded the body guard ■'^ that they should not prevent '^ her. And ''
she abode in the camp three days, and went out every " night into the Valley of

8 Betulua,'" and washed herself at the '' fountain of water in ^° tlie camp. And when
she came out, she besouglit the Lord God of Israel to direfft her way to the raising

9 up of the children of her people. And ''■^ she came in clean, and remained so '^'^ in the

10 tent, until she ate her food towards^' evening. And it came to pass on'^^ the fourth
day that ^^ Olophernes made a feast to his servants only, and included none of the

11 officers among the invited.''* And he said^' to Bagoas the eunuch, who had charge
over all that he had, Go now, and persuade the ^' Hebrew woman who '^ is with thee,

12 to '" come unto us, and eat and drink with us. For lo, it were '' a shame for our per-
son, if we should'^ let such a woman go, without having had intercourse with her;''

13 for if we win her not, she will laugh at us.'* And Bagoas went out '° from the
presence of Olophernes, and came in to her, and said,'* Let not, I pray," this fair
damsel scruple to come to my lord, to be " honored in his presence, and drink
wine for merriment with us, and become this day as one of the daughters of the

14 Assyrians, who '" serve in the palace of Nabucliodonosor. And Juditli said unto
him, And who am I,*" that I should gainsay my lord? for everything that*' pleas-
eth him I will do speedily, and it*^ shall be my joy unto the day of my death.

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : Then. ' plate was set (cf . Com.). 3 tkey should prepare for her of his own meats, and that
she should .... own wine (Gr., KaTac^puxrai auTJj airo riov oipojroirjfiaTiiiv Avrov, etc.). * Jbr me, of ... . that I

have brought (Gr., ex rutv riKo^ovBrjKOTuv, etc.). ' ^ Then. * If thy provision should fail how should we give thee

the like (Gr., n-60Ei' e^otVojuei' — e^Ofiev, HI. 19. 23. 62. 58. Co. Aid. ^ trot fiovval, ojnottt aiiTois). ' be. * Fof

eQvovi We find yeVotis in III. 19. 44. 65., etc., with Co. Aid., and Aaou in 58. The first word, however, would have been
quite proper in the mouth of Olophernes.

Vers. 4-7. — ^ A. V. : Then said Judith. ^o thine handmaid shall not spend. i^Then. ^^ when it was to'W&.rds.
13 cotniiiand that thine handmaid may . . . Then. i* hh guard fGr., rots {rtojaoro^uAaft). ^" stay. ^o thus.

1^ ih the. For icaT& vvKTC, IB. 23. 44. 65. and others read tJjv n>KTa (Jun., noclu), but it does not agree so well with the
context. Cf. xi. L7. ^« A. V. : Uethulia. w in a. 20 ijy. ^jje words iv tJ} wape/x/SoAjj are omitted in 68.

Old Lat. Syr., but obviously with design, in order to spare Jndith.

Vers. 9, 10.^ ^i A.-V. : So. 22 omits so (which seems necessary to complete the sense). ^ did eat her meat at.
2*" And in (Gr., e-yeVero ev ; the verb is omitted by 44. 71. 106.). 2c omiis that. 20 own servants .... called non'e
of the officers to the banquet. See Com. For xP^f"-^ (tow n-th-oi/ being understood) of the text, rec, III. 19. 23. 44. 62.
58. and others, with Co. Aid., have K\rj(riv, which is probably correct, and we have rendered accordingly.

Vers. 11-13. —"A. V. : Then said he. "this. '"which. »" that .sAf. ^^ it will be. The copula is wanting,
and what we have substituted seems more suitable. ^2 ^. y. : shall (future with the force of the subjunctive).

3* her company {Gr., ojiiiA^trai'Te? avrfi, here used technically of sexual intercourse). 34 draw (Gr., iniaTraiTiiifj.e6a ;

BeeCom.) her not unto us .... us to scorn. 36 Then went Bagoas. 3o came to .... he said. 37 omits I pray (5)J)
with 64. 248. Co. Aid. 38 x. V. : fear to ... . and to be. 30 and be merry .... be made . . which.

Ver. 14. — *" A. V. : house of Nabuchodonosor. Then said Judith, Who am I now. " surely whatsoever (Gr., on
irav). ^2 'fhe pronoun touto has jnot either before or after it in II. III. 23. 44. 62. 55. 58. 64., etc., with Co. Aid. It
does not appear in the text rec, or in that of Fritzsche.

190

THE APOCRYPHA.

15 And ' she arose, and decked herself with her apparel and all her woman's ornamen-
tation.'' And her maid came up and spread the mats ' on the ground for her in
front of * Olophernes, which she had received of Bagoas for her daily use, that she

16 might recline^ and eat upon them. And° Judith came in and reclined;' and
Olophernes' * heart was ravished with her, and his soul ' was moved, and he desired
greatly intercourse with her ; and he had sought opportunity to seduce ^^ her, from

17 the day that he had seen her. And Olophernes said '"■ unto her. Drink now,

18 and be merry with us. And Judith said, I will indeed'^ drink, my lord, because
my life ^' is magnified in me this day more than all the days since I was born.

19 And ^* she took and ate and drank before him what her maid had prepared.

20 And Olophernes took great delight in her, and drank much more wine than he had
drunk at any time before ^^ in one day since he was born.

Ver. 15. — > A. V. : So. 2 attire {Gr., TravrX tw koo-juu ry yi/i^atKeioj). The Godd. III. 19. 108. omit these words,

excepting the last two, which it would thus connect directly with lit-aTiaitM, ^ A. V. : went and laid soft sliins.
* over again-st. " Bit.

Vers. 16-20. — " ^. y. : Now when. ' sat down. 8 olofemes his. ^ mind. *" her company, for he waited

a time to deceive (Gr., ical er^pet Koiphv tov anaTrja-at). The Old Lat. and Syr., with 58., read with obvious color-
ing, c^^Tci Kaiphv airaKrijo-at avTfj. ^ A. V. : Then said 0. ^ So J. said I will drink now (5^). 13 For to ^r/v
19. 108. give ij i//vxv, probably because of the supposed impropriety of the expression : " my life is magnified ").
1* A. V. : Then. ^ omits before (which is necessary to save the expression from a contradiction).

Chapter XII.

Ver. 1. Silver vessels, ipyvpcifiara. We pre-
fer this rendering to that of the A. Y., plate (cf.
XV. 11). If the word plate were used, it should at
least be limited by silver. — Spread a mat, Kara-
arpSxrai avjrj. The bed and sitting furuiture are
much the same among the Orientals. The mean-
ing here is that a mat was to be spread for Judith,
in order that she might recline and eat.

Ver. 2. An offense, /. e. to God : a sin. The
speciid stress whicli in this book is laid on this
matter of eating nothing unclean is noticeable.
See llitzig's aTid Keil's Com., respectively, at Dan.
i. 8 ; and tf. Tob. i. 10 ; 1 Mace. i. 62 f. ; 2 Mace.
T. 27.

Ver. 5. The tent especially designed for Judith
seems to be meant. That it was adjoining tliat
of Olophernes seems probable. Cf. verses 9 and
11; also, X. 20; xiv. 17. — TiU midnight. This
is but the first night. One might suppose it
hardly probable that all that has been described
could have happened between early evening and a
time much before midnight. Cf. viii. 33 ; a. 20,
22 ; ?:i. 3.

Ver. 7. In the camp, iv t?7 irapffx$o\fl. Gnt-
manu suspects a mistranslation. It is said, just
before, that Judith went out (of the camp) into the
valley of Betulua, and yet that she " bathed at the
fountain in the camp," which is a contradiction.
He thinks that iv here is used to translate the
Hebrew 4I ; which may mean as well " near," or
in the vicinity of. Others conjecture that the
Greek translator read HiriD^ for illlSilD, "from
the uncleanness." But cf. vi. 11 ; vii. 3.

Ver. 10. The word rendered banquet is XfiW'"
in the common Greek text, which we have
changed, however, to K\ri<riv, on the authority of

the above-mentioned MSS. Its ordinary meaning
is "invitation" (Xen., Symp., i. 7); but here,
evidently, it points to the "invited." Fritzsche
thinks the word in the original may have been
Snp^, a convocation. Wone of the officers,

ouSepa ruv wphs rots ^peiais, i. e., no i/ne entrusted
with the management of affairs, none of the hyiher
officials. Participation in tiie feast was confined
to .a small number, because the object was simply
to make an occasion for inviting Judith.

Ver. 11. Sagoas. A frequently recurring
name among Persian eunuchs, and meaning much
the same as eunuch in that language.

Ver. 12. 'Will her not, ^ui; ^n-io-Troo-ti/ieSo.
Xenophou uses this verb with reference to the
seduction of a woman. Cf. Cyrop., v. 5, 10.
The idea of em])loyiiig force, if necessary, is not
excluded. The word was also the one used to sig-
nify the making of a prepuce by art. Cf. 1 Cor.
vii. 18.

Ver. 13. Lit., Thou wilt drink (ir(eo-ai) wine.
For this form of the verb, see Luke xvii. 8, and
cf. Winer, p. 88. — AVlio serve, at napevT-fiKaini'.
So xiii. 1, "waiters."

Ver. 16. "Was ravished, ^{eVti). Lh., put out
of its place, changed, and, metaphorically, dnven
crazy. Cf. Matt. v. 28.

Ver. 20. }ii)!f>piv6Ti, for fv(ppivBit, occurs a few
times in the LXX. Cf. Lam. ii. 17. — In her,
dir' aiirri!. Cf. LXX. at 2 Chron. xx. 27. The
[ire|iosiiion in is also used with the genitive in
this sense. Bee the LXX. at Prov. v. 18. Some
cursives read ^tt' aOrp. Cf. vii. 12; xiv 18. The
preposition is probably used to render the Heb.
ID, and indicates the source from which his joy
proceeded.

JUDITH. 191

Chapter XIII.

1 Now when the evening came on,^ his servants made haste to depart. And Bagoas
shut his tent from ^ without, and shut out ' the waiters from the presence of his
lord ; and they went to their heds, for they were all weary, because the feast had

2 lasted quite long.* And Judith was left alone in the tent, with ^ Olophernes who had

3 fallen forward ° upon his bed, for he was filled with wine. And ' Judith had bid-
den ° her maid stand outside ' her bedchamber, and wait ^° for her coming forth, as
on every day, for she said she would go forth to her prayer." And she spake to Ba-

4 goas to ^^ the same purpose. And ■'' all went forth from her presence.^* and no one ^^
was left in the bedchamber, little or ^^ great. And '' Judith, standing by his bed,
said in her heart, 0 Lord God of all power, look at this time ^' upon the works of

5 mine hands for the exaltation of Jerusalem. For now is the time to help thine in-
heritance, and to execute my purpose to the destruction of enemies who rose ^'

6 against us. And she went ™ to the pillar ^^ of the bed, which was at Olophernes' head,

7 and took down his sword ^^ from thence ; and approaching the bed, she ^' took hold

8 of the hair of his head, and said. Strengthen me, O God ^'' of Israel, this day. And
she smote twice upon his neck with all her might, and she took away his head from

9 him, and rolled his body ^ from the bed, and removed the mosquito net ^^ from the
pillars ; and shortly ^' after she went forth, and gave Olophernes' '•'° head to her maid ;

10 and she put it in her provision-sack.^ And they two went out^" together, accord-
ing to their custom, unto prayer, and having passed through the camp, they compassed
that valley, and went up the mountain of Betulua,'' and came to the gates thereof.

11 And Judith cried from far°'^ to the watchmen upon the gates,^^ Open, open now
the gate; God, our*'' God, is with us, to shew his power yet in Israel,''' and his

12 might '^ against the enemy, as he hath also *' done this day. And it came to pass ^'
when the men of her city heard her voice, they made haste to go down to the gate

13 of their city ; and they called the elders of the city. And they *' ran all together,
small *" and great, for her coming was unexpected to them ; and " they opened the
gate, and received them ; and they *^ made a fire for a light, and stood round about

14 them. But *' she said to them with a loud voice, Praise God, praise ; praise God,
who ** hath not taken away his mercy from the house of Israel, but hath destroyed

15 our enemies by mine hands this night. And *'" she took the head out of the bag,
and shewed it, and said unto them. Behold the head of Olophernes, chief general ''^
of the army of Assur, and behold the mosquito net,*' wherein' he lay ■" in his drunk-

16 enness ; and the Lord hath smitten him by the hand of a woman. And as*^ tlie
Lord liveth, who hath kept me in my way that I went, my countenance hath de-
ceived him to his destruction, and he committed not ™ sin with me, to defilement

Vers. 1-3. — i A. V. : was come {Gr., ryeVero). 2 omits from (Gr., e^btOtv). ^ dismissed. The Codd. 23. 44. 64.
al. Co., read an-cAvo-e ; Aid., airiKvirav ; Old Lat., dimisU, Bat they are all doubtless corrections, and weaken the
force of the original, an-eKAeio-e. * A. V. : had been long (Gr., fitd to e:rl irKelov yeyofeVat). ^ and [Kai, but here

better rendered by " with ■'). ^ lying along {Gr., wpon-en-Tw/ctos). ' Now. 8 had commanded (the tense is aorist,
but with a pluperfect sense). ^ to stand without. ^o to wait. ^ she did daily (Gr., KoSdirep ko^' rjixepav) ....
prayers. ^ spake to ... . according to.

Vera. 4, 5. — " A. V. : So. " omits from her presence. After n-potroin-ov. III. 23. 52. 71. and others, with Co. Aid.
(FritzBche), read av-Hja ; 58., 'OAot^e'pi/ov ; 44. and others, oirroy ; text, rec, the word' alone. *^ A. V. : none. ^ neither
little nor (lit., " from little to," cf. Jer. tI. 13). " Then. " present (Gr., wp? ). ^* mine enterprises (plur. 64. 243.
248. Co. Aid.) .... the enemies which are risen. The substantive ia without the article, and the Terb is in the aorist.

Vers. 6, 7. — ^ A. V. : Then she came. ^igaidwell suggested the reading kLovl (pillar) for xafow, but the authorities
are unanimous for the latter, and it makes no special difficulty. Cod. 68. (with the Syr.) omits the allusion to the
bed of Olophernes la this place, and aToids it at ver. 4. ^~ A, V. : fauchin (cf . xvi. 9). 23 approaehod to Ills bed,
and. 24 0 Lord God. The authorities for *cupte here are III. 44. 68. 243 ,,etc., with Old Lat. Co. Aid.

Vers. 9, 10. — 25 ji, V. : tumbled (Gr., awc^tvAio-e ) his body down. 26 pulled down the canopy (see Com.). 27 j^_ y_ ;
anon. 28 Qiophernes his. (At ver. 6 we found " Olophernes' " in the A. V.) 20 tagof meat. ^o go they twain went.
81 when they passed the camp they compassed the (71.) valley. 2' Bethulia. The words " unto prayer," eVl ttji' Trpoo--
Evx^f, are supported by III. X. 19. 23. 52. 58. al. Co. Aid., and we have not thought it best to omit them, although not
found in the text. rec. or adopted by Fritzsche.

Vers. 11-13. — 32 A. V. : Then said Judith afar off. ss at the gate {plur. in Gr., except in 74.). 34 even our

^^ in Jerusalem (so Aid. and Greek Bible of 1697 — Frankfort). ^ forces (Gr., /cparos). "' even (Gr., Ktu). 88 jiqw
144. 71. 106. omit eyeveio}. ^ then they. ^ both small. ^ it was strange unto them that she was come : so.

*2 omits they.

■ Ver. 14-16. —*i A. V. : Then. « Praise, praise God .... Isay, for he {Gr., Ss). « So. « the chief captain.
" canopy " did lie. « As {Gr., Kai). ™ yet hath he not committed (verb in aorist).

192 THE APOCRYPHA.

17 and shame.^ And ° all the people were greatly" astonished, and bowed them-
selves,* and worshipped God, and said with one accord. Blessed be thou, O our

18 God, who ^ hast this day brought to nought the enemies of thy people. And Ozias
said ® unto her, 0 daughter, blessed art thou of the most high God above all the
women upon the earth ; and blessed be the Lord God, Creator of ' the heavens and
the earth, who * directed thee to the cutting off of the head of the chief of our enemies.

19 For thy ^ confidence shall not depart from the heart of men, who '° remember the

20 power of God, for ever. And God make -"^ these things to thee an eternal exalta-
tion,^^ to visit thee in good things, because thou didst not spare thy life on account
of the humiliation of our race,^^ but didst help us up from our fall,^* walking a straight
path ■'^ before our God. And all the people said, So be it, so be it.

Vers. 16-20. — * to defile and ehame me (Gr., eis ^t'oo-^a, etc.). 2j^. y, ;Tben. ^ wonderfully ((r0(55pa). * thf-m-
Selves. 5 -which. "^ Then said Ozias. ^ which hath created (lit., " who created ; " but better rendered as above,
on account of what follows). ^ which hath. ^ this thy. ^'^ which. " turn (Gr., jrot^<rat). ^^ for a per-

petual praise (Gr., eis vi/zos aiioviov). i^ hast not spared .... for the affliction .... nation. ** hast rerenged

our ruin (Gr., eVe^ijAflev — here used in a friendly sense — tw TrroijuiaTt i^iMiv). ^ way. The sabstantiTO is ihVolTed

Ln the Terb and adjectire, and need not be italicized.

Chapter XIII.

Ver. 2. Filled with wine. Lit., " The wine
was poured out round about him." Dereser :
" He swam in wine."

Ver. 3. It is not explained how Judith was able
to escape from the tent, although it was fastened
from without.

Ver. 4. Said in her heart. The Vulgate
adds characteristically : ''cum lacrymis et labiormn
motu in silentio."

Ver. 6. Sword, aiciviiicTiv. It was a Persian
sword, somewhat shorter than that of tlie Greeks,
and Komnns, and a little bent at the point. Cl".
Herod., vii. 54.

Ver. 9. Dereser thinks that the reason why
Judith rolled the body of Olophernes from the bed
was in ordtr to sever the head more completely
from it, and that she took the mosquito net in
order to wrap the head up in it. It must have
made a very large and suspicious-looking package !

Didn't the maid wonder at all, or Judith tremble
while it was being put into the " provision-sack "1
We might reasonably expect a word or two On
these points here. — From the pillars. The
word used here for " pillars " (o-ti'Awj/) is a differ-
ent one (as it will be observed) from that used in
verse 6. It means properly a "column," and is
elsewhere used in the Apocrypha at Wisd. xviii.
3 ; Ep. of Jer. ver. 59 ; 1 Mace. xiii. 29. — Anon
(A. V. ), fitr' oa(7oi'. Cf. Matt. xiii. 20, where this
English word is also found with the same general
signiHcatiou, but as the rendering of evBvs, and
Mark i. 30 for euBcais.

Ver. 15. In his drunkenness, ii/ rah fteSais
aliTov. The plural is used for emphasis. Cf. re-
marks vi. 19.

Ver. 19. Thy oonfldence. It refers to the
good effects which her trust in God has accom-
plished.

Chapter XIV.

1 And Judith said ^ unto them. Hear me now, my brethren, and take this head,

2 and hang it upon the battlement of your wall.^ And as ' soon as the morning
shall appear, and the sun shall come forth upon the earth, take you every one his
weapons, and go forth every mighty * man out of the city ; and give them a leader,'
as though you would go down into the plain "^ toward the outpost ' of the Assyrians ;

3 and ' go not down. And " they will " take their weapons of war," and will go into
their camp, and rouse ^^ the generals ^^ of the army of Assur, and they will run to-
gether " to the tent of Olophernes, and will not find him ; and ^^ fear will fall upon

4 them, and they will flee before your face. And you, and all that inhabit every bor-

5 der '"^ of Israel, shall pursue them, and overthrow them as they go. But before you
do these things, call ^' me Achior the Ammanite,^* that he may see and recoo-nize "
him that despised the house of Israel, and that sent him to us, as it were to death.^

6 And ^^ they called Achior out of the house of Ozias ; and when he came,^ and saw
the head of Olophernes in a man's hand in the assembly of the people, he fell down

Vers. 1-8. — 1 A. V. : Then said Judith. » the highest place (Gr., Jiri -nji iwihftat ; as sing., the line of battle-

tnents, the parapet) .... walla. 3 so. * valiant. ^ set you a captain (here, apxrjyov) over them. 6 field.

' watch (cf. X. 11). 8 but (Gr., Kai, and the context agrees well with it). 9 Then. lo shall (and in the five

following verbs). " armour (Gr., irai-oirAiai). « raise up. " captains (Or., here, irrpaTiivoTJs) " omiu

togcther(a8 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). " but shall not .... then.

Vers. 4-6. —M A V. : So ... the coast. " Instead of Ka\ia-aTi, 23. 44. 71. 76. and others offer MyitaTt, which

makes the language of Judith even more dictatorial than the other. " A. V. : Ammonite. I give the form according
to the Greek; but cf.v. 5. >» A. V. : know (Gr., imy^$)- ™ A" death. "Then. »» was come. The singular
•< the first verb (" one called ") is found in X. 23. 74. 76.

JUDITH.

193

7 on his face, and his spirit failed. But when they had lifted him up,' he fell at
Judith's feet, and did homage before ^ her, and said. Blessed art thou in every ' taber-
nacle of Juda, and among * all nations, which hearing thy name shall be afraid.^

8 And now ° tell me all the things that thou hast done in these days. And Judith
reported ' unto him in the midst of the people all that she had done, from the day

9 that she went forth until the time she was speaking' unto them. And when 'she
left ° off speaking, the people shouted with a loud voice, and made a joyful noise

10 in their city. And Achior on seeing " all that the God of Israel had done, be-
lieved in God earnestly," and circumcised the flesh of his foreskin, and was joined
unto the house of Israel unto this day.

11 And when '^ the morning arose, they hanged the head of Olophernes from'' the
wall, and every man " took his weapons, and they went forth by bands upon the

12 passes " of the mountain. And '' when the Assyrians saw them, they sent to their
leaders. And they went to their generals " and chiliarchs,'* and to every one of

13 their rulers ; and '* they came to Olophernes' tent, and said to him that had the
charge of all his affairs,^ "Waken now our lord, for the slaves have made bold ^' to

14 come down against us to battle, that they may be utterly destroyed. And Bagoas
went in,''^ and knocked on the curtain ^' of the tent, for he supposed ^* that he was

15 sleeping ^ with Judith. But when "* none answered, he opened it, and went into the
bedchamber, and found him cast upon the footstool '" dead, and his head was taken

16 from him. And°' he cried with a loud voice, with weeping, and groaning,^ and a

17 mighty cry, and rent his garments. And,'" he went into the tent where Judith

18 lodged, and found her not. And he ran out among *' the people, and cried. The ''^
slaves have dealt treacherously ; one woman of the Hebrews hath brought shame
upon the house of king Nabuchodonosor, for behold, Olophernes upon the ground

19 without a head. ^ And when the chief officers ^ of the Assyrians' army heard
these words, they rent their garments,*^ and their soul was in terrible fear ; '^ and
their cry and a very great poise arose '' in the midst of '* the camp.

Vers. 7-9.' — ^ A. V. : recoTered him (Gr., aveK^^ov). Here, too, tlie first verb is found in the singular in III. 19. 23.
B5. 108. Old Lat., and its subject might in that case be Achior, t. e., " he revived," recovered himself (aurdv).
* A. V. : reverenced. 8 all the {Gr., simply jrai/ri). * in. P astonished (Gr., Tapax^^o'oi'Tat, shall be in cpn.

stemation). ^ Now therefore. ? Then J. declared. 8 that Aour she spake {Gr., ews o5 eAoAet). ? had left.

Vers. 10-12. — i** A. V. : And when A. had seen. ^ he believed .... greatly. ^^ as soon as. The jcai before

eKp^iLDLirav is omitted in III. 44. 74. 76. Co. ; but see remarks in Com. at v. 20. ^ K. V. : upon {nearly all authorities,
£K ; others, dir<S ; 71., ei'). ^* Fritzsche has stricken out the word *l(rpa^\ after' ai.^p, as not appearing in III. X. 23. 65.
68.64. It was also omitted by the A. v., with Co. Aid. is A. V. : unto the straits (cf, iv. 7). ^^ But. "which came
to their captains (Gr., orpanjyous). is tribunes (Gr., xt^iapx"^^)- ^^® same word is so rendered at 1 Mace. xvi. 19.

Vers. 13-14. — i^A.V. : So. ^things. ' 21 teen bold (eToA/Ltijaai'. I have changed the rendering simply on ac-

count of the idiom). 22 Then went in Bagoas. ^ a.t the door {Gt,, ttiv avKatav rrj^ iTicritnji). The avAci'a (Lat.,

aulxum) wafi the curtain, and is derived from auA^, (in Homer) ihe open court before a house, Ike court-yard. After-
wards it was used to designate the quadrangle around which the house was built. 2i a. V. ; thought. 25 had slept.

Vers. 15-13. — ^8 a. V. : because (Gr., ws fie). For ejr^*coucre III. 68. 64. Co. Aid. give the somewhat more usual
word in this sense, vmiKouo-e. 27 a. V. ; floor (Gr., ini ttjs x^XiaviZo^ ; cf . Com.). 28 Therefore {marg.. Then).

20 sighing (Gr., trrevaytLov . The context requires the change). ^o After. 3i when he found .... he leaped out to
(Fritzsche points the text thus : koX ou^ etipev av-rriv. naX i^eirr/Sijaev eis, etc.). ^2 Tkese. The change from the article
to the pronoun weakens the force of the original. ^^ \. y. -. Uetk upon {the word in italics here also detracts from
the vividness of the thought) .... without a head (lit., and his head is not upon him).

Ver. 19. — "A. V. : When (Gr., ws Si] the captains (Gr., ot apxovres). ^^ coats (Gr., x^rtorac, but not to be ren-

dered literally). The xtTwi' was (1) an wnrfcr ^ar77i€;i(,/roci {Lat., tunica). But {2) the word was also used for a sol-
dier's coat of mail, cuirass (which could not be its meaning here) ; or (3) for any coat or covering. The word is oriental,
imd appears in the Hebrew njnS. Cf. Lev. ivi. 4: Song of Sol. v. 3 | 2 Sam. xiii. 18, and Jos., Antig., iii. 7, § 2.
S" A. V. : minds were wonderfully troubled (of. ver. 7). ^' there was a, etc. (Gr., koX JyeVero). '* throughout.

Chaptbe XIV.

'Verses 1-4. The role of principal adviser to
the authorities of Betulua, which Judith in made
in these and the following ver.ses to assume, seems
to us to be very much out of place. It was not
yet time for a Joan of Are to appear in history ;
and no woman would have acted this part of
Tudith, e.\cept in a romance. The posing of the
different parties, too, — Judith, the rulers, the
people, Achior, — and the speeches which they
make to one another, all seems to have been
13

arranged for the highest theatrical effect. How
differently reads the history of a Jael and a Mir-
iam!

Ver. 5. Call me Achior, the Ammonite,
Her success has made Judit}h, to say the least, a
little dictatorial. One mij.'ht have supposed that
Achior would htive been one of the first to appear
on the ground when " they ran all together, small
and great," to meet the returning heroine. None
could have been more interested in the maittei

194

THE APOCRYPHA.

than he. But to have him called in this way
makes the scene move dramatic.

Ver. 6. la this the Achior who is elsewhere
called " the leader of all the sons of Ammon "
(v. 5), and who dared to tell the dreadful Olo-
phernes to his face the truth about Israel, who
now swoons at the sight of Olophernes' head t

Ver. 7. Achior seems somewhat too forward
with his commendations of Judith, before he has
even heard a word of explanation as to the man-
ner in which the people have come into possession
of the bloody ti'ophy, which one of them holds.

Ver. 10. Through circumcision Achior be-
came a full proselyte, in distinction from a " pros-
elyte of the gate," who simply bound himself
to adhere to certain outward regulations. Cf.
Schiirer, pp. 646 f. ; Winer, Realicorterb., art.
" Proselyt. — Unto this day. Wolf insists
{Com., ad loc.) that this must refer to the time
when the present book was written, which with
his theory that Achior himself is its author would
be a very simple matter. But it does not by any
means follow from this expres^ion that Achior
was alive at the time of the composition of the
book. It might refer to his Jewish descendants.
Grotiussays: " IJebrtfi posteritatem omnem nomine
primi parentis comprehendunt, quasi {parens poster-
iqiie ejus) una persona esserd." And the Vulgate :
*' Appositus est. ad popuhim IsraCl et ODinis successio
generis ejus usque in hodiernuni diem. "

Ver. 13. For the slaves. Some have thought
that the Greek translator read ClD^n, the slaves,
when he should have read D^~lD5?n. the Hebrews.
But the close connection of the two words in verse
1 8 is against it.

Ver. 14. "Went in. The tent may be sup-
posed to have had several compartments. Cf. x. 22.

Ver. 15. 'Ew\ rrjs xe>^<"'''So!. This word, from
Xef^tiivi), tortoise, has several derived meanings.
The most common intei'pretation given it here is
door-sill. But this is hardly allowed by the cir-
cumstances. It probably meansyoo(s(oo/. Schleus-
ner says {Lex., ad voc.) ; " Alii x^^^fl^^ inieUigunt
de scabelio, quo in lectum ascenderat. Certe apiid
Besychium xeA^»^i7 exponitur rh viroir6^iov.** This
meaning is also given to the word by Sextus
(a. d. 20.5). See Sophocles, Lex., sub voce. Cf.
also Fritzsche, Com., ad loc.

Ver. 18. Dealt treacherously, ^flfTijca*/. The
word from its etymology would mean to set aside,
disregard, as a treaty or oath. It is followed in
Polyb. by irlaTiv (viii. 2, 5). It has this meaning
at 2 Mace. xiii. 25. In the present case the ren-
dering is sufficiently exact. Something like
" what they promised " is to be understood, i. e.,
they " have acted perfidiously. " Cf. the LXX.
at Judg. ix. 23 ; Jer. iii. 20. — House of king
N., i. e., the people of N. (cf. Gen. 1. 4) ; or, the
royal name, prestige.

Chaptee XV.

1 And when they that were in the tents heard it ^ they were astonished at that

2 which had taken place ; ^ and fear and trembling fell upon them, and ^ there was
no man that remained longer * in the sight of his neighbor, but rushing ^ out all to-

3 gether, they fled upon every ^ way of the plain, and of the hill country. And they ''
also that had camped in the mountains round about Betulua * fled away. And '
then the children of Israel, every warrior among them, rushed out upon them.

4 And Ozias sent to Bastomasthjem, '° and to Bebai,^^ and Chobai, and Chola, and
to every border '^ of Israel, such as should tell the things that had been '^ done, and

5 to command " that all should rush forth upon the enemy to destroy them. Now
when the children of Israel heard it, they all fell upon them with one consent, and
smote '° them unto Choba. Likewise also they that came from Jerusalem,'^'' and from
all the hill country, — for men had told them T\diat had taken place " in the camp
of their enemies, — and they that were in Galaad, and in Galilee, outflanked ^* them

6 in a great defeat,''^ until they were past Damascus and the borders thereof. And
the residue, that dwelt at Betulua,^" fell upon the camp of Assur, and spoiled them,

7 and were greatly enriched. But ^' the children of Israel that returned from the
slaughter took possession of ^^ that which remained ; and the villages and hamlets,^
in the mountains and in the plain, got many spoils, for there was a very great
quantity.^*

Vers. 1,2. — i A. V. ; omits it. ^ the thing tiiat was done (Gr., eirl to yeyoi/o?). ^ so that. * there was no man
that durst abide (Gr., Kal ovk t^c av0pwTros jllcvwv .... en. The particle Iti is omitted in 58-). ^ For eKxv$evT€s 19. 52.
64. 108. Aid. gives the less picturesque and forcible iKKvdivTe^. o a, V : into (Gr., eirt) every.

Ver. 3. — ' A. V. : They. « Betbulia. » omits And. This connective is omitted in III. X. 23. 58. 64. 71. 243.

248. Co. Aid. But the text. rec. la probably genuine. The Codd. 19. 44. 74. 108. have Kal auTOi, etc.

Ver. 4. — 1" A. V. : Then sent 0. to Betomasthem. n Fritzsche adopts (from III. 243. with Co. and Aid.) «ai ^ij/Sai,
which is not found in the tpxt. rec. ^ A. V. : Cola, and to all the coasts. 13 were. ^^ omits to command.

Vers. 5, 6. — ^^ A. V. : their enemies .... slew. i" Instead of " from {e^} Jerusalem," X. 58. Old Lat. have iv 'I.,

making the phrase limit the subject rather than the predicate. ^^ A. V. ; things were done. is chased (marg.,

Bvereamo ; cf. Com., ad /oc). is ^vith a great slaughter (Gr., n-ATryp jueyaXij. See Com.) 20 getiiulia.

Ver. 7. — '1 A. V. : And(9r., Se). » had (Qr., eKupi'eucrov). *! the cities that were (Gr., Jn-aiiXeis). Cod. IH

has at ffoXeiy, while X. 19. 23. 58. 64. 243. Old Lat. Syr. Co. Aid. agree, except in offering an additional at after tll«
afcter word. ^ A. V. : gat .... the multitude was very great.

JUDITH.

195

8 ^ And ' Joacim the high priest, and the council '^ of the children of Israel that dwelt
b Jerusalem, came to behold the good things that the Lord had done for ' Israel,

9 and to see Judith, and to speak approvingly to * her. And when they came unto
her, they all blessed her * with one accord, and said unto her. Thou art the exaltation
of Jerusalem, thou ort the great glory of Israel, thou art the great rejoicing of our

10 race." Thou hast done all these things by thine hand ; thou hast done good ' to
Israel, and may God be pleased ' therewith. Blessed be thou of the Almighty

11 Lord for evermore. And all the people said. So be it. And all* the people
spoiled the camp for " the space of thirty days ; and they gave unto Judith Olo-
phernes' ^^ tent, and all the silver vessels,^^ and the beds," and the drinking " ves-
sels, aiid all his' stuff. And she took it, and laid it on her mule, and put animals

12 to" her carts, and packed it" thereon. And" all the women of Israel ran to-
gether to see her, and blessed her, and made a dance among them for her ; and she

13 took branches in her hands," and gave " to the women that were with her ; and she
and those that were with her crowned themselves with the olive.'"' And she went
before all the people in the dance, leading all the women ; and every man of Israel
followed with weapons,^-' with garlands, and with songs in their mouths.

Vers. 8, 9. — 1 A V. : Then. ^ ancients (Gr., ^ yepoiitria). ' God (243. 248. Co. Aid. ) had shewed to (Gr., e7roi7|(re).
* to salute. (Sec CoTn.) ^ they blessed (as 58. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). Frltzsche adopts the reading 'lepoucroA^^
(text. ret. 'liTpa.^\) from II. III. X. 23. 44. 58. 108. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr., and it is undoubtedly correct. « A. V. : na-
tion.

Vers. 10, 11. — "^ A. v.: much good (Gr., ra a.yaj9a. ixerd^ and might be rendered "excellently for"). * God is
pleased (Or., eu5oKi}a-(u .... o0eds: euioKTjo-ei'jetc., III. 19 23.52.55. 64. Old Lat. ('o. Aid,). " omits dM. It is omitted
byni.X. 55.68. 64. 108. 248. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. » A. V. omiis for. " Olof ernes his. » Am plate. >^ omits
the. " omtVi the drinking (Gr., Ta oXKta). is made ready (Gr., e^euferas a/xafa?). ^^ laid them (etrt^pevo-ef avra).

Vers. 12, 13. —" A. v.: Then. "hand. i» gaye also (64. 106. 248. Co. Aid., icalyvi-aiW. ™ they put a garland
of olive upon her and her maid that was with her (aiinj — 44. 103. 236. 248. Co., aurp — Kat at ^er avrfji ; 248. Co., t^
ficT' avT^f). 2J all the men .... in their armour (Gr., eVuTrXio-jLLeVoi).

Chaptek XV,

Vers. 1-3. What were the " leaders," the
" generals," and " chiliiiichs," of whom we read
in xiv. 12, doing that they did not put a stop to
this disgraceful flight 1 How was it possible, in-
deed, that the simple announcement of the mur-
der of Olophernes could have produced such a
panic among the nearly two hundred thousand
veterans of Assyria, and that this panic could
have continued so long that Ozias had time to
notify the neighboring places of it, that their in-
habitants might join in the pursuit?

Ver. 4. Beetomasthsein. Cf. Com. at iv. 6. —
Chobai. Cf. iv. 4. — Chola. Unknown, but

possibly Holon, p^'n. Cf. Josh. xv. 51 ; xxi. 15.

Ver. 5. QntoChoba. The word in the Greek is

without the iota : XujSci. It suggests the place

n^in, which is also the reading of the Syriac.
Lieutenant Conder, however (Palestine Explor.
Fund, Qnarteiiji Statement for April, 1876, p. 71 ),
says: "Twelve English miles south of Beisan
(Scythopolis) will be found on the Survey a place
called El Mekhobbi, — a ruin, with a cliff beside
it called 'Arrak Khobbi. This is more probably
the Coabis of the tables, and the name is philo-
logically nearer to Choba than the other identifi-
cation." — Outflanked. The verb is virepufpaai,
the meaning of which is obvious ; namely, to bring

the wings of an army around those of the one
opposed. The same word is found at 1 Mace,
vii. 46, and is rendered " closed them in." It
was also used by Polybius (xi. 23, 5).

Ver. 8. Speak approvingly. Something more
seems to be implied than merely a formal saluta-
tion (cf. LXX. at Judg. xviii. 15, Tipiirriaav avrhv
eis eipriv'fiv)in the words A.oA^o'ai /ler' aurris elp^vriv.
Bunsen's Bibelwerk renders : " mit ihrfreundlich zu
reden" talk with her in a friendly way.

Ver. 9. Does not Judith feel her personal
importance quite too much, that she allows the
high priest and elders to come to her, instead of
going to them 7

Ver. 11. And all Ms stuff (ri aKeuia/uiTa).
The furniture of his tent is meant. Cf. ri o'/ceu?)
avTov (" his stuff "), at Luke xvii. 31.

Ver. 1 2. Made a dance among them for her,
ejroiTjffav aiir^ X'^P^^ ^^ auTwif. More properly,
a c/ioral dance from their number fir her. The
Xop6s was (1) a dance in a ring, kvkXos ; and (2),
as here, a dance accompanied with song. Then,
further, a band of dancers and singers ; and, final-
ly, simply a troop, band. Cf. 3 Mace. vi. 32, 3.5.

Ver. 13. The olive was a symbol of joy and
peace. Cf. for a similar scene iii. 7 ; also, the
song of Miriam at Ex. xv. 20, ff., on which the
present one seems to have been modeled.

196 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter XVI.

1 And ' Judith began this ^ thanksgiving in all Israel, and all the people sang very

2 loud ° this song of praise. And Judith said,

Begin unto my God with timbrels,
Sing unto my * Lord with cymbals.
Adapt ^ unto him a new psalm ; ^
Exalt him, and call upon his name.

3 For a God who decideth battles is the Lord ; ''

For into his ' camps in the midst of the people he hath delivered me out of the
hands of my persecutors.'

4 Assur came out of the mountains from the north,
He came with ten thousands of his army ;

The multitude whereof stopped torrents,^"
And their horsemen covered hills.^^

5 He threatened to '^ burn up my borders,
And kill my young men with the sword,

And dash my sucking '' children against the ground.
And give " mine infants as a prey,
And my virgins as a spoil.

6 The Almighty Lord disappointed '^ them by the hand of a woman.

7 For their mighty one did not fall by " young men,
Neither did sons ^'' of Titans i' smite him,

Nor tall ^' giants set upon him ;

But Judith daughter "^ of Merari weakened him with the beauty of her connte-
nance.

8 For she put off the garment of her widowhood for the exaltation of the ^ op-

pressed in Israel ;
She ^^ anointed her face with ointment.
And bound her hair in a turban,
And took a linen garment to deceive him.

9 Her sandal ravished his eye,^

And her ^^ beauty took his soul ^ prisoner —
The sword ^° passed through his neck.

10 The Persians quaked at her boldness,

And the Medes were reiit asunder ^' at her hardihood.'^

11 Then my humbled ones ^' shouted for joy,

And my weak ones cried aloud ; and ^ they were in dismay,**
They ^'■^ lifted up their voice, and took to iiight.^

12 Sons of damsels '* pierced them through,
And wounded them as fugitives' children ;

Vers. 1, 2. — I A. V. : Then. 2 to sing this. Tor Trnjir^v 58. Old Lat. and Syr. give airi)!. » A. V : after her

Fritzsche receives vn-epEc/nii-et from II. III. X. 19. 64. for i.irei)iiii/ei of the text. ree. » The ^ou after uup.'oi'is omitted

by II. 23. 44. 56. 68. « A. V. : Tune. o msj:^., psalm andpraise. The Codd. II. X. 19. 65. 68. 248. Co. Aid. have
for Kaivov, Kal alvov.

Ver. 3 — ' A. V. : For God breaketh the battles (Qr., or. eebs (rwrpi/Sup ™\e>ovi Kiiptos ; cf. ix. 7). It might also be
rendered " a God who endeth," etc. The Codd. 52. 243. 248. with Co. Aid. omit Kvpio5. e A. V. : amonKst the (Gr els
irapf^^oAis avToi; 248. Co. omit niroii). Codd. 19. 108. : " because he hath sent his hosts into the midst of the camps
of the sons of Israel to dellyer me." « A. V. : them that persecuted me. The article is wanting before Karaa.oi.oxTui-
in II. III. X. 74. at., and can scarcely be genuine. Cod. X., e'feAerta. ^e ?ajs x"P<k KaToSi<uKo>.™>. ^e.

Vers. 4-7. — '» A. V. : the torrents. n have covered the hills. i! bragged that he would. " the sucking (as

64. 243. Co. Aid.). " make (Gr., S«l<r£.^). >» But (mi, 68. 248. Co.) the hath disappointed. " the (as 64 243

248. 249. Co. Aid.) mighty .... fall by the. " the sons. " the Titans. i» high. 2» the daughter

Vers. 8-10. - =i A. V : those that were. ^ And. 23 tire sandals eyes. m Her Wa.i is omitted by 71 l

Mmind. !« Ar.<l the fauchin (ct. xiii. 6). 2? daunted, marg., confounded. The reading ippix^ntrav of the

text. rec. is supported by II. and 66. ; III. 19. 28. 62. have irapixe-iia^av ; the same, with kcC prefixed, 44 The word
word is omitted in 68. Old Lat. and Vulg. The text. rec. is probably genuine. Cf. x. 8. The variations' appear to ha^e
been caused by the fact that the word found in the text did not seem to be quite suitable, while the other was a natural
substitute. 2» A. V. : hardiness (Gr., flpio-oi)

Vers.ll,12.—2» A. v.: afflicted. » but. si astonished. The Greek is here I^To^e,,(ra>-. Codd. X. 248. have
'iTTiiijij-ai' ; 19. 23. 55. 108., riTT^e,,,Tai/ (iTTiofiai, to be worsted). S2 A.V. : These. 33 voices, but they were over-

iirown (a., KoX iverpamjo-ai-). M The sons of the damsels (19. 108. Old Lat. Syr., " sons who are as damsels ") have

JUDITH. 197

They perished before the embattled host of my ^ Lord.

13 I will sing unto my God a new song.^
0 Lord, thou art great and glorious,
Wonderful in strength, invincible.'

14 Let all thy * creatures serve thee.

For thou spakest, and they came into being,'

Thou didst send forth thy breath, and it fashioned them,'

And there is none that can resist thy voice.

15 For mountains ' shall be moved from their foundations with the waters,
And rocks * shall melt as wax at thy presence ;

But ^ thou art merciful to them that fear thee.

16 For every sacrifice is little for a sweet savour,^"

And all fat '^ very little for a ^ burnt offering unto thee ; ^'
But he that feareth the Lord is great at all times.

17 Woe to the nations that rise up against my race ! "

The Lord Almighty will punish ^' them in the day of judgment.
Putting fire and worms into their flesh ; ^°
And they shall wail with pain^' for ever.

18 Now when^* they entered into Jerusalem, they worshipped God; and when
the people were purified, they offered their burnt offerings, and their free offerings,

19 and gifts.^' Judith also dedicated all the stuff of Olophernes, which the people
had given her, and gave the mosquito net, which she had taken for herself ^'' out of

20 his bed-chamber, as an offering ''^ unto the Lord. And ^^ the people kept a festi-
val '^ in Jerusalem before the sanctuary for the space of three months, and Judith

21 remained with them. But ^ after this time every one returned to his inheritance,
and Judith went away to Betulua,^^ and remained on her ''■^ possession, and was in

22 her time honored '^ in all the country. And many desired her ; and no man ^'
knew her all the days of her life, after that Manasses her husband died,^' and was

23 gathered to his people. And she lived very long,'" and grew ^^ old in her husband's
house, an hundred and five years, and made her maid free ; and she *^ died in Betu-

24 lua,'' and they buried her in the sepulchre ** of her husband Manasses. And the
house of Israel lamented her seven days ; and before she died, she distributed ^ her
goods to all them that were nearest of kindred to Manasses her husband, and to

25 them that were the nearest of her race.** And there was none that made the chil-
dren of Israel afraid any more in the days of Judith, nor for " a long time after her
death.88

Vera. 12, 18. — ^ A. V. : by the battle (Gr., ck n-aparolews ; see Com.) of the (44. 106. omit nov). * the Lord (so 64.
248. Co. Aid.) a new song (marg., a song of praise^ vnvov koX alyov ; cf. Ter. 2). ^ and invincible (so 58. Co.).

Vers. 14-16. — ^ A. V : omits thy (o-ou) with 68. 74. 76. 236. ^ were made (Gr., iyeyr)dj)iTav ; X., bjKofioju^^crar).

* spirit .... created them (Gr., t^KoSoixTjtre). ^ the mountains. ^ The rocks [8i is omitted by 44. 71. 106.). ^ Yet

(for ejrl 5e of the text. rec. 19. 108. have iv S4 ; II. III. X., en 8ej. w all sacrifice w too little .... savour unto thee
(248. Co.). " the fat. i^ is not sufficient for thy (o-ou is found in 23. 44. 74. 106. 236. 248. Co. Aid. for o-oi).

13 omits unto thee (see preceding note).

Vers. 17-19. — '*A. V. : my kindred (Gr., rto yeVet hqv). Tor eTrariora^eVats, III. X. 74. 76, 106. have en-ariffraro-
^eVois, i. e., prefer the form Itrravta for the verb. Cf . Rom. iii. 31 ; 2 Cor. iii. 1 ; Gal. il. 18 ^^ A. V. : take vengeance
of. " In putting fire and worms in their flesh. " feel them and weep (Gr., KKava-ovrai ^r ato^jjo-ei). ^^ as soon as ((is).
M the Lord (so 44. 71. 74. al. Co. Aid.) .... as srfon as ... . their gifts (so III. 65. 71. 76. 236. 249.) 2» canopy

which she had taken (Gr., o eKa^ev eavTjjy the Codd. II. III. X. all writing the last word in this form ; text, rec, avrrj.
Fritzsche would prefer avTij). 21 a, y. ; for a gift (cf. 2 Mace. ix. 16 ; Luke xxi. 6 : in both cases, as here, aradi^^a,

and rendered " gift '').

Vers. 20-26. — 22 a. V. : So. 23 continued feasting (lit., were joyful : ^1/ . . . . ev'l)pfuv6iJ.evoi). 24 omits But (3e).
25 own inheritance .... went to Bethulia. 20 jn her own. 27 honourable. 28 loat none. 20 ^as dead (Gr.,

cLTTedave). ^ But she increased more and more in honour (Gr., ^i/ irpo^atvovaa [rriv ij^LKiav] [jLeya^rj aipoSpa). ^^ waxed.
32 being an hundred and five years old . . .so she. ^ Bethulia. ^i cave. ^c ^^ distribute. so of kindred
.... kindred. ^7 o»iits for. ^ The book closes with ant^f , in II. 19. 108,

Chapter XVI.

Ver. 1. In his commentary on this book, pub-
lished in 1853, Fritzsche accepts the reading vire-
^tivei, which is that of the common Greek text;
but in the later text published in 1871, jiive.s the
preference to vTreptipdi'it, See Textual Notes.
The latter word means literally to outcry, i. e., to
cry so loud as to drown the cry of some one else.
fieie we have rendered : " to sing very loud."

Ver. 2. Naturally some word is to be supplied
after " Begin," like " to sing," " to praise." The
timbrel here mentioned was a kind of tambourine,
the Hebrew rjn. We read of its use in very
early times (Gen. xxxi. 27, " tabret "). It was
played chiefly by women, as an accompaniment
to the song and dance. The " cymbal " among

198

THE APOCRYPHA.

the Hebrews was of the same general character as
that employed in modern orchestras. — ^Evap^i^fty
means to adapt, to suit. Tlie passage rendered
literally would be : " adapt unto him a new song."
The Vulgate and Old Latin have modulamini,
which the A. V. seems to have followed.

Ver. 3. The camp of Jehovah is here poeti-
cally given for his power and watchfulness. This
camp is evei'ywlrere where his people are to be
found, and in it they are safe. Of. Ps. xxxiv. 7 :
" 'ihe angel of the Lord encampeth round about
them that fear him, and delivereth them."

Ver. 4. Out of the mountains from the
north, i. e., the mountains of northern Palestine.
— Ten thousands, fivpidtri. De Wette (Einle.it.,
p. 99 ) thinks he discovers here a failure in trans-
lation; supposing that D~l, multitude, was the orig-
inal word, for which the translator, read 12^,
ten thotisand. But the latter word may also be
taken in an indefinite sense as meaning a great
number. — Stopped torrents. Wolf would refer
this to the fact that the Assyrians took possession
of the water supply of Betulua !

. Ver. 5. Dash sucking children to the ground.
Such cruelty is not infrequently mentioned in the
Old Testament. Cf. Ps. cxxxvii. 9 ; Hos. xiii. 16;
Nab. iii. 10.

Ver. 7. Sons of the Titans .... tall giants.
Some see simply a reference to Greek mythology,
and an evidence that our book was originally
composed in Greek. The LXX., however, has
once rendered the Hebrew word D^K97i by Ti-
tans, Tirayes (cf. 2 Sum. v. 18, 22), although
usually by Viyavr^s. That the rendering adopted
by the LXX. hiid some reference to the mythol-
ogy of the Greeks is indeed evident. — Daughter
of Merari. Cf. viii. 1.

Ver. 9. It is worthy of remark how condensed
and artistically compo.'sed this song of Judith is.
The temptation to diffuseness and high coloring
which the suliject naturally brought with itself
was properly resisted.

Ver. 10. The Persians quaked. The repre-
sentation would seem to be that Persians and
Medes were serving as auxiliaries in the army of
Olophcrnes. The order in which these words occur
is noticeable. The Persian revolt which ended in
the overthrow of the Median kingdom took place
in B. c. 558. And Nebuchadnezzar had died in
B. c. 561, three years' previous. Phraortes, on
the other hand, whom most identify with the
Arphaxad of our book, fell in a battle with the

Assyrians E. c. 633. May not the order in which
the names of these two great peoples of antiquity
consequently are used be a strong incidental evi-
dence of the late origin of our book ? Cf. Hitzig,
Geschichte, i. 277,

Ver. U. They were astonished, i. «., the As-
syrians. The subject is suddenly changed in con-
sequence of the rapid transition of the thought.

Ver. 12. Sons of damsels, i. e., very young
men. It is meant to indicate the comparative
weakness of the Israelites — Fugitives' children.
It is not clear what is meant. The idea that as
" children " it was not difllcult to put them to
death is plain. Possibly the remaining thought
is, that as one spared not even the children of
fugitives, so much less could they be spared.
Gaab (Com., ad loc.) thinks the reference is to
the children of deserters to the enemy, which
were out of revenge put to death. Bunsen's
Bihelwerlc renders by " fleeing servants." — 'Ek
TrapaTcifecus. To translate ck in the sense of vTr6
here, as in the Authorized Version, would be
scarcely allowable. They had placed themselves
before the " embattled host " of the Lord, and in
consequence perished. This phrase was, in fact,
used in the classics (Thucyd., v. 11) as meaning
in rcfjvlar battle.

Ver. 16. Every sacrifice. An evident rem-
iniscence from Is. xl. 16, but falling far short of
it in beauty and power.

Ver. 17. Fire and worms into their flesh. Cf.
Is. Ixvi. 24; Ecclus. vii. 17. To leave the body
unburied, or to burn it, was regarded as the height
of disgrace among Orientals. Pritzsche says of
the words eai aiSiyos that they are to be under-
stood rhetorically, and not literally, since to take
them literally thoroughly contradicts the Hebrew
mode of thought at that time. But cf. the teach-
ings of the Book of Wisdom, and an article of
mine on the Eschatology of the 0. T.Apocrypha,
in the Bihliotheca Sacra for April, 1879

Ver. 18. People were purified. The neces-
sity for purification arose from their recent deeds
of blood.

Ver. 20. For the space of three months.
The Syriac says " one month."

Ver. 24. Seven days. This was the custom-
ary period. The Vulgate adds that a festival in
honor of this victory over the Assyrians was added
to the holidays of the Jews, and that the Jews
celebrated it "to the present day." The Old
Latin and Syriac do not contain the addition. It
cannot be genuine. Wolf thinks that the book
originally ended with verse twenty-second.

ADDITIONS TO ESTHER/

INTRODUCTION.

The Book of Esther, as found in the LXX., contains, as is well known, a considerable
amount of matter which does not appear in the Hebrew. This supplementary matter, however,
has been so skillfully interpolated as to make no interruption in the history. It seems, in
fact, to have been designed to supply certain of its supposed deficiencies and to make the
work complete. The first addition, which was meant to serve as a sort of introduction for the
book, is an account of an alleged dream of Mardoehaeus (Mordocai). It foreshadows the
principal points of the entire history. The second interpolation, shrewdly inserted between
the 13th and 14th verses of the third chapter, is the decree of Haman respecting the destruc-
tion of the Jews and the confiscation of their property. The third interpolation, which
immediately follows the fourth chapter of the Hebrew text, is made up of the prayers of
Esther and Mordecai for the prevention of the proposed massacre. The fourth and fiftli are
a contiuuation of the third, and, furtlier, describe in detail how it was tliat Esther succeeded
in the dangerous experiment of appearing unbidden in the presence of the Persian king.
The sixth addition is the edict which the king sent forth through Mordecai, recalling that of
Haman, and is naturally placed directly after verse 13 of the eighth chapter, where such
an edict is mentioned. The seventh, apparently designed to form a proper conclusion for the
narrative, contains an earlier dream of Mordecai, the announcement of the establishment of
the feast of Purim, and a statement (deemed by some of much importance) respecting the
time when a translation of the book was brought to Egypt.

The absurd order in wliich the Additions to Esther appear in the version of 1611 is due to
the fact that tlie latter blindly adopted, without alteration, the arrangement of the later
editions of the Latin Vulgate. As originally inserted in the Vulgate by Jerome, these
interpolated portions had a distinct place assigned them immediately after the translation of
the Hebrew book, but with preliminary remarks stating to what parts of the main work they
were to be assigned. They began, however, not with the dream of Mordecai, but with its
interpretation, which in the LXX. follows the last chapter of the Book of Esther, and ends
with the statement concerning Dositheus. This part Jerome had suffered to remain in its
original position, and, as though it formed the conclusion of the real Book of Esther, pro-
ceeded from it to give the other additions, naturally beginning with what in our English
Bible is the second verse of chapter xi. In process of time the whole of Jerome's ex-
planatory matter disappeared; and this collection of fragments came to be looked upon as
so many additional chapters of the Book of Esther, and were so numbered. The confusion
thereby occasioned could scarcely have been greater. The order of introduction and con-
clusion is exactly reversed. And the first verse of the so-called chapter xi. is placed where
it is with no more propriety than there would be, for instance, in inserting the subscription
to 1 Corinthians at the beginning of the eleventh chapter of that epistle.

Extant Text.
The Greek text of the Additions, like that of the book ifself, is extant in two distinct
recensions. The first, named A. by Eritsche, is the well-known text of the Hexapla of
Origen, and is the one usually followed. The other, named B. by the same critic, is repre-
sented by only a few MSS. It was first pubUshed by Usher, in the seventeenth century,

1 1 have adopMd this title, rather than " The Rest of the Chapters of Esther," etc. (of tlie A. V.), which might mislead.

200 THE APOCRYPHA.

from MSS. 93a. 935., and, nioi-e recently, with a full critical apparatus containing the read-
ings of 93a. 19. and 108J. by Fritzsche.

There can be little doubt that the opinion entertained by the latter, with the rSajority of
critics, that the second text is a somewhat later altered form of A., is correct. The general
scope of the narrative in both is the same, and not infrequently there is literal agreement. The
principal differences seem to have been caused, either by a misunderstanding of the meaning
of the text, or a desire for greater conciseness, clearness, and precision. Sometimes the
original form is contracted; and sometimes, especially for the sake of explanation, enlarged.
But the changes are always clearly recognizable as such, and, by a careful comparison, the
reasons which might have suggested them generally discoverable. It is impossible to say
how much younger the second text is than the first. The opinion of De Rossi ^ and some
others, that it is the work of Theodotion, is quite untenable. It was, however, used by the
translators of the Old Latin version. But it would be incorrect to assume that it did not
originate much before that version. Langen ^ even attempts to show that Josephus in some
instances followed it rather than A., and thinks that the style furnishes some evidence that
it originated in the Macedonian period. His reasoning, however, is far from conclusive.
Josephus seems to have been acquainted with other enlargements of the Book of Esther than
those contained in either of our two texts, while the Macedonian coloring is a common feature
of both of them.

With respect to the text A., it cannot now be determined with certainty whether it is in
its original form, or is a more or less perfect reproduction of the same, at the hands of some
reader.^ The style is ornate, and even stilted; but, while naturally varying with the char-
acter of the matter, is essentially uniform. There is in the former respect a marked differ-
ence between it and that of B.; the same being much simpler, and written more in conformity
with the principles of the Greek language.

From the LXX. the Additions passed over into the various translations that were made
from it; namely, the Latin, Coptic, .ffithiopic, Syriac, Armenian, Georgian, Arabic, and
Slavonic, and held in them the same relative position. Tlie translation of the Additions as
found in the Vulgate seems not to have been made by Jerome,^ but by an earlier hand. It
is so free as to appear less like a translation than an original. The text of the Old Latin we
have only in an incomplete and badly corrupted form. It was derived mostly from A., but con-
tains also unmistakable marks of having been influenced by B. The form of the original is some-
times recast, while matter is both added and omitted. The Syriac and Arabic versions of
the Additions have been published in connection with the London Polyglot. Of a Chaldaic
version, on the basis of which a startling theory concerning the origin of the Book of Esther,
inclusive of the Additions, has been founded, we shall speak particularly below. An old
Italian translation mentioned by Fritzsche, made from the Vulgate,^ contains but a single
chapter of the Additions, and concludes with the following somewhat unexpected remark:
"Immediately after what here appears comes other matter concerning Mardoehseus, which,
in effect, amounts to much the same thing. They are recorded by the [Greek] translator
of the book, for he found them already existing in the Greek language. It is not in harmony
with my plan to repeat them : it would be both superfluous and useless."

Origin of the Additions.

With respect to the origin of the Additions, critics range themselves in two distinct classes:
(1) those who hold that they were composed as Additions, in the Greek language, at a time
considerably subsequent to the composition of the Hebrew work; and (2) those who maintain
that they are a translation from a Hebrew or Aramaic original, which antedated the canon-
ical Esther itself. Unfortunately for the latter theory, it is supported, with scarcely an
exception, by Roman Catholic writers alone, and that by no means with unanimity. Indeedi
the suspicion is scarcely to be resisted, that the decision of the Council of Trent declarinw
the Additions canonical has had far too much influence, both in the matter of the orio-ination
of this theory by Bellarmin,^ and its subsequent support, without special variation of opinion,
by De Rossi, Scholz, Welte, Scheiner, Langen, Reusch, and others. In fact, Fritzsche does

1 Specimin Varianim Lectiormm Sacri Textus^ ai lac. 2 TUi. Quartalschrift, 1860, 262 £

8 See ReoBS In Schenkel's Bib. Lex., art. « Esther." 4 Cf. Jahn, EMeit., iv. 839.

« Liiri di Toiia, Ui Giuditta, e di Ester, etc. Venezia, 1844. 6 Ot Verba Dei, 1. 7, § 10.

ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. 201

not hesitate to say: i " Since that time [the Council of Trent] it has been the disagreeable
duty of [Roman] Catholic theologians to justify, as far as possible, this decision against the
fundamental principles of criticism, both external and internal."

It is but just to mention, however, as an exception to this mortifying ecclesiastical division,
although almost a solitary one on this side, that Julius FUrst ^ was also of the opinion that
the Additions formed a part of the original Book of Esther. On the other hand, following
the decided course of Jerome, together with Cardinal Hugo, Nicolaus Lyrensis, Dionysius
Carthusianus, and others, the famous Roman Catholic writer, Sixtus of Siena (a. d. 1520-
1569), under the patronage of Pope Pius V., wrote a work ' for which subsequently another
pope, Benedict XIV., became sponsor, — the same being dedicated to him without objection,
— in which he maintained the apocryphal character of the Additions, even imputing their
authorship to Josephus. Sixtus maintained that the Tridentine Council did not intend to
give canonical authority to the Additions, but only to the work as it appears in the Pales-
tinian canon. The added matter, however, he included, with 1 and 2 Esdras and 3 and 4
Maccabees, among apocryphal writings of the better class, concerning which the Fathers
had not ventured to decide positively, and which therefore, while worthy of being read,
ought not to be used for the support of any doctrine. Jahn seems to have regarded this fact
concerning Sixtus as evidence that the Tridentine check on free opinion had been at least
partially removed; for, while venturing no decided judgment himself on the subject of the
Additions, he vigorously contests that of his ecclesiastical brethren, and declares that any
one is at liberty to think what he pleases about it: " Jeder mag hieruber denken, wie er esfiir
gutfndet." *

Since, now, these two conflicting opinions concerning the origin of the Additions are, as
over against each other, so sharply defined, and the matter, moreover, is one of so great import-
ance, it will perhaps reward our effort to look more in detail into the history of that which
•we have just been considering. The decree of the Council of Trent, after giving a list of the
books of the Old Testament, including Esther, had declared: " If, however, any one does
not receive the entire boohs, with all their parts, as they are accustomed to be read in the Catholic
church and in the old Latin Vulgate edition, as sacred and canonical, and knowingly and wit-
tingly despises the aforesaid traditions, let him be anathema." It will be noticed that, with
respect to the book before us, the troublesome clause is that which declares that it is to be
received in all its parts as read in the Catholic church and in the old Latin Vulgate edition.
That is, the Additions to Esther to be found in the Vulgate, in the confused condition which
we have above described, were to be held in equal estimation with the remainder of the book.
No other inference could be justly drawn from the language. So Scheiner: ^ " The canon-
icity of these additions is through the judgment of the Catholic church (Cone. Trident. , Sess.
iv., De Canonicis Scripturis') guaranteed, which properly supports itself on the united testi-
mony of Christian antiquity [?], that recognized the canonical rank of the Book of Esther,
with all its Additions as they had come over into the church through the text of the LXX."
But it was not long before it was discovered that something more than a conciliar enactment
was needed to give to the Additions to Esther universal canonical acceptance. Jerome, who
had placed them in the Vulgate, had, at the same time, in the most unequivocal manner,
both by the position he had assigned them and his own unmistakable language, distinguished
them from the remainder of the book: " Libruin Esther variis translatoribus constat esse
vitiatum : quern ego de archiois Hebrmorum relevans, verbum e verba expressius transtuli. Quern
librum editio vulgata laciniosis hinc inde verborum sinibus [al., funibus] trahit, addens ea quce
extempore did poterant et audiri ; sicut solitum est scholaribus disciplinis sumpto themate excogi-
tare, quibus verbis uti potuit, qui injuriam passus est, vel qui injuriam fecit." * Hence we find
Bellarmin (f 1605) resorting, in his work De Verba Dei (lib. i. 7, § 10), to the theory of two
Hebrew originals for Esther, which were the sources respectively of the two recensions, —
the one with and the other without the Additions. But it was this same Bellarmin to whose
well-known diplomacy must be imputed the device by which the gross errors of the edition
of the Vulgate, made under the patronage of Pope Sixtus V., were characterized as simple
"printers' blunders," and who designated, on a second title-page, the following corrected
and improved edition of Clement VIII. as "jussu Sixti V. recognita atque edita." '

1 Binleit., p. 74. 2 Dcr Kan. d. A. T., p. 140. 8 Bibliotheca Sancta, etc.

4 Einltit., iv., 890. 6 Kirc/un-Lex., art. " Esther." 6 Praf. in L. Esther.

7 Cf. Hefele in Kirchen-Lex.^ art. ('Bellarmiu," wtio saya tliab it was this iact that preveated this Bcholai from being
made a saint.

202 THE APOCRYPHA.

To the distinguished critic De Rossi, however, is due the credit of the full development of
this theory, although in a somewhat altered form, and of attempting to support it by manu-
script authority. According to him, the Book of Esther was originally written by Mordecai,
in the Chaldaic language, and in the general form in which it now appears in the LXX. ;
while what is known as the " Hebrew Book of Esther " is only an extract from the principal,
original work. This opinion he sought to support by maintaining, first, that the work in its
present Hebrew form is incomplete; second, by that passage (ix. 32) of the book where it is
said: " And the decree of Esther confirmed these matters of Purim, and it was written in
the book;" and, third, he appeals to certain Hebrew MSS. in which a part of the Additions
to Esther appear in Chaldaic, and in the same order in which they are found in the LXX. ;
leading, as he supposes, to the conclusion that the original Chaldaic text was still extant
when these MSS. were copied. On so precarious a foundation rests the bold hypothesis of
this scholar; and yet it is accepted, with but minor differences of view, by Welte, Scholz,
Langen, Keusch, and others of the more liberal and unprejudiced class of Roman Catholic
scholars.

Let us now examine more closely the grounds on which the theory rests. (1 .) With respect
to the passage chap. i.\. 32: It should by no means be assumed, on the basis of this verse,
that the matter contained in the present Hebrew text of the Book of Esther might be expected
to be found in a fuller form elsewhere. The author may have meant simply to refer to his
own book, where, in fact, the whole matter, for substance, was to be found.* Or if it were
to be conceded that some other book is meant, and some particular book, as the Hebrew word
l-^Dn might be thought to imply, still the theory of De Rossi is the last one to be resorted
to. It might, in that case, have been a special decree on the subject of the Purim feast, as
Bertheau and KeiP suppose; or, still more likely, it might have been the "Book of the
Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia," so often referred to by the author of Esther
(ii. 23; vi. 1; x. 2).

(2.) With regard to a fancied lack of completeness in the Book of Esther without the
Additions, it might justly be replied, that the Book of Esther is not alone in this respect.
It is just as true of many other Old Testament books. And, in the case before us, it is an
argument which proves too much. If the form of our book, as it appears in the LXX., is
the original, in which nothing is suppressed, why are the two proclamations of Mordecai and
Esther, respectively (ix. 20, 29), relating to the most important of all matters referred to in
the work, — the establishment of the feast of Purim, — entirely omitted? And, further, how
is it that we do not find the royal edict concerning the degradation of Queen Vashti (i. 19,
22), or the so-called " second letter of Purim" (ix. 29), or, as we might certainly have had
reason to expect, something more definite with reference to the manner of celebratino- the
feast ?

(3.) But what are the facts respecting the present existence of some part of the Additions
in the Chaldaic language in connection with Hebrew MSS. ? These Chaldaic frao-ments
were first publi.shed by Stephan Evodius Assemani, who at one time, as successor to his
uncle of the same name, was librarian at the Vatican.^ It was not, however, until forty
years afterwards that their presumed importance as witness for the ©riginal text of the
Book of Esther was discovered by De Rossi. The Hebrew MSS. in which they are found
are clearly of late origin.* The Additions found in them according to their titles are: " the
Prayer of Mordecai," "the Prayer of Esther," and " the Dream of Mordecai." In "the
Prayer of Esther " a peculiar epithet is applied to the Roman empire. It is called " Edom."
According to Mlchaelis,^ who finds also other traces of a comparatively recent origin in these
Chaldaic fragments, this word was never so used until after Rome became the chief city of
the Christian church. Further, it is maintained by Zunz that these Chaldaic fragments are
products of the Gaonian period (a. d. 600-1000) ; and there would seem to be but little,
it any, room for doubt that they are a translation, made with extreme literalness, from the
first three chapters of the second book of a work ascribed to Jusipon ben Gorion, or that
they were taken by him, together with some other additions to Esther, directly from the
LXX. itself.8

1 So Bertholdt, Einleil., p. 2461. 2 See their commentaries on this hook, ad loc. Cf. BerthoMt. I. c.

8 Catalogus Codicum MSS. BiUiolkecat Vaticance. Hefele says that he assisted his uncle in the work. Kinhm-Lex.
id voc.
4 Cf. Zunz, p. 121. 6 Orientalische Bib., Th. 21, p. 104, f.

» Of. Bertheau, Com. zum B. Ester ,■ also, Sohulz, in Lange's BSxlwerk, Introd. to this book, U. 687.

ADDITIONS TO ESTHER.' 203

But, again, the subscription to the book as found in the LXX. is urged, especially by
Scholz,* as weighty evidence of a Hebrew or Aramaic origin. It reads: "In the fourth
year of tlie reign of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, Dositheus, who said he was a priest and a Levite,
and Ptolemy, his son, brought the present epistle of Phurim, which they said was the same
[" of which they said it was extant," Michaelis ; " which tliey gave out for it," De Wette] ;
and that Lysimachus, the son of Ptolemy, that was in Jerusalem, had interpreted it."
Scbolz thus reasons: " According to this evidence, the epistle concerning Puvim was a trans-
lation. Now, as it is allowable in this case to infer of the whole what is said of a part, the
remaining additions may also be regarded as a translation." But allowing to this subscrip-
tion all the weight that is hero claimed for it, although it does not appear in the Old Latin or
in text B., still the word iirurToK'li would be quite inapplicable to a part of tlie Additions. If,
then, it relates to but a portion of the entire work, that is probably to chapter ix. of the
Hebrew text. But, as a matter of fact, it is rather to be maintained that it does relate to
the Greek translation of the main composition as it appears in the Hebrew. Whether it
can be interpreted so as to include the Additions also is not clear. Fritzsche answers in the
negative. Still, it would seem that the entire production as it appears in the LXX. might
have been loosely — though incorrectly — charia.cterized as a translation, since by far the
greater part was actually such."

It is also contended by Scholz that the language of the Additions shows that they are a
translation. He does not attempt, however, to prove any instance of a false rendering, nor
is he able to point out many examples of marked Hebraisms ; still, as he thinks, the latter
are sufficiently numerous to justify the conclusion he draws. He calls attention, for instance,
to the fact that oiVeij/ is used both with the dative and the accusative, like the Hebrew vbn,
or min i that the same is also true of irpoaKvvttv. Moreover, the expression, fimai iv x^fi
aov, is found, and an exceedingly frequent use of the conjunction xai. But, as Fritzsche has
remarked,' these examples of a Hebraizing tendency only serve to show that the author of
the Additions was a Jew, by no manner of means that he translated from the Hebrew. Not
only do the Additions show no signs of being a translation, but they are so written that in
many passages it would be exceedingly difficult to clothe the thought in a tolerably literal
Hebrew version.

Still further: it would seem to be decisive against the theory of a common Hebrew or
Chaldaic original for both the Hebrew book and the LXX., with its Additions, as well as
proof of the unauthentic character of the latter, that these Additions abound in contradictions
of the history as contained in the Hebrew ; have an entirely different religious tone ; and
betray, both in spirit and style, the characteristics of the Alexandrian Jews. The contra-
dictions are such as these: According to the Additions, Mordecai became a great man at
court in the second year of the king, but according to the Hebrew not till after the seventh
year ; in the Additions it is said that Mordecai himself, in the Hebrew that his ancestor
Kish, was one of the prisoners that Nebuchadnezzar carried away with Jechoniah from
Jerusalem; in the former the cause of Haman's dislike of the Jews is said to have been
Mordecai's discovery of the conspii-acy against the king, in the latter it is the refusal of
Mordecai to do reverence to Haman. Other discrepancies relate to the time of the elevation
of Haman to power; his nationality, where the Greek Additions are also in disagreement
with themselves; the time when his sons were put to death ; the date fixed for the maseacre
of the Jews ; the fact that an edict of the Medes and Persians is said to have been recalled, etc.
As it respects the religious tone of the Additions, there is the most marked contrast with the
Hebrew book. It has even been made a ground of objection to the latter that the name
of God does not once occur in it. But in the Additions it is freely used, and the Jewish
ideas of religion are emphasized even to bigotry. And, finally, the whole form and spirit of
the fragments proves their later, Alexandrian origin. Their style is bombastic, and the
Greek in which they are written cannot date back to the time of the origin of the Hebrew
bobk. There are not a few expressions, scattered here and there, which are quite out of
harmony with their surroundings. In both of the letters of Ahasuerus, " the month Adar "
is mentioned; Haman is made a Macedonian, and his object is said to be to transfer the
kingdom to his own people; the enemies of the Jews were to "descend by violence into
Hades; " Esther declares that she has never eaten " at the table of Haman," nor drunk

3 See Bobl, p. O.. < EinUit., p. 71 j cf. Eeil, Eiidtit., p. 731.

204 THE APOCRYPHA.

"the wine of libations;" Aliasuerus, on the other hand, is represented as calling himself
her " brother," and as speaking of the Jews as the " elect nation." Indeed, a thorough
comparison of the Greek Additions with the Hebrew original must serve to enhance one's
sense of tlie immense superiority of tlie latter in every respect. With Baumgarten: " One
learns, through the legendary design and wordiness of these Additions, properly to recognize
and appreciate the modesty and objectivity of the canonical representation, which is as noble
and pure as it well could be." '

The theory of the origin of these fragments, then, which has most to commend it is this;
They are a later enlargement, in the Greek language, but by the hand of a Jew, of the
canonical Esther. They were occasioned, in addition to the living interest taken by this
everywhere oppressed people in the facts of their own history, and their acknowledged
readiness, particularly at Alexandria, for work of this sort, especially by a desire to stamp
the present book with a character more decidedly national and religious. In fact, there is
sufficient evidence extant to prove that the compositions before us are but single examples,
though perhaps the earliest, of many attempts of the same kind. In Josephus, for instance,
as we. have already seen, we meet with variations in the history which suggest textual
sources not now at hand ; while the same is true of the Old Latin Version, the two Targums,
and the Midrash of Esther, and of several MSS.^

Date and Author.
The text named A. must have had, as we have shown, a different author from B. The
question whether the former is the work of the translator of the original book is somewhat
discussed. While there may not be enough difference in the mere style of the two, in view
of the circumstance that one is to be considered as a translation, while the other is an original
work, to prove that they had different authors, still the fact of numerous and obvious contra-
dictions between them, and the total lack of evidence of the supervision of one mind through-
out, seems decisive on the point. That Josephus used the Additions after the recension A.
is universally acknowledged. How much previous to his time did they originate ? In seek-
ing to answer this question, the subscription appended to the book by a later hand should be
allowed some weight, although there is danger of attaching too much importance to it. The
possibility that it was written subsequent to the Additions, and with the intention of forming
a sort of credential for the work in this form, together with its own extremely indefinite
character, must detract not a little from its value as a witness. Keil does not hesitate to
declare that it lacks genuineness. Dositheus "gave himself out " for a priest. He and his
son brought to Egypt this epistle (?) of Phurim, " which they said was the same " (% l<pa<rav
ehai), and [which they said] Lysimachus of Jerusalem had translated. Dositheus was a
common name in the history of this period. The one here mentioned can scarely be identi-
fied with the person of the same name spoken of by Josephus (Contra Ap., ii. 5), as has been
attempted by Scholz « and others. The Ptolemy meant is generally held to be Ptolemy
Philometor, whose government (it is well known) was friendly to the Jews, and durinc
whose reign (b. c. 181-145) a translation of the Book of Esther may indeed have been
brought to Egypt. By far the most common opinion, in short, among those who maintain
the apocryphal character of the Additions, is that they are the production of an Eo-yptian
Jew skillful in the Greek language, and that he wrote about the time of the Ptolemies or
not long after.

Canonical Estimation.

In addition to what has been already said, little need to be added concernino- the history of
the Additions in the Christian church. They naturally obtained early and general circulation
through the LXX., and such translations as were founded upon it, including (notwithstanding
Jerome's well-meant efforts to resist it) the Vulgate itself. And they seem, as a General
rule, to have been held in equal estimation with the rest of the book.^ With respect to
Origen, it has been maintained by not a few critics, in addition to Sixtus of Siena that in
his well-known letter to Africanus he meant to dispute the full canonical authority ot our
Additions, together with those found in the LXX. in connection with Daniel. And it would
seem to give color to this view that Bellarmin thought it necessary to give a false renderino-
to this letter, in order to make it yield a meaning supposed to be more favorable to the
1 Herzog's Real-Encyk., art. " Esther." 2 Cf. Herzfeld, Gesckiclue, I. 865 f.; and Frltzsche, EirUeU ad toe

a EinUil., il. 610. ♦ Of. Clement of Rome, J.d Cor., 1. 86 ; 6,nd Clement of Alex«adrl», Smmt. iv. 18.

ADDITIONS TO ESTHEE. 205

decision of the Council of Trent. There seems to be little doubt, in fact, that theoretically
this was the position of Origen, although as a matter of quotation and general use he acted
usually out of harmony with it.i Further, it has been suggested as probable that the failure
of Melito of Sardis and Athanasius to admit the Book of Esther into their catalogues of the
books of Scripture was due, to a greater or less extent, to the presence of these Alexandrian
accretions. At least, Jerome's protest did not remain wholly inoperative. Considering the
comparatively low estimation in which the book as a whole was held, and its Uttle use in the
church, the objections to the Additions specifically were quite as numerous as could have been
expected. The decree of the Council of Trent on the matter of the canon of Scripture,
which was ratified by fifty- three prelates, of whom Westcott " says that " among them was not
one German, not one scholar distinguished for historical learning, not one who was fitted by
special study for the examination of a subject in which the truth could only be determined
by the voice of antiquity," has naturally had its influence in increasing the estimation in
which the Additions are held, but an influence which has been far from universal even in its
own ecclesiastical circle, and happily is not increasing.

Luther spoke with mildness, but decision, of the Additions to Daniel and Esther as " corn-
flowers," which he had taken out of the books in which they stood in the Latin text, but had
afterwards placed in a separate bed that they might not wither, because there was much good
in them. In the Reformed churches generally, including that of England, the Additions
to Esther shared the fortunes of the other books usually reckoned among the Apocrypha.

1 lAngenj DmUroian. Stiicla, etc., p. 1. 1 St». in C%., p. 257.

ADDITIONS TO THE

BOOK OF ESTHER.

Addition I. (in the Greek introducing the book).^

1 In the second year of the reign of Artaxerxes the great, on ^ the first day of

2 Nisan,' Mardochseus ^ the son of Jairus, the son of Semeias, the son of Kisaas, of

3 the tribe of Benjamin, a Jew, saw a vision ; he dwelt ' in the city of Susa, a

4 great man, being a servitor in the king's palace.' He was also' of the captivity,'
which Nabuchodonosor king ' of Babylon carried from Jerusalem with Jechonias.

5 the king of Judaa.^" And this was his vision : ^^ and behold voices and uproar, thun-

6 derings and earthquake and confusion on the earth.^^ And behold, two great dragons

7 came forth both ready to fight. And their mighty cry arose ; '^ and at their cry every

8 nation prepared itself to battle, that they might fight the nation of righteous ones."
And lo, a day of darkness and obscurity, tribulation and anguish, affliction and great

9 confusion,-"' upon the earth. And the whole righteous nation was troubled, fearing
theu- own evils, and prepared themselves for destruction ; ^^ and " they cried unto

10 God. And from their weeping,^' as it were from a little fountain, sprang a great

11 river,^' even much water. And light and the sun '"' rose up, and the lowly were ex-

12 alted, and devoured the glorious. And ^^ Mardocha3us, who had seen this vision,^^ and
what God had determined to do, awaking kept it in his heart, and until night was

13 desirous to comprehend it in every particular.^^ And Mardochseus slept in the pal-
ace with Gabatha and Tharra, the two eunuchs of the king, who watched in ^* the

14 palace. And he heard their devices, and searched out their anxieties,^^ and learned
that they were making ready -' to lay hands upon Artaxerxes the king. And he in-

15 formed " the king of them. And ^' the king examined the two eunuchs, and having ^

16 confessed they were punished.^" And the king wrote a memorial of these things;

17 Mardochaeus also ^' wrote thereof. And the king commanded Mardochseus to serve

1 1 have adopted, exceptionally, in view of the exceedingly confused arrangement of the Additions as found in the
A, v., the order of chapters and verses as given in the Greek text edited by Fritzsche. At the beginning of each
chapter of the Commentary, however, will be found a citation of the chapters and verses of the A. V. included in it.

Vers. 1, 2. — ^ x. V. ; in. (Fritzsche strikes out ^airtKeu)^ after fieydXov, as wanting in most MSS., including III. X.
XI. It is found, however, in II.) 3 the month Nisan (so 19. — Adar N. — and Old Lat. by Cod. Corb.). * Mardo-
cheus. (Hereafter I shall write as above, without further notice in the notes.)

Vers. 3, 4. — ^ A. V. : Semei .... Cisai ... . had a dream ; who was a Jew, and dwelt. o court (Gr., avX^. See
Com.). ^ also one. 8 captives. » the king. i" j. King of Judea. It does not seem needful to indicate further
that I adopt throughout in the text the spelling Judsea, as above. The article is omitted before ^acriAe'wc by 44. 52.
248. Co. Aid.

Vers. 6-8. — ^^ A. V. : his dream (Gr., ^i/vTrvior, as in ver. 2). ^ behold a noise of a tumult, with thunder, and

earthquakes, and uproar in the land. (The Kai at the beginning is omitted by 19. For the following leal d6pv^o$, III.
52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have Oopv^ov, which is thus made to limit «|)wfat. Before Tapa;^o^ a icai is found in III. X. (by
a corrector) and many other MSS. with the Old Lat. and Vulg. Co. Aid., and it is received into hi^ text by Tritzsche).
13 their cry was great (Gr , Kai eyeVero avrdv (t>utvT} iieyd\r)). " cry all nations were prepared (Gr., rn ipaivjj ovtoii' V"*'
fidadjj Trai' eOi'o';) .... against the righteous people. i" uproar.

Vers. 9, 10. — i" A. V. : were ready to perish (Gr., T/roi^iacreTjo-av a.TTo\e(T6ai). i^ Then. '8 a^^ upon their cry (Gr.,
aTTO 5^ TTJs jSoVj; auTwf . The context requires this rendering). >** was made (Gr., eyeV^To) .... flood.

Vers. 11, 12. — 20 j^. V. : The light and the sun. (The KaC found in the text. tec. bcfoBe <^a>5 is omitted in II. as well as
in X. 19. 93b. 249. Vulg., aod it might well be dropped.) ^^ Now when. 22 dream. 23 was awake he bare his

dream in mind, and until night by all means was desirous to know it (Gr., Kai iv Tram Xiiyw rjOeXev iirtyyiavaL avTO ews
TT]? rvKTos). Cod. II., with 55. 93 6. omits 6 before ewpaKws. The Codd. III. 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have for airi
after eixef , to kyvnuLov toCto, and are followed, as will be noticed, by the A. V.

Vers. 13-15. — -* A. V. ; took his rest in the court .... and keepers of. 25 purposes (see Com.). 20 about (Gr.
hoiiLoiovai). " s» he certified. 2« Then. » after that they had. " strangled (see Com.).

Vor. 16. — 81 A. V. : made a record .... and M. also.

ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER.

207

18 in the palace ; ^ and for this ^ he rewarded him. And Aman son ' of Amadathus,
a Bugjean,* was in great honor with the king, and ^ sought to injure ° Mardochaeus
and his people because of the two eunuchs of the king.

Vers. 17, 18. — 'So ... . court. 2 Codd. XI. 44. 64. al. Co. Aid. have toutou for ToiiToii- ( Vulg., pro Relatione). The
chaDge may have been made in the interest of definiteness, the latter word having a possible reference to the eunuchs ;
but It probably refers to the report (A6yoi). » Howbeit Aman the son. * the Agaglte {see Com.)^ who. ^ omits
wad. '^ molest (6r,, Kaj£OTroiri<rai).

Addition I. (Chap. xi. 2-12, in the A. V.)

Ver. I. In the second year. There is a discrep-
ancy of five years between this date and that of
the Hebrew, as we have already shown in our
introduction to the present book. — Artaxerxes.
The text B. has 'Ao-iiTjpos, which is also the form
of the word in the Hebrew. While there is a
difference of opinion respecting the person in-
tended, he is generally supposed to be Xerxes.
See Eichhorn's Repertorium, 1784, xv. 1-38. —
Ti) fu^. A Hebraistic use of a cardinal for an
ordinal. Cf. Winer, p. 248. — Mardochseus.
The word is of Persian origin (see ii. 5, in the
Greek), and means " worshipper of Merodach."
Of. Kawlinsou, Ancient Mon., i. 134. That Mor-
decai had access to the harem shows that he was
a eunuch. In 2 Mace. xv. 36, tlie 14th of Adar,
when the Feast of Purim was celebrated, is called
" MnrdochiBUs' Day." If this Mardochseus be
really one of the captives whom Nebuchadnezzar
carried away from Jerusalem at the time stated
in verse 4, he is much out of place here. It would
make him, at least, one hundred and twenty-five
years old. Cf. Esth. ii. 2; 2 Kings xxiv. 12;
Neh. vii. 7. Fritzsche suggests that in verse 4
only the family of Mardochseus is meant. In
any case the genealogy as here given is imper-
fect..-

Ver. 3. Susa [Shushan'\. It was the capital of
the country known in Scripture as Elam, and one
of the most important cities of the East. It was
long the residence of the Persian kings, and
maintained its grandeur up to the time of^ the
Macedonian conquest, when Alexander is .said to
have carried away from it in tre.TSures what would
be equal to twelve million pounds sterling, besides
the royal regalia. See IJawlinson, Ancient Mon.,
ii. 209, 474; iii. 270, 317, 437. — A great man.
This has reference simply to the estimation in
•which he was held at court. — Servitor. The
same word is used in the A. V. at 2 Kings iv. 43.

— Court. (A. V.) This was one of the mean-
ings given to the Greek word auX'J) in the later
times (oi Tep\ ritv av\riif, the courtiers) ; but here
the palace seems to be clearly referred to.

Ver. 6. Dragon. According to Scripture usage,
this term is applied to any great monster, whether
fcelonging to the sea or land. Cf. Deut. xxxii.
33; Ps. xci. 13 ; Is. xxvii. 1.

Ver, 7. AiKaiuy iSvos. The Jews are meant, as
also in the 9th vei-se. It is noticeable that the arti-
cle is omitted before the latter word. Cf. Winer,
119 ff. ; and for other examples of such epithets
as applied to the' Jews, Wisd. ix. 4, 7 ; x. 15;
XI. I ; xii. 19; xv. 2, 14.

Ver. 8. The similarity of sentiment to that of
Joel ii 2 will be observed. Cf. also the Greek.

— Tribulation and anguish. The same Greek
ns at Rom. ii. 9 ; viii. 35.

Ver. 11. Light and the sun. The return of
happy days is thus symbolically set forth.
Ver. 12. The Chaldaic fragment published by

Assemani and De Rossi (see Introd.) adds to this
verse that Mordecai told his dream only to Esther,
to whom he also said : " Now is the dream come to
fulfillment which I related to thee in thy youth [?].
This is the trouble concerning which I spoke to
thee. Pray now to Jehovah, the God of our
fathers," etc. Chap. xi. of the A. V. ends with
this verse.

Ver. 13. In the palace (auA^). Probably the
harem is meant, where also the king was. Cf.
Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 216. According to
Esther ii. 21-23, it was Bigthan and Teresh who
made the conspiracy. It is likely tliat these are
only diflei'ent forms of the same names that occur
in the Additions. This is the fir,st verse of chap,
xii. in the A. V.

Ver. 14. MepiVi'Ks, anxieties. Their anxiety
was with reference to the success of their plans.

Ver. 15. 'AiriixBria-av, were punished. This
word was used as a law term in Attic Greek, and
meant to bring before a magistrate and accuse, and
then, as a result of the process, to lead away to
punishment. The A. V. seems to have read with
Co. oir^7xfl7)<i'i>"'. Cf. the Hebrew text, ii. 23.
On the possible punishments inflicted by the Per-
sians, see Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 246 f.

Ver. 1 6. The custom which prevailed among
the Persians of recording matters of this sort in
the annals of the kingdom, is noticed by Thucyd-
ides (i. 129, 3) : " So says the King Xerxes to
Pansanias, — ' the sending back of the men whom
thou hast saved for me from beyond the sea in
Byzantium will be reckoned in thy favor as a
good deed in our house, for ever.' "

Ver. 17. Ilepi Toiraiv. The neuter is used,
referring to the whole matter of Mardochseus'
conduct. Text B. makes no reference to the
presents received by Mardochseu.s, but speaks
more particularly of the service .assigned to him.

Ver. 18. Aman .... a Bugsean. Cf. 1 Sam.
XV.. According to tradition, at the celebration
of PUrim the passages of Scripture relating to
the Amalekites were read. See Ex. xvii. 14 ff. ;
Deut. XXV. 17 ff. The Greek word here, however,
is iSouyaios. Is it to be regarded as meaning the
same as the Hebrew ''33Sn of the Book of Es-
ther (iii. \)'i So the A. V. seems to have thought.
But Michaelis says that he is unable to explain
the word. Grotiiis : " proprie ita died eunuchi ; "
and his opinion is accepted by Sclileusner (Lex.,
ad vac). In text B. the name is changed to
lAaKeS6m, and at iii. 1 to rw-yaroi/. It is on the
whole most probable, as Fritzsche supposes, that
the word arose from a careless rendering of the
Hebrew. No corresponding name of a family
occurs to help us out of the difficulty ; while to
render, with Dereser (and Scholz) the word as
an adjective, " the braggart," would scarcely be
justified by the facts relating to Haman made
known in the canonical Scriptures.

208 THE APOCRYPHA.

Addition II. (in the Greek after chap. iii. 13 of the Hebrew).

1 And this is the copy of the letter : ^ The great king Artaxerxes writeth these
things to the princes and toparchs ^ that are under him from India unto Ethiopia,

2 in an hundred seven ^ and twenty provinces. After that I became lord over many
nations, and had dominion over the whole world, not lifted up with presumption of
my authority, but carrying myself always ' with equity and mildness, 1 purposed to
establish for my subjects continually a quiet life,'^ and making my kingdom habit-
able,'* and open for passage to the utmost borders, to renew the ' peace, which is de-

3 sired of all men. But on my asking the ' counsellors how this might be brought to
pass, Aman, that excelled in prudence among us, and was approved by^ his constant
good will and steadfast fidelity, and had obtained i° the honor of the second place

4 in the kingdom, shewed us, that among all the races " throughout the world there
was scattered a certain malevolent ^^ people, that had laws contrary to every
nation," and continually despised the commandments of kings, so that our worthy

5 aim to secure a stable government for the united kingdom was impossible." Seeing
then we understand that this nation quite alone ^ is continually in opposition unto
all men, differing in the strange manner of their laws, and evil disposed towards our
affairs, bringing to pass the most shameful things, indeed, so that the kingdom can-

6 not be firmly established : ^^ therefore have we commanded, that they that are indi-
cated through letters unto you by Aman, who is appointed over affairs," and is
next unto us, shall all, with wives ^'and children, be utterly destroyed by the swords ^'
of their enemies, without any '^ mercy and pity, the fourteenth day of the twelfth

7 month Adar of the ^^ present year ; that, they who of old and now also are malev-
olent,^^ may in one day with violence go into Hades, to the end that perpetually,
in the future, our affairs may go on securely and peacefully.^'

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : The copy .... letters wa3 this. ^ governors {trarpairanq 19. 93a. 1086. ; sairapis, Cod. Corb.).

8 and seven {III. 936., one hundred twenty and seven ; 93a., one hundred and twenty-seven ; or, seven and twenty).

Vers. 2, 3. — * A. V. : alway. ^ to .'Jettle (Gr., KaraoTTJo-at ^iou9, etc. ; 71. 76. 248. Co., ^mv) .... in a quiet life.

6 peaceable (.see Com.). ' coasts, to renew. 8 Now when I asked {7Tv6o/Aevou he fxov ; Codd. III. X. (from a corr.)

936. read Truv^ai-o/icVou Se /lou) my, ^ wisdom among Tia . . . . for. ^^ OTnits obtained {Gr., a,rcvi]i'EyjueVos ;

antveyKiixemt, III. X. 19. 93. 1086.).

Ver. 4. — 11 A. V. : declared unto .... in all nations. ^ malicious. i^ contrary to all nations (Gr., mrriOijav —
III. X. 936., kvrirvTTQv — irpbs -jrav edvoi). 1* so as the uniting of our kingdoms, honourably intended by us, cannot

go forward. See Com.

Ver. 6. — i*" A. V. : people alone (Gr., jaofulTaToi'), etc. ^^ affected to our state (Gr., tois ^juerepoLc Trpay/nwri), work-
ing all the mischief they can (Gr., ra ;^€tpi(jTa (rvvjekovv — (rvvrt^ovvratj 71. 74. 76. ~ Ktuca, etc.), that {koI) out king-
dom may not be firmly stablished. See Com.

Ver. 6. — " A. V. : all they . . . . signified in writing unto you .... ordained over the affairs. M their wives.

M sword (plur. in the Gr.). "> all (Gr., n-aKTos). ^i this.

Ver. 7. — ''^ A.\. : malicious (see ver. 4). 2» the grave (Gr., ets rhv 4^rjv), and so ever hereafter cause our afiaira

to be well settled, and without trouble (Gr., eis tov p-ereTretTa XP^*'***' avtrro^ »cat arapaxa n-ape'xtoiT'Li' ^jwir Stci Te'Aous
Ta TrpayfjMTa).

Addition II. (Chap. xiii. 1-7 of the A. V.)

Ver. 1. The occasion of this addition seems to I Ver. 2. 'ETrieute'crTepoi'. On the force of the
have been the mention made of an edict by King | comparative in such a connection, see Winer,
Ahasuerus in Esth. iii. 14. The Persian method j p. 242 f. It is not infrequently used when the
of carrying letters is described by Herodotus (viii. i object with which the comparison is made is to
98). Cf. also Kawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 426 f. j be understood. See John xix. 11 ; Acts xviii. 20;
— In Dan. vi. 1, one hundred and twenty satrap- 2 Cor. viii. 17. Here it is meant that the king
ies are spoken of. Michaelis thinks that here, at ' ruled with more mildness than it was natural or
least, one too many is given ; Egypt having fallen j usual to expect. The A. V. seems to have read
away from the government of Artaxerxes in the (as III. XI. 52. 5a. and others), with Co. Aid.,

fifth year of his reign, while it is evident that
the kingdom did not extend as far as Ethiopia.
But, according to the style of ancient edicts, even
lost provinces were reckoned as belonging to a
kingdom, if there was hope of recovering them
again. And, in this large number, probably sub-
satrapies are included. Cf. Bib. Com. at Esth. i.
1, and Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii. 417 f. — The
great king. A common title of the Persian mon-
archs, given them even by the Greeks.

^pefior, " peaceable," instead of fiixepov, " civilized,"
" habitable." Cf. Greek at 1 Tim. ii. 2. Text
B. has &xpt for jne'^pj. — The lordship over all
nations here claimed by the Persian monarchs
was only one of imagination. Still, on the basis
of it they laid their commands on the peoples
which owed them no allegiance. For instance,
they forbade the Carthaginians to eat the flesh
of dogs.

Ver. 3. The second place in the kingdom,

ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER.

209

i. e., he was prime minister. The plural rav fiav-
Aeiar is used for the singular, the idea of the con-
stituent parts of the kingdom being so expressed.

Ver. 4. Xlphi rh /*^ KaTarCdeirSat ttiv vtp' jjfiuy
iKarevdwofieyT^p an4^irxois (rvyapxictv. De Wette
translates: " So that the gorernnient blamelessly
managed by us cannot exist." Michaelis : " And
do not submit themselves to the common govern-
ment and constitution proposed by us." Bunsen's
Bibelwerk : " So that the government blamelessly
managed by us cannot attain to peace." We
have adopted, a somewhat free rendering above.
Cf. Gr. at vi. 14.

Ver. 5. Bevliovirav irapaWiffa^ov- Codd. X.
(from the first liand) III. 936. read rapdWa^ty
(alternation). Fritzsche supposes that in place
of this word there originally stood irapaipvKiaaov,
but still thinlis that this would not be in har-
mony with the conte.\t. The difficulty would
then be with the former word. It would be no
longer needed. But on the basis of this change
might we not translate : " keeping guard over
(i. e., maintaining) a manner of life alien to the
laws." See Wahl's Clavis, ad voc. As the text
now stands, it might be rendered : " changing
their rules of living, making them strange." Or,

taking \eA(ov<rav »s intransitive (Polyb., iii. 114,
4): "changing the customs of life [so as] to be-
come strange." De Wette renders: "live in ac-
cordance with strange laws." Michaelis: " hav8
quite other and stVange customs." Bunsen's
Bibelwerk : " observe a strange mode of life."

Ver. 6. Next unto us. hit., our second father.
See Add. vi. 10 ; Judith ii. 4 ; 1 Mace. xi. 32. —
The fourteenth day of the twelfth month,
Adar. In the Hebrew text (Esth. iii. 13 ; viii.
12; ix. 1), as also elsewhere in the Additions
(vi. 16) the thirteenth day of this month is given
as the day appointed for the slaughter of the
Jews. It is likely that the discrepancy arose
from the fact that, while the thirteenth was com-
monly mentioned, the fourteenth and fifteenth
were the days actually celebrated. And in later
times the former date was often confounded With
the latter. Josephus agrees with the date of the
Additions.

Ver. 7. Into Hades, eit rbv ai-qv. On the use
of this Greek word in the LXJ^., cf. Girdlestone,
0. T. iSyre., p. 443 ; Cremer's Lex., ad voc.; art.
" Hades," by Glider in Herzog's Real-Encyk. ; and
a discussion of this and connected words in the
Stud. u. Kritik., 1858, pp. 248-298.

Addition III. (in the Greek found between chapters iv. 17 and v. of the Hebrew).

1 And he thinking ^ upon all the works of the Lord, made '^ his prayer unto him, and

2 said,' 0 Lord, Lord, King Almighty, for the universe * is in thy power, and if thou

3 wilt'' save Israel, there is no man that can gainsay thee, for thou madest the heaven

4 and the earth, and every wonderful thing ^ under the heaven.' And thou art

5 Lord of all,* and there is no man that can resist thee, the Lord.' Thou knowest
all things ; thou knowest,^" Lord, that it was neither in insolence nor pride, nor

6 through ^' desire of glory, that I did not bow down to proud Aman ; for I could

7 have been content for ^^ the salvation of Israel to kiss the soles of his feet. But I
did this, that I might not set ^^ the glory of man above the glory of God. And I

8 will not" worship any but thee, my Lord,^^ and I will not''* do it in pride. And
now, 0 Lord God and King,^' the God of Abraham," spare thy people, for their eyes
are upon us to bring us to nought ; and '* they desire to destroy the inheritance,

9 that hath been thine from the beginning. Overlook not thy portion,^' which thou

10 hast redeemed out of Egypt for thyself.^" Hear my prayer, and be merciful unto
thine inheritance, and ^^ turn our sorrow into joy, that we may live, 0 Lord, and

11 praise thy name ; and destroy '■''' not the mouths of them that praise thee.^* And
all Israel cried with all their strength,"* because their death was before their eyes.

Vers. 1-3. — i A. V. : Then Mardocheus thought. (The reading Mapfiox- before iB^9i\ is supported by III. X. (from a
corr.) and Cod. Covb. of the Old Lat. See Com.) handmade. = Saying. i the king .... for the whole loorM
(Gr., TO iroii'). B hast appointed to (Gr., iv tw Qekeiv ae). « hast made heaven and earth and all the wondrous

things. I See Com.

Vers. 4-6. — » A. V. : Thou art Lord of all things. " ichich art the J/. " and thou tmowest (Cod. 249. has itai)-
" contempt .... for any (Gr., iv). " content with good will for (Gr., ijiSiicoui', etc. ; Jun., grata animo velkm ;
see Cum.).

Vers. 7-11. — "> A. T. : prefer (Gr., eH ; Iva ixiiSiva wporiSa ri? Sofij!, etc., 19. 93ii.). " neither will I. '= but

thee, 0 God (Co. and Jun. omit iwv ; Old Lat. MS. Corb., nisi te Domine Deus). " God and King (these words are

omitted by X. — from the first hand — XI. 19. 44. 55. 106. ; III. 936. add /Soo-aeii, as also X. by a corrector). '' omits
the God of Abraham (is omitted by 62. 64. 248. Co. Aid. Jun.). " yea. » Despise not the portion {Noli avertere ea
parte, Old Lat., by MS. Oorb. ; Ne despitias partem tuam, Jun.). ^o delivered .... thine own self (see Com.).

" omits and (so 52. 64. 243. Aid.). 22 (See Com.) 23 thee, 0 Lord (the text. ree. adds icupie, but it is not found in

II. X. XI. 44. 62. 64. 74. 76. 93. 106. 108a. 120. 236. 249., and Old Lat. by Cod. Corb.). " au Israel in like manner
cried most earnestly (marg., mightily) unto the Lord. For eKiufc^ev Codd. n. 65. 74. 106. 120. 243. 248. with Co. have
the plural ; 108a., iliKpaitv ; eKpa^ev, X. ; cf. Matt. viii. 29. The form iteitpifo(i<u (? Kpi^oi, Luke xlx. 40), for the
future, is found everywhere in the LXX. See Winer, pp. 87, 274, and 279, note ; Buttmann, p. 61.

Addition III. (Ch. xiii. 8-18 of the A. V.)

Ver. 1. The word " Mardochseus " occurs in | which immediately precedes, but is not found in
ihfi last verse of the fourth chapter of Esther, | the Greek of the present verse. The Commentary
14

210

THE APOCRYPHA.

of Dereser and Scholz gives a translation of the
prayer of Mordecai as it is found in the Chaldaic
fragments.

Ver. 2. The vvoi d " Lord " is repeated on ac-
count of the deep earnestness of the petition.

Ver. 3. Tlie rea.son is now given for the strong
langrii.ige of the preceding verse. The whole
■HTOrld is in thy power, etc., because. — 'Ey rfi
vn' ovpav6v. Some sucli word as yfi or x'^P^ '^^ ^^
be supplied after tj?. Cf. Luke xvii. 24 ; the
LXX. at Job xviii. 4 ; Prov. viii. 28 ; and Winer,
p. 591.

Ver. 5. The reasoning of this and the two next
following verses does not appear to be sound. It
was a Jewish, as well as a Persian, custom to bow
the knee before superiors, and more than a hun-
dred instances of the kind may be found in the
Bible. See Michaelis, Anmerk., p. 107. Grotius
says of the writer ; " Ad Grcecum potius morem
quam ad ludaicum respexere" — T^ ju^ TrpoaKvvftv.
The infinitive is epexegetical. See Winer, pp.
318 f., 326.

Ver. 6. The custom of kissing the feet as a
sign of submission was common in Persia. Cf.
Xen., Cijrop., vii. 5, 32, and art. " Kuss," in
Scheukel's Bib. Lfx. For the sake of emphasis,
the soles of the feet are here mentioned. Cf. Is.
xlix. 23. For the use of the imperfect tense here,
compare Hoin. i.\. 3, and see Winer, p. 283. Paul
says : " }Al}x^i^y\v yap aifrhs iy^ at^dOe^a iJyai airb
Toii Xptmov." Here the Greek is ori tjuSokow
ipt\f7v TT^K^nTa TToSuv avTov, etc.

Ver. 8. ''Enifi\€'jrov(Tiy yjfxiv els KaTa<pQop6.v. The

verb is followed by the dative, indicating the
direction of the idea contained in the verb and its
preposition. Cf. Mark vii. 32 ; Luke xxiii. 26.
The verb has a hostile sen.se here. Schleusner;
'" respicere anivio mali(/no, mala cupere," See also
Ecclus. xi. 30. For the force of eis, cf. note at
Judith V. 11.

Ver. 9. Lit., Out of the land ofE. (ffiavrif) for
thyself Cf . remarks' at Tobit iv. 9 : v. 3.

Ver. 10. 'IKdadriTi. be propitious. Even in
Homer the middle voice of this verb is used to de-
note a religious act : to make (the gods) propitious,
cause to he reconciled. Cf. Cremer's Lex., p. 290.
— Eiiaixlav- Lit., banqueting. By Polybius, it
is used for a supply of provisions for the army.
Cf. 3 Mace. vi. 30. Text B. has elifpotrvniv. —
Srif^na. The singular is used for the plural. Cf.
1 Cor. vi. 19. It expresses the object which be-
longs to each of the individuals addressed. De-
stroy not the mouths (marg. of A. V., shut or
stop not). The Greek is, /t^ i.<t>ai'iiTris <rT6aa. The
verb means to make unseen, hide from sight, or, in
general, io hide, conceal; and hence, .secondly, ^o
make away with. In the following Addition,
verse 7, we have in the A- V. the same rendering
given to ifitppilai (TT6/jLa as in the margin here,
and with more propriety, that verb meaning to
bar a passage, slop up, block up.

Ver. 11. 'Ej' o(pSa\fx.o7s. This preposition in
Biblical Greek is not infrequently used in the
sense of " before." Cf. 1 Cor. ii. 6 ; vi. 2. This
usage was also not uncommon with the classic
orators. See Winer, p. 385.

Addition IV. (in the Greek follows Add. III.).

1 Queen Esther also, mortal extremity having befallen her, fled^ unto the Lord,

2 and laid aside ^ her glorious apparel, and put on the garments of anguish and
mourning ; and instead of precious ointments, she covered her head with ashes and
dung. And she humbled her body greatly, and every spot of her joyous orna-

3 mentation she filled with her dishevelled hair.' And she prayed unto the Lord God
of Israel, saying,

4 O my Lord, thou only art our King ; help me, who am alone, and * have no
6 helper but thee ; for my life ^ is in mine hand. From my birth up ^ I have

6 heard in the tribe of my family, that thou, O Lord, tookest' Israel from all the
nations, and our fathers from all their progenitors,' for a perpetual inheritance, and

7 thou hast performed whatsoever thou didst promise them. And now we have
sinned before thee, and thou hast " given us into the hands of our enemies, because
we worshipped their gods ; O Lord, thou art righteous. And now ^ it satisfieth
them not, that we are in bitter captivity, but they have stricken hands with their
idols, to ^^ abolish the thing that thou with thy mouth hast ordained, and destroy
thine inheritance, and stop the mouths of them that praise thee, and quench the
glory of thy house, and thine altar,^^ and open the mouths of the heathen respect-

8 ing the virtues of idols,^^ and to magnify a fleshly king for ever. O Lord, give
not thy sceptre unto them that are not,^" and let them not laugh at our fall ; but
turn their device upon themselves, and make him an example, that hath begun this

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. V. : tieing in fear ol death resorted (Or., Kart<l>vyev . . . . ip iyiri — see Com . — BoiviTov KareiXriii.-
(liiT)).- 2 away. » all the places of her joy .. . torn hair (see Co/n.). Fritzschc adopts from II. X. XI. 19. 52. 93.
and others, eirAijtre for ^veV^Tjo-e.

Vers. 4-6. —' A. V. : desolate woman, which (Gr., rfj p.ivii Kai). o danger (literal, hut it lacks clearness ; seeCom.).
' from my youth up (Gr., eic yej/jrij! p.ov). ' among all people .... predecessors (Gr., npoyovwv).

Vers. 7, 8.— « A. v.: therefore hast thou. » Nevertheless (>^>/ is omitted by 44. 106.). "> that «Aey will.

11 mouth .... of thine altar. (Fritzsche has received Sviruumripiov, in place of the genitive of the same from II III
Z. 52. 64. 98i.) '^ to set forth the praises of the idols (see Com.). " be nothing (Gr., p.ri oS<ri ; Jan., nihtt siint).

ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OP ESTHER.

211

9 against us. Remember, 0 Lord, make thyself known in time of our affliction, and

10 give me boldness, O King of the gods, and Ruler of every government.^ Put^
(.eloquent speech in my mouth before the lion, and* turn his heart to hate him that
■ fighteth against us, that there may be an end of him, and of them* that are like-

11 minded with * him. But deliver us with thine hand, and help me who am alone and

12 have no other, 0 Lord,' but thee. Thou knowest all things, and knowest' that I
hate the glory of the unrighteous, and abhor the bed of the uncircumcised, and of

13 every alien.' Thou knowest my necessity, that ° I abhor the sign of my high es-
tate, which is upon mine head in the days wherein I shew myself ; I abhor ^^ it as

14 a menstruous rag, and I wear ^^ it not in the days of my rest.^^ And thy ser-
vant ^° hath not eaten at Aman's table ; and I " have not lauded ^^ the king's feast,

15 nor drunk the wine of drink offerings.'"' Neither has " thy servant taken " joy
since the day that I was brought hither to this present, but in thee, 0 Lord God of

16 Abraham. O God who art the Mighty One above all,'^ hear the voice of the for-
lorn, and deliver us out of the hand of the evil doers,^ and deliver me out of
my fear.

Vera. 9, 10. — i A. V. : oi the nationii (bo 74. 76. 120. 236. 243. 248. Co. Jun.), and Lord of all power (Gr., ira<n)S ipx^t
ciriKphiTui'). 2 GiTe me (the context seems to require the rendering " Pat," for 605 here). 3 omits and. * all.

e to.

Vers. 11-13. — ^ A. V. : that am desolate (see ver. 4), and which haTe no other helper. Kupie is connected with
what follows (as in the A. V.) by XI. 62. 76. 936. 106. 108a. 120. 236. 248. 249. Co. Cod. 11. has a full stop after o-e,
which is at the end of a line, so that xiipie seems to begin a new Terse. But after Kvpie there is considerable space,
hence it would appear that the first hand connected it with what goes before, and that the period was placed where it
is by a second hand. ' 0 Lord, thou knowest (see preceding note). ^ all the heathen (Gr., n-airb? oAAoTpiov ; 19.
93o., TT. oAXoyei'ous). ^ for. ^^ and that ls.\i]ioT:. ^^ that 1 yreax. ^ when I am private by myself (marg., guie/,
orprivate].

Vers. 14-16. — ^ A.V.: t^af thine handmaid. " that I. ^ greatly esteemed. ^^ the drink offerings.

" had. " thine handmaid any. i^ 0 thou mighty God above all. 20 hands of the mischievous.

Addition IV. (Chap. xiv. 1-19 of the A. V.)

Ver. 1. 'I,v aySivi Bavirov. The version of
Aquila has: Iv aytavttf (so 71. 74, 76. 93a. 106.
120. 236.) eWrou. C'f. 2 Mace. iii. 14, 16 ; xv.
19. The former word is found in Polyb., iv. 56,
4 ; Iren., i. 2, 2.

Ver. 2. Glorious apparel, i. e., her royal robes.
— Humbled her body greatly. This seems to
refer to what had just been said. She deprived
her body of its usual ornamentation. — Tlavra
r6irov K6(7fiov ayaWtdfiaTos aiiTTJs, The second
genitive may be used adjectively. Cf. 2 Cor. iv.
4; Winer, p. 190; and Buttmann, p. 161. In
what follows, the luxuriance of Esther's hair, as
well as the evidence of her ielf-humiliation, is
skillfully indicated. The text of B. gives better
sense : "' And every sign of her ornamentation
and joy on her braided hair she filled with humili-
ation." It seems to be in closer harmony with
the context to suppose tliat in text A., also, the
words wdpTa tSitov refer to the head of Esther,
and the upper part of her body, where she ordi-
narily wore ornaments. I have translated ac-
cordingly.

Ver. 4. In mine hand. " In manibus dicilur
esse id quod facile dabi potest." Grotius. Cf. Ps.
cxix. 109. Bv metonymy, "danger" (A. V.) is
used for " life.""

Ver. 5. Heard in the tribe of my family.
Instead of this, te.xt B. has tlie remarkable expres-
sion : iyii Ze iJKouffa narpiKrii fxov ^i^\ov.

Ver. 7. *Ait9' Sav = avrl tovtwv '6ti, because
of these things that, or because. Cf. Luke i.
20, xix. 44; Xen., Anab., v. 5, 14; Winer, p.
364. — Eis iperits /iaralaip. The preposition is
used tropically to indicate the direction of the
feelings : with respect to, in behalf of. Cf. iii. 8,
and Judith v. 11. The word operos may here,
perhaps, be used in its primary sense, in allusion

to the victory which they would achieve in the
circumstances supposed. Cf. 1 Pet. ii. 9, where
the same word is translated "praises." The
A. V. renders the last word by " idols," as the
word eiSiiAoiy in the same verse, just before.
Doubtless idols are meant; but a distinction which
exists in the original would iu that case be over-
looked. The margin of the A. V. has, " Gr.,
vain things.'*

Ver. 8. Make him an example. Cf. the
LXX. at Numb. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xiii. 22. The Greek
here is ; {rhy Se ap^dfj-evou e(/>' ^juay) TrapadeiyfiaTt-
ffov. See also Matt. i. 19 [irapa^^Ly^Tiaai; or,
according to another reading, S^iyfiario-ai). At
Heb. vi. 6, the same word (irapoSeiyjuaT^foi/Tos) is
rendered in the A. V. put to an open shame, — •
According to Michaelis, the word o-K^irrpoc might
be a false translation from the Hebrew (i. e., for

tD3t?_'): thy people to them, who are nothing. The
thought, however, is correct enough as it is.

Ver. 10. Before the lion. So at 2 Tim. iv.
17: "And I was delivered out of the mouth of
the lion." The expression seems to have been
proverbial. Cf. Prov. xix. 12; Jer. xlix. 19;
Kev. V. 5.

Ver. 12. The plural is used, although the
king only is meant, because the fact is of wider
appliciition. Cf. Winer, p. 175. At the time of
Christ, marriages between heathen and Jews were
not infiequent. Cf. Acts xvi. 3 ; 2 Tim. i. 5 ;
and art. " Ehe," in Winer's EealwSrterb.

Ver. 13. "Wherein I shew myself. Lit.,
of my appearance^ oinatrias. The word is used of
the appearance of the sun in Ecclus. xliii. 2, but
generally relates to visions.

Ver. 14. The fact mentioned is not noticed in
the canonical Scriptures.

212

THE APOCRYPHA.

Ver. 15. Since the day that I was brought
hither, /ieToj3o\iis fiov. Lit., my change, transfer,
i.e., to the Persian court. If one might para-
phrase, " day of my exaltation " might be bet-
ter.

Ver. 16. Above all, eVl icivras. Cf. Jo3., An.
tiq., xii. 2, § 1 ; Rev. xiii. 7 : iZ6ei) ouriji i^ovffla
M iraaav <pv\iiv. — 'AiriiXirKriuei/wy, the forlorn.
This word is seldom used in the active. Cf., how-
ever, the LXX. at Is. xxix. 19 ; Judith ix. 11.

Addition V (in the Greek follows Add. iv.).

1 And it came to pass on * the third day, when she had ended her prayer, she laid
aside the garments in which she had worshipped,^ and put on her glorious apparel.

2 And being splendidly ^ adorned, after she had called upon God, who is the beholder
and saviour of all,^ she called up the two maids of honor ; ° and upon the one she

3 leaned, like a delicate person ; but * the other followed, bearing up her train. And
she herself blushed in ' the perfection of her beauty, and her countenance was joy-
ous as one that awakens love ; * but her heart was in anguish from ' fear. And ^°
having passed through all the doors, she stood before the king, who sat upon his
royal throne, and was clothed with all his splendid robes, covered over '^ with gold

7 and precious stones ; and he was very dreadful. And ^^ lifting up his countenance
blazing with glory,'^ he looked in the height of anger " upon her. And the queen
fell down, and became pale through faintness.^* And she bowed herself ^° upon

8 the head of the maid that went before her. And " God changed the spirit of the
king into mildness ; and in fear he ^^ leaped from his throne, and took her in his arms
till she came to herself again. And he " comforted her with loving words, and said

9, 10 unto her, Esther, what is the matter ? I am thy brother, be of good cheer ; thou

1 1 shalt not die, for our commandment is mutual ; ''"' come near. And he lifted up
the golden scepter, and laid it upon her neck, and embraced her, and said. Tell it to

12 me. And she said''' unto him, I saw thee, my lord, as an angel of God, and my
heart was troubled from ^^ fear of thy majesty. For wonderful art thou, lord, and

13 thy countenance is full of grace. But ^^ as she was speaking, she fell from^faint-

14 ness. And ^' the king was troubled, and all his servants comforted her.

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : And upon. ^ away her mourning garments [text, rec, to. i^aria ttjs flepoireias ; 108a

TTj^ oTTOpias . 248. Co . . . Tou TreVflou?)- 3 gloriously- ^ all t/iiiiffs. '^ took two maids witll her (lit., took to her.

The irticle is wanting before 5vo aSpa-j in X. 19. 936. lOSb. : 19. 1086. have /nefl' ^auTTJir). « as carrving herself daintily
(Gt UJ9 Tpwoieoeuowemi) ; and. ' she lyos ruddy through. 8 was cheerful and very amiable (Gr., tAapbc ws Trpoo--

(/)iAe^ lor i'lj*l ,. dirO'.

\ ers 6-iv — i>' A V : Then . ii robes of majesty, all slUterijig ( Gr. , otoXtji' ttj? 57rc<frareia? .... oXos. etc. ; 62. 936.,
o\ujsy. ^ Then. ^ that shone with majesty. i* very fiercely upon fier (Gr., iv aKij^rj dv^ov ejSAei/rei'). ^'' was

pale and fainted (lit., changed her color through faintness). i« and bowed herself (see Com.). ri Then. i* who
in a fear. ^ omits he. 20 though our . . . general.

Vera. 11-14. — 21 A. V. : so he held up his . . . . Speak unto me (Gr., KaXritrov fLot). Then said she. 2a for. " And.
M down for (I'ritzsche receives aVTijs after iKkva-em from X. XI. 62. 66. and many others, with Co. and Aid., but it is
scarcely translatable). 25 Tlien.

Addition V. (Chap. xv. of the A. V.)

Ver. 1. Tiji 0fpairdas. The word 6epawda
means : ( 1 ) such service as is paid by the sei-vants
of a king; or refers (2) to the nurture of soul or
body; or (.3), as here, to anything done to gain
the fa^'or of God or man. V'{. Thucyd., i. 55 ; or
(4) to the care of the sick. Cf. L.VX. at, Gen
xlv. 16; 2 Kini;s x. 20; and see Matt, xxiv. 45,
Luke ix. 11, for iUustra(;icins of the different uses
of the word. — Put on. Tlie reading trepte-
PdKero {text, rec, irfpieffaWfTo] is supported, not
only by 52. 108a. 24'l. 74. (eited in Kritzsche's
Ap/iarutiis), hut by II. III. X. y.'Jft. lOB. 120. Co.
Aid., and hence has the better claim to recogni-
tion.

Ver. 2. Tis 5i<o S^pas. The article is used,
perhaps to distinguish these two attendants from
the remaining five of the seven that had been
assigned to the queen. See Esth. ii. 9. The

word H.0pa, — Lat., delicata, — a favorite slave, is
usually derived from i.0p6s, delicate, gentle; but
there is a difference of opinion respecting it. It
was a common epithet with the Asiatics.

Ver. 6- Eirre\6ov(ra Traaas ras Sipa^. This
verb, in Greek prose, is usually construed with the
preposition eh, when used in a local signification;
and with nvi Tivi with reference to desires,
thoughts. As here use<l it is seldom found, ex-
cept in the poets. See Winer, p. 427, note. —
Before the King, ivdinov t oi $aai\ean. Cod. X.,
by a corrector, has the stronger KaTmitriov (right
opposite) ; so also 936. — Aia xp^o-oC. A some-
whiit loose employment of this )ircposition. The
idea would have been more accurately expressed
by ^K. But cf. 1 Esd. vi. 9.

Ver. 7. Very fiercely. Text B. has is raBpos,
which is more striking than elegant. Michaelis

ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER.

213

remarks that it is difficult to say why the king
should put on such a look of rage ; but that pretty
much all that is done by this Ahasuerus or Arta-
xerxes, whatever he may be called, is wanting in
common sense. — KaT«ire'Kuv((e>/, — compounded of
mni and ^iriKiiirra, — bowed herself. The word
is said to be found nowhere else.

Ver. 8. In fear, ayaiviiia-as (marg. of A. V.,
tn on agony). The meaning of the verb is (1) <o
4e tn an ityiif (= ayaiviCo/iai) ; (2) to be distressed,
anxious. Cf. Add. iy. 1; Polyb., v. 34, 9. —
'Ai'eTr^STjirei' OTrb toB $p6i/ov auToO. Cf. Tob. vi. 2,
for a similar construction. Verbs compounded
with ivd. In a local sense, are usually construed
with eh, Trp6s, or lirt. See Winer, p. 428. After
the grandiloquence of the preceding verses, the
present one seems almost like an anti-climax.
The Vulgate translates : Quid habes ? MichaelLs,
De Wette, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk : " Was ist dir,
Esther ?" — Thy brother. " Quasi frater. Ita te
amo quasi sanguine essem proximus." Grotius. Cf.
Songs of Sol. viii. 1 .

Ver. 10. For our commandment is mutual
(A. V. marg., as well mine as thine). Michaelis
thinks that something has been lost from the
text like : " Still, it does not concern thee 1 "

Josephus so renders or paraphrases the passage.
The Vulgate and Luther similarly : " Nan enim
pro te, sed pro omnibus lex hcec constituta est." Gro-
tius paraphrases thus : " Omnia nobis sunt com-
munia etiam dicta quce facio, quasi tua habenda
sunt, non ut in te scripta." Bunsen's Bibelwerk:
" For from both of us goes forth our command."
Text B. hag : " For our matter is a common one
and the threatening is not against thee."

Ver. 12. As an angel of the Lord. This is
not so extravagant an e-Kpression as it might seem
to our Western ears. It is used with reference to
the quality of goodness at 1 Sam. xxix. 9; of
wisdom, at 2 Sam. xiv. 17 ; of power, 2 Sam. xix.
27 ; and here, of majesty. Text B. has omitted
this flattery, and for the phrase, " for the fear of
thy majesty," has Inrh ttjj S6^iis rod Bv/ioS.

Ver. 13. The text B. has : " and upon her coun-
tenance was fjL^rpov iSpi^ros,'^ much perspiration,
fierpov seeming to be used figuratively, like t6A.os
in similar cases. Cf. Horn., IL, xi. 255, fieTpou
5Jj87;s, i. e., prime, fullness of youth. — Fell from
faintness. Lit., her faintness, hwh ixKia-eas aurrj!.
At ver. 7 we have : koI fierefioKe rh XP^M^ ainijs ^v
iKKvaiu Lit., and changed her color through faint-
ness.

Addition VI. (in the Greek placed after chap. viii. 12 of the Hebrew).

1 The great king Artaxerxes unto the governors of an hundred and twenty-seven
provinces from India unto Ethiopia, unto the other rulers of the lands and to all who

2 attend to our affairs,' greeting. Many, the more often ^ they are honored with
the too ' great bounty of their benefactors, the more ambitious have they become,*

3 and endeavor not alone to hurt our subjects: — also, because they are not able^
to bear abundance, they even undertake to conspire against their own benefactors.^

4 And not only do they take thankfulness ' away from among men, but also lifted up
with the glorying of persons unacquainted with goodness," they think to escape the

3 justice of a sin -hating God, who always seeth all things.^ And '" oftentimes also
fair speech of those, that have been '^ put in trust to manage their friends' affairs,
hath caused many that are in authority to be partakers of innocent blood, and hath

6 enwrapped them in remediless calamities, beguiling with the falsehood and deceit of

7 their wicked disposition the innocence and indulgence '^ of princes. And one '^
may see this, as we have declared," not so much by ancient histories, as by taking
note of '^ what hath been wickedly done right here ^^ through the unworthy behav-

8 iour of them that are placed in authority." And we must take care for the time
to come, so '* that our kingdom may be quiet and peaceable for all men, by making
Use of changes and by always judging things that are before our eyes with more
suitableness of response.^'

Vers. 1-3. — ' A. V. : the princes and governors (Fritzsche, craTpajrai! {text. tec. II. X. — by a corrector — 986., o-nrpa-
ireiais) with X. Co. Aid. Old Lat.) .... hundred and seven and twenty provinces .... Ethiopia, and nnto all our faith-
ful subjects (see Com.). ^ often (see Com.). ^ omits too. * gracious princes (Gr., einpycTovvnov) the more proud
they are waxen (Gr., ^elf. ^^powjo-ai/ ; Old Lat. — Cod. Corb. — male spaantes). ' to hurt not our subjects only, but
not being able (see Com.). " do take in hand to practice (see Com.) also against those that do them good.

Vers. 4-7. —' A. V : take not only thankfulness. ' glorious words of lewd persons that were never good. » of
Ood that seeth aU things and hateth evil. >» omits And. " (are see Cotn.). '^ their lewd disposition (see Com.)
ihe innocenoy and goodness (eiyi'o'fioo-ui/riv). " Now ye. " See Com. » A. V. : ye may, if ye search i" of
late (Gr., ^apA iroSai). " pestilent behaviour of them that are unworthily placed in authority (Jun., " eomm qui
indignd dominatum obtinent pestitentia ; " cf. Co7n.).

Ver. 8. — 1« A. V. : omits so (Fritzsche has received Hare for eU to of the text. rec. from 62. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.,
■«(nce otherwise there would be required for the form of the following verb jraps'xe"' (as 934.) or irapefeii' (108a.) instead
ut TOpEfo^9a). i» both by changing our purpose and always judging things that are evident with more equal pro-

ceeding. A corrector in X. has placed ov before xixip-tfoi., which would so far bring it into agreement with in. 19. 936.
108o. 2A9. Co^d. 19. 93. 108a. substitute for volt neiaPoAais, rait Sio^oAait. See Com.

214

THE APOCRYPHA.

9 For so-^ Aman, a Macedonian, son of Amadathus, truly an alien ^ from the Per-
sian blood, and widely removed ^ from our goodness, having been hospitably re-

10 ceived by ^ us, had so far forth obtained the favor that we shew toward every nation,
as that he was called our father, and was continually honored of all men, as the next

11 person unto the king. But he, not bearing his elevation,"^ went about to deprive

12 us of OMr kingdom and life, having by manifold and cunning artifices" sought'
the destruction, as well of Mardochajus, our rescuer and continual benefactor, as of

13 the blameless ' Esther, sharer of our ^ kingdom, with their whole nation. For by
these means lie thought, taking us in our destitution, to have transferred ^° the king-

14 dom of the Persians to the Macedonians. But we find that the Jews, whom the
threefold wicked wretch had ^' delivered to utter destruction, are no evil-doers, but
live by most just laws ; and that they are children of the most high and greatest ^^
living God, who hath arranged the kingdom both for us and our progenitors in the

15 most excellent order.'" Wherefore ye will do well to make no further use of " the
letters sent unto you by Aman, the son of Amadathus. For he, that was the worker
of these things, has been crucified^' at the gates of Susa with all his family ; the God,''
who ruleth all things, speedily rendering retribution '' to him according to his deserts.

16 And ye " shall publish the copy of this letter boldly in every place, to the effect that
the Jews are to be permitted to ^^ live after their own usages ; '"' and that they be
aided that ^^ the same day, being the thirteenth day of the twelfth month Adar, they

17 may ward off ^^ them, who in time of affliction set upon them. For the Almighty ^
God hath turned to joy unto them this day, wherein the chosen race were to ^"'

18 have perished. And ye shall therefore among your solemn feasts keep it as a ^'
high day with every festivity,^" that both now and hereafter there may be safety
to you,^ and the well disposed ^° Persians, but to those who ® conspire against us

19 a memorial of destruction. But every city or country as a whole,''" which shall not
do according to tiiese things, shall be destroyed wrathfully ^^ with fire and sword,
and shall be made not only impassable '^ for men, but also most hateful ^^ to wild
beasts and fowls in all time to come.^* And let these copies be posted up before
all eyes in the entire realm, and all the Jews be ready on the said day to fight
against their enemies.*'

^Vers. 9-11. — I For (19. 93a. 1086. omit <ii). ! (Ae son of Amadatha, being indeed a stranger. ' far distant.

• and as a stranger received of. ' hi.i great dignity (Jan., lantam pmstantiam).

Vers. 12-14. —« A. V. : deceits (see Com.). ' sought o/ MS. s wlio saved our life and continually procured

our good as also of blameless. » partaker of our. i« finding us destitute of friends to have translated (instead

of \a^uiV, Cod. X. — from a corrector — has Ka^elv, and supplies re after ttjv (tui/ Hepc-MV] which is also supported by
III. 934.) " thu) wicked wretch (Gr., TpLcrdAiTTipiou) hath. i" they be ... . and most mighty (Gr., licyunov).

13 ordered the k unto us . . , to our .... manner (see Com.),

Vers. 15-16. — '« A. V. : shall do well not to put in execution. >5 Amadatha .... is hanged. "God. "ven-
geance. '» Therefore ye. " letter (see Com.) in all places that the Jews may freely (Jun., liberi ; the words (ifri
Trapprjo-ias are to be joined with iKeivres j they are omitted by 19. 93a. and the Old Lat. by MS. Oorb.). 20 laws (so

III. X. 52. 64. 936. 243. 243. Co. Aid.). " ye shall aid them, that even. 22 be avenged on (Gr., a/j-ipavrai). 23 the
time of their affliction shall set ... . For Almighty.

Vers. 17-19. — 2* A. V. : the clay .... people should. 20 You shall .... keep it a. 2« all feasting. 27 to us (i! is
wanting before ii^lv in II. X. 249. 62. ; for the latter word is wi-itten ij^Zy in III. X. (by the first hand) 74. and the same
is adopted by Eritzsche). =» affected. 29 ^jjieh do. so Therefore every city and (Gr., ^) country whatsoever

(Gr., TO ,rivo>,ov ; but these words are omitted by 19. 249., the former having in place of them ^ris). 3i without mercy
(Gr., iut' opyiji). 32 unpassable. 33 Codd. III. X. (from a corrector) 934. read Io^iotos (t. e., al<rxi<rrot), instead

of exeii7T0! of the text. rec. s' A. V. : forever (Gr. , e« tw dwayTa xpoi-or). s» This entire sentence, from " And let,"
etc., is omitted in the A. V. as in 19. 93a., the Old Lat. Vulg. and Junius.

Addition VI. (Chap. xvi. of the A. V., except the conclusion (" And let," etc.

found in it. )

which is not

Ver. 1. Michaelis calls attention to the peculiar
Greek of this section. He says, moreover, tliat
the edict is more like such a production as we
might expect from Mordecai than from the king
of f^ersia. (See .^Hmeri, p. 117.) It is instruc-
tive to compare the present edict with that issued
under Haman's advice, in the second of the Addi-
tions. — Tois ra. Tifiirepa ippovoim. This Avas
meant to include all who were not implicated in
the conspiracy of Haman.

Ver. 2. XlvKydrfpoy. Lit., thicker and so more
often. It might also be rendered, as by Fritz-

sche and Bunsen's Eibelwerk, too much. Of.
ii. 2.

Ver. 3. The A. V. does not follow the gram-
matical construction of the Greek. No " but
also " really follows the "not only." — MTjxoySo-flai,
to conspire. In Homer especially, as here, it is
used in a bad sense. Od., iii. 207 ; xvii 499 • xxii
432.

Ver. 5. Fiitzsche would change (pUay to
(f iXoTi/ios, or better, (l>t\o<pp6vas, believing from its
position that the word was originally au adverb :
" Oftentimes, also, fair speech 0/ those put in trust tt

ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF ESTHER.

215

manage affairs hindly," i. e., in a friendly spirit.
Grotius renders like the A. V. : " Quibus credita
sunt amicormn negotia." So also De Wette : "Die
Angelegfnheiten iltrer Frevnde zu hes(yrqen" " to
look after the affairs of their friends." Michaelis :
" Oftentimes, also, flattery and persuasion of the
. friends of kings who are in high office, and to
whom business is intrusted," etc.

Ver. 6. Wicked (A. V., lewd) disposition.
Cf. Horn. i. 29, where the same Greek word, Kaito-
^fleio, is found, and rendered in the A. V. " malig-
nity." See also 3 Mace. iii. 22, vii. 3 ; Jos.,
Antig., xvi. 3, 1 ; Polyb., v. 50, 5 ; Xen., Ven.,
xiii. 16. The etymological idea is, something evil
in manners (^floj).

Ver. 7. The text appears to be corrupt. If
iis (XI., &v) irapeStiKaiJLey is to stand, the A. V.
(" as we have declared ") is correct, f ritzsche
conjectures that the reading originally was uy
TrapeSuKav. Grotius renders : " Id scire licet non
modo ex veteribus historiis quas tradiias accep-
imus;" and adds: "Solent enim Groeci formare
passiva etiam eo sensit quem activa cum dativo ha-
bent." Further, we should expect to find o<toi' to
correspond to the previous ov too-ovtov. This
was probably the original form of the text. In
his Commentary Fritzsche adopts ifo-ox ra irapi
for ifffo iarl irapd, but does not receive it into his
more recent edition of the text. Cod. X. reads
(from tile first hand ) : otrov ^o-tiv irapa fiepos vfj.ip
eic(riTow ; bnt a corrector has changed all except
the first word. — T^ twv ava^l(f ivvaGrevivToiv Xoi-
;i(iT7|Ti. Unless ava^tis is to be substituted for
i.V(j\l<f (X. 936., Sfia), for which there is but little
support in the MSS. (248.), the latter word should
have a different position either before t&v or after
ivva(mv6vT<J0Vt and the translation of the A. V.
be changed to read ; through the unworthy plague
of those in authoriti/, or as above. The word Xoi-
/iirns is found nowhere else in Biblical Greek ;
but cf. Sophoeles's Lex., ad voc.

Ver. 8. Fritzsche would insert ou before XP'^'
fiemi, which is the reading of text B., which also
adds T0?5 SiojSoAaij. Cf. Text. Notes. So also
Michaelis : " Give no attention to slanders." And
Josephus : " So that it is not fit to attend any
longer to calumnies and accusations." The Old
Latin has : Non utentes varietatibus.

Ver. 9. TaTs oAijfleiais. Cf. 2 Mace. iii. 9, vii.
6; iv aK-netl<f, Matt. xxii. 16, 2 Cor. vii. 14;_^t'
aKiieelas, Mark xii. 14, 32, Luke xx. 21. — Al^a.
Like Lat. sanguis, blood relationship, kin. Cf.
Horn., Od., viii. 583 f. ; Cremer's Lex., ad voc._

Ver. 10. Sitting next to any one was equiva-
lent to sitting vrith him.

Ver. 11. And life, TTi/eiz/ia. The word is often
used in the classics in a physiological, but not in
a psychological sense. Cf. 2 Mace. vii. 22, 23 ;
Cremer's Lex., ad voc. ; and Trench, N. T. Syn.,
Pt. 2, p. 116ff.

Ver. 12. MeBiSaiy. As plnzaX, deceits, artijices.
Cf. 2 Mace. xiii. 18; Eph. iv. 14, vi. 11.

Ver. 13. 'H/uSs ipiiiiovs. Naturally some such
word as (plKav is to be supplied. Fritzsche calls
attention to the fact that at the time when this
book purports to have been written the Mace-

donian kingdom was of little significance, and
that consequently the writer is guilty of an an-
achronism. Indeed, the passage seems to show
that the author of the Additions lived at a period
subsequent to the transfer of the Persian king-
dom to the Macedonians. The explanation that
nothing more is here meant than a change of
dynasty, is excluded by the words, eij roiis Maitf-
iivat. Cf . Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., iii., chap. vii.
Ver. 14. Oft xaKoipyom, no evil-doers. For
remarks on the force of this negative with parti-
ciples and adjectives, see Winer, p. 485. It nega-
tives without qualification, and hence is especially
found with predicates relating to definite persons.

— Children .... of God. See Wisd. ii. 18.
In text B. God is called the " alone '' and " true "
God. — Arranged the kingdom. The Greek is
Tov KanvBdvovTos T)fuv .... 't))V 0a(Tl\€iay. In
the margin, the A. V. renders the participle by
" prospered." At Add. ii. 4, we have the same
verb rendered in the A. V. by " go forward "
(marg., " be settled "). It means, as the etymol-
ogy shows (1), to make straight, set right; then
(2), as intransitive, to go straight for, or, meta-
phorically, to go right.

Ver. 15. Here, also, is an evident anachronism.
Cf. the following verse, and Estli. iv. 19. The
word vavoiKia is somewhat rare, though used once
by Philo. The dative, employed adverbially, is
more frequent. Josephus has juera rris yeveay.
Cf. Herod., vii. 39, viii. 106; and the LXX. at
Gen. 1. 22. It was a Persian custom to visit, not
only the guilty person, but also his whole family,
with punishments. Cf. Dan. vi. 24.

Ver. 16. The connection of thought is made
very loose by the employment of iKBevres. Text
B. substitutes e/cTcerjTo. — The thirteenth day.
Cf., above, ii. 6.

Ver. 18. ''E.v ra7s iTruvvfiois v^uv koprais. Au-
thorities differ with respect to the meaning of
this phrase. Grotius, with whom Fritzsche agrees,
says: " Puto scriptum fuisse olim 4v Tais inavvfjLots
KK'tjpaii' eapTois, id est, in festo quod a fortibus Purim
nominatur." So also Bunsen's Bihelwerk : " At
your Purim feast." — If, with Fritzsche, iiuv be
read instead of ri/J-'ii', which should scarcely be the
case (see authorities), it would follow that the
edict was not meant for the whole Persian em-
pire. But, even with such a concession, the entire
production sliows the hand of a Jewish writer
who was not sagacious enough to conform his
work to the natural requirements of subject and
circumstances. — There may be safety. While
the common rule — "The subject of a proposi-
tion may be known from its having the article "

— is not always safe to follow, still the corre-
spondence apparently required in the two parts of
the present verse would seem to leave but little
room for doubt in this case. Hence the transla-
tion given above.

Ver. 19. 'O<l>ea\/j.o<pavas. This word as ^ad-
verb appears for the most part only in the LXX.
and other Greek translations of the Scriptures.
See the LXX. at Esth. viii. 13, and the version of
Symmachus at Is. Iii. 8. Cf., also, Sophocles'
Lex., ad voc.

216 THE APOCEYPHA.

Addition VII. (foimd in the Greek as conclusion for the entire book).

1, 2 And ^ Mardochseus said : God hath done these things. For I recalled the vis-
ion ' which I saw concerning these matters. For ' nothing thereof hath failed. The *

3 little fountain which ^ became a river, and there was light and sun and much water :

4 the ^ river is Esther, whom the king married, and made queen ; and the two dragons

5 are I and Aman. And the nations : those ' that were assembled to destroy the

6 name of the Jews. And my nation, — that is Israel,' which cried to God and
were saved. And ' the Lord saved ^^ his people ; and the Lord delivered " us from
all these ■'^ evils. And God wrought the signs '' and the great ^* wonders which

7 had not taken place before among the nations. Therefore he made two lots, one

8 for the people of God, and another for all the nations.^' And these two lots came
at [or. And the two came at the lot and at] the hour, and time and day of judg-

9 ment, before God among all nations.^' And ^' God remembered his people, and
10 justified his inheritance. And ^* those days shall be unto them in the month Adar,

the fourteenth and fifteenth -"^ of the same ^^ month, with an assembly and joy and
with gladness before God from generation to generation ^^ forever, among his peo-
ple Israel. ^^

In the fourth year of the reign of Ptolemasus ^' and Cleopatra, Dositheus, who
said he was a priest and Levite, and Ptolemteus ^* his son, brought the present ^ epis-
tle of Phrurse, which they said it was,'^* and that Lysimachus, son of Ptolemseus,^
that was in [or, who were of ^°] Jerusalem, had translated ^ it.

Vers. 1-5. — i A. V. : Then. ^ remember a dream {lit., concemiDg the vision, Trepl rov kvurrvlov \ see Com. ; n-ept is
omitted by 19. 93a. ; 19. 68. 93a., read iiur^o-ee). » and. « A. o omits which. « thesun . . . . tAts. 'were
those.

Vers. 6-8. — = A. V. : is this Israel (the last word has the article in III. 52. 64. 68. 248. Co. Aid.). » for. >• hath
Bayed. " hath delivered. 12 those (Gr., toutoji'). i3 hath wrought signs. " and great. « have not been
done among the Gentiles. Therefore hath .... Gentiles. " This verse is not in the text of II., but supplied in the

margin. For KKfjpot. oCtos els II. III. X. 936. 108a. read koI k\t\pov koX ei? (cf. alternative rendering). See Ccrni.

Vers. 9, 10. — " A. V. : So. " Therefore. '» fifteenth day. {These words are added by another hand in X.)

» FritzBche receives ilvtov before (iiji/ds- from X. XI. 19. 44. 64. 68. 71. 936. 108a. 249. and others with Co. and Aid. This
Is also the reading of II. -^ according to the generations. 22 omits Israel {so 52. 64. 68. 243. Co. Aid.). ^ Ptole-
meus. 24 Ptolemeus. ss this. 26 phurim .... was the same. 27 Ptolemeus. 28 ^or toc iv 'lep. III. X.

XI. and others (viz. 64. 68. 71. 243. Aid.) according to Frizsche read rmv iv 'lep. So also II. ^ A. V. : interpreted.

Addition VII. (in the A V. vers. 4-13 o£ chap, x., and ver. 1 of chap. xi.).

Ver. 2. 'E/iv-fitre-riv yap irspi, etc. This verh, in j 5, .560, 563 ; and Fritzsche, Ad Rom. Epist., iii.
the sense here used, is usiially followed bv the i 270 f.

genitive or accusative directly. Fritzsclie thinks Ver. 7. The explanation given goes beyond
that irepl is employed in such a case only here, ] the substance of the vision as recorded in Addi-

and that possibly it is a corruption, \6yos, lil<e tion 1,

^Tiixa. is sometimes used for the thing spoken of,
the subject of the K6yoi.

Ver. 3. The Vulgate translates: " Et in lucem
solemque conversus est, et in aquas plurimas re-
duudavit."

Ver. ,5. The thought is naturally compressed
and abrupt ; and it does not seem nece,^sary to
supply anything, as suggested by Michaelis, and
as is done in the A. V. Moreover, this unneces-
sary commentary of Mardochaius on his foolish
dream, chaiacterizcs the low literary as well as
moral plane on which the whole composition
moves.

Ver. 6. Ta <7r]fie7a, /to! ri repara. These two
substantives are often found in connection in the
New Testament (cf. John iv. 48 ; Acts ii. 22, iv.
30; 2 Cor. xii. 12), and still more frequently in
the LXX. The latter word indicates the mira-
cle as a startling prodigy, much like the Latin
mo7istrum, while in the former the ethical pur-
pose comes more into view. Cf. Trench, N. T.
Syn., Pt. ii., p. 189 ff. ; Stud. u. Kritik, 1846,

Ver. 8. The Kal before irno-i Tors iSvfai is ep-
exegetical. Fritzsche conjectures, however, that
Tij) ka§ aiiTOv may have originally stood before it.
The preposition ei$, as referring to time, marks a
term or limit. It is omitted by 44. 106. Co. be-
fore fiij.4pav. Cf. Acts xii). 42 ;" Phil. i. 10, ii. 16 ;
2 Pet. iii. 7. Codd. 44. 55. 108a. and others, with Co.
Aid., supply €p before vacn ; 243. 249. omit xai.

Ver. 9. Justified, 4SiKalaa-e. The principal
meaning of this word is to settle, adjudge the right.
In ecclesiastical Greek it w.is often used of the
decrees of councils. Cf. Cremer's and Sophocles'
Lexicons, ad vac.

Ver. 10. Cf. 2 Mace. xv. 36. — Twy (ppovpal.
This is incorrectly given for D"'"1.'1S. Text B.
has i/>oup5/a (X., tppovpln), and Josephus (^poupalovs.
The epithet " epistle " seems to be used as a
designation for the entire book (cf. Esth. ix. 20),
!.e., the translation of the Book of Esther, with
or without the Additions. See remarks in Intro-
duction.

ADDITIONS TO ESTHER.*

Addition I.

1 In the second year of the reign of Asuems the Great, on the first day of the month

2 Adar-Nisan, that is Dystrus-Xanthicus,^ Mardochaeus, the son of Jairus, the son of
3, 4 Semeias, the son of Kisseas, of the trihe of Benjamin, saw a vision. He was a great

man, [and] of the captivity which Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon carried captive

with Jechonias the king of Judaja. And this was the vision : —
5 And lo ! a voice and noise of a tumult, thunderings and earthquake, confusion upon the
6, 7 earth. And lo ! two dragons, and both came forward to fight. And their cry arose,

8 and all things were moved by reason of the noise of this cry. Against all the peoples
there witnessed ^ a day of darkness and gloom,^ and confusion of battle ; and every nation

9 made ready to fight. And we called upon the Lord by reason of the noise of their cry.'
10, 11 And there arose from a little fountain much water, a great river. Light, the sun
12 rose up, and the rivers were swollen and engulphed those of high repute. And Mar-
dochaeus, on rising from his sleep, pondered anxiously what his vision might mean, and

18 what the Mighty One was making ready to do. And he hid his vision in his heart and
at every opportunity was studying it out, until the day on which Mardochaeus slept in the

14 court of the king with Astagus and Thedeutus, the two eunuchs of the king. And he
heard their words, and their calumnies : how they were planning to lay hands on Asuerus
to put him to death. And having well considered it,' Mardochseus reported concerning

15 them. And the king examined the two eunuchs and found the words of Mardochaeus

16 [true]. And the eunuchs having made confession were executed. And Asuerus the
king made a record of these matters ; and MardochsEUs' name was recorded in the hook

17 of the king for the sake of recalling to mind these things. And the king gave an order
concerning Mardochaeus that he was to serve in the court of the king and to have an eye

18 on every door.' And he made him presents because of these things. And Aman, a
Macedonian, son of Amadathus, stood before the king.' And Aman sought to do evil
to Mardochffius and all his people on account of his having spoken to the king about the
eunuchs, because that they had been put to death.

Addition II.

1 And he gave his signature to the subjoined edict : I, the great king Artaxerxes, write
as follows to the rulers and governors of a hundred and twenty-seven lands from India

2 unto Ethiopia. Although I became ruler of many nations and master of all the world, I
had no wish to exalt myself in the over-confidence of authority, but always to carry myself
very indulgently and with mildness so as to establish for all time peaceful lives for my
subjects, and, while rendering the kingdom habitable and traversable to the frontiers,

3 to renew the peace desired of all men. But when I inquired of the councillors how
this was to be brought to pass, Aman, who had distinguished himself with us by pru-
dence, an unchangeable good-will and steadfast fidelity, and had won the second rank

4 in the kingdom, informed us, that among all the races ' throughout the world there was

> I give here a translation of the Additions according to the text found in Codd. 19. 93a. 1086. and pnhllshed in
Fritzaohe's Libri Apocrypki T. T. Cf. Md. Prsefat., p. xii., and my Introd. to the Additions under " Text."

2 Fritaaohe thinks this peculiar name may have been applied to the month which was sometimes intercalated at the
close of the Jewish year. Cf. Jos., jl7i(i?., 1. 11, §§ 6, 13. ., „ , , ...

s MopTupofje'nj. Cf. Judith Til. 28. Fritzsche conjectures that the word was onglnally €irepxo)««T|, or some similar
word.

* Cf. Joel ii. 2.

*• Lit., cry of their noise. Cf. ver. 7.

' FiitzBche would prefer to render : " Since M., however, was well-intentioned." _

' Kai iroo-aj' Bvfav iitu^avm ■n)ft'i.v. For im^avliK Others Suggest a(r(tia\m (Fritzsche) and emittMi! (Kreysslg).

» The text is corrupt (/cal iSuiKcv airm irepi toutwi' 'A/tSii' 'A. Max. itaTa irpocnoiroi' Tou ^(wiWwt), and I have rendereo
apQiHidinft tDi & natural conjecture of Fritzsche.

" 4vAm, but here clearly used in a wider sense.

218 THE APOCRYPHA.

mixed up as strangers a certain malevolent people, on the one hand, by their customs*
opposing themselves to every nation, and, on the other hand, persistently disregarding the

5 commandments of kings, so that the kingdom never reaches a s-table condition. On con-
sidering now, that this nation, quite alone, stands in a hostile attitude towards every
human being by reason of the strange perversity of their customs, and is ill-disposed
towards our commands, always bringing to pass the worst evils, so that the government

6 administered by us can never be firmly established : we have therefore ordered you to
destroy those indicated to you in the letters of Aman — whq is set over affairs and is
our second father — root and branch,^ with wives and children, by the sword of their
enemies, without any pity or sparing, on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month, that is
the month Adar, which is Dystrus — to kill all the Jews and make a spoil of their chil-

7 dren, in order that those who of old have been disaffected, and are so still, in one day
may go together into Hades, and thereafter keep quiet, and not give us trouble to the
last. I

Addition III.

1, 2 And he prayed to the Lord, being mindful of his works, and said : O Lord Almighty,

in whose power are all things and whom none could resist shouldest thou choose to save

3 the house of Israel; for thou madest the heaven and the earth, and every wonderful thinir

4, 5 under heaven.' And thou art Lord of all. For thou knowest all things, and the race of

Israel thou knowest, and that I acted not in insolence nor love of glory in not bovvinf

6 down to the uncircunicised Aman ; since, for Israel's sake, I would gladly have kissed the

7 soles of his feet. But I did it that I might set none before thy glory, O Lord ; and I will

8 bow down to none except to thee, the true Lord ; yea, I. will not do it in temptation. And
now, O Lord, who didst make a covenant with Abraham, spare tliy people ; for thej- lay
hands on us for our destruction, and they set their heart to blot out and destroy thy

9 inheritance from the beginning. Do not overlook thy portion which thou didst redeem
10 out of the land of Egypt. Hear our prayer and be merciful unto thy inheritance, and

turn our sorrow into gladness, that, living, we may praise thee; yea, destroy not the
mouth of them that praise thee, O Lord.

Addition IV.

1, 2 And Esther, the queen, seized with mortal agony, fled to the Lord. And she put off
the garments of her glory and every token of her public position, < and put on anguish
and grief ; and instead of proud ointments she covered her head with ashes and d'uno-;
and she humbled her body greatly, and every token of her adornment and delight on

3, 4 her braided hair she covered with humiliation. And she prayed to the Lord and said :
O Lord, King, thou art the only helper! Help me, who am brouaht low and have no

5 other helper except thee; for my life is in my hand. But I have heard from the book
of my fathers ^ that thou didst redeem Israel from all the heathen, and their fathers from
all their ancestors, bestowing upon them — Israel" — an everlasting inheritance; and
thou iVuUt do for them what thou didst promise them, and didst provide what they asked

7 for. We have sinned against thee, and thou didst deliver us into the hands of our
enemies because ' we did lionor to their gods. Thou art just, O Lord. And now, they
were not satisfied with the bitterness of our soul; but they have stricken hands with their
idols to establish » the decree of their mouth, to destroy thy inheritance, and stop the mouth
of them that praise thee, and quench the glory of thy house and of thv altar, and to open
the mouth of the enemy unto the excellences of idols, and to cause a king of flesh to

8 be admired for ever. Do not now, U Lord, deliver up thy sceptre to them that hate
thee, thy enemies, and let them not rejoice over our fall. Turn their plots against them-
selves, and make an example of him who has made a beginning for evifairainst us

9 Manifest thyself to us, O Lord, and make thyself known to us in The time of our afflic-

10 tion, and break us not in pieces. Give me eloquent speech in my mouth, and make my
words pleasing before the lion, and turn about his heart into hatred of him that warreth

11 against us, that there may be a full end of him and of those who are his like. But rescue

12 us by thy mighty hand and help us. For thou hast knowledge of all things, and knowest

1 NdjioK. The general conduct of their lives is doubtless referred to. Cf. Add. Ti. 14

2 Lit., from the root.

8 Lit., in the [landj under heaven,

r 'Eiri*""-"'!!!. The plirase refers to the clothing and ornamentation she wore as queea.
'- Lit., 1 heard Biy fathers' book.

« Fritzsche would strike out this word. It is a probable gloss.
' El. If we did it, i. j., whenever we did it
^ nuiopt the suggestion of Iritiisehe that oriao. should be substituted for ifipau Of. text A. in the corresponding

ADDITIONS TO ESTHER. 219

that I abhor the bed of an uncircumcised person, and hate the glory of a heathen ' and

13 of every alien. Thou, Lord, knowest my necessity, that I abhor the token of pride which
is upon my head, and that I wear it not save on the day when I appear in public, yea,

14 abhor it as a rag of her that sitteth apart. And thy servant did not eat at their tables
along with them ; and I honored not the king's feasts, and drank not the wine of libation.

15, 16 And thy servant rejoiced not in my days of exaltation," except in thee, O Lord. And
now, thou who art mighty over all, give ear to the cry of the despairing, and rescue us
from the hand of them who do evil against us, and deliver me, O Lord, out of the hand
of my fear.

Addition V.

1 AnD it came to pass on the third day as Esther ceased praying, she took off the garments

2 of her worship, and put on the garments of her glory. And on making her appearance
she called on God, who knows and saves all, took along with her two maids of honor, and
while she supported herself on the first, as one delicately nurtured, the second followed

3 after and bore up her train. And she blushed in the flower of her beauty, and her face

6 was like that of one who awakens love,* but her heart was in anguish from fear. And
having passed through all the doors, she stood before the king. And the king sat upon
his royal throne, and had on all his robes of state ; he was all in gold ; and preciouis

7 stones were upon him, and he was very dreadful. And lifting his face ablaze with glory
he looked upon her like a bull in the height of his rage. And the queen was terrified, and
her face was changed from faintness ; and she bowed herself upon the head of the maid

8 that went before her. And God changed the spirit of the king, and turned his rage to
mildness. And in anxiety the king leaped down from his throne, and took her in his

9 arms. And he comforted her and said. What is it, Esther? lam thy brother. Take

10 heart — thou shale not die ; for our business is mutual, and the threatening was not for

11 thee. Behold the sceptre is in thy hand. And lifting up the sceptre he laid it on her

12 neck and caressed her, and said. Tell it to me. And she said to iiim, I saw thee as an

13 angel of God, and my heart was melted by the glory of thy rage, my lord. And her face
was covered with* sweat. And the king was moved, and aU his attendants, and they
comforted her.

Addition VI.

1 And he wrote the subjoined edict. The great king A.sueru3 to the rulers and governors
of the hundred and twenty-seven lands from India to Ethiopia, who mind our affairs,

2 greeting. Many, the more they are honored by the exceeding kindness of their bene-

3 factors, the more ambitious have they become, and seek not simply to do harm to our
subjects — they also, unable to bear their fullness, even undertake to plot against their

4 own benefactors, and not only take away thankfulness from among men, but also unite
in' the boastful words of those unused to suffering, imagining that they will escape the

5 evil-hating retribution of a just Judge, who has power over all things. Many times, being
put over offices to manage the affairs of friends who confide in them, they have raised to
authority those who have caused the shedding of innocent blood and encompassed them

6 with remediless evils, they having beguiled through their deceit and faithlessness the

7 pure good-will of their sovereigns. But one may see from what the histories have handed

8 down to us, and even by observing what lies at our feet, the necessity, for the future, of
giving due heed to the cruelty of those having power, and of rendering the kingdom
tranquil for all the nations, by making no use of calumnies, but by dealing fairly by what-

9 ever comes under our eye. For Aman, son of Amadathus, a Bugsean, having been

10 entertained by us as a stranger — in fact, a stranger to the spirit of the Persians, and
widely at variance with our kindness — to such an extent won the good-will which we
show to every nation, as to be publicly proclaimed our father, and to be honored with

11 homage by all, and to win the second place on the royal throne. But not bearing his
elevation he set his heart on taking away our kingdom and life, while appointing to

12 destruction, through wily plots, our perpetual deliverer, Mardocliseus, and Esther his*

13 blameless partner of the kingdom, witli their whole nation. For by these means he
thought to alienate from us the dominion of the Persians, so as to transfer it to the

14 Macedonians. Now we find that the Jews given up to you by this threefold wicked

1 'AfOfLov, t. <-, one not yielding himself to the precepts of the Moaaic Code.

2 Lit., change, transfer.

2 '125 7rpoff<^tAes, usually, beloved, OT kindly affectioned.

* 'HUrpov. Fritzsche would change to ^eoror, and striking out the previous iiri write Jjv in its place.

* IlapeASdvTes, cominq alofigside of. i'ritzsclie suspects a failure in transcription, and would substitute iwafidevrei ot
text A. or 7rpo(re\66vTet.

s Toutov. It should be stricken out, or made to agree with fiacri^eias. Cf. text A

220 THE APOCRYPHA.

wretch are not evil doers, but regulate their lives in accordance with the most righteous
customs,' and also that they are sons of the only and true God, who until now has ar-

16 ranged our kingdom in the most excellent order. You will do well, therefore, not to take
notice of the letters sent out to you by Aman, because of the crucifixion before the gates

16 of Susa of the very one who wrought such things, there having been paid back to him the
quite deserved retribution of the Judge, who always sees to the bottom of all things. And
post up the copy of this edict in every place, — also, to let the Jews observe their own
customs and to defend them, in order that they may ward off those who in the day of

18 their affliction set upon them. And it has been decided by the Jews throughout the king-
dom to keep the fourteenth day of the month, that is Adar, and to celebrate by a festival
the fifteenth, because in them the Almighty wrought for them deliverance and ioy, and
that now and hereafter [it may be a memorial of] deliverance to the well-doing Persians,

19 but a memorial of destruction for them who lay plots. And whatever city, or country, will
not do according to these things shall be destroyed wrathfuUy with fire and sword, ^ and be
impassable not only for men, but shall be made unfit ' also for beasts and flying fowl.

Addition VII.

1, 2 And Mardochaeus said. These things took place from God. For he recalled the vision
3, 4 which he saw, and it was fulfilled, and he said : The little fountain is Esther; and the
6 two dragons are I and Aman. The river is the nations * that were assembled to destroy

6 the Jews. The sun and light which appeared to the Jews are a manifestation of God.
This was the judgment. And God did these signs and wonders as they had not taken

7 place before^ among the nations. And he made two lots: one for the people of God

8 and one for the nations. And these two lots fell out at the hour, according to the time

9 and on the day of the rule of the Eternal, among all the nations. And God remembered
his people and justified his inheritance. And all the people cried out with a loud voice
and said, Blessed art thou, O Lord, who wast mindful of thy covenants with our fathers.

10 Amen. And these days shall be to them in the month Adar, on the fourteenth and the.
fifteenth day of the month, with the assembly, and with joy and gladness before God,
from generation to generation forever among his people, Israel. Amen.

> Nijioit. Cf ■ ii. i, with note.

* Lit., epear and fire.

s *E<rTa0)j(reTai, which rritzsohe would write for t«ra9ij7rnu of the MS9.
< Contra, L 10.

* Lit., wliich had not taken place.

THE BOOK OF WISDOM.

INTRODUCTION.

The name which the present book bore in the earliest! times was The Wisdom of Solo-
mon, io(pla 2a\w/iuii', or 2o(pta %o\ofiiivTos, various forms being given to the latter word.
Codex Alexandrinus and Ephraemi Syri, for instance, have So<pia 2o\oiiavTos ; the Sinaitic
Codex, :So(pia 'SaAoiiaivTos ; the Vatican MS. (H.,), Sofia SaAaixui'os. As long as Solomon
continued to be looked upon as the author, this, designation was the prevalent one. After
the time of Jerome, who, specially influenced by its Greek title and style (" Et ipse stylus
GrcEcam eloquentiam reJolet." Prcef. II. Sol.), pronounced the work pseudepigraphal, it
took the name of The Book of Wisdom, which title passed over into the Vulgate and the
different versions that from time to time were made from it. In some exceptional instances,
as by Athanasius and Epiphanius, it was called, like Ecclesiasticus, Tiavipixos Soiffo, which
fact naturally gave rise to some confusion. It was also called h Sofia simply.

Contents.

This book opens (i. 1-5) with an admonition directed to the rulers of the earth to love and
practice righteousness ; for only thus could they become possessors of true wisdom, which
proceeds from God, and unites itself alone with pure and uncorrupted souls. It then pro-
ceeds to speak of wisdom in general : the first five chapters being devoted to a recommenda-
tion of it as the only way of securing a blessed immortality; chapters vi.-ix. treating of it in
its nature and results; and chapters x.-xix. showing its benefits particularly as illustrated in
the early Israeliiish liistory.

" As in the older literature touching wisdom, so here, the idea divides itself into two parts:
the objective or divine, and the subjective or human, wisdom. Human wisdom is either
theoretical or practical. As theoretical, it includes all human wisdom, all branches of human
learning, — insight into the coherence of the structure of the universe, chronology, physics,
astronomy, zoology, pneumatology, psychology, botany, pharmacy (vii. 17-21), history, art,
the making of apothegms and parables and their interpretation, as well as riddles and their
solutions (viil. 8), the gift of prophecy; in one word, it knows the seen and the unseen (vii.
21) as Twy Sptwv yyiffts i^evSiis (vii. 17). As practical, it includes within itself insight into
the external relations of life, the weighing and using of them to one's own advantage (vii.
16; viii. 6, 18), as also skill in preparing works of art (xiv. 2) ; while in moral and religious
respects it comprehends the knowledge of God and the supernatural world (i. 2 £f., ix. 17 ; x.
16, cf. ii. 13), perception of the divine will (ix. 13, 17 f.), and its holy counsels in the leading
of single, pious persons (ii. 22; x. 1-15), as of the entire sacred folk (x. 15 f., xi. 1 fE. ; xvi.-
xix.). It also embraces a way of thinking and acting corresponding to this knowledge, and
so is represented as source and essence of the four cardinal virtues (viii. 7) enlarged to the
general ideas of religiousness, piety, and virtue (vi. 17; viii. 7; ix. 11 f.), while <r6<pof (iv. 17)
is made to alternate with Slxaios (iv. 7, 16) in the representative ideal character. According
to which view, the notion of human wisdom is so comprehensive that we may apply to it
without hesitation the definition of the Stoics adopted in 4 Mace. (i. 1 6) : ■yviiffis 0ela>v /tol
kvepawtvuv TrpayjiiTaiv Koi rwv Toirap ahiSiv .... But human wisdom has its ground and source
in the divine, original wisdom (Prov. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. i. 1), in that the spirit of divine wisdom
pervades all pure, finite spirits (vii. 23); hence while in Proverbs (iii. 13-20; viii.) the
recommendation, of human wisdom sometimes runs into enthusiastic praise of the divine, in

ftiir bnnV flip irtpa. nf linmQn zi<nt\ ilivinp wisflnm n.rp not. sp.Mom intermincrled (o.f. vii. 12: viii.

222 THE APOCRYPHA.

6). As human wisdom is nothing else than the substance of all the higher intellectual and
moral qualities of man, so in the conception of the divine wisdom concentre all perfections
of God which in his relation to the world — in its creation, preservation, and government —
he brought into operation and still employs. It is the intelligent might and activity of God, an
emanation from Him, in which the divine being is reflected without admixture, according to
his efficiency and goodness (vii. 25 f.), and is furnished with divine attributes (vii. 22 f.); it
is most intimately related to God (viii. 3), waa at his side in the creation of the world aa
artificer of all (vii. 21; viii. 6; ix. 9), extends itself throughout the universe (vii. 27),
imparting to it firmness and support (i. 7), and is universal ruler (viii. 1) ; it is initiated into
the divine thought, and by its means God forms his plans ; and so it is the principle by which
the Almighty creates and rules both in the physical and moral world. ..... It glorifies itself

in the guidance of the good, especially of the Israelitish people, as a pious people (x.-xii. ;
xvi.— xviii.), and in this respect is one with Providence. As might and efficiency of God in
the physical and moral world, it is identical with the Spirit of God (i. 4 f. 7, vii. 7, 22; ix.
17; xii. 1)." See Grimm, Einleit., pp. 3, 4.

Unity and Integrity.

Until within little more than a hundred years, no one had ever raised a question concern-
ing the unity of the Book of Wisdom. The first to do so was Houbigant, a priest of the
oratory (Prolegomena in Scripturam, ii. 160 ff., and Notce Criticm, pp. 216, 221), who divided
it into two parts, — the first ending with the ninth chapter, which he maintained had been
originally written in Hebrew, with Solomon for its author; while the second part, including
the remainder of the book, was supposed to have been composed by some later Jewish writer
possibly the translator of the first part. Subsequently Eichhorn {Einleit. in die Apok.
Schrift., pp. 142-148) likewise advocated the opinion that the book was composed of two dis-
tinct parts, but (unlike Houbigant) held that the point of division was at the close of the second
verse of the eleventh chapter. His reasons were: (1) that, from this point in the eleventh
chapter onwards, Solomon was no longer represented as speaking, and wisdom no more praised
and recommended ; (2) that the second portion was directed against idolatry, to which Solo-
mon in his later life had been addicted, and hence it was out of harmony with the first;
(3) that the latter part also differed from the first in ideas and style; and (4) that the frag-
mentary character of the latter part, especially at its close, could be thus better explained.

Bertholdt, moreover {Einleit., p. 2261), came to the support of these arguments of Eichhorn,
but with the modification that they did not prove that the book was to be divided at xi. 2,
but at the close of the twelfth chapter. Bretschneider {De Libri Sapientice, part, pri.), on the
other hand, divided the book into four parts : of which i.-vi. 8 was held to be a frao-ment of
a greater apologetic work, which had been written in Hebrew at the time of A°ntiochus
Epiphanes; vi. 9-x. 21 was the product of a cultivated Jew living at the time of Christ-
while xii. 1 to the end was the composition of an ordinary, less cultivated Jew, livintr also at
the b(!ginning of the Christian era, who, moreover, in order to give a semblance of "unity to
the other parts, inserted chapter xi. to bind them together. Finally, Nachtigal saw in the
book a sort of anthology of various compositions on wisdom, having, as he "reckoned, not
less than seventy-nine different authors.

Without attempting to notice, in detail, each of these theories, it will be sufficient to give
the positive grounds on which the opinion that our work is one unbroken composition can be
properly and confidently based. (1.) It is not made up of heterogeneous materials, which
only with difficulty can be brought into connection with one another, but of similar matter
on one unvarying subject, naturally and closely connected both in tendency and form and
making together a well-ordered whole. There is no one of the many separate sections into
which It may be divided in which the way is not prepared for saying what is subsequently
said, and the following thought, as it were, foreshadowed. Cf., for instance, ii. 24, last
clause; iv. 20; ix. 18. The last case is the more remarkable because it is just here where
Houbigant decided that the division must be made between the first and second parts while
the following_«a! oBt<«s clearly point to what had just gone before. Cf. also the preparatory
thought at xii. 23-27, and the following yip in xiii. 1, which Bertholdt seems to have ove/-
looked in deciding for a division of the book at that place. The claim that the ostensible
writer must be made ahke prominent throughout the work, that there must be no new aspects
- as, for instance, a historical in place of a more abstract and philosophical - under which

THE BOOK OF WISDOM. 223

the one subject is to be presented, and that a composition must avoid all antitheses, — like
speaking of skepticism and atheism on the one hand, and superstition and idolatry on the
other, as over against true wisdom, in order to be free from the charge of a lack of unity,
cannot for a moment be admitted. (2.) The difference in the material treated in the several
portions being duly considered, there is throughout the entire work a remarkable similarity
in language and style, — a language and style, moreover, which are characteristic of it,
consisting of compound nouns and adjectives, of examples of playing on words, assonance,
and the like, especially certain favorite expressions of the author, all of which occur to a
greater or less extent in every part of the book. This will fully appear in what is remarked
under the following head. We would call attention here only to the parallelisms of the later
chapters, in which respect they agree with the earlier (vi. 10-17, 22, 24; vii. 7-16 ; viii. 9-
18; ix. 1 ff. ; x. 18-21; xii. 12, 18; xiii. 1, 3, 18 ; xiv. 2, 12; xv. 11 ; xvi. 28); and to the
like fi'equent occurrence everywhere of 8ti and ydp, — a fact denied by Bretschneider, — by
means of which a thought is made dependent on what precedes (vi. 15-18; vii. 16, 22, 26,
28-30; ix. 13-15 ; xi. 9, 12-14; xii. 11-13; xiv. 8-15; xv. 2-4).

The integrity of the book has also been denied, but, generally speaking, only by those who
have doubted its unity. Houbigant, for instance, affirmed that it contained weighty proph-
ecies ; and, since no prophecy of the Old Testament had come down to us anonymously,
declared that therefore there must have been, originally at least, a title to the book in which
the name of the writer was given. But, in the first place, it is very little to say against the
integrity of a book to affirm that it lacks a proper title; and, secondly, the grounds on which
this affirmation is based in the present case are false. There are Old Testament writings —
if not entire books, like the Proverbs — which are at least quasi prophetic, and still have no
title; the second Psalm, for example. Others — as Grotius, Calmet, Bichhorn, Hasse, and
Heydenreich — have maintained that the work was incomplete at its close. The principal
reason urged for this view has been that the illustrations from Israelitish history do not
extend beyond the escape from Egypt, and a part Of the period in the wilderness. But it
may well be asked if this is not sufficient. The book has certainly an orderly conclusion in
the words : " For in all things, O Lord, thou didst magnify thy people, and glorify them,
neither didst thou lightly regard them, but didst assist them in every place." What had
already been proved with respect to a part of the history is thus, in the way of summary,
declared to have been true of the whole.

Grotius and Graetz have found here and there, as they think, traces of additions from
Christian hands. The latter lays these supposed additions to the charge of copyists who
have thereby sought to introduce their own doctrinal views. (Geschichte, iii. 443 ff.) The
passages he mentions are ii. 24 ; iii. 13 ; iv. L; xiv. 7. Of these, two (iii. 13 ; iv. 1), could
only by a great stretch of the imagination be supposed to have any reference to Christian
doctrine, while of the remaining two, one (xiv. 7) evidently refers to Noah's ark, and not,
as it is supposed, to the cross, and the other (ii. 24), which represents that death came into
the world through the envy of the devil, was also a Jewish, and not distinctively a Christian,
doctrine. (Cf. Com., ad loc.) Hence we conclude that if the work be not entire, and in the
main uncorrupted, exception can only be taken to minor deficiencies and the loss of a clause
or two, here and there, as at i. 15 ; ii. 8.

Language and Style.
The entire book was, without doubt, originally written in the Greek language. The author
was a Jew versed in the Old Testament Scriptures, and hence his composition contains, to
some extent, Hebraistic expressions (cf., for instance, i. 1 : a.TT\6ri]i xafUas ; iv. 13, irATjpow
Xp6vov; ix. 6, rcAeioj ev i/iois; and ver. 9, &pi(rrov iv afda^/iois rives'), and a general Hebraistic
colorino-, particularly in the employment of parallelisms, and the quite general use of such
connectives as ical, 5c, Sm tooto, ydp, and 8ti. He was a Jew, as is clearly enough evinced by
the fact that he illustrates wisdom only from Jewish history, and confines its possession to
Jews. But along with this there is shown such a thorough knowledge of Greek, and such
skill, versatility, and cleverness in its use, that his work ranks in this respect at the head of
the apocryphal literature, 2 and 4 Maccabees being alone comparable with it. We have
usually indicated in the commentary below any marked peculiarities occurring in its language,
and need not therefore here give more than a few examples of the abundant materials that are
at Command to prove its remarkable and interesting character. The vocabulary is exceed-

224 THE APOCRYPHA.

ingly rich. The author, as we have already seen, betrays a peculiar liking for compound
words, particularly adjectives, like woWxpio^o!, M. 10; 7rp«T<jTXo>7Tai, vii. 1; ifuoimaH^, vii. 3;
45eX0oitv<iy<,y, X. 3; KaK<iT6XTO!, XV. 4; SuctMt^tos, xvii. 1. His composition is much embel-
lished, figurative, and rhetorical, sometimes even to the extent of fantastic exaggeration, in
which' respect he seems to have adopted the methods, while contesting the positions of his
sophistical opponents who represented the atheistical philosophy of his time. (Cf., for in-
stance, his manner of representing the Egyptian plagues from chap. xii. on.) There are,
however, some passages of great elegance and beauty. (Cf. ii. 1 f., v. 15 ff., and pas-ticularly
the description of wisdom contained in chap, vii.)

Numerous examples of a play upon words, paronomasia, onomatopceia, and oxymoron,
occur (as in the very first verse, iyaTrricraTe — tfipavhaare — fTjT^o-oTe; kv i.yae6TriTt — if aTr\6TiiTi ,
oZs — epods,i. 10; TrapoSeia-ce — a-woSeJa-WiVi. 22; i.S6\a>s — lupe6yus, vii. 13; voaoicrr}! — h6&ouVf
xvii. 8; rnxTiv — (irnirrov, xix. 21). Sometimes the words are even counted off in order to
give the thoughts every supposed advantage of art or cabalistic combination, as at vii. 22, 23,
where the spirit that is in wisdom is characterized by just 3x7 predicates. (Cf., however,
Bruch, p. 344.) There are also a multitude of instances where a purely Greek type of ex-
pression has been adopted, to which no Hebrew original would have naturally led the way,
and which certainly no translator would have been likely to make use of, at least to such an
extent. (Cf. i. 11, ^itSeaSa'nwos; ii. 6, aTroKaieiv tSii' ivray arya^mvi iv. 2, iryuva vtKaV, x. 12,
iryZva $pa$eieii'). The author employs, too, current philosophical terms of his time to give
expression to philosophical ideas. (Cf. i. 4, iv aifiaTi Karixpetp a/iaprlas; ii. 2, avroirx^Slas iyev-
vii8riii.ip; so iv. 12; vii. 22, Trreu^ua voepSf ; xi. 17, 8ai) &iiopipos; xiv. 3, wpdvoia). For these rea^
sons, taken in connection with the general structure and arrangement of the work, its light-
ness of movement, its philosophical cast, its many marks of Hellenistic culture, of which we
shall soon speak more fully, the theory of an ancient Hebrew original, or of any other orig-
inal than Greek, is wholly excluded. In fact, it is a point which at the present day is
scarcely called in question, which at no time has been thought to require any special defense
on the part of critics, and would never have been raised had it not been for the false theory
of authorship to which some have been led by the traditional title. The acquaintance that is
shown by the writer with the LXX. in general (as at vi. 7; xi. 4; xii. 8; xvi. 22; xix. 21),
adduced by some as confirming the view of a Greek original, has little bearing on the subject,
since a translator might have been equally under the influence of this version. There are,
however, a few passages (as ii. 11, cf. Is. iii. 10; and xv. 10, cf. Is. xliv. 20), which show that
the Hebrew original could not well have been before the writer, as the thought in the Hebrew
differs essentially from the LXX. , and would not have been at all applicable as employed by
him.

Author, Time, and Place of Composition.

From what has already been said, it is clear that Solomon could not have written the work
before us. With all his wisdom, he could scarcely have been capable of writing in Greek,
and that the later Greek, much less have made references to the LXX. before it was known,
used philosophical terms which did not come into existence till some centuries after his death,
or have made the historical allusions that 'are found at ii. 1-6, 8 ; xv. 4. In fact, no
author is actually named in the book itself, although it is clearly enough intimated at ix. 7, 8
(cf. vii. 1 ff. ; viii. 10 ff.) that it is Solomon who speaks. In such an idealizing of the per-
son and character of the wise king, the author adopted a well-known custom of his time.
The value of a work was thought to be increased, and the importance of its teachings en-
hanced by connecting it with the name of some distinguished person who was considered the
best representative of the principles advocated. There may have been no original intention
of deceiving in the present case. The author may have sought in this way simply to give his
work a more dramatically interesting and weighty character than would have been possible
if he had spoken only from and for himself. Such an idealizing of Solomon, especially as the
highest representative of earthly wisdom, was no uncommon thing amono- the Jews, even at
a comparatively early period. (Cf. lEccles., passim). There is, moreover, just as little ground,
and for the same reason, for supposing with some others that Zerubbabel — through his
restoration of the temple being recognized as a sort of second Solomon — was the author of
the Book of Wisdom. Besides, the circumstances of the case do not admit of the theory o£
iiny such second Solomon. (Cf. viii. 14; ix. 1-12.) So, too, Augustine's opinion (^Doct

THE BOOK OF WISDOM. 225

Christ, ii. 8), which he afterwards himself retraeted {^Retract., ii. 4, 2), that the son of Sirach,
the author of Ecclesiasticus, composed Wisdom also, is disproved by the totally dissimilar
character of the two works in every respect except that of having a similar theme.

The author was evidently a Jew, living at Alexandria, some time during the first two or
three centuries before Christ. At this period, as is well known, learned Israelites gave their
attention largely in that city, and elsewhere, where they came most in contact with Greek
culture, but particularly there, to the study of philosophy, seeking to bring it into harmony
with the Mosaic religion, and this tendency culminated in a distinct Jewish- Alexandrian
system of the philosophy of religion, whose most distinguished representative was Philo.
Definite and most pronounced traces of this Jewish- Alexandrian philosophical tendency are
undeniably found in the Book of Wisdom, and it may be possible through them in connection
■with certain historical references that we find, to determine with a suflioient degree of defin-
iteness the date of the composition.

First, the abstract philosophical method of presenting truth which our author adopts ofiPers
one clear test for recognizing his Alexandrian training. No pure Hebrew, for example, un-
influenced by the Greek philosophy, would ever ihave called God the " Originator of beauty "
(hcUaovs yfveaidpxns, xiii. 3), or have applied to the Divine Providence the term irp6voia (xiv.
■i, xvii. 2; cf. also vii. 22, \iTrT6v, and irKviia.voep6v). Such an one, moreover, would never
have spoken of wisdom as a " reflection of the eternal light" (^hraiyaana (fwrbs iiWou), " the
unspotted mirror of the divine activity " and the " image of his goodness " (cf. vii. 26). There
might be mentioned, also, still further in the way of example, the wholly speculative manner
in which the narrative of the br&zen serpent is treated (xvi. 6 f.) and the grounds given for
the condemnation of the heathen (xiii. 1 ff.). Just as little, in the next place, could any one
but a cultivated Hellenist have appropriated to his use terms, expressions, and ideas that
originated in the philosophical schools of the Greeks, and are still recognized as characteristic
of them. We learn, for example, that "the corruptible body presseth down the soul, and
the earthly tabernacle weigheth down the mind " (ix. 15), which idea is purely Platonic, at
least in this extreme form of it. At another place (viii. 19; cf. vii. 1), as will appear from
any just exegesis of the passage, the doctrine of the preexistence of the soul is plainly recog-
nized; at another, that the world was constructed from "formless material" (i\tt&iutp(pos,
xi. 17), both of which notions are derived from the school of Plato. So, too, the cardinal
virtues are represented (viii. 7) as four, after the manner of Aristotle, and the image of
Lethe is used for forgetfulness (xvi. 11), and -the manna of the wilderness is represented as a
sort of Jewish ambrosia (yivos i/ifipoalas rpo^iris, xix. 21).

It is, further, a thought in which a mild reproduction of the Stoical philosophy is easily
recognizable, when our author speaks of wisdom as stretching itseK from one end of the
world to the other, and of the Spirit of God as filling the universe, and so as being a kind of
"soul of the world" (of. i. 7; vii. 24; viii. 1). At least, such a representation is quite
unlike the purely Jewish, in that the personality of God is thereby much too little empha-
sized. The epithets given to wisdom also, in a number of places, are at once seen to be tech-
nical and of a sort that often appears in the philosophical writings of the Greeks. It is said
(vii. 22 £f.) to have a vvev/m yocpiv, to be liovoyeves, iroXv/Kpes, \eTrT6y, (vkIvtitov, and to possess
other characteristics to the number of twenty-one. In such a heaping up of adjectives, our
author resembles Philo, without, however, going to the same extreme with him. The latter,
in one instance, applies no less than a hundred and fifty different epithets to a person in order
to characterize his licentiousness. (Cf. Langen, Judenthum, p. 31, note.) Moreover, the
entire conception and handling of the idea of wisdom in the book is one that would have been
impossible in the days of king Solomon, and if not in actual conflict with that presented in
the Book of Proverbs, certainly shows in some important respects a considerable advance
upon it, and approaches, to say the least, the hypostasizi'ng of Philo in his \6yos ivSidBeros
and irpixpopiK6s. In addition to these various reasons for predicating an Egyptian and
Alexandrian origin for our work, the local coloring appearing in the last part of it is also to
be particularly noticed. Certain Egyptian forms of idolatry are clearly described (xv. 18),
and the hatred that is manifested towards the Egyptians betrays itself as being against con-
temporaries and those with whom intimate relations were sustained. On these grounds,
therefore, we are forced to the eonclusion that the Book of Wisdom came from the pen of a
Hellenist living at Alexandria some time during the first three centuries before Christ, since
only in Alexandria and its neighborliood at this perixjd could any such combination oi Biblical

226 THE APOCRYPHA.

teaching with Grecian philosophical speculations and the other external circumstanceB de-
scribed have been historically possible.

But may not the date be more deBnitely fixed? It has been said that the work represents
Jewish-philosophical tendencies which culminated in Philo. Was not Thilo himself its
author? This opinion has been entertained by not a few distinguished scholars, especially
in the last century. Philo was once sent, with two other representatives of the Jewish com-
munity at Alexandria, as commissioner to Rome, to make an appeal to the emperor Caligula
respecting certain alleged grievances of his countrymen. The delegation was not well
received, and it has been thought that this circumstance may have been the occasion for
Philo's writing the present book. But, while the work in some of its features might well fit
in to this historical niche, there are certain other facts which make such a theory impossible.
First, it would be at least very strange, if Philo were the author of the Book of Wisdom, that
it is not mentioned in the apparently full list of Philo's writings given by Eusebius.(i/'. E.,
ii. 18) and by Jerome (Catal. Script. Eccl.), respectively. And in the next place, our book,
while agreeing in some particulars with Philo's philosophical views, in others differs from
them most essentially, though, generally speaking, standing in the relation to them of a
system imperfect and crude to one fully developed and complete. Our author appears more
as one who had taken up current philosophical ideas and expressions for incidental use, with-
out having thoroughly worked them over in the laboratory of his own mind. He philosophizes,
but without having any fixed philosophical system of his own. In Philo, for instance, we
find Plato's idea of the human constitution as threefold fully adopted ; while the pseudo-
Solomon never recognizes it, although he has good opportunity for doing so (cf. i. 1 ; viii.
19 f.; ix. 15, iivx^ ^nJ mvi ; and xv. 11, iivxh" iiipyovirav and Trvfv/j.a (ihtikSv, with the remarks
in the Commentary in connection with the last passage). Again, at ii. 24, it is said that
death came into the world through the envy of the devil ; while the doctrine of evil spirits
was unknown in the school of Philo, and death was understood to be the necessary result of
the union of soul and body. Indeed, one of Philo's fundamental dogmas was that the body
is the seat and source of evil, — a dogma which he brings out with great sharpness and
clearness, and one which exerts a controlling influence on his whole speculative system,
while our author makes only a bare allusion to it, as though it were something to which he
assented, but without understanding the full consequences of such assent (i. 4; viii. 19 f.).
Further, at iii. 7, 18, if by the " day of visitation " spoken of, the judgment at (he end of the
world is meant, as many suppose, it would be an idea also quite foreign to the works of Philo.
But a chief objection to the theory of such an authorship for the Book of Wisdom is that,
while wisdom is its principal theme, this (rofta is nowhere represented as sustaining such a rela-
tion to the h6yos as is everywhere made prominent in Philo. With him they were, in fact,
identical, and represented a personal being. How, then, would it have been possible for him
to have kept this thought out of sight (as at ix. 1,2; xvi. 12; xviii. 15), if he had been the
author of the present book? It is to be admitted that the idea of (70(j>/a as presented in the
Book of Wisdom bears a striking resemblance to that of the \6-yos in Philo; but it is used in
a far less comprehensive sense, and is never actually hypostasized. For these reasons, then,
to say nothing of difference of style and minor discrepancies between the writings of Philo
and this work of the pseudo-Solomon, — such as concerning the length of the period of
pregnancy (vii. 2), the condition of souls in a previous existence (viii. 19 f.), and the punish-
ment of the Egyptians through serpents (xi. 15), — the theory that the former wrote the Book
of Wisdom cannot for a moment be entertained. Josephus (Contra Ap., i. 23) speaks of
another Philo as having written about Jewish affairs. " However, Demetrius Phalereus,
and the elder Philo, with Eupolemus, have not greatly missed the truth about our affairs,
whose minor mistakes ought therefore to be forgiven them." And, inasmuch as it seemed
necessary to some (Drusius, De Henocho, cap. xi.) to have a Philo for the writer of our
work, and the later one does not answer to the conditions required, they have declared that
it must have been this elder one. But in the first place he was, according to Josephus, a
heathen, and could not so have written of Jewish affairs to Jews; and, secondly, we know
for a certainty nothing further about him than what is found in the Jewish historian just
mentioned.

Besides the name of Philo, that of Aristobulus has been mentioned as the possible author
of the Book of Wisdom. He was a teacher (SiSacr/caXos) of King Ptolemy VI. Philometor
(b. c. 180), to whom also he dedicated an allegorical exposition of the Pentateuch. He is

THE BOOK OP WISDOM. 227

mentioned in 2 Maccabees (i. 10) as having sprung from a priestly family, and as having
been addressed in a letter of Judas Maccabaeus to the Egyptian Jews, as being their most
distinguished representative at that time. The letter is indeed without date; but there can
be little doubt that the well-known peripatetic Aristobulus of Alexandria, living at the time
of Ptolemy VI., is meant. He was the most noted forerunner of Philo in allegorizing the
Old Testament, and by means of interpolations and substitutions even attempted to make
old Greek writers like Homer speak in the interests of the Jewish religion. Fragments of
his writings have been preserved by Eusebius and Clement of Alexandria. But there is
nothing in them that would lead one to identify him with the author of the Book of Wisdom.
Moreover, his position at the Egyptian court was such that, even if he had desired it, he
could not with safety have written of kings as our author has done. But he would not have
wished or been prompted to write in this manner, since during the reign of Ptolemy VI. the
condition of the Jews in Egypt was most favorable, while from such passages as xi. 5 ff., xii.
23 ff., and chaps, xvi. and xix., it is evident that the present book was composed at a time
when the Israelites were oppressed by their enemies. In addition to these two leading ten-
dencies of modern criticism as it respects the authorship of the Book of Wisdom, there may
be mentioned the theory of Eichhorn (Einleit., p. 134), which is adopted also by Gfrdrer (p.
265 ff.), Dahne (p. 170), and Jost (Gescliichie, p. 378), that the author was one of the
Beet of Therapeutae. Tha opinion is based on such passages as iii. 13 fE. ; iv. 8 f.; viii. 21;
XV. 28. A Jewish sect of this sort, corresponding to the Essenes of Palestine, as has been
generally maintained, existed in Egypt before the beginning of the Christian era, who were
enthusiastic admirers of the teachings of Plato, held the body in great subordination, were
celibates, and carried self-denial in very many respects to a foolish and wicked extreme.
But the passages referred to, when properly interpreted, do not encourage the views of this
supposed sect; and there is, moreover, nothing in the book that would lead us to the opinion
that the author believed in, taught, or practiced the hard asceticism which was held to be its
most prominent characteristic.

But let us now examine more closely some of the historical allusions which appear on the
face of the work itself, in the hope that some one of them, or all together, may help us to a
sufficiently accurate settlement of the question of its date. The situation of things, as pre-
sented in the very opening chapters, at once attracts attention. They were evil times upon
which the author had fallen : " Without were fightings, within were fears." Skepticism had
developed itself in some degree when Ecclesiastes and the Book of Job were written, but by
no means to the extent that it manifests itself in the hard, coarse, reckless materialism of the
apostate Jews in Alexandria, who are allowed to speak in our book (ii. 10, 12, 15). We say
" apostate Jews," for it was on their account, against them and their influence, that our
book was undoubtedly written. On any other supposition the work could hardly be under-
stood, either as it respects its contents or form. These materialists denied the immortality
of the soul (ii. 1-5), shrank not from the boldest blasphemy (i. 6-11), sought happiness iu
the wildest libertinism (ii. 6-11), and ridiculed and persecuted the God-fearing of their own
countrymen (ii. 12-20). The type of unbelief which here shows itself is far more pronounced
and bitter even than that of which we read in the first two books of Maccabees (1 Mace. i.
11-15, 41-61; 2 Mace. iv. 10-15), as having marked the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. Jew-
ish apostates are there represented as giving up indeed the religion of their fathers for hea-
thenish rites and ceremonies, but never, as in the present case, as denying all religion both
practically and theoretically. But we know from other sources that many such degenerate
Israelites lived in Alexandria not long before the Christian era. Philo has given a descrip-
tion of them (De Confusione Linguarum, sec. 2, De Tribus Virtutibus, sec. 2), saying that they
not only scornfully forsook the faith of their fathers, but heaped contempt upon it, and gave
themselves up to a life of sensualism.

But, if our book thus in its earlier chapters, by presenting one of the marked developments
of Judaism just previous to the Christian era, gives us an intimation respecting the time of its
composition, no less does it do so in the chapters where the external ground and occasion of
such Jewish apostasy are impliedly set forth. It was the glaring discrepancy between the
glorious promise of the Jewish system and its meagre results, when compared with the ap-
parent success of heathenism. This ground is indeed hinted at in the first part of the book
(ii. 21 f.; iii. 1-5 ; iv. 2, 5 ff.), but more fully noticed from the tenth chapter on. It is shown
how the Divine Providence had ruled from the time of Adam till Moses (x.-xii.) ; what, on

228 THE APDCRyPHA.

the other hand, idolatry was in its origin ; what it had become in its highest and lowest
forms; how foolish, how immoral in its tendency it had ever been, and how it had sooner or
later plunged all those in misery who had been addicted to it (xiii.-xv.). Especially was
all this the case with the degrading worship of brute beasts, as practiced in the land of Egypt
(xii. 24; cf. xi. 15, and xv. 18 ff.). From this point of view the transition was natural to
the condition of Israel at that time. Under the veil of an exaggerated narrative, the events
which took place on the deliverance of Israel from Egypt, in which the contrasted experi-
ences of the two peoples are vividly portrayed, the writer utters his words of warning alike
to apostate Israel and her oppressors, while to the God-fearing and faithful he makes promise
of speedy deliverance and enlargement.

Now such a state of political affairs in Egypt as the book implies we should not look for
earlier than the period (b. c. 284-246) given as the date of the LXX. translation, on which
our book shows clear, if limited, traces of dependence. Moreover, we should not look for
them during the reign of the earlier Ptolemies, who, as it is well known, treated the Jews in
Egypt with great favor and liberality. On the other hand, we may not, for reasons already
given, especially the relation it sustains to Philo's system, that is, as holding an intermedi-
ary position between it and the more objective philosophy of the earlier Judaism, give our
work a date too near the Christian era, much less, for the same and many other reasons, a
still later one. Hence, we are shut up to the conclusion that it njust have been composed by
an Alexandrian Jew some time, but not too long, after the beginning of the later persecutions
of the Jews in Egypt, that is, during the reign of Ptolemy VII. Physcon (b. c. 145-117), or
his nearest successors. To attempt to fix the date more exactly would seem to be as futile
as it is unnecessary.

Doctrinal Teaching.

A number of points by means of which the doctrinal teaching of our book might be charac-
terized have been already noticed under the previous head, such, for instance, as that of a per-
sonal evil spirit (ii. 13 ff.), who is identified with the tempter of our first parents; the over-
mastering influence of the body upon the soul (ix. 15); the preexistence of the latter (viii.
20; cf. vii. 1); and the creation of the whole world from a previously existing formless ma-
terial {l^ aii.6p(i>ov iiA.ij5, xi. 17), in all of which particulars, except the first, the author stands
not only outside the teaching of the Bible, among the philosophers of his time, but, con-
sciously or unconsciously, takes an attitude in a certain degree antagonistic to the Bible.

The general aim of his work, however, is undoubtedly a good one. It is to show, alike
from philosophy and history, as against the materialists of his day, that the proper goal of
life was not mere existence, however long, or pleasure of any sort, but something nobly intel-
lectual and moral, and that the pious Israelite was in the surest path to its attainment. The
author teaches concerning God that He is a spirit, that He is almighty, omniscient, omnipres-
ent, and in other respects that He possesses the attributes which are imputed to Him in the
Old Testament. The divine holiness is indeed but little emphasized (xii. 16), but still it is
implied in the recognition of other absolute attributes (xii. 3, 15 ; xiv. 9 ; xvi. 24). The idea
is, in fact, included in the cro(pia that is ascribed to Him, which is not something merely in-
tellectual, but has also a moral significance. (Of. vii. 22, ao<pia.= fiKciv Trjs aya96TriT05 flfoii).
Sometimes Jehovah is apparently made to act from an exclusively Jewish point of view (iii.
16-18; iv. 3-5, et passim), and hence with too great severity, and perhaps a shaide of injus-
tice, towards certain classes. But, in general, the representation of him is Biblical. The
divine personality is made less of than would have been the case if the book had originated
at an earlier period and under different circumstances, but it is not pantheistic in its teach-
ing. Where this might seem to be the case (cf. tparhs iiSlou, vii. 26, et passim), it is to be
ascribed to the peculiar coloring given to the thought by the Alexandrian philosophy. God is
a father, a God of mercy, exercises a providence over men (xiv. S), and hears their prayers
(vii. 7 ; viii. 21 ff.). According to Nagelsbach (Herzog's Seal-Encyk., s. v.), the idea of the
Trinity even is objectively adumbrated in what our book has to say of the roipta, K6yos, and
the jTfeS/ia, the last being repi-esented as one with <ro<pCa without being the same as it (i. 7;
ix. 17). But it would seem rather that such a conjunction of words was in this case simply
accidental, and it is certain, as Nagelsbach also admits, that our author himself had no tan-
gible idea in his mind of the later doctrine of the Trinity, or of the incarnatioa. (Cf. Hasse.
p. 249, and Bruch, p. 345 f.)

THE BOOK OF WISDOM. 220

In its anthropology, the teachings of the Book of Wisdom are especiaHy noticeable, and
perhaps most open to objection. The chief end of man, the summum honum of his strivings
and hopes, is represented to be the possession of wisdom. It was that which constituted the
image of God in which man was at first created (ii. 23), and his fall was a loss of the same.
The author recognizes the fact of our fallen condition, but (as we have said) essentially only
as a fall from knowledge (ii. 22, ouk iyvaaan itvarlifua ©eoS), and so really no fall at all; since
the having or not having knowledge is not a matter which is necessarily dependent on free
choice. Wisdom is indeed regarded as something that includes a knowledge of God, which
even by the Master is made synonymous with eternal life ; but with our author it is the
Icnowledge that is insisted on (JvlarturBiu, tiSores, xv. 2 f.), and knowledge, as it should seem,
in quite another sense than is indicated by the word yipiiaioD as employed at John xvii. 3.
Man may know God, and still not glorify Him as God, which is the very chief sin of aU
(Rom. i. 21, 25). The Scriptural order is here in fact reversed, and man is exhorted first ,<o
know, rather than to submit. (Cf. John vii. 17, and 1 Cor. ii. 14-16.) A struggle of the
will, a-conflietbetween the "law in the members " and a higher law of right, to which assent
must be given, is only dimly recognized (xiii. 1 ; xvii. 10). So Kiibel : i " [Pseudo] Solo-
mon finds the highest good (in the sense of a good and of the absolute good), not in single
virtues, not in 'outward works of the Law; ' moreover, also, not in a primary sense in the
' inner cleansing of the heart,' but in nothing else than in 4ro<l>la, which man makes his own
by reason of his constitution (as a i/uxh^ vovs, denken), in his thought, — yes, even in his
knowledge. The perception, knowledge of God (of God and wisdom objectively considered)
is the highest good. From their possession follows necessarily — so it is declared — the
single virtues, holiness. Should we characterize the o-ofia on its objective and subjective
side as the ' truth,' so is the truth according to [pseudo] Solomon the highest principle of
morality."

Now, it might indeed be possible to give to the idea of wisdom so much depth and breadth
of meaning, in. its relations to man subjectively considered, that it would be a fair representa-
tion of the Scriptural doctrine concerning iim, his original endowment, his preient need, and
liis future destiny. But that is just what our author does not do. Wisdom is represented in
its relation to man's striving, in the main, as the object of his understanding, his reason,
something that he makes his own through the operations of his thinking powers. Kighteous-
ness itself (as we have said) is but a product of the <ro(f>la regarded as a knowing, and " love,
the care of education." (Cf. i. 5; vi. 17.) There is, in short, neither in man's fall nor in
his recovery a sufficient recognition of the corrupt human will as choice, disposition, — in
short, character, and as being the principal thing over against the divine character and
claims. Man is indeed blamed for not taking the right attitude towards wisdom. But the
author's false conception of wisdom in its essential character as highest good renders man's
choosing or not choosing it, after all, morally speaking, a comparatively indifEerent thing.
His sin is rather a misfortune than a crime. A stamp of predetermination is thereby, in fact,
given to all one's relations to God, and his own duty even, to the extent that it becomes a
fatal exaggeration of the Biblical teaching concerning the " determinate counsel and fore-
knowledge of God." In the Book of Proverbs much is also made of wisdom ; but its true
relation to the heart, the moral attitude of man, is never overlooked or obscured. The
" fear of the Lord " is made its beginning (Prov. i. 7; cf. Ps. cxi. 10), while here its begin-
ning is said to be the " desire of instruction " (vi. 17 : cf. also Prov. iv. 23; xv. 11 ; xvi. 2;
xvii. 3). In the pseudo-Solomon, indeed, the conception of wisdom corresponds in a remark-
able degree to the false modern idea of " culture ' ' as the highest good. There may indeed
be some difference with respect to what is supposed to constitute the proper objects of
knowledge; but in this particular — the principal one • — the philosophy of the Alexandrian
pseudo-Solomon and that of the would-be Solomons of to-day are one and the same, — that
to know is the acme of human attainment.

This fundamental error of our author becomes the source of many minor ones, and gives a
■false and mischievous direction to his entire work. It is on this ground, for instance, that
-sucli an abnormal position is assigned to the Israelitish people as a whole. Such epithets as
ira!S« fleoC, iaios \a6t, ain^ \eKoyiaiiivot, (Tircp/uo intfiirrov, are applied to them, and their land
'« called T£/uiawi{Ti) 7?, &T^o ySj.etc. (See ix. 4, 7; x. 15; xi. 1; xii. 19; xv. 2 f., 14; xviii. 1.)
It is quite a different language which is used in the canonical books of the Old Testament
1 Stud.u. Krit., 1865, 708 ft 2 Kiibel, Idem, p. 704.

230 THE APOCRYPHA.

concerning them (cf. Deut ix. 4 fE. 27, xxxiii. 9; Ezek. xx. 8 ff., xxiii. 3 ff. ; Neh. Ix. 16 £f.).
But if the highest good is a wisdom that can be grasped by the intellect, and righteousness an
external knowledge of God {iTriaraaeai &e6i', xv. 3), then the writer is consistent, since he
looks upon the Israelites as possessors of such knowledge. In fact, as Kiibel has well
remarked, it does not appear, under the circumstances, how the Israelites could well have
sinned at all (xv. 2 ; xviii. 20). The same inconsistency would be involved in such a con-
ception as in that of the supposed fall of Adam, whose original righteousness consisted, not
in love and obedience to God, but in an inborn knowledge of him (^iirlyvaxris ®fov).

The teaching of the book on the subject of eschatology has been to a considerable extent
indicated in the Commentary at i. 13. We will here only add, that the assertion of Keerl
(Apok. Frage, 1852, p. 42), that pseudo-Solomon teaches the doctrine of the final annihilation
of the wicked, seems not to be borne out by the facts. The wicked, on the contrary, are
represented as suffering pain after death (taovTat eV oSvvri, iv. 19), while having a knowledge
of the happy condition of the righteous (v. 1 £.). The expressions used to characterize the
final condition of the lost are indeed strong (i. 11, 12, 16 ; ii. 24 ; iii. 11, 18; iv. 19; v. 14;
XV. 6, 10; xvii. 21), but perhaps no stronger than are used in the canonical Scriptures for the
same purpose. In fact, the word edfuTos seems to have been employed in much the same
sense in our book as at E,ev. ii. 11, xxi. 8, that is, as referring to the second death. It is no-
ticeable that in the Book of Wisdom is found the first intimation, among all the Biblical writ-
ings, that heaven is the dwelling-place of the righteous (iii. 14 ; cf. Is. Ivi. 4, 5) ; or, in other
■words, that the common abode of the dead, Hades, is divided into two parts, assigned to the
evil and to the good respectively (iii. 7 ; iv. 2; v. 15 ff.). The passage at Tob. iii. 6, which
Friscli (Eichhorn's Allg. Bib. der bib. Lit., iv., p. 66 7) cites as conveying the same thought, has
probably another meaning. A final judgment, also, seems to be dimly foreshadowed (iii. 18,
^v rinepa. Siayi/!i(re<»s'), although critics are not agreed whether it is referred to this world or to
the next, or whether it may not even be used in a general sense for any visitation of God
upon the sins of men (cf. iii. 7, 13; iv. 20). But there can scarcely be a, doubt that iv.
20 (" At the reckoning up of their sins," iv crvXKoyicrix^ aixapTi\iiaTuv avruv), taken in connec-
tion with what immediately succeeds, refers to a judgment which follows death and precedes
the entrance upon one's final destiny (cf. Bretschneider, Systemat. Darstell., p. 311). It is
to be remarked, however, that there fails, in the doctrine of immortality as taught in the
Book of Wisdom, that which is one of its most prominent characteristics in the New Testa-
ment, — namely, any distinct allusion to the resurrection of the body.

Our author, moreover, knows nothing of redemption through a personal Redeemer to come,
Such a thought was indeed foreign to the whole drift of his work. According to it, no other
Redeemer was either possible or desirable than the <ro<l>la. Such passages as xiv. 13, xviii.
4, that are understood by Grimm as implying a future Messianic realm, have simply a general
reference. The clearly expressed predictions of the prophets from Genesis to Malachi, con-
cerning one who should appear as prophet, priest, and king, and should " restore the kingdom
to Israel," finds not the slightest echo in the work of our thoroughly Hellenized Israelite of
Alexandria. " Salvation is with him but a purely subjective process, made possible indeed
by a divine act, but this divine act not a new one to be hoped for at a later period, but an old
one, the first, the act of creation. In it the troipla has entered into the »Ai) and formed the
K(i(r/ioi. He who recognizes this is saved." Cf. Kiibel, I. c, p. 722.

External History.
No traces of the Book of Wisdom have as yet been found in any other extant works which
originated previous to the Christian era. The use of it by New Testament writers, although
asserted by some critics (Nachtigal, p. 13 ; Sticr, Die Apokryplien, p. 18 £f.) cannot be proved,
and is improbable. The three or four passages giving most color to the opinion (Luke xi. 49
ff., cf. Wisd. ii. 12-20; Rom. i. 20 ff., cf. Wisd. xiii. 1 ff. ; Rom. i.x. 21, cf. Wisd. xv. 7 ; Eph.
VI. 13 ff., cf. Wisd. V. 17 ff.), have all important differences, either in form or matter, and
their similarity, as far as it exists, is to be ascribed to the fact that a common fund of infor-
mation was open to both, in the Old Testament and in tradition, while to the writers, as
being alike Jews, the materials as well as methods of education could not have been wholly
dissimilar. In Clement of Rome (1 Cor. xxvii., cf. Wisd. .xi. 22; xii. 12), there is a possible
aUusion to our book, although the passage might have been taken from the LXX at Job ix
12. According to the testimony of Eusebius (H. £., v. 26), Irensus composed a work in

THE BOOK OJF WISDOM. 231

Tfhich he made use of it, as also of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and we find, too, in his
treatise Adv. Hcer. (iv. 38, of. Wisd. vi. 19), an undoubted reference to the Book of Wisdom.

The supposed enumeration of it among Old Testament canonical books in tlie canon of
Melito is disproved by a, more careful exegesis, and the well-known passage in the canon of
Muratori, in which it would at first sight appear that our book is referred to in connection
with otherwise exclusively Christian writings, admits of and requires another rendering. The
fragment as preserved reads : ^' Et sapieniia Salomonis ah amicis Salomonis in honorem ipsius
scripla." But there can be little doubt that with the later critics (Wieseler, Stud. u. Krit.,
1847, iv., p. 846 f.; Credner, p. 153 ff.; Hilgenfeld, Der Kanon unrl die Kritik des N. T., p.
40 ff.), for et should be read ut, by which simply a comparison would be instituted between the
epistles of Paul mentioned, and the sapientia Salomonis. And it even admits of doubt
whether by the last expression the Book of Wisdom is really meant at all, and not rather the
Proverbs of Solomon, which in the early church were also sometimes so designated.

After the time of Clement of Alexandria, the leading Christian fathers may be divided into
two classes with respect to their estimation of our book. Tlie first, which included with
Clement, among others, Hippolytus, Cyprian, and Ambrose, holding it for a work of Solo-
mon, and hence, as a matter of course, for a divinely-inspired production. The second,
which embraced such names as Origen, Eusebius, and Augustine, although denying the
authorship of Solomon, still looked upon the book as inspired, and treated it with much the
same respect as the canonical. It is, however, to he borne in mind that great confusion
existed regarding all the supposed works of Solomon at this time, in consequence of which
our book, doubtless, not infrequently received credit properly belonging only to those with
which it was ordinarily associated. It bore, in common with Ecclesiasticus, for instance, as
one of its names, ri So(pla. Jerome also cites the former book (C. Pelag., i. 33), under the title
Liber Sapientim. Augustine (Ep. cxl. 75) cites Prov. i. 26, with the words m quodam libro Sa-
piential. In fact, it was no uncommon tiling for the Latin fathers to include the three canon-
ical hooks usually ascribed to Solomon, together with Ecdlesiasticus and Wisdom, under one
title, and cite from any one of them indifferently as apud Salomonem. (Cf. Cyp., Test., iii. 6,
12 ; Hieron., in Ez. xxxiii. 1.) This usage has, moreover, been retained in old Roman mis-
sals, these five books Q'^libri Sapientiales"') being severally designated liber Sapientice.^
Hence Schmid and others go quite too far in claiming all the fathers who cite our work
under the formula, "Solomon says," as actually maintaining the authorship of Solomon.
What the real opinion of Jerome, for example, was, notwithstanding his adoption of the pre-
vailing loose habit of quotation, is evident from wliat he says in his preface to the books of
Solomon, where he speaks of the liber tfievSewlypttfos, qui Sap. Sat. inscribitur. And Augustine
also says (De Civ. Dei, xvii. 20), after enumerating the three canonical books of Solomon:
" Alii vera duo, quorum unus Sap., alter Eccli. dicitur, propter eloquii nonnullam similitudinem
ut Salomonis dicanlur oblinuit consuetude ; nnn autem esse ipsius non dubilant docliores (cf.
a\so Doct. Chr., ii. 8). Athanasius, as also RufBnus, distinctly assigns the work to a second-
ary rank. The Book of Wisdom was, however, received along with other apocryphal works
among the canonical at the Council of Carthage (c. A. D. 397), and shares in general the
treatment of the latter in the subsequent history.

The Text.
The Greek text, as we have already shown, is the original. It is preserved complete in
the three great MSS., Vatican (II.),. Sinaitic (X.), and Alexandrine (III.), and in part in
the Codex Ephraemi (C). In addition to the various readings collected in the Holmes and
Parsons edition of the LXX. from the MSS. 23. 55. 68. 106. 155. 157. 248. 253. 254. 261.
296. — for a particular description of which, with others, see General Introduction — there
have been also collated at Paris by J. C. Thilo, the following codices of our book : A. Aa.
(a fragment found in connection with the first named) B. C. I). E. F. G. H. I. The same
critic also gave specimens of these variations in a work publislied at Halle in 1825 (^Speci-
men Exerc. Critt. in Sapient. Sal.) The commentary of Grimm on the Book of ^Visdom con-
tains many valuable criticisms of the text, to most of which attention has been called in the
present book. An edition of the Book of Wisdom in Greek, by Reusch (Freiburg, 1858),
gives the usual text according to the Sixtine edition, with readings from Holmes and Parsons,
Bendtsen, Thilo, and Grimm, together with patristic citations collected by himself, and the

I Cf . BeuBcli, Einleit. in dm A. T., p. 148.

232 THE APOCRYPHA.

variations of the Armenian version. In 1861, at the same place, this critic also published
Observationes Criticce in Librum Sapientim. All of these works have been duly made use of by
Fritzsche in his Libri Apocryphi Veleris Teslamenli Greece (Lips., 1871), and important critical
remarks made in addition. According to this critic, the best text is to be found in II. and
68. and the next best in X. and C. The remainder are less pure, and this is especially true
of 248. which is followed by the Complutensian Polyglot.

The Book of Wisdom is extant also in Latin, Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic versions. Of
these the Latin, which originated before the time of Jerome and was left for the most
part untouched by him , is by far the most important. It generally agrees with the Vatican
Codex, and renders the Greek text with unusual literalness. The differences consist mostly
in short additions in the Latin, made, as it would seem, for the sake of clearness or other
like reasons, none of them being of much weight. Of the three remaining versions the Ar-
menian is much the most trustworthy. It originated about the middle of the fifth century,
follows the Greek generally word for word, even to imitating most skillfully its play on words,
and in other respects is a most important aid in the critical study of our book.

THE

WISDOM OF SOLOMOK.

Chapter I.

1 Love righteousness, ye that be judges of the earth ; think of the Lord in flp-

2 rightness,^ and in simplicity of heart seek him ; for he will be found of them thall

3 tempt him not, and sheweth himself unto such as do not distrust ^ him. For fro-
ward thoughts separate from God, and Mi power, when it is tempted,' reproveth *

4 the unwise. For into a malicious soul wisdom will ^ not enter ; nor dwell in a

5 body ' that is subject unto sin. For the holy spirit of discipline ' will flee deceit^
and remove from thoughts that are without understanding, and will be frightened
away ° when unrighteousness approaches.'

6 For wisdom is a philanthropic ''■" spirit ; and will not acquit a blasphemer of his
words ; for God is witness of his reins, and a true beholder of his heart, and a hearer

7 of the " tongue. For the Spirit of the Lord filleth the world ; and that which

8 holdeth together the All ^^ hath knowledge of the voice. Therefore he that speaketh
unrighteous things cannot be hid ; neither shall Justice,^^ when it punishethj *

9 pass by him. For there shall be inquisition " into the counsels of the ungodly ;
and the knowledge '^ of his words shall come unto the Lord for the punishment "

10 of his wicked deeds. For the ear of jealousy heareth all things ; and the noise of

1 1 murmurings is not hid. Therefore beware of Unprofitable murmuring ; " and re-
frain your tongue from backbiting ; for secret speech shall not go unpunished ; ^*
and a mouth ^* that belieth slayeth the soul.

12 Strive not after death through the false direction ™ of your life ; and draw ^^ not

13 ufidn yourselves destruction through ^^ the works of your hands ; for God made ndt

14 death ; neither hath he pleasure in the destruction ^ of the living. For he created
all thingSj that they might exist ; ^ and the productions ^ of the world are ^^ health-
ful ; and there is no poison of destruction in them, nor is ^ the kingdom of death

15', 16 upon earth.''* For righteousness is immortal; but injustice is an inheritance

Vets. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : with a good heart (Gr., h ayofltmjTt ; Jun., bonitOt^ (et iitiiplicitate cordis). * F6r fi^ airuT-

Touaic III. has /xi) TTi<rrtvoviTiv. The former reading is supported hy citations of Didymus, Origen, Jerome, and the Ar.
and Armen. yer.^ions. Cod. 261. has n-nrreuovat, ds also the Vulg. and Syr., but it may haye been meant simply as au
interpretatSon' of th« common text, i. £., hot disbeliering = belieTing. ' A. V. : tried(see Com.). ^ ma,t%.,iftdh-
tth mdnifeit (see Com.). " shall. « the body.

Vets. 5-8. — ' A. V. ; For ffeuSeid! (text, rec, with n. 23. an* others) III. 248. Aa. C. E. I. with a number 6f the
fathers read tro^ia. But the latter is probably not genuine, having been introduced from rer. 6 as a gloss. ^ A, V. :
not abide (marg., is rebuked^ or sheweth itself,' Qi., iXeyxSritTeTai : verscheucht werden, Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerk,
which meaning best suits the context ; see Com.). o cometh in (Gr., ejreA5ou(njs). i" loving (" loving"' in the sense
that it cares for men ; at vii. 23 in A. V. rendered, kind to man). For wT/eO/*a aoi\iia. of the Vulg. (with II.)' Codd. III. 23
106. 261. 296. B, Old Xat. Syr. Ar. Armen. read m/tvp-a. irQ<t>ia^, which would make the two words subjeot, instead of the
latter alone,, That o-ot^to' is without the article need not, however, decide the matter. Cf . vii. 24, x. 9, " A. V. : his
(so III.). 1* containeth all things (marg., upholdeth, which is more nearly correct ; see Com.). i3 vengeance (Gr.,
if 5t'Ki}). Fritzsche, with Grimmy has received ovSe fx^ for ov£e ju^r from III. X. 23. 106 155. 248. al. Cf. LXX. at Job
xxviii. 13.

Vers. 9-11. — " A. V. : For inquisition shall be made (the verb is eorai ; on Sia^ovAi'oi?, see Com.). is sound (Gr.,

aKori, here message, knowledge, i. e., that which is heard). ^'^ manifestation (marg., reproving). " murmuring,

which is unprofitable. ^^ there is no word so secret, that shall go for nought (see Com.). i" the mouth.

Vers. 12-15. — 20 a,, v. : Seek not (jlltj ^rfKovn) death in the error [ev TrAai^). 21 pull (liritrtrafrQe) .... upon your-

Stfive*. 2i with (ey). Fritzsche receives this preposition from III. 55. 106. 165. 157. al. 00. ^s Cod. III. reads en-'
ayyvXn'f for tit' irrw\ei<f ; Aid. haS ei/ for itri. « A. V. : haW their being. '^ {fenerations (see Com.). " Inert.
^mUtV. *th^«Mh. For o#«»{«str III. 66296. €<»,bs<«si«ij.

234

THE APOCRYPHA.

of death ; and ^ ungodly ww by ^ their works and words called it to them ; in that
they held it for a " friend, they consumed to nought, and made a covenant with it,
because they are worthy to have* part with it.

Ver. 16. ^ The words injustice is an inheritance of death ; and we supply witli Fritzsche from the Old tat. It seems

necessary to complete the parallelism. C£. Grimm, and Com. below. ' A. V. : with. = far when they thought

to have it their. * take.

Chaptek I.

Ver. 1. Judges. Rulers in general are meant,
to whom, according to Oriental ideas, the right
of judgment also appertained. Cf. vi. 4; ix. 7.
They are here addressed naturally from the point
of view of the writer, who is represented as such
himself.

Ver. 2. Tempt him not. The meaning is :
God will be found of such as do not by unright-
eous dealing show that they doubt whether there
be a righteous God, and .so in effect challenge
him to tio his worst iigainst them. Cf. Deut. vi.
16; Acts V. 9, xv. 10; 1 Cor. x. 9. — 'Kirnmlv.
This word is only found here, at x. 7 ; xii. 1 7 ;
xviii. 1, 3 , and 2 Mace. viii. 13, in the Old Testa-
ment Greek. But cf. Mark xvi. 16, and Sopho-
cles' Lex., ad voc.

Ver. 3. 'XkoKioI means crooked, bent, and as
here ajiplied to thoughts refers to those which do
not take the right direction, i. e., towards God. —
'E\4yxfi, convinces, convicts, through correction.
— AoKi/iafoyUEVT) is used, as it would seem, in the
same sense as Treipa^ovaitf in the preceding verse.
Cf. ii. 17, 19, iii. 5 f., xi. 9 f . ; 2 Cor. xiii. 5 ; Heb.
iii. 9, — where these words are also employed as
essentially synonymous.
0 * Ver. 4. Malicious, KaK^rexvov. Lit., using
evil arts. Cf. xv. 4 f. ; Horn., IL, xv. 14. — Ka-
rdxp^os, involved in debt. The word is used by
Polybius to denote what is pawned, mortgaged.
Cf. also Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. The idea seems
to be thut the body has come wholly into the
power of sin ; is " sold " under si*, as ireirpa/xevoi
IS rendered at Rom. vii. 14. The entire being of
man is doubtless here meant to be comprehended,
according to the usage of the Old Testament, in
the expressions "soul'^ and "body." Cf. also 2
Mace. vii. 37 ; xiv. 38 ; xv. 30. Grimm sees in
these statements a recognition of one of the funda-
mental dogmas of Philo, that the body is the
source and seat of moral evil, although it does
not seem to us necessiirily to follow from the
language used. Moreover, such an idea would
appear to be opposed to what the author teaches
just below, ver.se 14, and .it viii. 20; xi. 18 f. The
Kardxp^os afiaprias might refer to the body as now
found, rather than as originally created.

Ver. 5. "Ayiov .... i^v^Z^xa. This expression
first occurs here and at ix. 17 in the Greek Bible.
It often lacks the article, also, in the New Testa-
ment, as well as ivvdixa 0eoC, the latter more
seldom. — Of discipline, i.e., of education. The
Holy Spirit is represented as the Spirit that edu-
cates man in the highest sense, although the idea
of chastisement may be also included. Grotius
falsely undeistands by -ri/ivixa. here the human
spirit : " ipsa conslitulio animi, gum sapieiitia dici-
'«''." — 'Will be frightened away. This mean-
ing of the word i\eyxe-{ia-eTai, which according to
Grimm is historically well supported, seems to be
at this place more iippropriate than the one given
in the A. V., iiuismuch as the parallelism with
the preceding (^etf^erai, airavaaTha^rai is thereby
more clearly brought out. In the preceding

verses the author, like Philo (cf. Dahne, i. 42 ff.,
368 ff.), lays it down as a fundamental principle
that moral purity is a necessary subjective con-
dition to the attainment of a knowledge of the
divine.

Ver. 6. Tap seems to refer to the entire pre-
ceding section. The very fact that wisdom is a
philanthropic spirit would make it impossible for
it to leave sin unnoticed and unpunished in the
man that seeks it ; and because it is such a spirit,
therefore it would not be so difficult as one might
suppose to attain to it.

"^^er. 7. Filleth the world. The perfect tense
(III. 157. have the aorist) denotes an existing state
of things. Cf. Winer, 272 f. — OiKov^evri. Prop-
erly, the inhabited earth ; then the earth in gen-
eral. Here the word is used antithetically to the
Ta irdvTa of the following clause. The same idea
of the spirit of the universe is found in Plato.
Grimm cites parallel passages, also, from Ariateas
and Philo. Gutberlet, on the other hand (Com., ad
loc.}, remarks that the omnipresence, all-pervad-
ing omniscience of God is so clearly set forth in
the Old Testamenl (Ps. cxxxix.), that it is strange
that so many see in this verse the Stoic or Pla-
tonic doctrine of the soul of the world. But the
truth as taught in the Old Testament never takes
on this precise and cbar.Tcteristic form, which
plainly shows that it had already passed out of
the domain of revelation into that of philosophy.
What is here said of the Spirit of God is also
said elsewhere (iii. 24 ; viii. 1 ) of wisdom, which
would make them, according to the teaching of
our book, identical. Cf. also verse 2 with vi. 12,
16, and Prov. viii. 17. — Holdeth together the
All, i. e., sustains it, keeps it from going to pieces.
This thought, which is the primary one of the
verb (rufexeii', is not uncommon in its present
application in classical and ecclesiastical Greek.
Cf. Xen., Anab., vii. 2, 8 ; Plato, Gorg., 508 A ;
Iren., v. 2, 3. — 'H Si/ct). It denotes right as
established usage or custom, and personified by
the Greeks, is daughter of Zeus and Themis. See
Acts xxviii. 4, where this personification seems to
be referred to, as also in the present passage.
See Schmidt, Syn. d. Griech. iSprache, i. p. 352.

Ver. 9. Ata$o6\Lov. A late Greek word, in
use only since the Macedonian period. Cf. LXX.
at Ps. ix. 23 ; Hos. iv. 9 ; Polyb. ii. 26, 3, iii. 9.

Ver. 10. A noise of murmuringa. &poSs
yoyyvafiuv, for yoyyu(rfLi^. A case of onoma-
topoeia. One of these words would have been
enongh to express the idea, and the former was
probably suggested by the word oSs occurring
just before.

Ver. 11. Kara\a.Xia. A word only found in
Bib. and eccles. Greek. Cf. 2 Cor. xii. 20 ; 1 Pet. ii.
1 ; and Clem, of Rome, i. 30. — nopeuVerai. As the
usual meaning attached to this word in this place
by commentators, go away, escape, is not otherwise
found, Grimm would refer it to utterance, — what
goes out of the mouth. — Kei/Sv, without result.
Here without evil result, t. e., punishment. — Slay-

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

235

eth the soul. In what the slaying of the soul
consists is shown in verses 4-6, 8, above. Schmid
{Das Buck d. Weisheit, p. 134) holds that here is
to be found a justification (?) of the expression
"mortal sin," "peccatum morl ate," in use among
Boman Catholics. But cf. Ecclus. xxi. 2.

Ver. 13. Grimm has brought together at this
point our author's teaching on the subject of
death. (1.) God is not its author, verses 13, 14;
he made man immortal, ii. 23 ; death came into the
world through the envy of Satan, ii. 24 ; through
virtue and wisdom death may be escaped, i. 15 ; ii.
22; vi. 18; viii. 17; xv. 3 ; and a blessed life
with God in heaven attained, iii. 1, 14; iv. 2, 7,
10 ; V. 2, 15 ; vi. 19 : only the godless are visited
with the punishment of death, i. 12, 16 ; ii. 24 ; they
have no hope, iii. 11, 18; v.l4; xv. 6, 10; thick
darkness will cover them, xvii. 21 ; yes, they will
be utterly destroyed by God, iv.»19, and their
souls perish, i. 11. Still, they are represented as
suffering pain after death {ItrovTai 4i' oSuVp, iv.
19), while having a knowledge of the blessed con-
dition of the good, V. 1 f. The apparent incon-
sistency of representing death as utter and yet
speaking of lost souls as being in torment, some
critics formerly exphiined by supposing that the
writer held to an intermediate state, in which (if
not all) the souls of the godless remained until
the day of final judgment, when they were anni-
hilated. This view has, however, according to
Grimm, been generally abandoned ; since it is

scarcely possible to suppose that, if the author
held it, he would not have more directly taught
it, that is, otherwise than by simple implication.
Such a view was never held by the Jews, and the
author could not have left his readers, therefore,
to infer that such was his teaching in the present
case. It is probable, therefore, that he did not
use the word Bdvaros as meaning total annihilation,
but much as it is used in Apoc. ii. 11, xxi. 8, as
referring to the second death ; that is. negatively,
the loss of heavenly blessedness, and, positively,
the everlasting and painful consciousness of guilt.
It was an essential tenet of Alexandrian Judaism,
according to Grimm, brouglit about (as he sup-
poses) by the influence of Platonism, that imme-
diately after the death of the body the soul en-
tered upon its retribution in the future world.

Ver. 14. A< yeyecrct!, the productions. The
word has been used in this sense since the time of
Plato. Cf. xvi. 26; xix. 11 ; and xiii. 3, 5, —
where God is called yepeirlapx'l! and yeveawup-
y6s.

Ver. 15. Fritzsche supplies (as above with
Grimm) from the Vulgate the pan of verse 15 (the
second clause) which has apparently been lost.
That the verse is incomplete seems plain from the
construction. The usual parallelism is wanting,
and there is otherwise nothing to which aiirSi' in
verse 16 could properly refer.

Ver. 16. Made a covenant with it. Cf. Is.
xxviii. 15, and Ecclus. xiv. 12.

Chapteb II.

1 Fob they '■ said among themselves, reasoning ^ not aright, Our life is short and
sad,' and in the death of a man there is no deliverance ; * and there has not been

2 known one who returned from Hades.^ For we were ' born accidentally ; ' and we
shall be hereafter as though we had never been ; for the breath in our nostrils is *
smoke, and thinking a spark produced by the beating of our heart ; ' which being

3 extinguished, the " body will '^ be turned into ashes, and the '^ spirit will ^^ vanish

4 as thin " air, and our name will ^^ be forgotten in time, and no man will '® have our
works in remembrance ; and our life will " pass away as the trace of a cloud, and
be ■'' dispersed as a mist, that is driven away by " the beams of the sun, and over-

5 come by ^° the heat thereof. For our time ^' is the passing by of a shadow ; ^^ and
of ^^ our end there is no repetition ;^ for it is fast sealed, and^^ no man cometh

.6 again. Come on, therefore, and ^^ let us enjoy the good things that are present ;

7 and let us diligently enjoy the world " as in youth. Let us fill ourselves with

8 costly wine and ointments, and let no flower of the spring ^* pass by us ; let us crown

9 ourselves with rosebuds, before they be withered ; and let there be no meadow untrod

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : the ungodly. 2 reasoning with themselves, but (the phrase Iv eavrotg is obviously to be joined
to ilirov). The preposition Fritzsche receives from III. X. 23. 55. 106. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. It is also found
in II. 3 A. V. : tedious (Avinjpos ; Jun., wio^fijia). * remedy {lao-is ; S\in.,remedia). ^ neither was there any

man known to have .... the grave (see Com.). 6 are. ' at all adventure. ^ j^ a,,, 9 a little spark in the
moving of our heart {6 Aoyoj — C. and the Greek Bible of 1697 (Frankfort) as a reading, oXiyos as A. V. — aTriv8i}p iv
mvria-ei. /capSia; ifuji/ ; see Com.). " our. n shall. i' our (23. 157. 248. 253. Co. add iiti.wv). " shall.

" the soft (xavvos ; Jun., mollis).

Vers. 4-6. —MA. v.: shall. w shall. "shall. " shall be. "with. 2« with. =1 Fritzsche, Grimm,
Reuscfa, and others adopt Katpo? for pios from II. (by a second hand) III. (first hand) X. 68. 106. 261. Co. Aid. Old Lat.
The latter word was probably written by mistake through the influence of vers, 2, 4. 22 {.^ a very shadow that passeth
away (Luther: " Unsere Zeit ist, wie ein Schatten dahin fiihrt '' ; Jun., " ut umbrje transitus est tempus nostrum.")
23 after. 2^ returning. 25 go that. 26 o,n?75 and (so III., by first hand, 155. and Jun.). 2T gpgedily (marg.,
earnestly) use the creatures like. Instead of Kriiret (supported by II. and most other MSS. with Vulg. Syr. Ar. Arm.)
Codd. III. 157. A. G. B. E. F. G. H. I. with Co. read KTjJo-et. These words are often interchanged in the MSS. Fritzsche
receives uk ve6njT0^ from III. X. A. C. D. E. F. H. {text. rec. , ws feoTTjn). Reusch and Grimm prefer a>c kv veorrfTL (aa
• 167. 248. 253. Co. O. Old Lat.). Cf. Rom. xiii. 13.

Vers. 7, 8. — 2» Fritzsche with Reuseh read eopos for de'pos (as III. 55. 106, 157. 261. 296.). Cod. X. with the text, rec
tnpport ^ latter.

236

THE APOCRYPHA.

by our luxury,^ let none of US go without having part in '■' our voluptuOTisness ; let
US leave tokens of our joyfulness in every place ; for this is our portion, and our lot

10 is this. Let us oppress the poor righteous man, let us not spare the widow, nor

11 reverence the venerable ' gray hairs of the aged. And let our strength be the law

12 of justice ; for that which is feeble proves itself to be worthless.^ Let ns He in
wait for the righteous, because he is an annoyance to us and sets himself against our
doings ; and ° he upbraideth us with offenses against * the law, and lays to our

13 charge our sins against discipline.' He professeth to have a ^ knowledge Of God,

14 and he calleth himself a' child of the Lord. He came to be to us a rebuke

15 of our opinions.^" He is grievous unto us even to behold ; for his life is not like

1 6 other men's, his ways are strange.^^ We are esteemed by him as counterfeits ; and "
he abstaineth from our ways as from filthiness ; he pronounceth the end of the just

17 to be blessed, and maketh his boast that God is his father. Let us see if his words he

18 true ; and let us prove what shall happen at his end.^' For if the just man be a "

19 son of God, he will help him, and deliver him from the hand of his enemies. Let
us examine him with despitefulness and torture, that we may know his meekness,

20 and prove his patience. Let us condemn him to ^^ a shameful death ; for according
to his words ^^ he will " be respected.

2 1 These things ■'* they did imagine, and were deceived ; for their wickedness

22 blinded ^' them, and ^ as for the mysteries of God, they knew them not ; neither
hoped they for the wages of piety, nor discerned a reward for blameless souls.

23 For God created man for immortality,^' and made him to be an image of his own

24 being ; ^^ but ^' through envy of the devil came death into the world, and they that
are of his class experience it.''*

Vers. 9, 10. — ^ Thi.s sentence does not appear in the Greek, but is adopted from tlie Old Lat. by Fritzsclie, Grimm,
and others. There is evidence that it originall.v stood in the text in tile fact that in a glossary of words occurring in
the Book of Wisdom found in connection with Cod. Coisl. n. 394, the word Xeifitiv is found, and it does not occur in the
present text of the book. 2 a, y. : his part of. {The Greek of this member is, fATjSeis riix.iav (MSS. 106. 155. 261.,

u/xa)v) SuLOLpo^ l(7Tio (X., effxe =:e<rTai) ttJ5 ^^erc'pas dyepa>j(tas). 3 ancient.

Vera. 11-14. — ^ A. V. : is found to be nothifig worth (axpijirToi' iKi-^x^To-t). Therefore (5e' is omitted by HI. X. 106.
155. 157. 248. 261. 296., and stricken out by Fritzsohe). " omits and (so Jun.). " our offending. ' objecteth to
our infamy the transgressions of our education (Jun., infayniaTn irrogat nobis peccatorum vitm in^titutcR nostrai). * the.
^ the'. ^t" was made to reprove our thoughts (eyeVcTo rjfi.Zv eU eAeyxoy ervotwi/ r)[j.ajv ; Jun., I'actus est nobis ad redar^

gufndum cogitationes nostras).

Vers. 16-17. — ^^ A. V. ; are of another fashion (cfrjAAayfteVai, *' aussergewdtvnlich, sonderhar ; in dieser Bedeutung
seit Aristoteles hauflg bei den Classikern." Grimm, Com. in loc). ^2 of , . , . counterfeits ; he. ^^ in the end of
him. The Vulg. adds : et sciemus quoB erunt novissima ilUus. Bauermeister thought it should be received into the text,
but not so Grimm, Rcusch, Fritzsche. " A. V. : the.

Vers. 20-24. — if-A-V.: with (Jun., in). il by his own- saying («« Aoywi' avTOu ; the context influenced our render^

ing ; otherwise it would be, 05 kis words [deserve) ; cf. Matt. xii. 37). ^^ shall. 18 Such things {To-via). ^^ own

■Wickedness hath blinded (aorist). 20 o-mits and. 21 wages of righteousness .... to be immortal (ctt' a^Qa^att^ — ^
i^., 65. 2B4.) 22 eternity. Instead of Wiottito! of the text, rec, supported by U. III. 23. A. C. D., Vulg., Ar., Clem,

of Alex., Codd. 106. 261. Aa. B. with Old Lat. Syr. read ohoiotijto! ; 248. 263. E. I. G. H., Athanas., Method., and other
fathers, atSioTijTos. Grimm, with Bretschneider, Reusch, and Fritzsche,decides for the first (aee Com.). 23 a. V.:

Nevertheless. =4 ^0 ijoj^ of his side, do find it (see Com.).

Chapter II.

Ver. 1. The course of thought is closely con-
nected by yap with what immediately goes before.
On the last clause, cf. xvi. 14, and Eccles. viii. 8.
It is an advance on the idea expressed in the pre-
ceding clause in that the one looks forward, while
the other is regarded as a matter of experience.
The latter thought would also, on that account,
be properly expressed by the aorist iyviaSii.

Ver. 2. AiiToo-xtSiws, ex tempore. That is,
without previous thought, and so without aim,
by mere accident. The word occurs as adverb
only here. The doctrine agrees in general with
that of the Epicureans. Cf. Schwegler's History
of Philos., p. 148. — Kal i \6yos. The inner
spiritual life makes itself manifest through thought
and speech. 'I'he materialists of Alexandria,
however, held that thought itself was simply a
material product of the beating heiirt. Our A. V.
followed the reading oKlyos, which, however, as

will be seen, has little MS, authority (Cod. C),
and gives a sense which does not agree so weU
with the context as the one proposed. The com-
mon reading, moreover, has the support of *
passage in the Letter of Isidore of Pelusium (iv.
146) ; Oi yhp kfff^ih tnrtvB7)pa yofj.lcrafTis fh'ai t^v
y^/vx'hv, etc.

Ver. 3. The representation of these free
thinkers was that the principle of life was simply,
as it w;ere, a fire in the heart, from which sparks
(that is, thought and speech) and smoke (or the
breath ) ascended. As when the smoke and sparks
cease it is a sign that the fire is out, so, they
reasoned, when the breathing and thinking ceasB
the man is wholly dead, body and soul.

Ver. 4. AWill have our works in remem-
brance, fxvrjfjLovivtret roiv epyaiv ^juecf. This verb
also sometimes governs the accusative, in th«
sense of having present in the mind (Matt.xvi,.»j

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

237

1 Thess. ii. 9; Rev. xviii. 5). Cf. Winer, p. 205.
Great weight was laid in the later Jewish writings
on living in the memories of men. Cf. Eeclus.
xxxvii. 26; xjxxix. 11; xli. 12; xliv. 7-15.—
OiVets. This form of the word, which is not
Attic, is found; only in the New, Testument, the
LXX., and some of the Tatjiera. Cf. Sophocles's
Lex., sub voce.

Vers. 7, 8. The reference is to the custom at
feasts of anointing the body, and crowning one's
self with garlands. It was prajCticed, also among
tlje Israelites. Cf. Ps, xxiii. 5 ; Amos vi. 6 ;
Luke vii. 46.

Ver. 9. 'Ayepaxla (from iryf/iaxoi) was used
by Homer and Pindar in a good sense as braae,
high-minded. It took on later the idea of haughti-
ness, fierceness. Cf. 2 Mace. ix. 7, and 3 Mace, i.
25.

Ver. 10. Some suppose that by the "poor,
righteous maa" the Jews in general are meant,
whiip the free-thiijkers are their heathen oppres-
sors. It is doubtful, however, if the author would
be so understood. Among these free-thinkers
there were probably apostate Jews as well. The
later periods of Jewish history furnished at least
not a few exa^nples of this kind.

Ver. 12. This verse seems to make it still
clearer that apostate Jews are meant, against
whom alone such arguments would have any par-
ticular force.

Ver. 13. 'Eiro77€AX6Tai, he professeth. This
word meant originally to proclaim (Lat., edlcere),
and was employed for public announcements { Xen.,
Cyrop,, vii. 4, 2 ) . In the New Testament, however,
it is used generally in the middle voice, with the
meaning : tp offer one's self, one's services, or to
annpunce one's $elf as about to do something, to
promise. At 1 llm. ii. 10, it has the sense of
" professing to be something," — " professing god-
liness," — after tlie analogy of the sophists, who
offered to teach something. So also in our pas-
sage. — Knowledge pf God. That is, God's wil."
concerning man, what He requires, what He ap
proves, and what He will punish. The whole
spirit of the book, however, is against our sup-
posing, with Gutberlet (Con,., ad loc), that it
means much more than this, and approaches ip
idea the word yiytic-Keiv as used in John's Gos-
pel, ii. 24 ; V. 42 ; xvii. 3. — XlaiSa icvpiov. The
words are doubtless used simply in a general
sense, as elsewhere in the present book. Cf. ix.
4, 7 ; xii. 19-21 ; xix. 6. The Syriac has : " He
says, 'I am son of God.'" The Armenian:
" He calls his person son of the Lord."

Ver. 14. A rebuke of our opinions. He be-
came that in so far as men contrasted the senti-
ments of the two, and their results to the disad-
vantage of the free-thinkers.

Ver. 16, Els k'l^StjKov 4\oyia&iifiev aur^, we
are esteemed by him as counterfeits. Cf. fur-
ther iii. 17, ix. 6 f. ; Acts xix. 27. The impor-
tance of this verb in a theological sense is well
known. '* That is transferred to the person, and
imputed to him, which in and for itself does not
belong to him ; the expression \oyi^eirBai ti Tifi
(Is tI denotes that something is imputed to the
person per substitutionem." Cremer's Lex., sub

VOf^.

Ver. 17. 'El' 4K$d<rft. The meaning outgoing,
i. e., end, this word has only in the later Greek.
Cf. Heb. xiii. 7.

Ver. 20. Be respected. That is, from the
side of God. They meant to put the matter to
the test whether God would really take any notice
of him in his distress. Roman Catholics gener-
ally, fpllowing the lead of several of the Fathers
(cf. TertuU., Contra Marc, iii. 22; August.,
Contra Faust., xii. 44 ; Lactant., iv. 16), find in
this and a fe^y previous verses a prophecy relating
to the sufferings of Christ ; and so, too, among
Protestants, Calovius, while Slier (Die Apok.,;pp.
18, 46) holds it for a representation which "bor-
ders on" such prophecy. But it is evident tha|t
no, one, person, but a class, is meant by rhy Siicaioy
in verse 12, since it is used elsewhere in the plural
where tlie same class is obviously referred to.
Cf. iii. 1 ff. with iv. 7 ff. Moreover, what is here
said of the relations between the pious and the
worldly-njinded has always been true, and the
similarity of the language u.sed to that used by the
Jews against Christ arises solely fi'om a natural
similarity of circumstances.

Ver. 2(2. Mysteries of God. Secret counsels,
in accordance with which he disciplines his people
here in preparation for a better hereafter. These
mysteries are clear only to faith. — Discerned a
reward, ixpivav yepas. The A. V. has in the
margin preferred or esteemed the reward. But it
seems better to sujjply elvai before the latter word :
they judged {not) that there was a reward.

Ver. 2."i. The A. V. followed the reading of
some MSS., ai'SicfxTiTos, which was also the form
in which the passage was cited by some of the
church Fathers. For th? usual reading, however,
the LXX. at Gen. i. 26 seems decisive. The
former reading probably crept in as a gloss, al-
though the exchange of diSios for i^ios would not be
difficult, and is not without example in the MSS.

Ver. 24. Cf. Rom. v. 12. — Aia/3oA.ou is here
without the article, as also at Acts xiii. 10, and 1
Pel;. V. 8. Cf. Winer, p. 124. According to
Dahne, the personal evil spirit, Satan, is not
meant, but the serpent of Genesis, that wa,s repre-
sented by Philo as an image of the seducing
pleasiire which separated man froni God. The
serpent of Paradise is no doubt referred to ; but
there is no evidence that our author did not iden-
tify him with Satan, in accordance with the gen-
eral belief of his day concerning demons and the
demoniac world. Cf. the LXX- at Num. xxii.
32 ; Esth. vii. 4, viii. 1. This, indeed, would
represent our author as differing from Philo, who
held that matter alone was evU. But, on the
other hand, we are not to expect in the present
book the views of Philo to be alone reflected,
much less represented in their completeness, un-
less we are to suppose him to have been the
author of the work, which we cannot do. The
envy of the devil was envy against man on account
of his immortality. This idea was a common
one among the Jews. Cf. Jos., Antiq-, i. 1, § 4.
— Experience (ireipa^ouo-i) it. The use of this
Greek word in such a sense, according to Grimm,
is not found in the classics. But cf. xii. 26,
Eeclus. xxxix. 4, and Liddell and Scott's Lex.,
under impdw.

238 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter III.

1 But the souls of the righteous are in the hand of God, and there shall no tor-

2 ment touch them. In the sight of the unwise they seemed to be dead ; ^ and their

3 departure was ^ taken for a misfortune,' and their going from us annihilation ; * but

4 they are in peace. For though they shall have experienced punishment ac-

5 cording to the judgment ^ of men, yet is their hope full of immortality. And hav-
ing been a little chastised, they shall be greatly rewarded ; for God proved them,

6 and found them worthy of ^ himself. As gold in a furnace he ' tried them, and

7 received them as a burnt offering. And in the time of their visitation they

8 shall blaze forth,* and run to and fro like sparks among the stubble. They shall
judge nations,^ and have dominion over peoples,^" and their king shall be the Lord '*

9 for ever. They that put their trust in him shall understand the truth ; and such as
be faithful in love shall abide with him ; for grace and mercy shall be '^ to his saints,

10 and he will have " care for his elect. But the ungodly shall be punished according
to ^^ their own imaginations, who have despised ^^ the righteous, and forsaken the
Lord.

11 For he who^' despiseth wisdom and nurture, is " miserable, and their hope is

12 vain, and ^' </ieiV labors unfruitful, and their works unprofitable. Their wives are

13 foolish,^' and their children wicked ; their offspring is cursed ; for blessed'"' is the
barren that is undefiled, who hath not known a ^^ sinful bed, she shall have fruit

14 in the visitation of souls. And blessed is the eunuch, who ^^ with his hands hath
wrought no iniquity, nor planned wicked things against the Lord; for unto him shall
be given a ^ special gift of faith, and a more desirable inheritance ^ in the temple

1 5 of the Lord.'^ For glorious is the fruit of good labors ; and the root of wisdom

1 6 shall never die out.^'' But the children of adulterers shall " not come to perfec-

17 tion,^° and the seed of an unrighteous bed shall disappear.^ For though they also
live long, they shall be held for nothing ; *° and their age at last be ^^ without honor.

18 Or, if they die early,'^ they shall have no hope, neither comfort in the day of de-

19 cision ; '' for miserable is ^* the end of the unrighteous generation.

Vers. 1-i. — 1 A. V. : to die {reQvavai., to have died, or to be dead), 2 jg, 3 misery (KaKwa-i; ^ Ungliick. Wahl's
Clavis, s. T. ). ^ to be utter destruction {(ruvrpififia). It seemed best to use the synonym " annihilation *' on account

of its use in modern theological discussions. <> A. V. : be punished in the sight of (" nicht 51 puniuntur — Hoydcnr.,

Wahl — sondem nach bekannten Gebrauch des idv mit aorist, Winer, p. 293 if., si pumti fuerint, v/ean sie Strafen
erfahren haben werden." Grimra, Com.in loc).

Vers. 6-9. — 0 A. V. : for. ' the furnace hath he. » shine (oi»iiA(l(xi(<oV(ri ; in II. this word begins a new line).

" the nations. i" the people (166. Aodi'). u and their Lord shall reign. The context, as well as grammatical con-
siderations, is against making atJ™i/ limit Kupiot. 12 A. V. : is. " he hath. The last two clauses arc read in a great
variety of ways. Codd. II. {text, rec.) 293. A. B. G. and Old Lat. read : in. x^pis Kal S^so; toIs eicAeitTots airoO. Other
codd. have in xipis tul IXeos iv (the preposition is omitted in X. 23. 263. Aa.) rors oo-iois (III. 155. 167. C. D. T. H. Syr.
At. have «AeKTors) ixi-rov Ka.\ eirio-Koiri) Iv Iprcp. omitted by C. D. F. H.) toIs UkeKnU (oo-iois in III. 167. C. D. F. H. Syr.
Ar.) ai.ToC, namely : X. 68. 106. 248. 263. 264. 261. Aa. B. I. with Co. Aid. Fritzsche adopts the latter. Grimm rejects
the whole as having been introduced here from iv. 15. Reusch adopts what is found in Cod. II. as genuine, and rejects
the remainder^ But it is eaay to see, if the two lines are placed together, how readily a copyist might have skipped
from the ex nU of the first to cK^tK-roU of the second. The context, too, seems to require the words.

Vers. 10-14. —" khS' H is to be written for Ka0a of the Rom. Ed., Holmes and Parsons, and Mai. " A. V. : which

have neglected. "whoso. " he is. i« omits and. » marg., iig/K, or tmcAosfe (see Com.). » Wherefore

blessed. 2< which the. 22 which. ^ imagined God given the. a an inheritance more

acceptable to his mmd. The word ei/^^peoTcpoi becomes in 23. 263. the nearly synonymous euf»r)5.-(rr6pos (flunii, JiSoi).
The former, in addition to most of the codd. and the versions, is supported by a citation of Clem of Alex. ^ For " in
the temple " the A. V. has in the margin as an alternative rendering " amongst the people " (.Kaw being read for vojH)

Vers. 16-19. - '" A. V. : fall away (the Greek means, literally, noJ/a/iin^ in pieces, but is here limited by the context)

2' As for they shall, 2» their perfection. » be rooted out (Ut., shall be removed from sight : cf. ver. 15).

s» they live long, yet shall they be nothing regarded. "■ last age shaU be. 32 quickly (see Com.). 33 trial (Siay-
i-wo-ews ; avayvuKTsiiii, 55. ; Jun., cognitionis). 34 horrible is.

Chapter III.

Ver. 1. Souls of the righteous. Departed
souls are meani;. — Bdaauot. Used also at Luke
xvi. 23, 28, of the future torment. It means (1)
a touchstone ; (2) metaphoricallv, a (no/, whether
a thing be genuine ; (3) an inquirtj, especially by
torture (cf. ii. 19), confession upon torture, and
torture, anguish, in general.

Ver. 2. In the sight, that is, in the opinion,

judgment. Cf. ix. 9, and Ecclua. riii. 16. To

be dead, i. e., utterly, soul and body.

Ver. 3. In peace, 'f'his word was to the Jew
a synonym for the highest good, physical and
spiritual. It stands here opposed to the mis-

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

239

fortune bupposed by the ungodly to be the portion
of the just.

Ver. 4. 'Ecki" Ko\a(r9a<riv. The sufferings of the
righteous generally in the world, ending in a
death similar to that of other people, seems to be
meant. On the construction, cf. Winer, pp. 291
293. — 'H i\TrU avToiv. The first beginnings of
Christian hope, which were already involved in
the facts and predictions of the Old Testament,
seem here faintly to show themselves. Cf. 1 Pet,
i.3.

Ver. ,5. Cf. Rom. viii. 18 ; 2 Cor. iv. 17. Their
suffering is not an end, but a means. — Worthy
of himself Of communion with Him. Cf. Col.
i. 12. The fact does not seem to be noticed that
our Heavenly Father also uses discipline for all
his earthly children, in order to win them to that
which is good. The confining of the good provi-
dence of God in its working to worthy Jews,
while towards all others He is represented as hos-
tile in thoutiht and action, is a dreadful misrepre-
sentation of Him who "maketh his sun to rise
upon the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain
on tlie just and on the unjust." Grimm properly
calls attention to the words Ko\a(«rBai, ^feTofeirflai,
^aaavi^itrQai, fi.aa'Tiyodffdai, KaTa5iK(£^e(r0ai, which
our author continually uses of the godless, and
■jraiSeveadai, vovTedutrBai, netpJi^ecrdaij and SoKl-
lid(ea-6a.i of the pious (Israelites), as forming an
unallowable antithesis, and as teaching a doctrine
which docs not at all agree with the representa-
tion that God loves all his creatures, or with this
writer's own assertions elsewhere. At xi. 24, for
instance, he says : '* For thou lovest all the things
that are, and abhoiTCSt nothing which thou hast
made ; for never wouldest thou have made any-
thing, if thou hailst hated it."

Ver. 6. As a burnt offering. As a perfect
offering, sacrifice, one wholly given up to him,
d\oK<ipTrwfjLa being used for dKoKai/Tinfiix.

Ver. 7. In the time of their visitation. This
seems to refer to a time when here on earth God
would visit his people for good, and on their ac-
count judge the nations Others refer it to the
future world ; and still others suppose that it has
in view specifically the final judgment at the end
of the present order of things. — Run to and fro
like sparks among the stubble. The meaning
is that the true Israel will destroy their enemies
as the flame the stubble. The figure is a familiar
one in the Old Testament, and is based on the
custom of burning the stubble and refuse matter
of the fields for the purpose of enriching them.
Cf. Is. V. 24, xlvii. 14 ; Joel ii. 5 ; and especially
Obad. verse 18.

Ver. 8. Cf. Dan. vii. 18, 22, 27, and Jer. iii.
17. — BafTi\eiffeL avrSiv Kvpios. The A. V. follows
the Vulgate in connecting the last two words
together, which, however, is not the natural con-
struction, and it also weakens the idea of the con-
text. A restoration of the theocracy in distinc-
tion from the dominion of strange kings is meant.

Ver. 9. The truth, i. e., respecting God's now
mysterious dealings with men. — Such as be
faithful in love (margin of A. V., such as be
faithful shall remain with him in looe). It is, in
fact, doubtful whether iv iydwij is to be joined with
jriffToi or .with vpo(7fi.ivov<n. — We have left the
clause beginning "for grace and mercy" to the
end of the verse, as in Fritzsche's text on the

MS. authorities above given, although Grimm
(especially on account of its occurring at iv. 15)
suspects its genuineness, and says that if left out
nothing of importance would be missed.

Ver. 10. 'EiriTijuia is used also for punishment
at 2 Cor. ii. 6, and often in ecclesiastical Greek.
The word in classical Greek is inniiuov. Cf.,
however, Ecclns. ix. b ; 2 Mace. vi. 13.

Ver. 12. "Aippoves, Bretschneider (with Biel),
on account of what follows in the context, gives
this word here the meaning of adulteress, with the
remark : " Appommtur mtdieribus castis, qua non
cognoverunt Koirrtv iv napanTciifxaTt."

Ver. 13. *EiriKaT(liparos. It is used only in
Biblical and ecclesiastical Greek. Like iwdparos,
it means laid under a curse. It is the opposite of
fv\oyrifievos. Cf. xiv. 8 ; Tob. xiii. 12. — Sinful
bed. The marriage bed of those who live in sin
is meant. — Shall have fruit, i.e., shall have
reward. — In the visitation of souls. At the
time when God shall clear up the enigmas of life,
and show things in their true light. Cf. 3 Mace.
V. 42. Some Roman Catholic as well as Protes-
tant commentators hold that our author means to
teach the desirability of celibacy ; which, how-
ever, as it seems to us, would be to give his words
a meaning out of harmony with the context.
He is simply showing the evil effects of sin upon
one's family and posterity, " Their offspring is
cursed." Better than such is the condition of tho.se
even who have no children at all, who are sterile
{&Kapvros, &yoms), and by the world, therefore,
are held to be unfortunate and uuh.appy, but who
are really happier than the wicked parents of
wicked children. Moreover, the language as thus
interpreted would not be at all suitable in the
mouth of Solomon, the ostensible author of the
work, with his seven hundred wives and three
hundred concubines.

Ver. 14. Natural sterility on the part of the
man seems to be referred to, and not at all en-
forced celibacy. Cf. Is. Ivi. 3-5, to which this
passage evidently has reference. — T^? Triarews
Xiip's €V\eKTij. Some (Schmid) take iriVris here in
the sense of "faithfulness," by which a person
would be enabled to hold out against all tempta-
tions in his fealty to right principles. Grimm
more properly understands it in the broader sense
of " the firm and joyful persuasion of the truth
of the theocratic idea and the promises attached
to it." It is to be noticed that this Tritms was not
a reward of merit, but a gracious gift (xipis).
Cf. Eph. ii. 8.

Ver. 16. 'AreAeo-Ta. Lit., incomplete. It does
not seem to refer to the earthly life in particular,
but to the object for which man was created, —
they fail of the final goal. Cf. iv. 5 : kAuve;
otTeAetTTOt.

Ver. 18. '0|ecos. Lit., violently, quickly; but
here obviously in the sense of early, soon. There
is perhaps some ground at this point, as in the fol-
lowing chapter, verses 3-5, for the objection raised
by Keerl, that God is represented as quite too
harsh in his dealings with these innocent children
of adulterers. But it can hardly be regarded as
anything more thau a rhetorical exaggeration of
the idea that the sins of parents are visited upon
their children. Cf. Deut. v. 9 f., xxiv. 16 ; Ezek.
xviii., passim.

240 THE APOCEYPHA.

Chapter IV.

1 Bettbe is childlessness with virtue ; for in the remembrance thereof is immor-

2 tality ; ' because it is known both^ with God, and with men. When it is present,.
men take example from' it; and when it is gone, they desire it; and m eternity

3 it marches on in triumph, having gotten the victory in the contest for undehled
rewards. But the fruitful multitude of the godless shall be useless and as shoots

4 from impure slips shall not root deeply nor get firm ^ foundation. For though their
branches may be green « for a time, yet standing not fast, they shall be shaken by

5 the wind, and through the force of winds they shall be rooted out. Imperfect

6 branches shall be broken ofi round about, and their fruit be« unprofitable, not ripe
to eat, yea, meet for nothing. For children begotten of unlawful intercourse are
witnesses of vice ^^ against their parents in their trial.

7, 8 But though the righteous may pass away early, he shall be at ^ rest. For

honorable age is not that which standeth in length of time, nor that is measured by

9 number of years. But discernment is ^^ gray hair imto men, and an unspotted life

10 is old age. He pleased God, and was beloved ; and " living amongst sinners he was

11 translated. He was snatched away lest the evil" should alter his understanding,

12 or deceit beguile his soul. For the fascination of vice doth obscure that which is

13 good; and the intoxication of passion upsets the uncorrupted ^^ mind. He, being

14 made perfect in a short time, fulfilled a long time; for his soul pleased the Lord,

15 therefore it hasted from the midst of wickedness.^^ But while the people saw, they
did not also understand," neither laid they up this in their minds, that grace and

16 mercy are ^* with his chosen," and his visitation with his saints.'"* But "^^ the
righteous who is already dead'^ shall condemn the ungodly who are still ^'
living ; and youth that is soon perfected the old age of many years ^ of the mi-

17 righteous. For they shall see the end of tbe wise, and shall not understand what
he hath decreed concerning him, and to what end the Lord ^ set him in safety.

18 They shall see, and ridicule it ; ^" but the Lord shall laugh at them" ; and they
shall afterwards ^' be a dishonored '•'° carcase, and a reproach among the dead

19 for evermore. For he shall plunge them speechless down headlong, and shall °°
shake them from the foundation ; and they shall be utterly laid waste, and shall be

20 in anguish,''- and their memorial shall perish. At the reckoning up of their sins
they shall appear with trembling ; and their transgressions shall convict '^ them to
their face.

Vers, 1-3. — 1 A. Y. ; it is to have no children, and to have virtue, for the memorial thereof is immortal. ' omitt
both. = at. According to Ccdd. 111. 65. 106. 156. 157. 248. 254. 296. A. B. F. G. H., with Methodius, niimmv should
be read for fitjaoOin-ai. But the latter is supported by 23. 68. 263. in addition to the text, rec, (with II.), the Vulg. Syr.
Ar. and Arm. versions, and adopted by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche. * A. V. ; it weareth a crown, and triumpheth
forever .... striving. ^ multiplying brood of the ungodly shall not thrive nor take deep rooting from bastard slips,
nor lay a»y fast.

Vera. 4-8. — <> A. V. : they flourish in branches. t shalsen with. " The imperfect .... off, their fruit.

s beds {marg., Qr , sleeps ; cf. vii. 2). lo wickedness {■novrjpla.s , whose sense is made clear by the context). " be
prevented with death, yet shall he be in.

Vers. 9-12. — i^ ^^ y. ; wisdom {<i,ft6vT](Ti.<;) is the. " of him so that. n Yea, speedily was he taken away (see

Com.) lest that wickedness (X. 23. 155. 167. 248. Co. have the article before Koucta ; 55. the same, and avTou after it.
Fritzsche receives the article). ^^ bewitching of naughtiness doth obscure things that are honest ; and the wandering
of concupiscence doth undermine (marg., pervert / see CoTn.) the simple.

Vers. 13-17. — ^'^ A. V. : therefore hasted he to take him away (see Com. ; 156., etnrovSonrev. Nannius suggested etr-
naa-ev — trnaia, to draw forth — but it was rejected by other critics) from among the wicked. ^t This the people

paw, and understood it not. Instead of A.aoi, III. (from the first hand) 155. 296. read oAAoi. But cf . ii. 18 ; ill. 10.
18 A. V. ; his grace and mercy is. ^^ saints (the words *' saints " and '* chosen " are read in an inverse order in III.

65. 68. 106. 248. 264. 261. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. Cf. Hi. 9). » thai he hath respect unto his chosen (see pre-
ceding note). 21 Thus (««', omitted by 248. and Junius). 22 that is dead [Baviiv, III. 68. 156. 167. 248. 264. 296. A. 0.
D. B. H. 1. Co. Aid. ; eauir<f, 106. 261., and it is preferred by Thilo ; nafiiii', II. — corrected to Saviiv — 23. 55. 2B4.
Arm. and, apparently, Syr. Ar. See Com.). 23 which are. 24 many years and old age (TroAueres y^pas). 8* Qod
in his counsel hath decreed [i^ovKevtravTo — plur. — 261. Co.) of (Trept) him and to what end the Lord hath.

Vers. 18-20. — 20 A. V. : him and despise him (23. 253. add niirov). 27 Qod shall laugh them to scorn. ' " here-

after. 2fl vile (aTLjaor). 30 rend them, and cast them down headlong, that they shall be speechless, and he shall.
81 and be in sorrow. 32 ^j,^ when they cast up the accounts (marg., to the casting up of the account ; 106. 271.,

ev Aoyio-fiw) of their sins, they shall come with fear : and their own iniquities (tA ai^ofi^^ara avrtav) shall convince
(eXe'yf").

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

241

Chapter IV.

Ver. 1. Tliis verse contains a comparison in
allusion to what has gone before. It is meant,
better is celibacy and childlessness than a misuse
of the marriage relation. To praise Childlessness
absolutely mould have been for the author to put
himself directly in antagonism to the spirit and
tenor of the entire Old Testament.

Ver. 2. Titv Tuv h^tdyTQJV &$\iiiv ^-yuva viK-f]-
amra. Grimm understands i,0\a. (or 50A.oi) in the
sense of -single combats, cases of suffering and
-persecution in the great battle of life {ayiip) ; and
renders : " KampJ'in unbeflecktem Streite bestehend."
Other renderings are, Buusen's BIbelwerh : " Nach-
dem sie im Kampfe Jieckenlosen Streites gesiegt
hat." Gutmann : " Nachdem sie im iCampfe
gesiegt und den Preis des unbejieckten Lebens
errungen hat," De Wette : " Nachdem sie im
•ttiibefledlden Ehrenkampfe gesiegt hat." Gaab ;
" Nachdem sie den Kampf gliicklich bestanden hat,
:fur die unbejieckten Kampf belnhnung en."

Ver. 3. 'Ek v6dav = 5 4k viBav. Cf. LXX.
at Dent, xxiii. 2. The figure is mixed, the word
being unsuitable as applied to persons.

Ver. 6. "TTTcor is used in this sense also at vii.
2. Cf. Homer, Od., xi. 245. — Uoviipias. Here
moral impurity, vice.

Ver. 7. The Vulgate translates Iv hvawaiaei
by in refngerio, as though it were eV &)/at|/ujEi ; and
certain Roman Catholic commentators refer it to
■tlie lightening of the pains of purgatory through
the prayers of the living, by which hopes of future
deliverance are raised. Schmid, on the contrary
{Com., 'in /oc), says, with some tartness, that the
doctrine referred to is not based on this passage,
and that this or that theologian or church father
.does not make the church. He calls attention,
however, to the fact that heaven, as a place, in
'the language of the ancient church, is locus re-
frigeni. — It is noticeable that (f>Bavu stands here
with an infinitive, which is a rare construction, it
being generally followed by a participle.

Ver. 9. Grimm quotes a similar idea from
Pbilo, Menander, Cicero, Seneca, and Plutarch.

Ver. 10. The reference is undoubtedly to
Enoch. The word used, fiereTfOi], is the one
commonly employed in the LXX. (Gen. v. 24),
by the Alexsmdrian Jews, and the early church,
for describing the translation of this patriarch.
Cf. Ecclus. ■xMv. 16 ; Heb. xi. 5 ; and Clement of
Kome, Ad Cor., ix. : " Sumamus Enochum, qui in
obedientia Justus repertus, translatus fuit [/x€T€T607?],
neque mors ejus inventa est." The passage seems
to be used to illustrate in what the death of the
righteous in general differs from that of others.
It is less a death than a translation, in that they
pass immediately into the presence of God, and
enjoy communion with him.

Ver. 11. 'Hpwdyn. A later form for ^pTrdirSr).
This word is used in the same sense in Acts viii.
39 ; 2 Cor. xii. 2, 4 ; 1 Thess. iv. 17.

Ver. 12. 'P€fi$tta-ii6s. Elsewhere, confined to
eccles. Greek; ^f/jL^d^etv being the intensive form
of ^e/iBiif, to turn about in a circle. Cf. Marc.
Anton., ii. 7. — M«TaA.\siJ«. This word was used
by the Greeks of digging in the earth for metals.
See Sop(iocles' Lex., ad voc. The meaning " under-
mine," given to it by our English translators, seems
to be derived from this fact. But it can scarcely
16

have been the idea of tbe writer ; and Grimm, Gut-
berlet, and others think that it was used by him
as though derived from &K\os, and in the sense of
" change," i. c, change for the worse. That good
Greek writers sometimes mistook, in this way,
the meaning of words, by ascribing to them a
false derivation, Grimm illustrates by the ease of
St. Mark (xii. 4), who uses the A'erb Ke(pa\aiovv,
recapitulate, go over the same thing, in the sense of
wound in the head. — NoCy, mind. This word
occurs but seldom in the Apocrypha, or in the
LXX. generally, and with no clearly defined
meaning. Cf • Jud. viii. 14 ; 2 Mace. xv. 8 ; and
the present book at ix. 15. See Cremer's Lex.,
ad voc.

Ver. 13. Being made perfect. It is used in
a spiritual sense : his moral training having been
completed. The expression, according to Kleuker
{Salomoniscke DenkwUrdigkeiten, p. 203), was one
used in the Mysteries. Cf. Ecclus. xxxiv. 10.

Ver. 14. The translation of the A. V. is based
on the Vulgate and patristic citations, and has
the support of Grotius, Luther, and others; but is
not a correct rendering of the almost universally
attested euirevtrev. The passage literally trans-
lated does not teach or encourage one to despise
the present life. It simply shows that the soul
of the righteous does not shrink from an early
death, but is prepared for it, as St. Paul also
teaches in many places. Cf. Is. Ivii. 1, and Hom.,
Od., XV. 245.

Ver. 16. 'K.a.fi.tiv. Second aorist part, from
Kct-iivoi ; lit., through with suffering, or wearied,
worn out. It is used for the dead (Lat., dejitnc-
tus) very commonly in Greek, in order to soft-
en the harshness of the idea. Cf. Thucyd., iii.
59. In Herod., i. 197, xiiivovm means also
the sick. — Shall condemn. He does so in that
he sets a standard in his own life to which the
ungodly are far from attaining. — Many years.
They are mere years, without any real life. Cf.
verse 9.

Ver. 17. For (yip) refers back to xaraKpivil
in the previous verse, and gives a reason for the
condemnation of the godless. ' It was their be-
havior on (he occasion of the early death of the
righteous. — Shall see. The future is used for
the present, or perhaps in a sort of prophetical
sense. So Bauermeister {Com.,adloc.) : " Poetico
furore auctor correptus vaticinatur."

Ver. 18. XlTwiJia. Grimm, with the A. V.,
and in harmony with the usual employment of
this word in Greek, gives to it the signification
carcase, corpse (Is, xiv. 9). But Gutberlet main-
tains that the context requires the rendering
ruin, which is also that of the Arabic and Syriac.
Yet with this latter rendering the figure employed
would still remain a mixed one, and the supposed
unity of thought not thereby attained. In fact,
the word ^i)|ei (verse 19) would seem to form the
point of transition from the idea of a ruined
body to that of a ruined building.

Ver. 19. 'P-^lei. This verb was employed in
the later Greek to express the movement by
which a combatant hurled his antagonist to the
ground. — Prom the foundation. The figure is
that of a building prostrated by some great con-
vulsion.

242 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapteb V.

1 Then shall the righteous man stand in great boldness before the face of such as

2 have afflicted him, and made no account of his labors.' On seeing it, they shall be
thrown into confusion ^ with terrible fear, and shall be amazed at the unexpected-

3 ness of his deliverance.' Repenting they shall say among themselves, — yea,
because of anguish of spirit * they shall sigh and say,^ This was he, whom

4 we fools once had * in derision, and as ' a proverb of reproach. We * accounted

5 his life madness, and his end to be without honor. How is he numbered among

6 the sons of God, and how is his lot ^ among the saints ! So " have we erred
from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness shone not for '^ us, and the

7 sun '^ rose not upon us. We surfeited ■'* ourselves in the ways of transgression ^*
and destruction ; yea, we went through deserts, where there lay no way ; but as

8 for the way of the Lord, we knew it not. What hath pride profited us ? or what

9 good hath riches with our vaunting brought us ? All those things are passed away

10 like a shadow, and as a rumor that has teth '* by ; and as a ship that passeth through
the heaving water, which having gone '" by, the trace thereof cannot be found,

11 neither the pathway of her keel in the waves ; or as when a bird hath flown through
the air, there is no token of a way " to be found ; but the light air being beaten by
the stroke of wings,'' and parted with whizzing force is passed through with wings in

12 motion, and therein afterwards no sign where it " went is to be found ; or as ^^ when
an arrow is shot at a mark, the air being parted is at once resolved into itseK again,

13 so that one^' cannot know where it went through: so also we, having been born,
disappeared from view,'-*'^ and had no sign of virtue to shew, but consumed our lives

14 in the midst of our ^^ wickedness. For the hope of the ungodly is like dust ^ that
is blown away by ^^ the wind ; and^'' like thin froth ^ that is driven away by the ^
storm ; and as a smoke dispersed by the wind, ^ and passeth away as the re-

15 membrance of a guest that tarrieth but a day. But the righteous live for ever-
more ; their reward also is in "> the Lord ; and' the care of them is with the Most

16 High. Therefore shall they receive the kingdom of glory and the crown of
^ beauty"' from the Lord's hand; for with his right hand will'^ he cover them, and

17 with Ms arm will "' he protect them. He will take his jealousy as equipment,'* and

18 make the creation a'* weapon for the punishment" of his enemies. He will
clothe himself with " righteousness as a breastplate, and put on " true judgment

19, 20 as '« a helmet. He will *" take holiness for an invincible shield ; and severe

Vers. 1-4.-1 others ; made Ub labors ol no account. ^ A.Y.: When they see it ... . troubled (the usual ren-
dering of Tap<»7<r<^ in the Apoc, but in most cases too weali). 3 strangeness of hu salvation, so far beyond all that
they looked for, Avfoi. is found after »-.«T,p;„ in X. 55. 253. 264. (106. 261. r^, Seo,p.-«, tlu spectacle ; of. 2 Mace. t. 26 •
Z T ,'^ -f""^ ^ Fritz.che. ^ A. V. : they repenting and groaning for anguish of spirit, shall say within
themselves (Fntzsche receives e./ before ^avroti from III. 23. 65. 106. 155. 248. 268. al. Co. Aid Syr irm Old Lat ■ it is
also the reading of II.). The text. rec. reads ,^.vi?o.r«, on the authority of 68. and the Old Lat.' Cod. Il' has
not this reading, as stated in Fritzsche's critical apparatus, but with III. 167. Co. Aid., ^.vifoi^a. : X. 23. 253 296
followed by Iritzsche, .r..iiov<r.. ; .re^i^ovTai, 55. 248. 264. = Most Codd. add «al ^poC»-iv ; A. V. omits 1 A V ■
we had sometimes (Cod II. with HI. X., joins ol i*p„.„ with what precedes). T „„„,'; as. e we fools (see previous

v"- «_0 Tr.f • ■ • ■ and his lot Is (the force oi the preceding ,i, is to be brought along). ^ "^

J""- ^f- ~ ^,- ^- \ Th-irefore Upa ; Grimm, Uemnach ; Bunsen^s BiMwerk, Aha ; Junius, PUnM " hath not
sh ned unto (eW/-..; i.eXa.^e., 23. 55 106. 167. ; III. 296., «V before ^^l.). i. sun of right'eousno s (Codd^ 248
^L) \^tl:ii7rr ,'" ^- '°: ■ °'* ''"'•• "" '•'"^«'^-'->- " wearied (mlrg.,^«.d oLel.cs or st

t:Zt, Grimm ^ Cp:^ tttTa^LT'"'' " '"^ """' "^""^^ ' " " ' ''="- -' ^^^^^ ^' ' " ' ' ^" (^>ve.^.

18 iTb ^""^^T "'•'^' ''' ■ "^V^"- r"™' "' """ '«««°'^'-^ k:,^o..v6i,,vo„ ilSoip) .... When it is gone. .7 her way

as we were born, began to draw to onrLd (for etX^flTiVc:' L^lM.-ro: I '" '"Tj':: ^Z^^.TZ
::;'," et.r "°''''""' °"""' """""'^ ''•'"''"'"• °^'^''^«' He^denreleh, Schn^td, Gutmann " bZrsnlZ

lfir,"'-„^''A"'l^J'~'nTA'T' ',''""• ^'*'™'"''^<=<^'=™X-o55(rfpt<,«,orA«!o/'ctez?'; text, rec, ^oO,) tvomJI III X 23 55
155. to. Aid. ; Old Lat., lanugo ; marg. of A. V., tkistle down). 2s „ith so „mit, aid " Tfv, 7"!z',

chaff). Grimm and Thilo prefer, with 157. F. G. iv,^ (akin to v.o'o;) ■ cf xvi 29 Th^ W • "'^ '°"^^'

Ar. codd. 23. 106. have .. api,'^ (™.„.,). T^e T^^:^^ - 1 V wUhT"'"';* rV'' Vb '
smoke whch IS dispersed here and there with a tempest. » with « a glorious 'kinld , i ^ ""^

unless the word be taken nnpropcrly, as 2 Maec. ii. 17 ; " cf . 1. 14 The word is doubUe^s nf ^ '°T" °'' '"^" '
Hn,aom, as the following «,is,^a shows), and a beaut ful crown - BhaU 1 shalT « shan t J'Tl''''" '"
for complete armour. 3o creature his. 39 revenge. " *"'"' '° '^™ •

Vers. 18-20. - =7 a. v. ; shall put on {.Mic„aC,. ' 3» omits put on (,rv.e,i„Ta.). 39 instead of.

" shaU.

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

243

wrath will ^ he sharpen for a sword, and the world ^ shall fight to the end with °

21 him against the unwise. Well-aimed thunderbolts shall go * abroad ; and from

22 the _ clouds, as from a well drawn bow, shall they fly to the mark. And from
a sling, hh wrath, shall be hurled forth showers of hail ; waters ^ of the sea shall

23 rage against them, and rivers shall sweep precipitously over them." Yea, a mighty
wuid shall rise' up against them, and like a storm shall winnow* them away":
and so ' iniquity shall lay waste the whole earth, and ill dealing shall overthrow the
thrones of the mighty.

Vers. 20-23. — ' A. V. : Ws severe wrath shall. ^-woAi^ifi Katr\iK; tix Com.). s shall flght (iroreKTOJleiit^crei, em-
phatic, —Sight through, fght to the end) with. « Then shall the right aiming thunderbolts go. " hailstones full ol
wrath shall be cast as out of a stone bow (see Com.), and the water (sing, in form, but plural in sense). <> the floods
(,rDTaftoi) shall cruelly drown them [trviKKv<Tov<ri.v ; 106. 157. 261. , avyKKeitrovuiv [hem in — as at Ked Sea ? See Com.).
' stand. 8 blow (eKAiKju^o-et ; 296., KiKiL-riuei.). » thus (the kox has here the force of and so, (cat cOTisecutivum ;

of. yii. 11).

Chaptee V.

Ver. 1. 'ASeToiyrav. The verb means literally
to displace; then, to set aside, disregard, as a
treaty or oath. It is here used in the sense of
despise, make no account of.

Ver. 3. Grimm calls attention to the fact that
we have here the representation that repentance
first appearing after death has no effect to alter
the divine purpose respecting the eternal fate of
men.

Ver. 5. Sons of God. Used as at ii. 13, 18.
Cf. Acts xxvi. 18.

Ver. 6. "Apa, so. It is found at the beginning
of a sentence, for the most part, only in ecclesias-
tical Greek. Cf. Winer, p. 558.

Ver. 7. *EveTr\T}(T6Tjfiei^, we sated ourselves, be-
came sated. For this meaning of the word, cf.
xiii. 12 ; Ecclus. xxxiv. 3 ; Susan, ver. 32 ; the
LXX. at Ex. XV. 9 ; and Horn., Od., xi. 452 ;
Herod., i. 212.

Ver. 9. '\yye\ia, message, proclamation, and
here rumor. Cf. Horn., Od., ii. 30 ; Thucyd., vi. 36 ;
also, the LXX. at 1 Sam. iv. 19, Ezek. vii. 26.

Ver. 10. Tp6ms, keel of a ship. In the Bib-
lical Greek, it is found only here ; rpciTrios is the
older Epic genitive, the later foi'ms being rptiiriSos
and Tp6irea!. The word is sometimes used, like
the Latin carina, for the whole ship. The influ-
ence of life in Alexandria is seen in the frequent
allusions, by later Jewish writers, to ships and
sailing.

Ver. 11. Tapaav, wings. The first meaning
of the word is a frame of wicker-work, a crate, for
warming or drying things upon. Cf. Hom., Od.,
ix. 219. A secondary meaning is any broad, flat
surface, as the flat of the foot, the blade of an oar,
and the wing, stretched out, and finally, the wing in
general.

Ver. 12. T^rjOeU 6 a^p €u6eus els kavrhv ave-
\iSri, the parted air is immediately resolved
into itself again. The aorist here, as in the
preceding verses, is used, as a narrative aorist,
representing the fact as having taken place in a
way to indicate the rapid succession of events.
Cf. Winer, pp. 277,.278. — 'fls ayyorja-at. Cf., for
a like construction, 3 Mace. i. 2 ; Jos., Antiq.,
xiii. 7, § 2; Acts xx. 24; Heb. vii. 9. On the
figures used in the four verses, 9-12, Cornelius a
Lapide remarks : " Quid umbra inanius ? quid
rumore vanius ? quid navifagacius 1 quid ave volante
velocius? quid sagiitce jactu ocyus et pernicius? "

Ver. 13. KaTeSaTrac^flijjuev. In the A. V. ren-
dered were consumed. Others translate, — namely,
Bchmid, Grimm, Bunsen's Bibeluierk, Gutmann,
— on account of its being given as the reason
why they had been able to give " no sign of vir-
tue " : were snatched away. W

Ver. 14. At the close of verse 13, probably
with reference to the 8ti with which the present
verse begins, Vulg. has added : *' Talia dixerunt in
inferno hi, qui peccaverunt." It was no doubt origi-
nally a gloss on the margin of some MS.

Ver. 15. Zao-i. Here used, as frequently in
the New Testament, in the sense of leading a
happy life ; since it is true of the godless also, as
our author would teach, that they have in the
future world a conscious existence. Cf. John vi.
57 ; 1 John iv. 9. The present is probably used
to give to the declaration the form of a dogmatic
truth ; not, as Grimm thinks possible, to intimate
that this eternal life begins in the present world.
— In iiy) the Lord, that is, m communion with
Him.

Ver. 17. T^f ktIo-iv. The creation, the ma-
terial world, with all its mighty forces. Cf.
Judg. f. 20.

Ver. 18. UavowXla, equipment, i. e., his zeal
represents the sum of what is afterwards given
in detail: shield, helmet, breastplate, greaves,
sword, and lance. Cf. Eph. vi. 11.

Ver. 20. Grimm would translate 6 xia-fios like
^ kt/itis in verse 17. Cf. Cremer on the various
meanings of this word. Lex., sub voce.

Ver. 22. Qu/iov, of wrath. It would seem
that this word is to be taken, not as limiting irerpo-
^6kou, but as in apposition with it. The latter
word, which we have rendered by sling, appears
to be used in the sense of the Latin balista ; a
huge machine used in war, for throwing masses
of stone and other things against the enemy. —
2vyK\6a-oiicnv. sweep over. This word was used
in classical Greek in the passive to mean, to be
washed over by the waves (so Plutarch, ii. 206 C,
and 467 D.) ; and <rvyK\vs was what was washed
together, hence refuse, a mob.

Ver. 23. A mighty wind, iryevfia Smdfieas.
On account of the following comparison, Grimm
would render by breath of the Almighty. The
question has been much discussed as to the time
of the retribution spoken of in verses 17-23 : some
holding that those of the future world are meant;
others, those of the final judgment, or such as
will precede that event. But it would seem that
the author does not attempt to fix the time. He
only announces general principles, such as govern
divine providence at all times. Moreovei-, the
writer, carried away by the grandeur of the ideas
which he is seeking to express, loses sight of the
free-thinkers with whom he began, and includes
all the enemies of God — that is, all who are not
true Israelites — in the sweep of his juasi-pro-
phetic denunciations.

244 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter VT.

1 Hear therefore, O ye kings, and understand ; learn, ye that he judges of the ends

2 of the earth. Give ear, you that rule a host,^ and glory in a ^ multitude of nations.

3 For the rulership is given you from the Lord, and the sovereignty * from the High-

4 est, who shall try your works, and search out your counsels. Because, being min-
isters of his kingdom, you have not judged aright, nor kept the law, nor walked

5 after the will ^ of God, fearfully and speedily will he come upon you ; for a sharp

6 judgment is taken on ^ them that be in high places. For the lowest is pardonable

7 through mercy ; ^ but mighty men shall be mightily chastised. For he who is
Lord over all will ' fear no man's person, neither will ' he stand in awe of any man's

8 greatness ; for he made small '^ and great, and careth for all alike. But a sharp
inquiry ^^ shall come upon the mighty.

9 Unto you therefore, O rulers," do I speak, that ye may learn wisdom, and not

10 fall away. For they that keep holiness holily shall be judged holy ; ^^ and they

11 that have learned it'^ shall find a defense." Wherefore be desirous of^^ my

12 words ; yearn for them,^^ and ye shall become instructed.^' Wisdom is glorious,
and never fadeth away ; and ^* she is easily recognized ^' of them that love her, and

13 found of such as seek her. She anticipates^" them that desire her, that she may

14 make^^ herself first known unto them. He who ^^ seeketh her early shall have no

15 great travail ; for he shall find her sitting at his doors. For to meditate about ^
her is perfection of Understanding ; ''* and he who is wakeful on her account ^ shall

16 quickly be without care. For she goeth about seeking such as are worthy of her,
and ^^ sheweth herself favorable unto them in their ^ ways, and meeteth ^ them in

17 every thought. For the surest ^ beginning of her is a ^° desire of instruction ; *^

18 and care for instruction is love for her ; ^^ and love is keeping her ^ laws ; and

19 giving '* heed unto her laws is assurance ** of incorruption ; and incorruption maketh
20, 21 us near unto God ; so a desire for'° wisdom bringeth to a kingdom. If then

your delight be in thrones and sceptres, O ye rulers *' of the people, honor wisdom,

22 that ye may reign for evermore. But^' as for wisdom, what she is, and how she
arose,*^ I will tell yoii, and will not hide mysteries from you ; but will seek her out
from the beginning of creation,^" and bring the knowledge of her into light, and will

23 not pass by *^ the truth. Nor indeed will I walk *^ with consuming envy ; for this ^'

24 shall have no fellowship with wisdom. But a multitude of wise men is the salva-

25 tion of the world ; and a discreet king is the weal *^ of the people. Receive there-
fore instruction through my words, and it shall do you good.

Vets. 1-8. — I A, V. : ■ tHe people (Ree Com.). 2 in the. 3 power ( Jun., potentia ; see Com.) is given you of the

Lord and sovereignty. ' counsel (^ovXrtv). » liorrlbly .... shall he come .... shall be to (see Com.). (Codd. 23.
55. 155. 253. 254. supply okeQpo^ after viuv.) ^ mercy will soon pardon the meanest (see Com.). 7 tormented. For
he which is ... . shall. » shall. » hath made the small. 'o sore trial (See Com.).

Vers. 9-14, —11 A. V.: kings (rupuwoi). ^"^ (mmg.Justifitd ; seeCom.). " have learned such (Atjig-j (JiJoxSevTEi
airi). " what to answer (marg., a defence). i» set your affection upon (eiriSu^HJo-are). i« desire them t,iToWi&a.Tt ;
avToii; is to be understood). l^ be instructed (Grimm, und so werdet ihr gebildet werden). IB yea. lo seen (Wahl
gives the verb here the meaning of contemplor. i. e., " cum atUntione eel admiratione video," Clavis, ad voc. ; but the
context is against it). 20 preventeth. " in making. 22 IVhoso. Instead of eVi after op9pC(rai (as II. 23. 68. 157.
Clem, of Alex.) Codd. III. 55. 106. 166. 248. 263. 254. 261. 296. with Co. have wpis, which is the more common preposition
found after this verb in the LXX.

Vers. 15-20. — 23 A. V. : To think, therefore {yip), upon. 2* wisdom (<(ipo>/^(r™!). 2c whoso watcheth for her («i'
aiTijv ■ see Com.). 20 omits and. 27 the (TaJs, but with the force of the personal pronoun). 28 jor in-oir? of

the text. rec. Prltzsche has received i.-i,avri from III. X. 23. 65. 106. and Co. (see Com.). 29 a. V. : very true (iAij-

eeirriTi) ; see Com.). 30 i, the. 31 discipline (marg., nurture — iraiSeiat ; of. iii. 11 ; vii. 15). =2 the care of

discipline .'.^ love. 33 the keeping of her. 34 the giving. 30 the assurance. so therefore the desire of. Sor

ipa 106. 156. 167. 268. 254. 261. 296. read yip ; 248. Co., yip ipa.

Vers. 21-26.— 37 A. v.: If your dclightbe then ... .kings. ^1 omits SvA. 39 came i(p. « Aer nativity

(yefecrews ; I render, with Grimm and Buijsen '8 ."■' ' ' . .™

ortus; cf. Com.). " pass over. ^ Neither

Bibelwerk, against Wahl who gives the word here the meaning of origo.
will I go (oCre iLr,v — <rvvo&t\iau> ; 106. 261. read u.n for ii.riv ; cf. Com.l

" such a man (oStoi ; twowos, 107. 263 ; see Com. Codd. 111. 28. 65. 167. read Kotvi^vel for «o>,.<o>,^o-eO '" the mul-
titude of the wise is the welfare of wise king is the upholding (" Wohlstand," Wahl's Oavis, sui voce).

Chapter VI.

Ver. 1. Hear and understand. The same
Greek words, hicovuv and avvtivai are connected
together in the LXX. at Is. vi. 9 (cf. Matt. xiii.
14). — The " eudi of the earth" are the lands

farthest removed. The expression is common
also in the classics. Cf. Horn., //.. viii 4 7 8-
Thucyd., i. 69. ,,.*,<,,

Ver. 2. IIA%i;j, host. So named in con-

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

245

'traSt with tihe few'rulers. All earthly sovereigns
'B6etn to be meant, not excepting those of Rome,
•under whose rule Egypt must have been at this
'timfe.

Ver. 3. The Vulgate also translates Kpirrjo-is
by power (potistas) ; but it means power to rule,
i.e., cdmmand, and so dominion. It is nearly
'synonymous With Swatmla in the following
clause. Cf., for a similar thought, Prov. viii. 15,
16 ; Dan. ii. 21 ; Rom. xiii. 1-7 ; 1 Pet. ii. 13 ; and
our Saviour's words to Pilate, John xix. 11.

Ver. 4. The law. That law of which Paul
speaks in Rom. i. 19-21. The 3t( which begins
the verse is coordinate with that of the preceding
verse.

Ver.^S. Aisharp judgment is taken (ytviTai)
on. It is a general statement, given in the form
of a conclusion from what precedes, and hence
better rtepresented by the present. The preposi-
tion iv might be rendered also " among," i. e., in
'the circle of.

Ver. 6. SuTTKoicTTcJi ecTiv 4k4ovs, is pardon-
able through mercy. The last word expresses
the source -whence the pardon proceeds. Cf.
Winer, p. 185 f. The Syriac has paraphrased
4l\idxiffTOs by a small but wise king. — Chastised,
punished, iraaH\(rovTai. This verb means to ex-
amine the truth of a thing, test, and is not used in
the present sense in the classics ; but there are
.similar examples in the LXX. Cf. Gen. xii. 17;
Ecclus. xxiii. 10; and the present book at xi. 10.
•On the thouifht, see Luke xii. 47 f.

Ver. 7. So Job xxxiv. 19: " That accepteth
not ihe persons of princes, nor regardeth the
rich more than the poor ? for they all are the
Work of his hands." — Made small and great.
That is, as persons. It is not said that he has
made them small and great. — 'Ofioias is used in the
'sHnsfe df cortimuniter, " in general." None are over-
looked.

Ver. 8. The mighty. It is understood that
the mighty do not use their power as they ought.
— ■*'E/>€u»'a. It is an inquisition, search, or trial by
torture.

Ver. 9. Not fall away, fi^ irapaweirriTe. This
•verb sometimes occurs in an ethical sense in clas-
sical Greek (Polvb., xii. 7, 2 ; viii. 13, S ; Xen.,
SeU.,\. 6, 4) ; and in Biblical Greek generally sig-
liifies a falling away in consequence of a blame-
worthy carelessness. In the latter case iriiTTfw
has the force of to throw one's self down rather
than oi to fall.

Ver. 10. 'Oaias -rh oaia, holy things holily.
— "Oo-iO! = T'Pn, in the Old Testament and in
the LXX. genei'ally used to translate it. It is
'but rarely found in the New Testament. See
Acts ii. 27, xiii. 35 ; Heb. vii. 26 ; and a few
other places. — Auto refers back to Tck '6(ria in the
preceding clause.

Ver. 1 1 . 'Eiriflu^VjiraTc .... Twf \6yaiv. Verbs
of longing and desire often take the genitive of
the thing longed for. The present verb, with but
one exception (Matt. v. 28 ; and according to
some readings this would form no exception),
always in'the New Testament takes the genitive.
See also 1 Mace. iv. 17; xi. U. — Become in-
Btrudted. " Acquiretis TaiSelay = disciplinam, i. c,
norum' dastigationem et compositionem." — Corn, a

ver. 12. Cf. our Saviour's words '(Luke vii.
is) : ■" But wisdom is justified ofall'her dhildren."
„ Ver3.;13, 1'4. Cf. Ecclus. iv. 12 ; John vii. 38 ;
fier. iii. 20. — ^'ISave no great '^tiectail [Kowidrei).

'Lit., 'shall 'not yet tired, that is, in seeking here and
there. — TcDi' irv\uf. The plural is used, perhaps
because the great ones of the earth are kept in
view. Cod. X. reads irKoiToiv.

Ver. 15. Understanding. The Greek word
is (ppopriffis. It should not have been translated
" wisdom," when the context plainly makes a dis-
tinction between them. It is difficult to give its
exact rendering. It means a proper insight into
tlie various relations of life. It is a practical
quality, and may be rendered sagacity, insight,
prudence, or, as here, understanding. — He that
is wakeful {aypvirvfitras} on her account shall
shortly be without care {aficpifxvos).

Ver. 16. Kal iv Trdar) iiriyoia dTraj'T^ auTo7s.
Others translate : meets them with all attention.
Cf. Com. of Grimm.

Ver. 17. The Vulgate and most commentators
join aKtiBearirri with ^<ri0U;Uia, and translate it in
the sense of most sincere ; but this does not agree
so well with the context as the rendering we have
given, which is also that of De Wette,'Gntmann,
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and Grimm.

Ver. 18. Cf. our Lord's words, John xiv. 21,
24. — Laws, v6iiL0i. Usually ei>ToKal is used in
this sense in the Old Testament Greek. Cf.,
however, the LXX. at Jer. xxxi. 33 ; Ezek. v. 6 ;
2 Mace. iv. 17, vii. 9 : and also Heb. x. 16, where
the Old Testament is cited.

Vers. 19, 20. Philo (according to Dahne, i.
331 ff.) has the same general idea with respect to
a blessed immortality, — that it is the fruit of
virtue and the fear of God. — Near to God, i.e.
brings us into spiritual likeness and communion
with Him. — ' AipBapala, incorruption, as at 1 Cor.
XV. 42. It was used by Philo to express the idea
of immortality. Here, as well as at ii. 23, 4
Mace. xvii. 12, Rom. ii. 7, 2 Tim. i. 10, it includes
the thought of an immortality that is blessed. —
A kingdom. Dominion in the future world is
meant, as the connection shows and the law of
climax demands. Cf. Rom. v. 17; 1 Cor. iv. 8;
2 Tim. ii. 12.

Ver. 22. Mysteries. The Alexandrian Jews
would not have thought it necessary or right to
conceal, after the manner of the Greek philoso-
phers, anything from their fellow-countrymen as
though it were too sacred or too deep for them to
understand. To them there were no initiated or
uninitiated,' — nothing that was simply esoteric.
Grimm quotes Philo, also, as saying, in disparage-
ment of such a course on the part of the philos-
ophers : <f>B6yos yap iptrris Si^turTai. — reyeVsois.
The A. V. would supply aur^s. But if the refer-
ence had been to the beginning, origin of wisdom,
this word would not have been omitted. Crea-
tion in general is clearly meant. Cf. Mark x.'6,
xiii. 19 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4, and Chap. x. of the present
book. — 'E|ix'"'^C"'' '5 "^^'^ °°'y ™ ecclesiastical
Greek for the classical i^ixveveiv.

Ver. 23. 2woSela-a, walk with, have to do with.
Probably chosen on account of its similarity of
sound to irapoSiiam in the preceding line. Cf.
Ovid's picture of envy (Metam., ii. 775 ff.) : —

" Tailor in ore sedet, macies in corpore toio ;
Nusquam recta acres ; livent rubigine denies ;
Pectorafetle virent ; lingua est suffusa uenc/io," etc.

— 2oi/j(a in the dative as personified after Kotvav4\-
a^i (cf. 1 Tim. v. 22), or, as Winer (p. 200) would
explain it, on account of the notion of community
implied in the verb. Such a construction, also,
occurs not infrequently in classical Greek. Cf.
Liddell and ScOtt's Greek Lex., sub voce. — Oiros

246

THE APOCKYPHA.

refers to envy. The Vulgate, followed by the
A. v., has talis homo.

The admonitions of this chapter would seem to
be out of liannoDy with our author's ideas as
expressed at v. 17 ff. nud vi. 5, where he an-
nounc'fs God's judgments upon the heathen em-
pires of the world, unless we consider that he
there predicts what will take place in case they
show no repentance. Grimm is of the opinion, on

the other hand, that these predictions were quite
too positive to admit of such a supposition. Still,
the Old Testament Scriptures furnish us an ex-
ample, in the preaching of Jonah at Nineveh,
where the announcement of divine judgments
was no less positive ; and yet they were condi-
tioned, as the event pi-oved, on the moral attitude
of the Ninevites, as over against such a proclama-
tion.

Chapter VII.

1 I MYSELF also am a mortal man, as all others,' and offspring ^ of him that was

2 first made of the earth, and in my mother's womb was fashioned as * flesh in the
time of ten months, being compacted in blood, of the seed of man, and pleasure *

3 that came with sleep. And on being born, I drew in the common air, and fell
upon the earth, which is of like nature with all,^ and the first sound ° which I

4 uttered was crying, as is true of all.' 1 was nursed in swaddling clothes, and
5, 6 cares.' For there is no king that had any other beginning of being. But ' aU

men have one entrance into life, and the like going out.

7 Wherefore I prayed, and understanding was given me ; 1 called upon God, and

8 the spirit of wisdom came to me. I preferred her before sceptres and thrones, and

9 esteemed riches as " nothing in comparison with '^ her. Neither compared I unto
her a priceless stone,'^ because all gold in respect to her is a little sand, and silver

10 shall be counted as clay beside '^ her. I loved her above health and beauty, and

11 chose to have her instead of light ; for the light that cometh from her never goeth
out. But all good things came to me together with her, and innumerable riches

12 through " her hands. And I rejoiced in all,'*^ because wisdom goeth before them ;

13 and I knew not that she was the mother of them. I both learned without guile,''

14 and communicate without envy ; " I do not hide her riches. For she is a
treasure unto men that never faileth ; which they that use have provided for
themselves " a friendship with '" God, being commended on account of gifts ^^ that

15 come from learning. But me may God grant'''' to speak as I would, and to think
worthily of -^ the thincis that are given me ; ''^ because he is both the guide of wisdom

1 6 and the directer of the wise. For in his hand are both we and our words ; all

17 skill '•^'^ also, and knowledge of workmanship. For he gave me trustworthy^'
knowledge of the things that are, namely : to know how the world was fashioned,^

18 and the force '^^ of the elements ; beginning, and ending, and midst of times ;

19 alternations of solstices, and changes of seasons ; ^* circuits of years,™ and

be.

Vers. 1-7. — ' A. V. ; man, like to all. (According to Reusch, Cod. X. is alone in omitting irSpcuiroi, but this is also
true of II. in its original form. A corrector has ivritten it in a contracted form over Icros.) 2 the offspring. 3(0

4 the pleasure. Instead of il^rv^ of the text. rec. (as II. III.), Codd. X. 23. 106. 263. 261. with Vulg. Ar. Ann.

read i-rvov. This word might be freely rendered " conception." " A. V. : when I was born whidi is of like

nature (see Com.). "voice. ' all o!A«rs do. For ^S,™- to-a (as II. IH. 23.) X. 106. 263. 261. read i™<riv. But

this change probably arose from the objection felt to having l^a follow o^aio.v. Tor the same reason Grabe, Amald,
Schleusner, and Gaab, would substitute ^«a (with Co. ; 248., V" =lo-a, or I,ra) for lo-a, while Codd. F. G. left out the
latter word. Gnmm, Keusoh, and Fritzsche follow the texl. rec. See Com. 8 A. V. : that with cares (Fritzsche re-

jects cV (supported by II. 23. text, rec.) it not being found in III. X. 56. 106. 263. 264. 296.). » birth itevctrem ; cf.

vi. 22. and Com.). For. '

Oil^orQ^'"^^' ~'° ^' ^' '' °'""^ "'• " "'■ " """ precious stone. For iri^-r,Tov {text, rec. Aid., marg. of A. V.),

jK. Zoi Co. Vulg. read Tiiiiov. " A. V : of her U as (Codd. 23. 248. 296. supply .Li before V<i(.^(J.o! . ) . . . before

(em^Tio^, over against ; but the meaning here is, in comparison with). " All good things together came to me with
■ ■ ■ o 1 " "'"" ""■ ^''"' "='"'™S °' ""^ "^' ""■ is ytviTw (so III. 56. Vulg. Arm.) ; II. X. 23. 263. E. H. I. Ar.,

ytveatv ; 261. B., yevi-rrtv. Probably the variations arose from the fact that the word was new.

Vers. 13-20. — '« A. V. : I learned diligently (marg., without guile). " do communicate Iter liberally (marg., witk-

out enry). 1. which (u, for Sr, 23. 263. H.) they that use (Kr^o-dne-oc, III. 56. 106. 157. 264. 261 296 A B C D. F. G.)
become. i» the friends of. 20 for the («ia) gifts. 21 Qoa ^^tt, granted me (6.^Sa,«„, Co. Aid. Vulg. Ar. ; marg.

"i- • .•; '^"''Si-ant ; see Com.). 22 conceive as is meet (ifio-, 261.) for. 23 are given me (marg., are to be sfoken

of; Fritzsche receives Aewevo,.- {text, rec, II. 68. 167. 248. 263. Vulg., StSo^ieW-, which is preferred by Grimm and

drreeteth r" C f ^^ 2^ ' 'l'' ''*' '^'- '''■ ^^ ^^ ">■ ^^ ''■ ^^'- ^^- ^™- " A. V. : leadoth unto wisdom a^d

airecteth (see Com) wisdom (.J,pd«,cr« ; special meaning determined by the context). 20 hath given me certain

ai/,.vS,, trustworthy) 27 ^ade (" harmonische Organisation der Welt," Grimm ; constmctio, Wahl) 2S operation

ZZZtr,.. ^^Z'Zi""' '^'""■'' """"e^ ""* "''"' °* "'^ """=» • "■» alterations ot the turning o/tht sun,

and the change of seasons (106. 26L omit «a.pii^ ; see Com.). " the circuitB ot jeais. Fritzsche receives .Via»T.i

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

247

20 positions " of stars ; natural qualities of animals, and fury ^ of wild beasts ;
powers of spirits,' and reasonings * of men ; diversities ^ of plants, and virtues "

21 of roots ; and all such things as are either secret or manifest, I knew ; ' for

22 wisdom, which is the artificer * of all things, taught me. For in ° her is an un-
derstanding spirit, holy, one only, manifold, subtile, facile," clear, undefiled, plain,
not subject to hurt, loving the thing that 'is good, sharp, unrestrained," ready to

23 do good, kind to man, steadfast, trustworthy,^^ free from care, having all power,
overseeing all things, and permeating all intelligent, pure, and most subtile spir-

24 its." For wisdom is more mobile than any motion ; and she also passeth " and

25 goeth through all things by reason of her pureness. For she is a breath '■^ of the
power of God, and a pure effluence •'" from the glory of the Almighty ; therefore no

26 defiled thing falls " into her. For she is a reflection '* of the everlasting light, and
an''' unspotted mirror of the efficiency of God, and image ^^ of his goodness.

27 And though but ^^ one, she can do all things ; and though ^^ remaining in herself,
she maketh all things new ; and from generation to generation ^' entering into holy

28 souls, she equippeth^* friends of God, and prophets. For God loveth none but

29 him that dwelleth with wisdom. For she is more beautiful than the sun, and above
every position ^^ of stars ; being compared with the light, she is found superior.''*

30 For after this cometh night ; but vice shall not prevail against wisdom.

Irom III. X. 65. 157. 248. 263. 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Euseb. The text. rcc. has .Viavriv (with 11. 2a 68. 103. 261.
Origen, Syr. Arm.). It is not easy to decide between them, and I have retained the latter. i A. V. : the po.iitions.

s the natures of living creatures, and the furies. 3 the violence of winds (see Com.). * the reasonings. ^ the
diversities. ^ the virtues.

Vers. 21-24. — ^ A.. V. : them I know (so Gaab and Wahl ; but the context requires the past, and I render accordingly
with Bunsen's Eibelwerk {became acquainted with) and Grimm (erkannte). ^ worker {rexvlrt^). ^ The eV before auTj7
is omitted in III. 66. 106. 167. 254. 261. 296. A. B. F. G. I. Euseb, It is supported on the basis of the other MS. author-
ities by Grimm and Keusch, and i-etained by Fritzsche. ^'^ A. V. *. subtil, lively. ^ quick, which cannot be letted.
" sure. 13 going through (see Com.) all understanding, pure, and most subtil spirits. i* moving {Ki.t^LKuyrepov)

.... motion ; she passeth.

Vers. 2&-30. — ^i* A. V. : the breath. ii influence flowing (marg., 5/ream). " can .... fall (TrapejUTrtjrTei ; more
literally, /ai/s in by the way, .tteals in, i. e., gets in without heuig noticed). ^^ the brightness (see Com.). ^ the

{omits and). 20 power (eVepyet'os) .... the image. ^i being but (lit., but not clear). 22 omits though (neces-

sary for clearness). 23 i^ ^U ages {Kara yecetis). 24 maketh them (/caTao-Keua^et ; might be rendered, prepares).

^^ all the order {deaLV = Stellun^, Gaab, Wahl, Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerh ; it might, however, refer especially to
the arrangement of the heavenly bodies. 2a before it {irporepa \ 106. 261. B., AajLtTrporepa, an obvious gloss).

Chapter VII.

Ver. I. TlpaTOTr\d<rTov, first made. Cf. x. 1.
Grimm thinks that the wiiter himself may have
coined this word. It came into use only in pa-
tristic Greek, and always as referring to our first
parents. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc.

Ver. 2. 'EyKvipnv, fashioned. The word
means first to hollow out, as a ship, then to en-
grave or carve in wood or stone. Herod., vii.
69. — 2afi|, flesh, i. e., the simple material. If
the organism had been referred to, a-aiiia would
have been doubtless used. On the ideas of flesh
and spirit as found in the Old Testament, see
Wendt, Notiones Carnis et Spiritus, etc. ( Gottingce.
1877). Cf. also Cremer's Lex., ad voc. — Ten
months. Possibly lunar mouths of twenty-eight
days are meant ; or, the months of the civil year
among the Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians, be-
ing one day shorter than ours up to the time of
Julias Csesar, ten months are given as a round
number for nine and one-half months. It was, at
least in the ancient times, a common way for
designating the period of pregnancy. See Virgil
(Eclog., iv. 61) : " Matri longa decern tulerunt
jastidict menses." Cf. also Ovid {Fast., i. 33).
The passage in 2 Mace. vii. 27 is, however, an
exception. — Tlaya!, compacted. This word is
used of blood in the classics in the sense of co-
agulated, and of milk as curdled. — With sleep,
i. e., with conception. Cf. iv. 6. At Ps. cxxxix.
J3-15 ; Eccles. xi. 5 ; 2 Mace. vii. 22, the matter
is otherwise represented.

Ver. 3. 'Whioh is of Hke nature, i/xotovaSTJ,
i. e. to the man. This is also the rendering of
the Vulgate {similiter factum terram), Schleusner,
and De Wette. Others (Gutmann, Deieser) ren-
der : which brings similar suffering. According to
Grimm, Bunsen's Bibelw., Gutbferlet, and others,
the idea is, rather, that he held the same relation
to the Ciirth and the air that others did : expe-
riences the same from all; i. e., is trodden upon,
used by all alike. — YlpuTriv </)u)yV r^^ 6[xoiav
Traatv iffa K\aiuir. Lit., the first sound the same
with all, in like manner, weeping = giving out the
first sound as all do, in weeping.

Ver. 5. FereVeajy. Of origin, becoming ; but
here in the sense of life, being. Grimm thinks it
should have the same meaning at James iii. 6.

Ver. 7. Cf. 1 Kings iii. 5 S. ; Iv. 29. It is to
be noticed that special power is here ascribed to
prayer. Cf. viii. 21 ; Jas. i. 5.

Ver. 8. 'Zv trv-yKpia-ei, in comparison. In this
sense in use only since the time of Alexander the
Great. It is used as meaning "form," "mode,"
in the LXX. at Numb. i.x. 3.

Ver. 9. 'ATifiriTov, precious. Lit., unhonored,
unprized, but here in the sense that ii; is above all
price, inestimable. Cf. 3 Maec. iii. 23. — Clay,
n7i\6s. Perhaps here mud, for which the word
was not infrequently used. Herod., ii. 5; iv.
28.

Ver. 10. Above {tnr4p) health. This preposi-
tion with the accusative signifies beyond, away

248

THE APOCRYPHA.

over. See Winer, p. 403 ; Buttmann, p. 335. —
Never goeth out, aKolfi-nTov. Lit., never sleeping,
unresting. It is used in the classics of the ocean.
Bretschneicler would give it here the idea effiea-
cice nunquani intevvaitenlis. Lex., sub voce. Cf.
V. 6.

Ver. 1 1 . Through her hands, by meanfi of
her. — YlKovros is rendered in the Vulgate in this
passage, as often, by honestas.

Ver. 1 2. Knew not that she was the jnother
of them. He had prayed for wisdom, without
knowing that, if he had that, other good things
such as are here mentioned would also be given.
— Tiveris for yeverf tpa. The former seems to
occur only here. Grimm calls attention to the
imperfect tiyviovti as showing that, long after the
person mentioned had obtained earthly riches, he
is represented as being unaware of the fact that
they were really due to wisdom. This, however,
is an exaggeration of our writer, made for the
purpose of doing greater honor to his hero. Gut-
berlet, on the contrary, thinks the imperfect may
be used for the pluperfect ; and with reference to
the remark of Winer, that one need never take
the latter ior the former, says that it would be
by all means 'better so to use it than to assume
with Grimm that the author has said more than
he ought !

Ver. 13. 'AU\us. Not diligently (A. V.), but
without guile, that is, as not having a selfish inter-
est therein. — Do not hide tavoKpv-irTOfiai). The
present is used as showing that it was something
that he was not accustomed to do, to conceal.

Ver. 15. 'E/iol Se. The pronoun is placed at
the beginning for emphasis. — Tijt a-oiplus iS-riyis.
Not leader to wisdom (A. V.), but leader of wis-
dom, since the kh! . . . . xal show that the two
clauses, this and the following one, are parallel.

Ver. 18. Beginning .... of times. The
reference is appnreiitly to astronomical chron-
ology. Grotiiis, Gaab, and others would para-
phrase: "That I may know when the fall [be-
ginning of the year], the summer [the end], and
the winter and spring [the middle] properly
come." Others refer it to the three divisions of the
Greek month. — TpoTrai' hWayis. These words
have been variously rendered : changes of cus-
toms ; changes in ike revolutions [of the constella-
tions] ; changes produced by the revolutions, i. e. in
nature as it respects cliniate, etc. ; changes in
nature produced bg the solstices ; and changes, alter-
nations of the solstices. Grimm, with Wahl and
many others, decides for the last as agreeing best
with the context. Cf. LXX. at Dent, xxxiii. 14 ;
Jas. i. 17. The latter word is used by Justin
{Apol.,i. 23) to denote "regeneration;" in the
apocryphal Acts as synonymous with aTae/i6s,
" i'tage," a place where relays of horses were
taken. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. — Seasons,
Kcupaiv. Probably also the change of months, and
of day and night, is included.

Ver. 20. Violence of winds {wi'ev/.LdTap /3ios).
This is the rendering of the Vulgate {vim vento-
™»i), and of many commentators. It could mean,
however, powers of spirits, i. e., good and bad angels,
and the latter meaning is to be preferred as best
Buitmg the connection. It was not to be expected
that the wmds would be spoken of between ani-

mals and men. Cf. also iv. 4, $las iyefunv is used
for the former idea. It was the teaching ol
Josephus {Antig., viii. 2, § 5), and of the rabbins,
that Solomon had power over the spirit world. —
Virtues, i. e., medicinal virtues.

Ver. 21. The assertion here made must be
taken in a rhetorical sense, since otherwise our
author would make the supposed Solomon some-
thing more than human.

Vers. 22, 23. There are, according to the
Greek text, twenty-one things ascribed by the
author to wisdom, — and probably with design,
as twenty-one is the product of the two sacred
numbers 7 and 3. Much was made of the first of
these numbers in Alexandrian speculations. The
different qualities of wisdom as thus described do
not seem to admit of a particular classification,
although the attempt has often been made.
Grimm calls attention to the fact that what is
here said of (roi^ia is not to be confounded with
what Philo {De Confus. Ling., sec. 28), evidently
following the example of the Stoics, says of the
divine \6yos, as &yyf\os iroKvdivvfios ', and also
refers to a passage in Clement of Alexandria
(Prot., vi. 72) cited by Nitzsch, which is similar
to ours in imputing a long list of noble qualities
to "the Good." He also agrees with Lipsius (De
Clementis Rom. Ep. ad Corinth. Disquisitio, p. 102)
in thinking that, on the basis of the present pas-
sage, the Greek Fathers, from Clement of Rome
on, named Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, and the pres-
ent book waydp^Tos (rocpia.

Ver. 24. By reason of her pureness, i. e., spirit-
uality, freedom from what is material. This idea
applied to God, as soul of the world, was a faTor-
ite one with the Stoics, who, according to Grimm
(cf. citations in his Com., ad loc.) often used these
very two verbs, SiiiKtw and x'^P^'''. in connection,
to express the same thought.

Ver. 25. Falls into her (eis abr^v TrapE^iMnVrti).
It is one of the beautiful properties of light, that
it can come in contact with what is unclean, with-
out itself becoming contaminated. Cf. John i. 5.
Ver. 26. 'Airoi/yafffio, brightness (A. V.). Lit.,
radiation, reflection, from b.TTavy6.^u, to radiate, to
reflect. It is found only in the later Greek. Cf.
Heb. i. 3. The usage of Philo gives the sense re/?cr,
and also radiation, to the word. Cf., for other
examples of the use of the word, Sophocles' Lex.,
ad voc. On the basis of the present passage, a
mirror (specula sine macula) is sometimes found in
connection with later pictures representing the
immaculate conception.

Ver. 27. Kemaining in herself, i. e., remain-
ing herself, undergoing no change. — And proph-
ets. This is not the usual Jewish view of the
dying out of the spirit of prophecy, but is that of
Josephus and Philo. Cf. Bell. Jud., i. 3, 8 5 : ii.
§12; iii. 8,§§3,9. '^ '

Ver. 28. DweUeth with (a-vvoiKovvTa). The
full meaning would be : is married to and makes his
home with.

Ver. 29. Position of stars. She is above that
harmony which is so admirable in the position
and movement of the heavenly bodies.

Ver. 30. She is superior to light, in that light
gives place to darkness in the order of day and
night ; but; wisdom does not so yield to evil.

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 249

Chaptbk. VIII.

1 And ske ' reachetll from one end to the other ^ mightily; and well* doth she.

2 order all things. I loved her, and sought hev out from my youth, and I sought to make

3 her my spouse, and became * a lover of her beauty. In that she liveth together ' with
God, she magnifieth her noble origin and ° the Lord of all things himself loved her.

4 For she is initiated into '' the mysteries of the knowledge of God, and is a chooser '
5. of his works. And if ^' riches be a possession to be desired in this life, what i*

6 richer than wisdom, that worketh all things f And if intelligence '"' work, who of

7 aU that are is more of an artificer than she ? And if a man love righteousness, her
products ^^ are virtues ; for she teacheth thoroughly '^ temperance and prudence,,
ri^teousness ^ and fortitude, than which nothing is more profitable to men in life.'*

8 And also ■"* if a man desire much experience, she knoweth the things of old, and
divineth *' what is to come ; she knoweth the subtilties of speeches, and the solutions,
of riddles ; " she foreseeth signs and wonders, and issues '* of seasons and times.

9 Therefore I resolved to lead her home as a life-companion, knowing that she would
10' be to me ^ a counseller of good things, and a comfort in cares and grief. Because

of her I shall have glory in popular assemblies,^ and honor with the elders, though I

11 be young. I shall be found sagacious ^^ in judgment, and shall be admired in the

12 sight of great men. When I am silent they shall bide my leisure, and when I
speak, they shall give attention ; and if I speak longer ^^ they shall lay their hands

13 upon their mouth. Because ^ of her I shall obtain immortality, and leave behind

14 me an everlasting memorial to them that come after me. I shall govern peoples,^

15 and nations ^ shall be suibject unto me. Terrible tyrants shall be afraid on hearing™

16 of me; I shall appear capable in counsel,^ and valiant in war. Having^' come
into mine house, I will refresh ^ myself with her ; for communion with her *' hath
no bitterness ; and to live with her hath no sorrow, but mirth and joy.

17 Having '' considered these things with '^ myself, and pondered them in mine heart,

18 that °^ to be allied unto wisdom is immortality ; and that it is a pure delight ^ to
have her friendship ; and that in the works of her hands are infinite riches ; and in
the earnest practice of communion '^ with her, prudence ; and iq participation in

19 her discourses, fame : '^ I went about seeking how to take her to myself.*' But I

20 was a clever ** child, and received a good soul.*' Yea rather, being good, I came

21 into a body undefiled. Since, however,^" 1 perceived that I could not otherwise ob-
tain " her, except God gave her me — and this also was a matter of insight, ^^ to
know whose gift she was — I prayed unto the Lord, and besought him, and with
my whole heart I said,

Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. V. : Wisdom. 2 another (see Com.). ' sweetly {ma,vg. ,pToJitaily). < youth ; I desired

.... and I was. ^ is conyersant. ^ her nobility [evyevnav) • yea. ' privy to (marg., teacher ; fivtmi ; see Cowl.).
* and a lover (marg., chooser; atpe'ris ; eupeVi?, 65. 106. A. ; evpe'-nj?, 261. C. D. H. ; Old Lat., electrix).

Vers. 6-8. — ^ A. V. : If. ^^ prudence (i^poinjtrts). ^* a more cunning workman (jnoAAoi' eirrt rexyirrp;) .... la-

bours (irivoi, but obviously to be taken by metonymy lor the fruits of labor ; cf. x. 10). ^ omits thoroughly (which,
is'the force of the preposition iK (Aid. ec, in eKhitaaitet.). ^ justice {5tKoj.o(rvvT\v), i* which are such things^ as

men can have nothing more profitable in (Aeir life. '^ omits And also. ^^ things .... conjectureth ai-ig-Al (Frltzsche,
with Srimm and Reusch, receives eiKafei from IIL X. 23. 157. 248. 261., A. B. 0. D. E. T. Q. I. Co., Clem, of Alex
OldLat. Syr. Ar. instead of ciitiftii' of the text, rec, supported by II. C. 66. Arm.). " can expound dark sentences
(Aiid-«is aiviy^aTWf ). ^* the events.

Vers. 9-18. —i» A. V. : purposed to take her to me to live with me (Codd. 106. 248. Co. add efiaurcf — cf. ver. 2 — to
i.yayai6ai ; C. omits iyoY«<^'"i ^^^ Grimm says that it is a pity that only C. does it) ... . would be. ™ For her sake
.... estimation among the multitude ( Wahl renders in concionibus nationum — scil. iifotv ; Grimm, in Volksversamm-
lutigen ; rf. Xeu., Hell, ii. 2, 21 ; Mem., iii. 7, 6). " of a quick conceit. '^ hold my tongue .... good ear unto

me;lt1 talk much (AoAoivTos eiri irAiu)^ ; cf. 2 Mace. xii. 36). 23 Moreover by the means. « (marg., govern) set
the people in order. «i the nations. " Horrible .... when they do but hear. " be found good (see Com.)

among the multitude (w jrA^Sei seems to refer to the popular assembly; so Bunsen's Bibetuierk: im Rathwerde ich
tiUJitig ersclieinen). '' After I am. ^' repose. ™ her conversation.

Vt^:?. 17-21. — 31 A. V. : JVoM) when I. ^2 in. 33 how that. 34 great pleasure i( ?» (see Com.). 35 exercise

of conference (see Com. ; 0. 157. read ■yv(«'«wio). =» talking with her (Si- koh/ojw'o Aoyui- avrtis), a good report (marg.,
'kme). 37 take her to me (marg., marry her). " For I was a witty. "> had a good spirit. « Nevertheless,

when (5e Sri). " See Com. « A. V. : and that was («al touto 6' ^i/ ; C. X. have J^ for S- V 1 but it seems to have
been simply a mistake of transcription) a point of wisdom (<i>potrga-euti) also.

Chapter VIII.

"Ver. 1. The preaeni; verse properly belongs I with the second verse. — Keaoheth (in her actlv-
to the seventh chapter. A new section begins (Ity) from one end, i.e. of the world. — A«m«;

250

THE APOCRYPHA.'

order. This verb refers primarily to the manage-
ment of a household, as the composition of the
word would indicate, and then is used in a gen-
eral sense of managing, directing a state.

Ver. 2. 'E<f (Xijo-a. "Ou the difference between
this word and ayaxav, cf. Trench, Syn. of the N.
T., p. 65 ff., and Cremer's Lex., ad voc. They
are used in many cases synonymously, although
the former denotes properly love as a natural
inclination (amare), while the latter denotes it
more as a matter of the will (diUgere). — NuV^lf
ayayiaBai. ifiavjif, to lead her to myself as bride.
On the construction of the middle with a reflexive
pronoun, cf. Winer, p. 257.

Ver. 4. Mu(TT(s. It is the feminine of ^licrTTjs,
and means one initiated. — Atperts {alper-r^s) , one
■who chooses. It is said not to be found else-
where. The sense is that wisdom chooses among
God's works what shall be carried into execution.

Ver. 5. 'Epya^oixevri, worketh. Wahl and
others would translate by acquires, gets ; but it is
doubtless to be taken here in the same sense as in
the following sentence, where it is obviously used
as analogous to rexriTi)!.

Ver. 7. The four cardinal virtues are men-
tioned : temperance, prudence, righteousness, and
fortitude or courage. These were held by Plato,
also, for cardinal virtues ; but by him were founded
on the threefold nature of man, of which our
author says nothing. The latter probably em-
ploys them simply in a popular sense.

Ver. 8. ^rpoip&s K6ycov = [artiticial] turns of
speech, i. e., parables and the like. Of. the LXX.
at Priiv. i. 3, and Ecclus. xxxix. 2. In later
times the words came to mean a trick. So Justin,
ApoL, i. 14. See Sophocles* Lex., ad voc. —
Si^^aeta fcal repara are often found together, also,
in the New Testament ; here probably by hen-
diadvs, for one and the same supernatural event.
Cf. Trench, Sijn. of the N. T., Pt. 2, p. 198.—
Seasons (Katpibi') and times {xp6i'ai'). The latter
word is used in the sense of definite periods ;
then conjunctures, circumstances. Cf. 1 Thess.
V. 1.

Ver. 10. It is implied that the book was
written, during the earlv life of Solomon.

Ver. 12. Hands (xfTpa ; X. 55. 157. 253.,
X^'pas) upon their mouth, t. c, as a sign that
there was to be no interruption. Cf. Job xxi. 5 ;
xxix. 9 ; xl. 4.

Ver. 13. 'AOapacrla. This Greek word, as a
substantive, occurs tir^t in Plato. At iirst it was
applied to the gods only ; and, after it came to be
applied to men, it was employed in a very limited
sense as meiiiiing simply a continued existence.
In the present passage it seems to be used syn-
onymously with iJ.p-fip.Ti aliipios. But our book
also recognizes a deeper meaning. See ver. 17.
and XV. 3. Still the term has no such fullness of
meaning as fair) in the New Testament.

Ver. 14. AioiK-fiaw. See remarks at verse 1.

Ver. 15. 'Ayae6s. In the sense ot capable, bat
including also the idea of mildness, kindness.

Ver. 16. Come into mine house, i.e., from
public life iri tiie assembly as judge, or in the
field as warrior.

Ver. 18. T4ptf,is &yae-fi, noble, pure delight. The
special shade of meaning of this adjective must
often be determined by the connection. A more
literal rendering vvonlii here have been more for-
cible : " that immortality is in connection with
her and in her friendship a pure delight." —
Syyyvfipairla.. According to Grimm, the preposi-
tion in this case does not give to the word the

idea of common exercise, as is usual ; but is in-
tensive, and means complete. That it is often so
used simply to strengthen the force of the word
with which it is associated, is well known. See
Text. Notes.

Ver. 20. The author recognizes the soul as
being really the man ; while the body, though
important, is a secondary affair. Cf. ix. 15. He
had not received a body which, to such an ex-
tent as was usual, was corrupt and cornapting;
and hence he could successfully seek wisdom.
See i. 4, where the same idea is advanced, and
where (as here) our author seems to be influenced
to a greater or less degree by the current philoso-
phy, which taught that the bodj' was really the
seat and source of evil to man. It would appear,
too, that he believed with Plato and Philo in the
preexistence of the soul. But in matters of de-
tail his views do not agree fully with those of
either of these writers. His words at least are
not open to the charge made by Keerl (Die Apok.
des A. T., p. 39, and Die Apokrgphenfrage, p. 192),
that they teach that God rndde souls good and
evil. It is clear, rather, that he regarded such
souls as came into the world evil, if there were
such, as those that had become so, in a previous
condition, through free choice. Most Roman
Catholic commentators, and also such Protestants
as advocate the retention of the present work
among the books held to be distinctively Biblical,
have sought in various ways to evade the force of
what is said in verse 20 ; since, if it is translated
according to the Greek text, and the language be
taken in its natural sense, the doctrine of the pre-
existence of the soul is taught, which in itself
would be an insurmountable objection to the re-
ception of the book among the canonical Scrip-
tures. The Vulgate, not taking any notice of the
5€ after naWov, has rendered : " cum magis bonus
essem ; " i. e., it has joined paWop to ayaSos, and
then used them in the sense of fiaKTlaip. Schmid
would render : " I was a clever child, and re-
ceived a good soul ; yea, still further, being good
[i. e., since or in that I was good], I have come to
an undefiled body." He makes the personal pro-
noun " I " refer, not to the soul alone, but to
TTois, as made up of soul and body. The " yea,
still further " he makes as over against i//ux^f ....
ayaerjs refer to a-Z/xa iplaPTop, that is, he had not
only received a good soul, but, still further, an
undefiled body. He adds, that, if the author had
wished to teach the preexistence of the soul, a
better opportunity was offered at vii. 1-7. "With
respect to the last point, it may be said that it
was not one of the objects of the author to bring
out the doctrine as a truth to be believed ; but it
is rather assumed as an admitted fact, which in
Alexandria at this time, and among leading phil-
osophical thinkers, it was. Hence at vii. 1-7,
where the supposed Solomon speaks of himself as
being like others in birth, etc., there was no spe-
cial occasion for mentioning the circumstance of
his pree.sistence as soul. Again: the assertion
of Schmid, that /xaXKop Se has never the force of
correcting something that has been previously
said in the sense of or rather, is obviously false.
That it has not alwai/s this force is true ; that it
has it generally, however, cannot well be disputed.
His quotation of Eph. iv. 28: "Let him that
stole steal no more, but rather {piwop Se) let him
labor," etc., as supporting his view, must be re-
garded as specially unfortunate ; as also of Gal.

"',l'oi"'^'ii'^"' ^"■''■^8 {Griechische Sprachlehre,
p. 332) : liuWov Se enispricht unserem oder vid-

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

251

tnehr." So Liddell and Scott'a Lex., ad woe, says
that the expression means : " much more, or rather,
to correct a statement already made." Grimm,
no mean authority in matters relating to Greek
grammar, affirms that " more commonly it has a
corrective force."

What Schmid further says concerning the "I,"
as referring to irois and not to if'ux'iii is more
worthy of attention. But, supposing that what
has just been remarked is true, it could only refer
to the latter, if the last part of the verse is duly
considered. " Good," moreover, is not predicated
in the flrst part of the verse of the boy, — the
person as a whole, made up of soul and body, —
but only of the soul. He was a clever child, with
a good soul. And this same distinction is also
made, virtually, at i. 4, if it is taken in connection
with the known teachings of the Alexandrian phi-
losophy during the first and second centuries be-
fore Christ. Josephus speaking of the Essenes,
for instance {Bell. JxM., ii. 8, § 11), says : "For
their doctrine is that bodies are corruptible, and
that the matter they are made up of is not per-

manent ; but that the souls are immortal and
continue forever, and that they come out of the
most subtile air, and are united to their bodies,
as to prisons into which they are drawn by a cer-
tain natural enticement." And finally, if our
author n)eant to teach, what Schmid with Heng-
stenberg and others affirm, that the soul simply
worked upon the body from infancy on, to make
it good he would have chosen some other words
than ^\9ov els, etc., to express so important a
thought.

Ver. 21. 'EyKpariis. Grimm, with many others
(including Eichhorn and Wahl), would render by
enthaltsam, "continent," as at Ecclus. xxvi. 15.
Cf. also Tit. i. 8, and Xen., Mem., iv. 8, U.
Others (Schleusner, Dereser, Bunsen's Bibeltverk,
Gutmann, Ewald, and many more) give it the
same meaning as our A. V., <ro(pias being under-
stood. In favor of the former rendering is the
connection, and the prevailing views at that time
respecting the necessary conditions to the attain-
ment of virtue and wisdom.

Chapter IX.

1 0 God of my fathers, and Lord of mercy ,^ who didst make all things by ^ thy

2 word, and endowed ° man through thy wisdom, that he should have dominion over

3 the creatures which came into being through thee, and rule * the world in holiness *

4 and righteousness, and execute judgment with an upright heart : give me wisdom,
that sitteth by thee on thy ^ throne ; and reject me not from among thy children ;

6 for I thy servant and son of thine handmaid am a feeble man,' and of short life,'

6 and too weak ' for the understanding of judgment and laws. For though a man be
even ^^ perfect among the children of men, yet if wisdom from thee is wanting he

7 shall be held for nothing." Thou hast chosen me out beforehand to be '^ king of

8 thy people, and a judge of thy sons and daughters ; thou hast commanded me to
build a temple upon thy holy mount, and an altar in the city wherein thou dwellest,
a copy '' of the holy tabernacle, which thou didst before prepare " from the begin-

9 ning. And wisdom is '* with thee, which knoweth thy works, and was present
when thou madest the world, and knoweth '^ what is " acceptable in thy sight, and

10 right according to^* thy commandments. 0 send her out of thy holy heavens, even
from the throne of thy glory send her, that she may labor helpfully with me, and •'°

11 I may know what is pleasing unto thee. For she knoweth and understandeth all
things, and she will ™ lead me wisely ^^ in my doings, and guard ^^ me in her glory .^'

12 And so my works will ^ be acceptable, and I shall ^ judge thy people righteously, and

13 be worthy of my father's throne.^* For what man will discern " the counsel of

14 G-od ? or who will lay to heart ^' what the will of the Lord is ? For the resolutions

15 of mortals are vacillating,^ and our thoughts ** uncertain. For the corruptible

Vers. 1-6. — lA. V. : Fritzsche with Grimm and Reuscli strike out ct-ou after eAe'ouy (it is wanting in G. 106. 248. 254.
201. B. C. E*. Q. I. Co. Old Lat. Syr.). ^ hast made . . . with (see Com.). 3 ordained («aTa<rK€vdi(ras, adopted by tlie
same critics — from III. X. 65. 108. 157. 248.263. 254.261. 296. Co. Aid. — for KaTe<r««va<j-in ; see Com.). < thou hast
made and order. 6 according to equity (see Com.). « by thy (see Com.). ^ person (acflpwrn);). 8 of a short
time (oAiyo;^poi'(os ; the rendering is literal, but it is human life that is referred to) " young (eAuo-iruf ; see Com.u

^'^ never so (the force of the Kai in Ka;' is overlooked ; it is omitted only in 55. 157.). ^^ thy wisdom be not with him,
he shall be nothing regarded.

Vers. 7-14. — ^^ A. V. : chosen me (o 6e a (see Com.). ^ resemhlnnce {iiliJ.r]jia] Nachbild^ Wn.hl, Grimm: seeCom.).
" hast prepared. ^^ ^j^.^ (the context seems to require the present). ig fenew (a general truth). i^ was. i8 jn
(iv, hut so rendered through the influence of the Hebrew, and with the meaning above given. The other rendering
would imply that there were things in the divine law which are not right). ^^ and from thy .... glory, that being
present she may labour with (wi Za6oranifi?7i me arf/wfei, Wahl: see Com.) me. that. -'> shall. 21 jead me soberly
iiTto^povioq). 23 preserve. 23 power (this rendering of the A. V. seems to have come from the Vulgate through

Ooverdale and the Bishop's Bible ; the margin of the version of 1611, however, notices the other, and better supported,
reading, So^ji ; see Com.). 21 go shall ((cat consecutivum) my works. 25 then shall I. 20 to sit in my father's

seat. 27 ,'j /ig iji^ ggjj icQow (yyoitreTat). 28 can think {evQviJ.y\9ri<T^Tax). 26 thoughts of mortal men are miserable
[tobxz., fearful ; It seems better to take the word fietAoL in a subjective sense). ^ devices are but.

THE APOCRYPHA.

252

body is a burden to ^ the soul, and the earthy tabernacle weigheth down the mind

16 that pondereth much.^ And hardly have we a presentiment of what is on earth, ana
that which is at hand we discover with difficulty ; » but the things that are in heaven

17 who hath searched out ? And thy counsel who hath known, except as thou gavest

18 wisdom, and didst send ' thy Holy Spirit from above ? And ' so the ways of them
who were on « earth were reformed, and men were taught the things that are pleas-
ing unto thee, and were saved through wisdom.

Vers 15-18 — 1 A. V. : presseth down OapiJ^ti)- ^ museth upon many tilings (wo^v^porriSa). ' hardly {the

post-Homeric word ^6K., is changed to ^6y.. in III. X. 261. Origen) do we guess aright ("«5".'; = ""'■'"'f^" ^A
„<,.™«, Wahl and Grimm ; ahnen wir, Bansen's Bibelwerk) at thing, that are upon earth, and with labour do we find
the. thing! that are before us (marg., " Gr., a( hand "). " thou give .... send. » For. • which hved on the.

Chapter IX.

Yer. 1. See, in connection with this prayer,
1 KinRS iii. 6-10, and 2 Chron. i. 9, 10, where the
historical facts are recorded tliat are made its
basis. — 066. This form of the vocative is un-
known in classical Greek, and among the Hellen-
ists only seldom found. Cf. LXX. at Deut, iii.
24 ; Judg. xxi. 3 ; Ecclus. xxiii. 4 ; 4 Mace. vi.
27 ; also Matt, xxvii. 46. At 1 Tim. i. 18, vi. 20,
we find also Tiixoeee. — By thy word, iv Kdyif
aov. Cf. Gen. i. 3 ; Ps. xxxiii. 6 ; Ecclus. xlii.
15. There is no evidence that \6yos is used here
in a technical theolo<;ical sense, as referring to the
second person in the Trinity. The context is
against it, as also other parts of the book. See
xvi. 12 ; xviii. 1.^. The author, too, would natu-
rally put into the mouth of the suppo.sed Solo-
mon words of a purely Old Testament coloring,
and not such as were known to have an established
philoi-ophical stamp. Moreover, the preposition
iv, on which Schmid lays much stress, is not the
one that we should expect if the author was
endeavoring to sustain the dogma supposed, but
Sia. Cf. John i. 3, 10 ; Heb. i. 2 ; Winer, p. 389 ;
and Meyer's Com., on Colos. i. 15, 16. It is true
that these prepositions are sometimes used inter-
changeably ; i. e., iv sometimes stands for Zti., but
always with special reason. Here there is none ;
and, if it he so used, it is the only instance of the
kind in the book.

Ver. 2. KaTao-Keuao-or, endowed. The two
ideas of " made " and " endowed " seem to be
included. It is used in the LXX. to translate, in
different places, three different Hebrew words.
Cf. vii. 27. See, for a similar thought, Ps. viii.
6 f. — KTio-juaTwj/, creatures. KriV/ia is a place
founded, built, colonized; but, in the Apocrypha,
that which is created. Cf. xiii. 5, xiv, II ; 3 Mace.
V. U ; Ecclus. xxxviii. 34 ; also, 1 Tim. iv. 4.

Ver. 3. 'Ek 6iri6TT)Ti. This word is rendered
by holiness at Luke i. 75, in a similar connection
with biKaioavvT}. It seems to refer to one's duties
towards God, while the latter refers to one's duties
towards his fellow man.

Ver. 4. Sltteth by thee on thy throne.
Siinilar to Prov. viii. 23 ffi. Cf. LXX. at Prov.
viii. 30, and Ecclus. i. 1. In classical prose the
TraptSpos was the coadjutor of ,the magistrate.
See Herod., viii. 138. In patriotic Greek it meant
a " familiar." Cf . Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. —
@povuv. Plural of dignity. Cf. verse 12, and
xviii. 15. These passages are peculiar in this
respect ; being according to Grimm, the only
ones where the plural of this word is used for the
singular. The thrones of Oriental princes were
made in the form of a half circle, and provided

with broad steps. Upon these steps sat the
nobles, according to rank, those of highest rank
sitting nearest the monarch.

Ver. 5. 'Y-Kiaaav, smaller, more insignificant;
viz., than those endowed with wisdom.

Ver. 7. TlpoflXm (irpoe/Aou in X. 23. 55. 106.
157. 248. Co.). The preposition is not to be over-
looked, and is not to be taken (with Gaab and
others) simply in the sense of taking something
before another thing, i. e., choosing. Cf. for the
thought 2 Sam. vii. 12ff. — And daughters (of
God). An uncommon expression, but found
also at Is. xliii. 6 ; 2 Cor. vi. 18.

Ver. 8. A copy. Cf. Ex. xxv. 9, 40 ; Acts
vii. 44 ; Heb. viii. 5. According to Gutmann, v/e
have here an allusion to the teachings, of the
rabbins that the temple at Jerusalem was built
exactly after the model of the temple in heaven,
which God had built at the beginning of human
history. But it would appear, rather, that our
author is simply alluding to a well-known his-
torical fact recorded in the passages just cited.

Ver. 9. Was present, i. e., to kelp, like the
Latin adesse. This usage is classic. Cf. II., xviii.
472 ; Od., xiii. 393. — Evdes. It is used in the
LXX. for €vBi, from et/Biis, right.

Ver. 10. *'l»/a o-vi^irapovira. fioi Koirtatrr]. The
clause is variously translated, but the meaning is
clear : that she may assist me in my work. The
A. V. is literal, but stiff. Bunsen's Bibelwerk
renders : " damit sie mir beistehend wirhe."

Ver. 11. 'Ev Ttj S6^ri. Vulgate: " in sua po-
tentia." But the thought seems rather to be, that
walking in the light (vii. 26) of wisdom, there
would be no occasion for stumbling.

Ver. 12. IIpoo-SeKTify (Lat., acceptus), accept-
able. A rare word, occurring elsewhere as adjec-
tive only in Clement of Alexandria, the Martyr,
of Pol, and in the LXX. at Prov. xi. 20, xvi.
15.

Ver. 15, 16. The Platonic and later Stoical phi-
losophy held the same views respecting the body ;
but both thought and language are outside the
range of Scripture. — At hand, {. e., easy to be
understood.

Ver. 17. Counsel, as in verse 13, ffovK'fiv.
The counsel, will of God with respect to what
men shall do, is meant. — The prayer seems to
end with this chapter, since in the following one
(verse 5) God is spoken of in the third person.

Ver. 18. Saved through wisdom. The mean-
ing is, that by the exercise of wisdom they were
preserved from errors and sins. The persona
referred to are those who lived in the earlier
periods of Jewish history, as the context shows.

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 253

Chapter X.

1 She preserred the first formed father of the world, that was created alone, and
2, 3 brought him out * of his fall, and gave him power to rule all things. But an un-
righteous one having fallen away ^ from her in his anger, he perished in the fury

4 wherewith he murdered his brother. For whose sake ° the earth being flooded by
a deluge,* wisdom again saved it,'^ in that she directed the course of the righteous

5 man by means of a worthless piece of wood. She also," the nations in their
wicked conspiracy being mixed together,' knew * the righteous, and preserved him
blameless unto God, and kept him strong notwithstanding ' his tender compassion

6 towards his son. When the ungodly perished, she delivered a righteous man, who

7 fled from the fire which fell down upon the five cities. Of whose wickedness waste
land that smoketh is still a ■"' testimony, and plants bearing untimely fruits ; ^^ and

8 there standeth a pillar of salt as ^^ a monument of an unbelieving soul. For regard-
ing not wisdom, they got ^' not only tliis hurt, that they knew not the things which
wete good, but also left behind them to that generation " a memorial of their fool-
ishness ; so that in the things wherein they offended they could not even ^^ be hid.

9, 10 But wisdom delivered from difficulties her servants.-'" A righteous one fleeing
from his brother's wrath, she guided in straight " paths, shewed him the kingdom
of God, and gave him knowledge of holy things ; made him rich amid hardships,-'"

11 and multiplied his possessions.^" In the covetousness of such as oppressed him she

12 stood by him, and made him rich. She preserved ^^ him from his enemies, and kept
him safe from those that lay in wait ; and in a sore conflict she gave him the vic-

13 tory, that he might know that godliness is stronger than all. A righteous one
having been sold, she forsook him not, but preserved ^^ him from sin ; she went

14 down with him into the pit, and left him not in bonds, till she brought him the
sceptre of the kingdom, and power over his rulers ; ^^ and ^^ as for them that had ac-

15 cused him, she shewed them to be liars, and gave him perpetual glory. She delivered

16 a holy^* people and blameless seed from the nation that oppressed ^Aew. She
entered into the soul of a ^^ servant of the Lord, and withstood dreadful kings

17 through ^" wonders and signs. She ^^ rendered to the holy ^* a reward of their labors,
guided them on ^ a marvelous way ; and became unto them a '" cover by day, and a

18 light of stars during the night.^^ She "^ brought them through the Red sea, and led

19 them through much water. But she drowned their enemies, and cast them up ^" out

20 6f the bottom of the deep. Therefore righteous ones spoiled the ungodly, and
praised thy holy name, 0 Lord, and magnified with one accord thine hand, that

21 fought for them. For wisdom opened the mouth of the dumb, and made the tongues
of babes '* eloquent.

Vers. 1-5. — 1 For e^eiKaro (efeiAajuijr, later Alex, form for c|etAo/ii)r} 68. Aid. read e^ereivev, which Schleusner and
Bauermeister adopt ; but it is rejected by the later critics. 2 A. V. : -when the unrighteous went away (aTroords).

B perished also .... cause (for 5i' ov Codd. X. C. 106. 261. B. read fiio, 1. e., 81' 5 (H., fii' 5tv), which was also defended by
Orotius ; but it is rejected by the best critics). * drowned with the flood. ^ preserred *'(. For fitcVoKre of the text.
Tec. Fritzsohe receiyes Str<iirev from III. X. C. 23. 65. 106. 157. A. B. C. E. F. G. H. Co, » A. V. : and directed the

course of the righteous in a piece of wood of small -Value. Moreover. ^confounded. s she found out. eyro* (not
eCpe of 11. 68. ), Which has the support of the great majority of the best MS9. , and is defended by Grimm, Reusch, and
Fritzsche. *• A. V. : against (niarg., in. The preposition is iirC, but it does not well admit of an exact rendering.

Ver^. 6-10. — *" A. V- : the righteous man .... even to this day the Waste land that smoketh is a. (Fritzsche with
Keusch — but not Grimm — read Jis en, with II. III. X. 65. 68. 106. 157. 248. 263. 254. 261. 296. Co. Aid., and apparently
Syr. and Ar. ; ^s etrnv, 23 ; *j e'{m, C. ; &V en, Origen ; text, rec., oTs iiri, which agrees with some Codd. of the Old Lat.
{quibus in) while others have cujus in). " fruit that never came to ripeness. " and a standing pillar of salt is

(106. 261. Yulg. Syr. Ar. have Koii). " gat. " the world (tu ptf ; cf. VVahl's aavh). « their (so 157. 248. Co.)
foolishness .... not so much as (wtjSc). ^^ pain (n-iwwi'. The context determines its special meaning) those that

attended (the present participle is to be received from 111. X. 0. 65. 106. 157. 248. 253. 261. 296. Co. Old Lat. for Oepa.-
ttexitra-vres, and may Jt)e rendered substantively) upon her. 1' When the righteous fled .... him in right. is in his
travails [iv fxoxdois). 10 thejhtit oyhis labors (roii? ttovov^ ; icdirovs, III, X, 23. 263., but not C, as stated by Grimm),

Vers. 12-16, — '" A. V. : defended (Sieij>iKaSev ; X, 23, 248., i,f,iha4cv). « When the righteous was ... . delivered

(fitei^uAafec). 22 against those that oppressed him [TvpavvovvTttyv avroi) ; avTov^ 23. 106, 157. 264. 261. ; marg, of A, V. :
the power of them that ruled over him ; cf , Matt, x, 1). ^3 omits and (re ; Se, 248. Co,). 24 righteous (marg., holy).
« the, 26 in.

Vers, 17-21, — ^t A.'V. : Omits She. 28 the righteous (otri'oig ; cf, previous verse, oo-ioi/), 29 in_ so ^^s , . . . fora
(^yeVeTo . , . , eU) ^^ in the night season [ttjv vvkto.). ^2 omits She, ^ avePpatrev (106,, ave^pvtrev ; C., fite^i-

fiavev ; cf . 2 Mace. i. 12, i^ifipaxre ; see Com.). ^ the righteous spoiled .... them that cannot speak (see Com ).

254

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter X.

Ver. 1 . That was created alone, ii6voi' ktkt-
e4vTa. These words have been variously inter-
preted: (I) the one alone created by God, i.e.,
immediiitcly by him ; (2) as long as he had been
'alone created, viz., before Eve came to be his
tempter; (3) ivfiile he was alone created, being
without protection, God preserved him. The
last opinion, adopted by Grimm, would seem to
imjjly tliat afterwards, when he was no longer
alone, in the view of the autlior he reeded no
protection, or needed it les.s, which could scarcely
be imputed to him. Gfrorer (Urchristenthum, n.
242) maintains that the pnssage refers to the idea
of the fall as held by Philo, according to which
the Ttapa-KTwixa Xdiov of Adam was that he sunk
out of the state of a pure spirit into that of a
material existence, became Adam, — a man. But
this is to force the passage to give a meaning
which does not lie upon its surface, and is not in
harmony with the context. It seems to vis that
the thought is simply, that, when there was but
one man alone on the earth, wisdom was opera-
tive. It began with the beginning of human
history its helpful mission. The following verse
favors this view. Wi.'idom kept Adam, our au-
thor would say, not from sin, but from utter ruin,
after his fall, in that she wrought in him repent-
ance toward God and submission to his will.
The tradition of Adam's bitter repentance of his
sin was a prevalent one in the East. Cf. also
Gen. iii. 7.

Ver. 3. Perished. This is in accordance
with later Jewish traditions, but not with the
Scriptures. Cf. Gen. iv. 15. May it not be that
spiritual rather than physical death is meant?
So judges Grimm, and it would not be out of
harmony with the general teaching of the book.
— In the fury "wherewith, i, e., in unnatural
death. Bvfjiis is made plural for the sake of
emphasis.

Ver. 4. By means of a worthless piece of
wood. She directed the course of the ark, which
in the wide waste seemed like a worthless piece
of drift-wood.

Ver. 5. The conspiracy of the people at Babel
is undoubtedly meant ; but not dehnitely the con-
fusion of tongues, as would seem to be implied
by the A. V. Abraham is spoken of as though
he were contemporaneou.s with this historic event.
In order to avoid this anachronism, some Roman
Catholic commentators suppose that two different
persons are referred to in this verse, the righteous
one, whoever he may have been (Sheni ?), and
Abraham ! Gutberlet thinks that the two periods
were not so far apart (two hundred years !) that
our author, who was thinking less of historical
accuracy than of moral effect, might not in poet-
ical license have regarded them as near together. I

Ver. 6. Theie were really but four cities de- !
stroyed, Zoar having been spared at the desire of '
Lot. But cf. Josephus (Bell. Jud., iv. 8, § 4), '
who makes the same statement, although he |
seems to have known better (Antiq., i. 11, § 4). '
The word TrerTaTrtfAecos, however, may be used in
its collective sense, without excluding the fact
that but four cities actually perished.

Ver. 7. Untimely fruits. Possiblv the so-
called " apples of Sodom " are meant, —'beautiful
in appearance, but turning to ashes in the hand.
Josephus says (BeV. Jud., iv. 8, § 4), that the

ashes grow in the fruits, "which fruits have a
color as if they were fit to be eaten ; but, if you
pluck them wi'th your hands, they dissolve into
smoke and ashes." Authorities differ on the
question what is meant by this fruit. — Pillar of
salt. On the histoiical fact recorded in Gen.
xix. 26 ff. and the various explanations, see the
commentaries, ad loc.

Ver. 10. Kingdom of God. Grimm would
render ^aa-iXeiav 0eoC by Regiment Gottes, rule (i. e.,
manner of ruling) of God. Cf.'Gen. xxviii. 12 f.
Cremer {Lex., sub voce), on the other hand, holds
tliat the phrase is here used technically, for the
first time (cf. Gen. xxviii. 12 ; Song of the Three
Children, 32) as being a comprehensive expres-
sion for the object promised and expected in the
plan of salvation, and possibly first suggested by
Dan. ii. 14. — 'Ey /iSxSois, amid hardships, i. e.,
of his service. Tl6yo! means originally simply
work (Lat., labor}, while /iSx^os (from fioyeai,
11.6-yos) means properly hardship, distress. The
latter is found chiefly in poetry. In the follow-
ing clause Tr6ms is used in the sense of what labor
brings, wealth : ^irKriduye tous tt^vovs abrov, in-
creased his possessions. Cf. Ecclus. xiv. 15;
xxviii. 15.

Ver. 12. Of any one's lying in wait for Jacob,
nothing is said in Genesis.

Vers. 13, 14. Into the pit .... in bonds.
Both events are mentioned together, out of chron-
ological order, probably on account of their simi-
larity.

Ver. 14. SK^irrpo. This word is found also
in the classics in the pluial, when used in a meta-
phoiical sense, and generally so in the later
Greek. Cf. Herod., vii. 52. Neither this word
nor $a(Ti\ilas has the article ; but the sceptre of
the Egyptian kingdom is clearly meant.

Ver. 15. A holy people and blameless seed.
This does not sound like the representations of
canonical books, which never commend Israel in
such a sweeping, indiscriminate way. Gutberlet
Com., ad loc.) would understand this as referring
only to the better class of the Israelites I

Ver. 17. A reward of their labors. The
things which they borrowed from the Egyptians
are named the wages of their service in the laud
of bondage. Or is the last part of the verse to
be coiLsidered as explanatory of the first? In
that case, the reward was the guidance and pro-
tection vouchsafed in the wilderness.

Ver. 19. Cast them up, i.e., their bodies upon
the land. Some critics would make this refer to
the Israelites, but it is grammatically inadmis-
sible ; while the word used, avf^paaev, is quite
too strong to express such a thought. It is also
out of harmony with the connection, especially
the following, therefore, 5ia toBto.

Ver. 21. Ka(pa>v .... vniriuv. The Vulgate
has mulorum et infantiiim. We are not, however,
to think of a miracle, as Schmid and others do.
The words are rather to be taken metaphorically
for the Jews, who had become dumb and stupid
in their long bondage, and could, scarcely be ex-
pected to join intelligently, for instance, in such
a song as Miriam's. Gutberlet, however, would
make it refer to Moses, who was slow of speech.
But in that case we should not have expected the
plural, nor such a word as rijirioj.

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 255

Chaptee XL

1, 2 She prospered their works by ^ the hand of a'' holy prophet. They went

3 through an uninhabited wilderness,' and pitched tents in trackless wastes.* They

4 stood against their enemies, and warded off ^ their adversaries. When they were
thirsty, they called upon thee, and water was given them out of a ' flinty rock, and
their thirst was quenched out- of a ' hard stone.

5 For by what things their enemies were punished, by these they in their need

6 were benefited. Instead ' of a fountain of an everflowing river, turbid with gore,

7 for a rebuke of the commandment to slay the infants,® thou gavest unto them

8 abundance of water unexpectedly ; showing them by their thirst at that time how

9 thou didst punish their adversaries.^" For when they were tried, albeit hut in mercy
chastised, they learned '^ how the ungodly, being judged in wrath, were tormented.^^

10 For these thou didst admonish and try, as a father ; but those, as a severe king,

11 thou didst condemn and punish. And whether they were absent or present, they

12 were afflicted alike.^' For a double grief came upon them, and a groaning on account

13 of" the remembrance of things past.'^ For when they heard that through-"' their
own punishments these had been benefited,-" they had some feeling of the Lord.

14 For him" whom they rejected with scorn, on his being ^^ long before cast away on
the occasion of the exposure, in the issue of events, they admired,^" having

15 thirsted quite otherwise than the righteous.^^ And on account of ^^ the foolish de-
vices of their wickedness, whereby ^ being deceived they worshipped creeping
things ^ void of reason, and vile creatures,^^ thou didst send a multitude of irrational

16 living things ''^ upon them for punishment;^' that they might know, that where-

17 withal a man sinneth, by these things is he punished.^* For thy Almighty hand, that
made also ^* the world out of matter without form, wanted not means to send upon

18 them '" a multitude of bears, or fierce lions, or unknown wild beasts, full of rage,
newly created, either breathing out a fiery breath, or sending forth a foul smelling

19 vapor,*-' or shooting terrible sparks from '^ their eyes ; of which not only the harm

20 might completely ^ dispatch them, but also the terrible sight utterly destroy them.
Yea, and without these might they have fallen down with one blast, being pursued by
Justice,'* and winnowed away '^ through the breath of thy power ; but thou hast

21 ordered all things according to '^ measure and number and weight. For it is
always at thy command to shew thy great strength ; and who shall " withstand the

22 power of thine ai'm ? For the whole world before thee is as a dust speck '* of the

23 balance, yea, as a drop of morning '° dew that falleth down upon the earth. But

Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. V. : in. 2 t^e. ^ the wilderness that was not inhabited [Ipinxov aoiiaiiov). ^ places where
there lay no way (eV d^aTots). c were avenged (ex^pous ^jnupai/TO. Wahl gives to the verb here ( Clavis, ad voc.) the
mesming a me propidso ; so also Bunsen's .B^6eiu'erJt) of . ^ the. ^ the.

Vers. 6-8. — 8 A. V. : by the same .... For instead [avTi >ieV). " a perpetual running river troubled {TapaxBivro^

with III. X. 157. 253. A. F. G. for TapaxfleVres of the text. rec. II. C. 2.3. 55. al.) with foul blood (see Com.), for a mani-
fest reproof {e\eyxov ; 106. 261., eiriuvov) of that commandment (no article, but a well-known commandment is referred
to), whereby the infants were slain. ^c by a means which they hoped not for (ifeAjrto-Tws) : declaring by that thirst
then how thou hadst punished (see Com.) their adversaries.

Vers. 9-15. . — ^^ A. V. : knew (this is not here the force of eyv(a(rav, but rather, came to know, learned). ^^ were

judged in wrath (Fritzsche adopts ^ct* opy^?, with X. C. 23. 106. 253. 261., for eV opyp of the text, rec.) and tormented.
A. V. adds " thirsting in another manner than the just " omitting the sameatver. 14, where it properly belongs. (Ido
not know what authority was relied on for this change. Coverdale and the Bishop's Bible — I examined the second
edition — follow the common text. ) ^^ i,ut the other .... Whether they were .... vexed alike. '■* for. ^^ things
past (Grimm, followed by Fritzsche, would read irapeAfloi-™!/, with III. X. 23. 106. 157. 248. 261. 296. Co. B. C. D. F. G.
H. I. for irape^Sovcriav of the text. rec. ; Trape\riKv$6Tiov, 65. 254.). ^^ by. *^ the other (aureus) to be benefited

(Fritzsche receives euepyenj/Ltei'ous — for euepyeTou^e'cous of the text. rec. II. 68. al. — from III. X. C. 55. But Grimm
and Rcusch reject it as a correction). i^ omit.-i him. (The roe yap, found in II. C. X. 23. and others, should be

changed accordint; to Arnald, Gaab, and Fritzsche, to ov yap ; but Grimm objects, and takes t6v for the relative and
not the article). ^^ when he was. 20 thrown out at the casting forth o/the in/ants, him in the end, when they saw
what came to pass (eVl re'^ei twc e'KjSdcreuf ) they admired. 21 omits the entire sentence, inserting it at vei'se 9 ( 106.

261. read il^jf^'a-ai/Tes — i/fyj^i'^u, ^= to vote with pebbles, to vote — for Sii/f^o-ai^e;). ''^ But for (dtri Si). 23 wherewith.
2* serpents (see Com.) 25 beasts. 20 unreasonable beasts. 27 yengeance.

Vers. 16-22. — 28 j^, y. : the same also (Kat is found before KoKd^erai in X. 23. 253. Athanas.) shall he be punished.
2^ omits aj'jo. so world of ... . among them . s' breathing out either a fiery vapour, or filthy scents (the best critics
idopt fi-)op.ov for the plur., with III. X. C. 23. 55. al.) of scattered smoke (see Com.). 22 horrible sparkles out of,

33 whereof .... dispatch them at once {i<Tpl^a.t., which Fritzsche adopts from X. (by a corrector) III. C. 55. 157. 248.
264. 296. in place of cn;i'€/CTpti//at of the text. rec. ; cf. xii. 9). *** persecuted of Vengeance. ^s scattered abroad,

*^ *n *T thou canst .... at all timee when tliou wilt . , . . may, ^ is as s^ little grain. so ti^e morning.

256

THE APOCRYPHA.

thou hast mercy upon all ; for thou canst do all things, and overlookest ^ the sins of

24 men, that they may repent.^ For thou lovest all the things that are, and abhorrest
nothing which thou didst make ; for if thou hadst hated anything thou wouldest

25 not have made it.^ And * how could any thing have remained,^ if it had not been
thy will ? or been preserved, if not called into existence ^ by thee. But thou sparest

26 all, because ' they are thine, O Lord, thou lover of souls.

Vers. 23-26. — i A. V. : winkest at (see Com.). 2 because they Rhould amend (eis iieravoiav). ' hast made : for

never wouldest thou have made any iking, if thou hadst hated it. * And (fii ; C, yapj. * endured. ^ omita

into existence. ^ for (the stronger " because " seemed more suitable).

Chapter XI.

Ver. 1. This verse properly belongs to the
preceding chapter, the second beginning a new
section in which wisdom is no longer the subject.
— A holy prophet, i. e., Moses. — 'Ev x^'pK ''^ <"'
through the hand.

Ver. 2. The fact that both the iirst and second
verses begin with like-sounding words is worthy
of notice ; eifcoSwcre . . . Zidihsvcav. The writer
meant thereby to give emphasis to the thought.

Ver. .3. Adversaries. Amalekites, Amorites,
Moabites, and Midianites. Cf. Numb, xvii.-xxxi.

Ver. 4. As a matter of fact, the people did
not call on the Lord ; they complained rather to
Moses and Aaron. Cf. Ex. xvii. 1 ff., and Numb.
XX. 2 ff. — 'Akpot6/j.ov, flinty. The word as ap-
plied to a stone means cut off shar-p, squared. It
is used by Polybius of a precipice (ix. 27, 4). It
belongs to the later Greek. Cf. Jos., Antiq., viii.
3, §2.

Ver. 5. This verse contains the theme of the
remaining chapters of the book ; namely, that the
Israelites in their need were benefited by that
which was a punishment to their enemies. After
^X^poX a\iru)v the Vulgate has : " a dejectione potiis
SMt, et in eis, cum ahundarent Jilii Israel," etc. It
was doubtless originally a gloss.

Ver. 6. 'hfvveLou. This form, which is a con-
stant varia lectio for &evdov, is now generally
given up in classical prose. The word is derived
from dtel vddi, ever-Jlowinq . — AuS^wSei {Xvdpov,
e?8os). The former of the words in the compound,
when it is used alone by Homer, always means
the blood streaming from wounds ; and when used
with aTfia, as here, it meant the blood and dust
from battle. Medical writers used the adjective
for impure blood.

Ver. 7. Nri7rio/(T(i>'ou, to slay the infants. The
word has been found only here and in Pseudo-
Ignaiius. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad vac.

Ver. 8. Unexpectedly. They were in the
midst of a wilderness. The reference is to the
Israelites, and not to the Egyptians, as the con-
text plainly shows.

Ver. 11. Absent. . . . present, !. c, whether
they were at home in Egypt, or pursuing the Is-
raelites through the Eed Sea.

Ver. 13. The reading which Fritzsche adopts,
ivepyertjfi^vovs for fvepyerovfi^yovs, in Grimm's
opinion is a correction arising from a misunder-
standing of the present, which would mean that
the Israelites in their wanderings were continually
thus benefited. — ''HadovTo rov Kvplov, were con-
scious of, recognized the Lord, saw that the thing
was of the Lord.

Ver. 14. 'Eirl tAei tuv iK0iaeav, at the issue
of events, namely, those recorded in Ex. i.-xvii.
We do not learn from the Scriptures that the
Egyptians were aware of what happened in the
wilderness, or that they ever hiid any admiration
for Mosee as leader of the Israelites.

Ver. 15. 'Epirera. Probably not "serpents"
(A. V.) alone, but also crocodiles, as the history
teaches.

Ver. 16. In the present case, however, it was
not the animals that were worshipped by th6
Egyptians that were afterwards sent upon them
as punishment. Cf. Ex. viii. 2, 16, 21 ; x. 4.

Ver. 17. Matter without form. The word
S\n is used, which meant originally wood, but
which after the time of Aristotle was used for the
mateiial out of which the world was sttpposed to
be made, it being considered as a dwelling. The
epithet formless {&^op(pos) can scarcely refer to
Gen. i. 2, as Schmid, Gutberlet, and others sup-
pose, where it is said that the '* earth was without
form and void," and where the LXX. has aSparos
Kal aKaTacrtcsuaffro^. The idea is Platonic, and
the expression BAtj &ij.opipos the well-known one
by which the philosophers of that period desig-
nated the supposed eternally existing material out
of which the world was formed. The supposition,
moreover, that our author speaks not of the
original creation, but of a secondary adaptation
of its already created matter, is opposed to the
spirit of the passage, which would emphasize the
might of Jehovah. Hence, we must conclude
that he accepted the unbiblical philosophy of his
time in its teaching that matter was eternah
Cf., however, Kiibel, in Stud. v. Krit., 1865, iv.,
p. 698, who advocates the view that pseudo-
Solomon is speaking here simply of a molding,
not a creation, of matter, and refers to ix. 1 (cf.
xii. 9) as confirming the view.

Ver. 1 8. hp6piov \iKfj^ajfxevovs Kairvov. Grimm
thinks the meaning foul Sinell, given to the first
word, arose from confounding it with ^patfios,
since its meaning is otherwise loud noise ; Lat.,
fremitus. Cf. also LXX. at Job vi. 7 ; Joel ii. 20.
Sophocles {Lex., ad toe), however, maintains
that it is but a less correct form of ppii/ios. Gut-
berlet agrees with Grimm, and refers it to the
snorting of the animals, as in Job xli. 9-12. The
second Greek word is not to be taken passively,
as by our A. V., but as limiting "wild animals"
in the previous clause in the sense above given.

Ver. 19. The aiv in composition here, if not
stricken out with Fritzsche, has an intensive
force, altogether. It is likely that the fabled basi-
lisk is meant, produced by a cock's egg brooded
by a serpent. It was alleged that its hissing
would drive away all other serpents, and that
even its look was death.

Ver. 20. Aooording to measure. Cf. Job
xxviii. 25 ; Is. xl. 12. Hence he would not, by-
such extraordinary punishJients, depart from the
usual order, which, after aU, the highest wisdom
would dictate.

Ver. 22. 'Poir)) ^k irKaariyyav. The first word
means inclination downward, in contradistinction
from iraus, inclination upward, and is particularly

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 257

used of the siuking of the balance. A secondary
meaning is that which makes the scale turn ; here,
perhaps with reference to Is. xl. 15, the dust that
clings to the scales, making them neither lighter
nor heavier.

Ver. 23. God does not, from prudential rea-
sons, need to pnnish offenders at once (like
earthly kings) ; hence he shows mercy, and waits

for repentance. — Jlapopuv. The first meaning is
to look at by the way, to notice, remark ; then, to
look past a thinq, overlook, make light of, be indul-
gent towards. Here it is obviously not to be used
in an absolute, but in a relative sense, and espe-
cially as limited by the context. Cf. Eeclus.
xxviii. 7.

Chapter XII,

1 FOK thine incorruptible * Spirit is in all things.

2 Therefore reprovest thou them by little and little that fall into sin,'' and warnest
them by putting them in remembrance wherein they have offended, that leaving their

3 wickedness they may believe on thee, 0 Lord. For though it was thy will to de-

4 gtroy by the hands of our fathers the ° old inhabitants of thy holy land, whom thou
hatedst * on account of odious works of witchcraft which they practiced and unholy

6 rites ; being both merciless murderers of children and such as partook of sacrificial

6 feasts composed of human flesh and blood, initiates of an abominable fellowship ; '

7 and as * parents that killed with their own hands helpless souls,' that the land
which thou esteemedst above all others ' might receive a worthy colony of God's

8 children; nevertheless even those thou sparedst as men, and didst send wasps,

9 forerunners of thine army,* to destroy them by little and little. Not that thou
wast unable to bring the ungodly under the hand of the righteous in battle, or to

10 destroy them at once by terrible' beasts, or with one rough word; but executing
thy judgments upon them by little and little, thou gavest them place for ^° repentance,
not being ignorant that their origin was evil, and that their wickedness was ^^ bred

11 in them, and that their disposition changed not forever ; ^^ for it was a cursed seed
from the beginning. Neither didst thou for fear of any man give them amnesty ^'

12 for those things wherein they sinned. For who shall say. What hast thou done ?
or who shall withstand thy judgment ? or who shall accuse thee respecting the de-
struction of heathen," whom thou madest 'i ^° or who shall come to stand up ^^

13 against thee, to be avenged on account of" unrighteous men? For there is no ^'
God but thou that careth for all, to whom thou mightest shew that thy judgment is

14 not unjust.'' Nor is there ^ king or tyrant who is ^' able to set his face against thee

15 for those whom ^ thou hast punished. But being righteous thyself, thou orderest all
things righteously ; thinking it not consistent ^ with thy power to condemn even '^^

1 6 him that hath not deserved to be punished. For thy power is the ground of thy ^ right-
eousness, and because thou art the Lord of all, it maketh thee gracious towards ^^

17 all. For when men do ^ not believe that thou art perfect in "^^ power, thou shewest

1 8 thy strength ; and in them that know it thou dost expose their presumption.^ But

Vera. 1-6. — ^ A. V. : uncorruptible. * chastcnest .... offend {■jTapa.iriirrovTa.^). ^ For it . , . both those.

■ (fiicr^o-ac 10 joined to the following member in II., oa well as in the authorities mentioned by Fritzsche, III. X. C.).
B for doing most odious .... witchcrafts and wicked sacrifices ; and also those merciless .... and devourers of man^a
flesh (for inTKa.yxvafi)6.yiiiv — of II. III. C. and most Oodd. — Grimm with Bauermeister and Apel would read inTKayxvo-
tfiayovi, with Co. and *' 12 Codd. Sergii " ; cf. Com.), and the feasts of blood ; with their priests out of the midst of
tbeir idolatrous crew {text, rec, ix fxe'a-ou jLtutrradcms crow; Old h&t. a medio sacrantento tuo ; Cod. II., from the first
hand, eKfAe<70u^v<rTa^£ia(7ov ; and from a secondhand — which is not as Fritzsche's apparatus represents — eK^uo-ov-
^v<noBiia.trov, thus agreeing, by the first hand, with X. Codd. III. 65. 106. 253. 254. 296. B. G. read, €j</A6(roufxv(rTacr6ta-
irov. Fritzsche adopts itt /xecrov tLvtrras Oid^ov ', Grimm and Keusch, ix fivaov^ /.tvcrra; Qtaaov ; cf. Com.). ^ the.

7 souls destitute of help.

Vers. 7-11. — 'A. V. ; other (not in the Greek, but needful to complete the sense). * host (tou arpaToireSov <rou.

Cod. II., Toii? ffTpaTOTre'Souff, etc., so making it in apposition with Trpo5p6jaovs). * with cruel. ^° of. i^ they were
a naughty generation (Troinjpa ij ydvea-ts avrSn') and that their malice was. ^ cogitation would never be changed (see

Com.). ^ pardon (see Com.).

Vers. 12-16. — " A. V. : for the nations that perish (I have rendered freely ; lit., on account of heathen [nations^ that
have been destroyed). i^ hast made. ^° omits up. " revenged for the. ^9 neither is there any. ^^ unright.
*■* Neither shall. *i tyrant (usually '* ruler," but here allowed to stand as used in distinction from " king ") be.

^ any whom [Stv). Fritzsche adopts ^K^Aao-a? [text, rec, an^Ketraq) from III. X. 23. 55. al. Co. Aid. Ar. Arm. ; it is also
the reading of II. ^ A. V. : Forasmuch then as thou art .... agreeable (6(/>eiAocTa). ^ omits even [avrov t6v ;

«ee Com.). ^s is the beginning of (apx^. t*ut with the meaning of ground or cause ; Wahl, on the other hand, would

render by imperium, and says that the Greek is equivalent to : r} ytip apxh -His Icrxuos crov apxTj fit(coto(nJi^s ; see Com.)
« thee to be gracious unto (o-e is added after ijieiSfo-Sai in III. 55. 106. 167. 248. 254. 261. 296. Co. Yulg. Ar. Arm.)

Vers. 17-21. — " A. V. : will. » of a full (marg., perfect). ^s among them that knew it {iy rolt elSicri ; HI. Old
17

258 . THE APOCRYPHA.

thou, having power at command,' judgest with clemency,^ and rulest' us with
great favor ; for thou canst * use power whenever ' thou wilt.

19 And* by such works didst thou teach thy people that the just man should be
humane,' and didst make thy sons to be of ' good hope that thou givest ^ repent-

20 ance for sins. For if thou didst punish ■"' the enemies of thy children, and those
worthy of death, with such indulgence " and forbearance,'^ g'ving them time and

21 place, whereby they might turn from evil : " with how great circumspection didst
thou judge thy sons, unto whose fathers thou gavest promises of good things with

22 oaths and covenants ? " Therefore, while '^ thou dost chasten us, thou scourgest
our enemies a thousand times more, to the intent that, in judging, we should care-

23 fully think of thy goodness, and on being judged, we should look for mercy. There-
fore also, the unjust men who lived a foolish life,'* thou didst torment through "

24 their own abominations. And indeed,'* they went astray so '^ far in the ways of
error, as to hold them for gods, which even amongst the animals ''■" of their enemies

25 were despised, being deceived, as children of no understanding. Therefore unto
them, as to children without the use of reason, thou didst send the ^ judgment

26 to mock them, ; but they that have not been reformed by sportive punishments ^^

27 shall feel a judgment worthy of God. For through those things they were dis-
pleased about being sufferers from them,^ that is, through those which ^ they
thought to be gods, now being punished in them, they saw him, and acknowledged
him as ^^ true God, whom before they denied that they knew ; ^* therefore also came
the extremity of condemnation ^' upon them.

Lat. Arm., ovk etSoo-t ; X., (re el^oinv \ 55. 254., etSocrt uov) makest their boldness manifest, i mastering thy power (thia
rendering would carry the idea that effort is required, which idea is not contained in SeoTri^wi/). 2 equity (see Com.),
»orderest(cf. Com. at yiii. 1). » maye.st. = when (Ste, 261.). "But. ' hast thou taught .... merciful.

• hast made thy children to be of a. » Cod. II., with III. 68. Aid., has the rare form 6i«o« — Homer, Herod., Hippok.
— instead of ii&m of the text. rec. » For eri/iupijira! , III. 66. 106. al. read {rincup^cnu, which is adopted by Fritzsche ;
cf. xviii. 8, where all the MSS. have this reading. " A. V. : the condemned to ... . deliberation. 12 omilj

and condescension (Fritzsche adopts from X. SUmm tor Seijaeiu!. This word, as well as the preceding «ai, is wanting
in 111. 106. 157. 268. 254. 261. A. B. C. F. C. I. Co. Old Lat. ; ct.Com.). " be deliyered from their malice (iiroAAayio-i
rijs KoutiVi). " thine own .... hast sworn, and made coTenanls of good promises (the passage hardly admits ol a lit-
eral translation ; ^Y3.hl,f(Ede3■a cum promissionibus eximiis juncta).

Vers. 22-27. — « A. V. : whereas. )o when we judge . . . .when we ourselves are ... . IVherefore whereas men

have lived dissolutely and unrighteously. (For iSinoKs, III. 28. 106. 157. 248. 253. 254. 261. 294. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Arm.
A. V. read iSi'itio!, which is also preferred by Grimm and Reusch.) " thou hast tormented them with. M For

(Kai-yap). "very. handheld (Aem /or ... .beasts. 21 a. 2! gut they that would not be .. . that correc-

tion, wherein he dallied with them. Z3 (0,,^ for vvhat things .... grudged when they were punished. 21 for them
whom (for oSs X. read oiv ; ots, 248. 261.) {ISSkovv OeoU, 106. 261.). 23 „hen they saw it, they acknowledged him to

be the. 20 to know. 27 and therefore came extreme damnation.

Chaptek XII.

Ver. 1. Incorruptible. In the sense of im-
perishaUe, eternal. The Vulgate ha.s here, as at
the beginning of the fourth chapter, the addition :
"0 guam bonus et siiavis est, Domine, spirilus luus
in omnibus ! "

Ver. 2. Little and little. This is said in dis-
tinction from immediate and total destruction,
such as is spoken of inverse 19 of the previous
chapter.

■V er. 3. Hatedst. Cf. verse 24 of the eleventh
chapter, and verse 8 in the present one, where
the love of God for all his creatures is set forth.
Here the sin of these men is put in the fore-
ground ; and that perhaps, rather than the per-
sons themselves, is thought of. Still, it is not
easy to reconcile the ideas of verses 2 and 3, if
the author is tliinking in both of the same class
of persons.

V er. 5. 'S,-K\ayxvo<payuiv avBponrivaiv aapKav
Bo'ivav, sacrificial feast of those devouring hu-
man flesh, Bolvav being thus made the object of
lita-ntras in verse 3. Grimm, on the other hand

said to be found nowhere else. I would also,
with Grimm, connect o'/^iaros with eo7yay. Cf.
trans.

Ver. 6. 'Ek fiea-ov fiva-TaOelas aou. This is the
reading of the text, rec., and is the one supported
by the majority of MSS.; but the text is un-
doubtedly corrupt, no such word as nva-raBela
occuiring elsewhere, while it gives with any rea-
sonable etymology no good sense. The passage
must therefore be reconstructed with the aid of
the variations of the codices. Cf. 7'ext. Notes.

Ver. 7. 'AnoiKiav. We might have e.Npected,
rather, iwoiKiui/, since Palestine after Abraham's
time WHS looked upon as the fatherland of the
Israelites.

Ver. 8. As men. This would seem to con-
firm the idea expressed above (verses 3 and 4),
that a distinction is there tacitly made between
men as such and their sins. — "Wasps. The same
word rendeied in the LXX. by (T(t>Tt^, hornet is
found at Ex. xxiii. 28 ; Beut. vii. 20 ■ Josh
xxiv. 12.

would read ■TTTAoyx-'ocfaYouj and connect it With Ver. 10. 'O Xoyia^ihs air£p. Their wav of
9o,ra. m the sense of ceUraUnff a s«cn>?e,W thinking ordinarily'^is'^ meant, and so he -, ft/
feast from human flesh, which gives a nmch\ position, heart. Cf! Ecclus xivii 7 o M '' v1
smoother Bentence. The word ..^ayxyo,^4yos is I 23, vU. 21 ; 4 Mace. ix. 30 Uu' used V one of

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

259

the later Fathers in the sense of intention. Cf.
Sophocles' Lex., ad voc.

Ver. 11. A cursed seed, i.e., cursed in Ca-
naan.— 'ABeiov (Lat., securitas), freedom from
fear, security, amnesli/. Cf. Herod., ii. 121, 6;
Thucyd., iii. 58 ; and for a similar thought, xi.
23. Bretschneider, however, would give to the
word here the sense of license, indulgence {venia
peccandi), and would translate : " Et tu, neminem
timens,potestatem fecisti illis eorum, in guibus pecca-
runt." But it is possible that here the meaning
of " opportunity " would be more suitable than
any of those hitherto suggested. That is, it was
not from fear that God gave them opportunity to
sin. This meaning of the word is also histori-
cally well supported in the later ecclesiastical
Greek. Cf. Sophocles, ad voc.

Ver. 1.5. Aurhj' ■t6i/, even him. As weak,
human rulers often do, and much less to do any-
thing worse than this.

Ver. 16. 'H ydp lax^s cov hiKatotrvvt)^ ^Pxh- It
is not necessary to suppose, with Keerl and
others, that the author would emphasize the
power of God at the expense of his holiness. It
may mean that God is so great that He has no
(apparent) necessity to do wrong ; or it might
refer to the divine power as an absolute quality
which in itself presupposes the presence of other
absolute qualities, holiness included.

Ver. 17. In {Iv) them that know It, i.e.,
know that God is Almighty, but do not act ac-
cordingly.— 'EfeAe'7;^€iy means to search out, teat;
then to convict, expose.

Ver. 18. Xv SI Codd. 23. 106. 254. 261. 296.
omit Sf, and probably on account of the difficulty
of the construction, these words implying that
some other person had been spoken of. The
writer in fact probably had the class of whom he
had just spoken (verse 17) in view. — With clem-
ency, iv iirteiKiic^, in distinction from strict law.

Ver. 19. Repentance for sins, i. c, oppor-
tunity for repentance,

Ver. 20. In the A. V. the words xal Siiia-ews
after npo(roxv^ ^re left unnoticed ; for which
course, as it will be seen, there is considerable
manuscript authority. Still, it is not unlikely
that the reason why it is wanting in so many
MSS. is that it was not understood. The ma-
jority of critics would give the word the meaning
of pity, compassion, following the analogy of the

Hebrew word nSPPl at Josh. xi. 20 ; Ez. ix.
5. Grimm, however, would render by condescen-
sion, from the idea of God's stretching out his
hands as a petitioner. Cf. Rom. x. 21. I read
SUffeais, forbearance, with X.

Ver. 24. Crocodiles, frogs, and serpents are
meant. Cf. xi. 15, and also the account in Ex.
chaps, iv.-xi.

Chapter XIII.

1 Foolish were ^ all men by nature, wlio were ^ ignorant of God, and conld not
out of the good things that are seen know him that is ; nor on considering the works

2 acknowledged ' the workmaster ; but deemed either fire, or wind, or swift air, or
circuit of stars, or violence of water,^ or lights of heaven, to he gods which govern

3 the world. If now, they through delight in their beauty ' took them to be gods, they
ought to have known * how much better the Lord of them is ; for the first Author

4 of beauty created ' them. But if they were astonished at their power and working,
they should have understood * by them, how much mightier he is that made them.

5 For by the greatness~and beauty of things created the Maker of them is relatively

6 seen.' But yet for this they are little to be blamed ; ^' for even they easily err,^^

7 who seek ^^ God, and are ^' desirous to find him. For in that they are engaged
with " his works they search diligently ^^ and trust the appearance ; ■'* because the

8 things are beautiful that are seen. But, on the other hand, they are also not " to

9 he pardoned. For if they were able to know so much, that they could explore ■'" the

10 world, wherefore did they not sooner find out the Lord thereof ? " But miserable
are they, and in dead things are their hopes, who called them gods which are works
of men's hands, creations of art in gold and silver, and representations of beasts, or a

11 useless stone, a work ^° of an ancient hand. And may be, also, a carpenter saws down

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. V. : Surely vain are {yap i3 epexegetical, anft jueV not to be rendered, at least, not by " surely ; "
better, also, the imperf., on account of the following iraprjv, Itrxvaav, etc.). ^ are. ^ neither by ... . did the}'

tflinowledge. (rritzsohe adopts irpoo-exi»'T« from III. X. 23. 106. 157. 248. 254. 261. 296. Oo.— text, rec, Trpooxoi^ei,

i. e., TTpos<rx6vTes ; but cf . xiv. 30). ^ the swift, .... the circle {kok^o^ = circuit ; cf . vii. 18, 19) the stars, or

■ the violent water (see Com.). c the lights .... the gods .... With whose beauty if they being delighted. Be.

fore ecou's, Tavra. is inserted by III. 23. 106. 167. 248. 253. 254. 261. 296. Co. Syr. Ar. Arm., and it is adopted by Eritzsehe.
^ A. v.; let them know (■ja-wTtoo-av = sie hdtten einsehen soUen, Wahl ; so Coverdaie, "yet shulde they haue knowne ; " cf.
Winer, p. 310 f.). ' hath created.

Vers. 4-10. — ^ A. V. : virtue (ivipyeiav) let them understand (Foijo-aTtutrav ; see preceding verse). " the creatures

proportionably .... is seen. Fritusche receives Kai before koXKovti^ from 55. 248. 253. 254. 296. 296. Co. Euseb. Athanas.
Chrys. Cyrill. Theod. Arm. It is omitted in the common text, but II, has it after koAA. ^° A. V. : the less to be

blamed (fiejui^is oKiyrj). " they peradventure err. ^2 seeking. " omits are. " being conversant in. ^^ Mm
diligently. w believe their sight (see Com.). " Howbeit (6e is omitted by 106. 261.) neither are they. is could
aim at {^vvuvrat oroxatrao-flai ; aim at is the literal meaning of the latter word, but it does not here suit the context).
" how .... the Lord thereof (rouTwr, i. e., the world in its different parts ; to^tov, 106, 261.). ^o ^ead tkings is their

260

THE APOCIIYPH^.

a suitable tree, takes off skillfully its entire bark, and fashioning it beautifully makes

12 of it a vessel useful for the service of life ; and using the refuse of his work for the

13 preparation of food he sates himself ; but what is left over from them, that is good
for nothing, a crooked piece of wood and deformed with knots, he takes and carves
as occupation for his idleness and forms it with an experience gained by leisure and

14 fashions it to the image of a man ; or he makes it like some inferior animal, laying
on ochre, and with paint coloring its skin red and painting over every fleck in it ;

15 and having made a suitable niche for it, he sets it in a wall and makes it fast with

16 iron. In order that it may not fall, therefore it is that he provided for it, for he
knows that it is unable to help itself, even because it is an image and has need of

17 help.^ But on praying for his goods, and ^ his wife and children, he is ' not

18 ashamed to appeal to * that which hath no life ; and for * health he calleth upon
that which is weak ; and ^ for life prayeth to the dead ; and ' for aid humbly be-
seecheth that which is least experienced ; * and for a journey * he asketh of that

19 which cannot set a foot forward ; and respecting gains and business, and good suc-
cess with the ^° hands, asketh ability to do of that which is weakest as to its hands.*^

hope .... which are the work of men's hands, gold and silver, to shew art in, and resemblances of beasts, or a stone,
good for nothing, the work.

Vers. 11-16. — ^ A. V. : Now a carpenter that felleth timber, after he hath sawn down a tree meet for the purpose,
and taken ofE all the bark skilfully round about, and hath wrought it handsomely, and made a vessel thereof ^t for the
service of man's life ; and after spending the refuse of his work to dress liis meat, hath filled himself ; and taking the
very refuse among those, which served to no use, being a crooked piece of wood, and full of knots, hath carved it dili-
gently, when he had nothing else to do, and formed it by the skill of his understanding, and fashioned it to the image
of a man ; or made it like some vile beast, laying it over with vermilion, and with paint colouring it red, and covering
every spot therein ; and when be bad made a convenient room for it, set it in a wall, and made it fast with iron : for
he provided for it that it miglit not fall, knowing that it was unable to help itself ; for it is an image, and hath need
of help. For textual remarks on verses 11-16, see Com.

Vers. 17-19. — ^ A. V. : Then (5e' with ^eV in the preceding verse) maketh he prayer for his goods, for, 3 and is.

* speak to (Trpoo-AoAwi', spealcs to in prayer, as the context shows ; hence, appeals to). ri por. « omits and.

' omits and. " that wliich is dead IIII. 167. 248. Co., 70 ptKpif] . . . hath least means to help (rb iireipiTaTOv).

' good journey. " for gaining and getting, and /or good success of bis. ^i that is most unable to do anything.

Chaptek X-III.

Ver. 2. Violent water (A. V.). What is
meant is water acting with great force, and we
have so rendered.

Ver. 3. reviirtdpxTi^ = beginning of origin.
The word is found only here in the Apocrypha.
Grimm suggests that the writer may have coined
it. It is used, however, by some of the church
Fathers. Cf. SophocK's' Lex., ad voc.

Ver. 6. For even they, Ka! 70^1 aiirol, i. e.,
those among the Israelites who are i-eal seeliers
after wisdom. So Grimm. Gutberlet renders :
" For they perhaps err while they seek God and
have the wish to find him."

Ver. 7. For being engaged. Not the Israel-
ites just referred to, but those mentioned in the
first part of verse 6. — Trust the appearance, or
are persuaded bi/ the view. Something like " when
they should not " is to be understood.

Ver. 9. Tbe world, rhv alSim. Cf. xiv. 6 ;
xviii. 4. On the use of the Greek word as a
rendering for the Hebrew Q^'lV, cf. Giidlestone,
p. 504 ff.

Ver. 10. To show art in (A. V.), ^fi^eAeViiyua.
Lit., that in ivhich one is exercised, a practice. —
Work of an ancient hand. Its age, and pos-
sibly the fact that its origin was unknown, was
the ground on which it was prized.

Ver. 11. Saws down, iKirplaas. Lit., saws\
out, i. e., from a row of trees iu a forest. — Eu-

kIvtitov. Suitable, because easili/ worked. Cf.
vii. 22. — Xpiia-ifioy .... eij. In the later Greek
the accusative with this preposition is often used
as a circumlocution for the dative ; but in the
present instance it was naturally to have been
expected. Cf . also Luke xiv. 35 ; 1 Tim. iv. 8 :
2 Tim. iii. 16.

Ver. 12. Sates himself, iyeirK-fiaer). 'Not an
unimportant pait of the description. The author
would say by it that the idol-maker first attends
to his bodily wants, and i-egards his idol only as a
secondary matter. See the following verse.

Ver. 13. 'O^ois a-v/j.tre<pvK6s. Lit., with branches
grown together. — 'Ey iviij.e\ela apylas {ipaalas,
111., et al.) auToC. Lit., in the care {i. e., employ-
ment) of his leisure. — 'Eynirei/jioi ctyeVear (cruyeV-
eais, text. rec. and A. V.) ; but the former is sup-
ported by II. III. X, 23. 68. 106. 157. 253. 296.
Aid., and adopted by Fritzsche.

Ver. 14. MiATos, red earth, red chalk, or ochre.
— (piK€i, With paint. The tpilicos {Lnt., fucus)
was a sea-weed, from one kind of which a red
color was prepared, which was used by Greek
women as a cosmetic to give a florid complexion.

Ver. 17. Tdfj.af. The plural does not neces-
sarily prove that he is supposed to have had more
than one wife, but may refer to the wife's family,
or to the marriage relations in general. Cf. also
xiv. 26; Xen., C'yr., viii. 4. 19.

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 261

Chaptek XIV.

1 Again, one undertaking a sea voyage,^ and about to pass through raging waves,

2 calleth upon a piece of wood more rotten than the vessel ^ that carrieth him. For

3 that desire of gain devised,' and a workman prepared ^ it by his skill. But thy
providence, O Father, steers it through ; ^ for thou hast vouchsafed a way also in °

4 the sea, and a safe path amidst waves ; shewing that thou canst save from every-

5 thing, in order that a man may also embark ' without art. But thou desirest ' not
that the works of thy wisdom should be unemployed,' and therefore do men commit
their lives to a most insignificant piece of wood, and passing through ^^ billows are

6 preserved by means of a raft.^^ For in the old time also, when the proud giants
perished, the hope of the world directed by thy hand escaped on a raft,^^ and left to

7 the after world " a seed of posterity." For blessed is the wood whereby righteous-

8 ness cometh to be. But that which is made with hands is cursed, as well it, as he
that made it : he, because he made it ; and it, because, being corruptible, it was

9 called god. For the ungodly and his ungodliness are both in like manner ^^ hateful

10 unto God ; and indeed ^^ that which is made shall be punished together with him that

11 made it. Therefore also " upon the idols of the Gentiles shall there be a visitation ;
because as a creation of God they became ^' an abomination, and stumbling-blocks

12 to the souls of men, and a snare to the feet of fools." For the devising of idols was
the beginning of spiritual fornication, and the invention of them the corruption of

13 life. For neither were they from the beginning, nor™ shall they be for ever.

14 For by the vain fancy ^^ of men they entered into the world, and therefore was

15 their speedy end decreed.^^ For a father afflicted with untimely mourning,
when he had made an image of a child early ^ taken away, now honored him as a
god, who was already a dead person,'" and delivered to those that were under him

16 ceremonies and sacrifices. Whereupon ^^ in process of time the ^^ ungodly custom
grown strong was kept as a law, and graven images were accustomed to be wor-

17 shipped by order of rulers.^' Of those ^' whom men could not honor in presence,
because they dwelt far off, they prepared an imitation of the form ^ from far, and
made a clear ^° image of the " king whom they honored, to the end that by their

18 zeal ^^ they might flatter him that was absent, as if he were present. And to an in-
crease of idolatrous service, also, did the ambition of the artificer impel the igno-

19 rant.** For he, forthwith desirous** to please one in authority, forced all his skill

20 to make the likeness as beautiful as possible.*^ But *^ the multitude, carried away *i
by the charm ** of the work, held him now for an object of worship, who *' a little

21 before was honored as^" a man. And this became ^^ an occasion to deceive the

Vers. 1-5. ^ > A- V. : preparing himself to sail (the words, oreXAeiv n-XoCi/, were used technically for undertaking a
sea voyage at the time our book was written). = The reading of III. 157. Old Lat. (Coverdale, " stock '") Ar. fuAoii,

for irXoi'ov agrees weU with the context, but it can scarcely be original ; cf. Ter. 5. = A. V. : the raging waves ....
verily (fieV) desire .... devised that. * the workman built. For t«xi"'"I5 H. Til. 83. 157. Co. Clem, of Alex, read

Teiaitni. The former is preferred by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche as more suitable to the context. The two were
often confounded in the old MSS. 6 A. V. : governeth it (5i(uci.|3s>? ; StaKu^epi-aTai, 106. 261.). » made a way in

(eSunras KoX h>). ' hath in the all Janger: (for Ik nawToi — cf. X. 12 -III. Old Lat. offer the plural of the latter;

Coverdale, " in all thinges ") yea though {iya itiv ; the first is omitted by 23. 263. ; the second ia read as «ai m III. 55.
106. 248. 20L 296. The variations probably arose from the supposed difficulty of the construction ; Coverdale, " yco
though a man wente to the see without shippe ") a man went to sea. « Nevertheless thou wouldest. " idle (not
suffliciently clear). i» passing the (SieASon-es). " rough sea in a weak vessel (nxeSii^, here a rqfl or float) are saved.

Vers. 6-13. — « A. V. : governed (KU/3epvTi9«;<ra) in a weak vessel [i-nX o-x^Si'ag), i= all ages (aioj^i ; II. — by

first hand -X. have the article before this word; cf . ver. 13 ; vi. 26 ; x. 1). » generation (see Com.). m whereby
rigiiteousness cometh (yiwrai) ....are both alike (iv la™). '» For. " even. " in the creature ... are be-
come. 1" the unwise. ^o neither. ■ i . tt*

Vers. 14-19. — 21 A. V. : vainglory (see Com.). ^ shall they come shortly to an end (re'^os has the article m III.
65. 157. 248. 254. 261. Co. ; but it is better omitted with the other authorities ; cf. Winer, p. 155 ff.). ^ hath made

.... Aw child soon. m which was then (III. 296. read tov iriyrt) a dead man. =5 xhus (At,.). « an. « were
worshipped by the commandments of kings (marg., tyrants.). « omits Of those. =» took tbe counterfeit of to

visage. » an express. si a. sa (Ais (AeiV forivardness (<nrou5is has the article except in III. 55. lUb. 15 1. .!&4.

261. ; cf. xix. 2). sa Also the singular diligence of the artificer did help to set foi-ward the ignorant to more super-

stition. M peradventure (lMn.,fortasse) willing (rixa - ^ovW^l.vo!). Fi'itzsche strikes out the article before «pa-

nvvTi, on the authority of III. X, C. 253. 254. 261. Aid. It is wanting also in II. » a. V. : forced o/i his (t„, and

hence " his," according to the principles followed by the A. V., should be in italics) resemblance of the best

fashipu fTTji* 6(Ltoi6n]T(X ejTt rb KoAAtOJ'). .1 , i

Vers. 20-25. - s« A. V. : And jo. »' allured (h^t>^6^tvov). '» grace. (The reading tixi^ii (III. C.) for tvxap,.
Is rejected by the best critics.. Aecording to Reusch, the word evx"?')' does not exist : but it is found in the Rhetoric ol
Menander, 274, 5. See Sophocles, od ooc). 8» took Mm now for a god, which. « iul honored as. "was.

262

THE APOCRYPHA.

world : that ^ men, serving either calamity or tyranny, did ascribe unto stones and
stocks the incommunicable name.

22 Afterwards it ^ was not enough for them, that they erred respecting ' the knowledge
of God ; but even while they lived in a great * war of ignorance, those so great

23 evils ^ called they peace. For whilst they slew their children in sacrifices, or used

24 secret ceremonies, or mad revellings according to other * rites, they kept neither
lives nor marriage bed ' any longer undefiled ; but either one slew another treach-

25 erously, or offended * him by adultery. And there reigned universally without dis-
crimination bloodshed and murder,' theft and dissimulation, corruption, unfaithful-

26 tion, tumults, perjury, disquieting of good men, forgetfulness of good turns, defiling

27 of souls, abuse of sex,'" disorder in marriages," adultery, and lasciviousness.'^ For

28 the worshipping of vain idols ^^ is beginning, and cause, and end,^* of all evil. For
either they are mad in their festivities,^^ or prophesy lies, or live unjustly, or else

29 lightly forswear themselves. For insomuch as their trust is in idols, which have no

30 life, though they swear falsely, yet they look not to be hurt. But for both shall
they be justly punished : because they thought evil " of God, giving heed unto

31 idols, and also unjustly swore in deceit, despising holiness. For it is not the power
of them by whom they swore,^' but Justice for sinners, that will always come upon
the transgression of the unjust.^'

' for. 2 Moreover this (etra ; cf. ver. 16). ^ i^ (Trepi). * whereas .... the great. *• plagues. " made

(probably a miEprint ; Gr., i^iixaueU) .... of strange (Nannius, Eauermelster, Tischendorf , and Gutberlet would write
e^aKKtuv). ^ marriage (see CoTn.). ^ traitorously, or grieved. * So that there reigned in all men without excep-

tion (marg., confusedly. Fritzsche justly receives jrdvra (for irdi/Tas, which is too strong) from II. HI. X. C. 65. 68.
106. 167. 248. 251. 261. 296. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm.) blood, manslaughter (see Com.)

Vers. 26-31. — 1° A. V.: changing of kind (marg., sex). 'i (See Com. at ver. 24). 12 shameless uncleanness ^aa-eK'
yeta). ^3 idols not to be named (see Com.). ^^ the beginning, the cause, and the end. ^^ when they be merry.

*6 Uowbelt /or both causes .... both because .... thought not well. " swear (Fritzsche receives oiiwfjievttiv from

in. X. 55. 106. 157. 261, Aid. It is also the reading of II. ; text, rec, hixwoixiviav). ^^ it is tlie just vengeance of sin-
ners, tluit punisheth always the offence of the ungodly.

Chapter XIV.

Ver. 2. Skill, trofia. This Greek word is here
employed, doubtless for a good reason, as dis-
tinguishing the work of the shipbuilder from that
of the idol-maker, which was mere inwetpia.

Ver. .3. Grimm calls attention to the fact that
Herodotus is tlie first to use TTp6pota of the provi-
dence of God (iii. 108) ; and, among the philoso-
phers, Plato.

Ver. 4. "Ira k&i/ &i'€v r^xvns ris i-Tri^ri, in order
that one may embark without art ;' i. e,, that
he may trust, instead of his art, the divine guid-
ance and protection. This was true of Noah, as
is afterwards shown.

Ver. 5. "Works of thy wisdom. The staples
of commerce are meant. The |)lay on words liere
to which our author was much addicted is worthy
of notice : fi^ apyli cTcai .... epya. — Sx^^m means,
first, a light boat, raft, float ; and then, any skip.

Ver. 6. Seed of generation, airipixa. yei/ea-etus.
That is, seed by which the generations of men
were preserved. Others understand it in the
sense of semen yenitale.

Ver. 7. For blessed is the wood. There is
no evidence tliat this is a gloss from a Christian
hand, or that it has any direct reference to the
cross of Christ. 'I'he wood may be meant which
in general is used for a good and righteous pur-
pose, or particulaily that of Noah's ark. It is
possible, on the other hand, that the autlior may
have liail in \iew the sceptre of a king, or the
staff of Mo>es.

Ver, 9. The sentiment expressed can scarcely
be harmonized with the author's view at xi.
24 ffl., and is in itself iinscriptural. " Generally
speaking,^ the positive and strong terms iSiKetv,
io-cj3€u», aviaia Iroieiy, wliicli occur often in classi-

cal Greek, are met with in Scripture far more
rarely than a/j.apTaveiv (to which ia-ePflv is paral-
lel in Wisd. xiv. 9 ; Ecclus. xv. 20), which in the
classics was far less highly ranked in its moral
and religious sense. Herein is manifested, on
the one hand, the far deeper religious views of
Scripture which estimates " failure," or sin of
omission, so seriously; and, on the other hand, its
deeper humanity, which does not resort to the
strongest terms to designate what is sinful. The
words in Wisd. xiv. 9, represent accordingly an
un.scriptural view," See Cremer's Lex., uiider
d(r€j8e'w,

Ver, 1 1 . 'El/ KTlfffjLaTi ©eoC, in a creation of
God. As God's creation, they have been per-
verted to what is an abomination.

Ver. 12. Uopi/ela. is here fornication in a spirit-
ual sense, according to Old Testament usage. —
^Sopa fcsTJi. The first word, which was some-
times used for seduction (of a maiden), seems to
have been chosen with reference to the context.
It is also used in the Fathers (cf. Sophocles' Lex.,
ad voc.) in the sense of "abortion," which like-
vyise would give a good sense : " an abortion of
life." The latter word may be taken in its noblest
sense as the life for and with God.

Ver, 14. KevoSo^lcf, vaniti/, conceit. Here used,
.as the following verse shows, in the sense of vain
illusion, ftinci/. 'I'he word is rendered by the
A. V. at Phil. ii. 3, as in the present passage, by
" vain glory."

Ver. 1 5. Mva-T-fipia not TeKerdt — secret services
and festivals (for the dead). The mysteries, as
IS well known, were certain religious solemnities,
the most celebrated of which were those of Ceres
at Eleusis. It is supposed that they consisted

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

263

mostly of scenic, mythical representations. See
art. " Mysterien," in Herzog's Real-Enci/k., x. 1 4.'5-
150. — TeAeT^j, a finishing, makimi perfect. It was
used of initiation into the Mysteries, or, in general,
of the celebration of the same. • Cf . Herod., ii.
171. It came afterwards to be applied to the
celebration of any religious rite or festival. The
T£\effT^s was the initiator.

Ver. 16. The thought is, that what was fir.st a
simple family observance became, in process of
time, a binding custom of the State.

Ver. 18. Ignorant. Those who did not know,
perchance, who was meant to be represented by
the image, or the circumstances under which it
first came to be honored.

Ver. 19. 'Ofi-oioTriTa, resemblance, likeness. Like
a statue of marble, or a painted picture. — 'EttI
rh KdWiov, as beautiful as possible. The object was
to flatter the person represented.

Ver. 21. 'Eyeyero rt^ ^icp els eveSpov = became a
snare to the life. Bios has for secondary meanings :
manner of life, occupation, and common life (or,
the world we live in}, as also a place of abode. Here
the meaning seems to be that the fact mentioned
was a source of danger to men. — Incommuni-
cable name. Cf. Deut. vi. 4; Is. xlii. 8. "No-
men non communicandum idolis non tribuendum."
Bretschneider.

Ver. 23. Ku^uos. The word means a joyful

festivity, with music and dancing; a carousal;
especiall;^, a festal procession in honor of Bacchus,
or of a victor at the games.

Ver. 24. Td/jLous. The plural is noticeable.
Cf. xiii. 17. Here, however, it is evidently lo be
rendered by mnrriaqe b"d.

Ver. 2.5. The inevitable evil effects of a wrong
belief are thus vividly portrayed, especially any
belief that is contrary to the pi\re Biblical teach-
ing concerning ihe divine Being. Cf. Horn. i.
28 f£. — Alfia Kol (p6i'os. In the former case mur-
der by the shedding of blood is meant ; in the
latter, any kind of murder. — Tapaxh- The word
was used of political confusions, tumults, by Xeno-
phon also.

Ver. 26. Qipv^os hyaBUv. The latter word
might be used as neuter. In this case the UTicer-
tainty of the tenure of propei'ty would be meant.

Ver. 27. 'AcwyiJ/icoi', not to be named (A. V.).
They are called "nameless" in the sense that
they are nothing (Gal. iv. 8 ; 1 Cor. viii. 4), or
that they are without glory, despicable. The for-
mer agrees better with Scriptural usage.

Ver. 28. Mad in their festivities. They
carried their ordinary carousals to the point of
delirium.

Ver. 31. Ilapo^acni', transgression. Here sin
is marked as a deviation from that which the law
had prescribed. Cf. Rom. iv. 15 ; v. 13.

Chapter XV.

1 But thou, our God, art gracious and true, long-sufiering, and in mercy rulest i all

2 things. For if also ^ we sin, we are thine, knowing thy power ; but we will not sin,

3 knowing that we are counted thine. For to know thee is perfect righteousness ;

4 and to know thy power a ' root of immortality. For neither did a wicked invention
of human art ^ deceive us, nor an image painted ^ with divers colors, painters' fruit-

5 less labor ; the sight whereof enticeth a fool to lust,^ and he desires ' a lifeless

6 form of a dead image.' Both they that make them and ° they that desire, and that

7 worship them, are ^^ lovers of evil things, and are worthy of such hopes.'^ For a "
potter, kneading '^ soft earth with much labor, fashioneth each one '^* for our service ;
yea,^^ of the same clay he fashions ^® both the vessels that serve for clean uses, and
such as serve to the contrary, all in the same manner ; " but what is the use of each

8 one of these two,^' the potter is judge.^^ And employing himself ill,"" he maketh
a vain god of the same clay, he who ^^ a'little before was made of earth, ^^ and within
a little while after returneth to that, out of which "^ he was taken, the loan of his

9 soul being demanded back. Notwithstanding his care is, not that he is about to
give out,^* nor that life "^ is short ; but he ^^ striveth to excel goldsmiths and silver-
smiths, and imitates workers " in brass, and counteth it a '^' glory to make what is

Vers. 1-5. — > A. V. : 0 God .... orderiag. ^ omits also (itai). ' yea, to knoK . . . . is the. * the mis-

chicTOUS invention of men (ai'^puTraji/ jcaKorexvoj eJTtVoia : " der Menschenkunst arge Erfindung,"' Bunsen's Bibelwerk;
" arger Menschenkunst; Erflndang,'' Grimm). 6 spotted. " the painter's .... tools (Fritzsche receives i^pon

fromlll.— apparently first hand — X. 65. 106.254.261. Old Lat. Ar. ; II. C. 23. Syr. Arm., iijipoo-i.-) to lust o/ier if (eis
ipt(iv, adopted by Fritzsche from III. X. C. 23. 55. 106. 167. 243. 253. 264. 296. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar, Arm. ; text, rec,
oi/eiSo; ; marg. of A. V., turneth a reproach to tlie foolish). ' so they desire. " the form of a dead image, that hath
no breath.

Vers. 6-9. — » A. V. : omils and. " them and they that worship them are. " to have such things to trust upon.
'2 For (ical yop = etenim) the. l' tempering (SXi'lSoii'). " soft earth, fashioneth every vessel with much labour (text.
rec. omits iy before fKao-Toi-, but it is found in III. X. C. 106. 167. 248. 263. 254. 261. 296. Co. Old Lat., and is adopted
by Grimm, Keusch, and Fritzsche). " yea (iAA', but with an intensive force, as in A. V.). i" maketh (i.miki(ra.ro).
" likewise also all such as serve (" as serve •' is not in the Greek) to the contrary. " either sort (Cod. II., with 23.
Aid., has eTepo« — lesJ. rec, eicaTepov ; — jicaTepcoi', 263 , which is adopted by Fritzsche and Grimm; the Greek of the
entire member runs : toi/tui/ SI tudxipiav rit iKirrov itrriv ri XP'i'f")- '" *''^ potter himself is the judge. » his

labours lewdly. a even he which. 2J earth himself. ^ to the same (eit rtuirriv — i. e., earth —is to be supplied
before ef iji) out of the which. ^ when his life which was lent him shall be demanded (cf . ver. 16 and Com. at that
place) .... shall have much labour (the context requires the sense given above to Kifiveiv ; cf. Com. at iv. 16, and
maig. ot A. v.). ^ his life. ^ omits he. " endeavoureth to do like the workers. " Ail.

264

THE APOCRYPHA.

10 spurious.^ His heart is ashes, and his hope more paltry ^ than earth, and his life

11 more despicable' than clay; for he knew not him that fashioned him,* and him

12 that breathed ^ into him an active soul, and implanted * a living spirit. But they
counted our existence ' a pastime, and life ' a coming together ° for gain ; for,
say they, we must be getting from whencesoever we can, yes, though it " be

13 by evil means. For this man, that of earthly matter maketh brittle '^ vessels and

14 graven images, knoweth that he sins above all others- But all are exceedingly
foolish and more miserable than a child's soul, enemies of thy people, who hold

15 them in subjection.^'' For they also •'" counted all the idols of the heathen to he
gods ; which neither have use of eyes to see, nor noses to draw breath, nor ears to

16 hear, nor fingers of hands to handle ; and their feet are useless for walking.^* For
a '^ man made them, and he that borrowed his own spirit fashioned them ; for no

17 man can fashion a god equal to himself.^* But " being mortal, he produceth ^' a
dead thing with wicked hands ; for he himself is better than the things which he
worshippeth ; in comparison with which he, indeed,^' lived once, but they never.

18 And '" they worship the animals ^^ also that are most hateful ; for being com-

19 pared together as it respects stupidity, '^^ some are worse than others. Neither are
they beautiful, as far as finding pleasure in the view of them as animals is con-
cerned ; and they faUed also ^ of the praise of God and his blessing.

Ver. 9. — ' A. V. : counterfeit things {kl^StjKcl).

Vers. 10-14. — 2 a. V. ; vile. ^ of less value. * forasmuch as he knew .... his Maker [tov ir\daavTa aiirov ;

III. C. 55. 157. 254. Ar. read Trotri<TavTa for the participle ; but it is rejected by Grimm, Reusch, aud Fritzsche. It would
Beriously mar the comparison). f' inspired (e/xn-reuaavTa). " breathed in (e/Ai|)U(r^(Toi'Ta). 'life. ^ our

time here i.mars;. : Gr., life). ^ a market {see Com.). lo every way {odev dri) though it (icai/ ; III. 55. 248. 254. Co.

read (tat ; while C. omits the word). ii this man (simply o5tos, and we might have expected, therefore, to find in

the A. V. the latter word in italics; not a few instances of this kind of inconsistency occur. It is indeed possible
that the A. V. had some kind of authority for its course in these cases, but it is not easy to discover it, Cf. ver. 9, *' hia
life ").... brickie. ^^ himself to oifend .... And all (Trtii/T€9 ; Trav-ruv, III. C. 254. 296.) the enemies of thy people,
that (the article before Ka.To£vvtLcmvaavTei is supported by II. — by first hand — as well as by 23. 106. 253. 261. 296. Co.,
cited by Fritzsche) hold them in subjection are most foolLsh (Fritzsche adopts the comparative — for the superlative of
text. rec. — from X. C. 106. 253. 261. Old Lat.), and are more miserable (see Com.) than very babes (Codd. III. C. 248.
298. with Co. read ij/vxa^ vyjirituv, and 56. 254. agree as it respects the latter word).

Vers. 16-19. — " A. V. : omits also (III. 0. 65. 157. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. omit itai after oTt). W the use

of eyes (lit., to whom is neither use of eyes for seeing) .... as for their feet, they are slow to go (apyoi irpbs kni^atfiv).
15 omits a. 1" but (yttp) .... make a god like unto himself (auTtij o/noioy ; as the context demands, the pronoun does
not refer to God, but to the subject of the sentence ; hence Fritzsche, for clearness, would change it to auTw ; 23.,
laVTtj; ; 65. 248. 263. 254., a-irHtv). " For [ii, omitted by 261.). ^' worketh. " whereas he (for aii-oC mv,

Fritzsche receives from X., a.v8^ Sti/ ; 153. 257. omit i>v). ^o Yea. ^i worshipped those beasts. 22 omits as it respects
stupidity (afoia, ?ea:f. rec. ; 56., ayfot'a ; Grimm would prefer avl(i — bane, trouble; Reusch and Fritzsche, following
Tischendorf, adopt apoitt). 23 00 much as to be desired in respect of beasts : but they went without (eKirei^evye).

Chaptek XV.

Ver. 1. 2u 5f' is emphatic. Cf. for a similar
thought Ex. xxxiv. 6.

Ver. 2. For if also we sin. The meaning
seems to be that, though they might fall into sin,
they did not utterly fall away from God and deny
Him: they continued to recognize his power. —
But we will not sin. " Scimus nos ad tuam
citram peculiarem peHivere, ideoque nos majorem
dehere gratiam." — Grotius. The author's views
concerning what constitutes sin seem to have
been far from clear, and his opinion of the Israel-
ites quite too flattering. This arose from his fun-
Sainental principle, that the possession of the o-o-
if>(o — which naturally the Israelites in general,
as such, possessed — was the principal thing in
morality. See In trod., under " Doctrinal Teach-
ing."

Ver. 3. Cf. our Saviour's words at John xvii.
3. This could only be true of a knowledge of
God which is not simply intellectual, but a knowl-
edge that influences the heart and the feelings.
— Perfect (i\6K\-r)po$) righteousness. This ad-
jective is also used at 1 Mace. iv. 47, whole (stones).
Cf. Kuiuoel also, at 1 Thess. v. 23 (Obs., p. 147) :
" Nam sensus est : vos Veus reddat sanclissimos.
PopiUariter conjunguritur irveS/io et \fivxh, quibus

vocahulis signijicantur animi sensa et cogitata
mens, animus ipse, sicut per crco.ua corporis facia."
— Koot of immortality, i. e. in its preventive
influence.

Ver. 5. The A. V. reads ch Spe^tv, which is
also adopted by Fritzsche, Grimm, and others, in
accordance with the above-mentioned textual au-
thorities. — 'Epx^o'Sai efi ti = ehat eis ti, to serve
for something.

Ver. 9. BpaxvTe\ri. It is found nowhere else
in the Bible, but occurs in ecclesiastical Greek.
Cf. Sophocles' Lex., s. v. It is formed like ev-
Te\-fis (eS, TcAos), easilt/ paid for, cheap ; then
mean, paltn/, worthless. It is here used in the
sense of fleeting.

Ver. U. The author at this point u.ses 'f/ux'fi
and Tivfvfia in apparent distinction ; but it is, as it
should seem, only an apparent one; the accent
being laid on the adjectives which qualify the two
words, rather than on the words themselves. Cf.
i. 4 ; viii. 19 ; ix. 15 ; xvi. 14 ; and verses 8 and 16
of the present chapter.

Ver. 12. Pastime, -ralyvtov. Lit., a toy, from
Ta/fo). — Xla.vi\yvpttTij.1>ii iwiKepSij. A vaviiyvpts { n-Ss,
07000) was an assembly of the whole nation, espe-
cially for a public festival like the Olympic games •

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON. 265

then, any festival; and, as at such times there
was much buying and selling, the meaning mar-
ket also came to be attached to it

Sinai tic MS. has in this case preserved the true
reading, although standing alone.

Ver. 18. ''Ai/ota ykp avyKptyifieva rSav ^KKtav
iaTi x^^P""") for being compared together as
It respects stupidity [or fury?] some [ani-
mals] are worse than other*. So most com-
mentators. Grotius adds the remark: "Multo

Ver. U. Foolish and more miserable, i. e.,
with respect to ignorance and superstition.

Ver. 16. Borrowed (his own) spirit, rf) nvevfia
StSavtia-fi^vos. See verse 8 : rb tjjs ifivxrjs awaiTrieeU

Xpjo^ the loan of his soul being demanded back, enim plus intelligil elephas, soUertior est vulpesaut
Ct. 7 ext. Notes and Luke xn. 20. simia ; loquatior psittacus." Grimm, however, snp-

Ver. 17. Ave' Zv aWi, in comparison with posing that the subtilty of the serpent as de-
which (the idols and their makers) he. With scribed in Genesis (iii. "l) is referred to, wouH
the common text, outoC Sv avris, there would be 'read, as appears above, for &mta {i.vola, Fritzsche
a peculiar use of the genitive of the relative in a and Keusch) Aj/iqi, bane, trouble, which certainly

is more in harmony with the context, especially
the (x^utra of the previous clause, if it be taken
ia its natural sense.

Ver. 19. Failed also of the praise of God.
Cf. for the fact Gen. i. 21-25; iii. 14.

partitive signification, and at the same time in-
cluding within itself the two following clauses:
"of whom he indeed lived ; they, on the contrary,
never." The Vulgate reads 4s for Sc {quia ipse).
But it is not unreasonable to suppose that the

Chapter XVI.

1 Therefore by the like were they punished deservedly,^ and by means of a "

2 multitude of monsters, tormented. Instead of which punishment, dealing graciously
with thy' people, thou preparedst for them strange food for their hankering

3 desire, quails as nourishment : * to the end that those, while ' desiring food, might
through the ugly appearance ^ of the things ' sent among ihem be diverted even from
their natural appetite ; ' but that these, suffering want ° for a short space, might

4 also '"' be made partakers of a strange food." For it was requisite that upon them,
exercising tyranny, should come unavoidable want ; ^- but to these it should only be

5 shown ^^ how their enemies were tormented. And truly ^* when the terrible ^^
fierceness of reptiles '^ came upon them, and they perished through ^' the stings of

6 crooked serpents, thy wrath endured not for ever ; but they were troubled for a
short '' season, for admonition, that having a sign of salvation, they might bfe put "

7 in remembrance of the commandment of thy law. For he that turned himself
towards it was not saved by the thing that he saw, but by thee, that art the Saviour

8 of all. And in this also thou didst persuade our enemies,'"' that it is thou who

9 deliverest from all evil : for them the bite of locusts ^ and flies killed, neither was
there found a ^^ remedy for their life ; for they deserved ^^ to be punished by such ;

10 but thy sons not even ^* teeth of venomous dragons overcame ; for thy mercy came

11 to their aid,''^ and healed them. For they were stung, ^^ that they might ^ remem-
ber thy words ; and were quickly saved, lest ^' falling into deep forgetfulness, they

12 should become unsusceptible for '^ thy goodness. And truly, it tvas neither herb,
nor plaster,^" t/iat restored them to health ; but thy word, O Lord, which healeth

13 all things.'^ For thou hast power of life and death ; thou both '^ leadest down
to the gates of Hades,^ and bringest up again.

14 A man, on the other hand, indeed killeth in his wickedness, but the spirit when it
hath gone forth he bringeth not back ; nor releaseth a soul that hath been received.^*

15, 16 But it is not possible to escape thine hand. For ungodly men who denied

Vers. 1-3. — i A. V. : worthily. 2 ^,y the. ^ beasta .... thine own. * meat qfa strange taste, even quails to
stir up their appetite (before e« eiridviLCav III. 65. 248. Co, Old Lat. insert oTs, which would require the 2d per. sing.,
evepye'TTjo-as, instead of the participle evepyer^tra?). ^ they (eKeZvoL iiev). " for the ngly sight {fiSexd€iav ; 5ei>£-

deitravi II. III. 68. 106. 253. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm. ; but ic is rejected by Grimm, Keusch, and Fritzsche).
' beasts. 8 lothe even that, which they must needs desire. " but these suffering penury. 1^ omits also {xai).
^* taste iyevtreotq ; but by metonymy used for the thing tasted).

Vers. 4-8. — " j^_ y. ; penury, which rAey could not avoid, 13 shewed. 1* For, ^s horrible, 1*5 beasts

(BTjpmv ; the context shows that reptiles are meant), *^ these .... with. ^^ small, ^^ that they might be

admonished, having , ... to put them. ^** this thou madest thine enemies confess.

Vers.9-14. — 2t A. V. : bitings of grasshoppers. ''any. 23 were worthy. 21 the very (ovJe)- '> was ever
iy them {avTtjrapri\0e). 20 pj^citetj (marg., siMrtg"). 27 ^^gy should. ^a that not. 29 might be continually

mindful of — taarg., never drarvn from — (aTrepiViraa-Toi means, literally, no* drawn fiitker and thit/ier, not distracted^
23. 263. read iirepiirroToi, defenseless, helpless; see Com.). *" For if was .... mollifying plaiater. 3i things (III.
66. 106. 167. 248. 254. 261. 298. read n-drras for wamii). " omits both and down. ^ hell. « A man (6e with the
f«ree ttontlu otiur hand) indeed Itilleth through his malice (iiiv tj «(uti^ olutoO) : and (Se) the spirit when it is gone forth

266

THE APOCRYPHA.

that they knew '■ thee, were scourged by the strength of thine arm ; with unaccus-
tomed ^ rains, and ' hails, and unavoidable showers, were they pursued ; * and through

17 fire were they consumed. What, however, was* most to be wondered at : the
fire had more force in the water, that quencheth all things ; for the world ° fighteth

18 for the righteous. For sometimes a flame was mitigated, that it might not
burn up the creatures ' that were sent against the ungodly, but themselves

19 might see and perceive that they were pursued by * the judgment of God. And
at another time it burneth even in the midst of water above the power of fire, that

20 it might destroy the fruits of an unjust land. Instead whereof thou feddest thy'
people with angels' food, and didst send them untiringly from heaven bread prepared,
strong in every kind of pleasant relish ^^ and agreeing to every taste.

21 For thy substance-'^ declared thy sweetness unto thy children, and serving the
appetite of the eater, transformed itself according to that which each one desired.^^

22 But snow and ice withstood " fire, and melted not, that they might know that
flaming fire flashing through hail and rain, destroyed ^' the fruits of the enemy.'*

23 But this again did even forget its '^ own strength, that righteous ones might be nour-

24 ished. For the creation serving " thee, who art its '' Maker, puts forth its "
strength against the unrighteous for their punishment, and abatetli it ^^ for the ben-

25 efit of such as put their trust in thee. Therefore also ^^ then was it altered into all
kinds, ^" and was obedient to thy grace, that nourisheth all things, according to tlie

26 desire of them that had need, that thy sons, 0 Lord, whom thou lovest, might
learn, that it is not the various kinds ^' of fruits that nourish ^* man : but that it is thy

27 word, which preserveth them that put their trust in thee. For that which was not
destroyed by ^ fire, being warmed by a short lived ^^ sunbeam, soon melted away,

28 that it might be known, that we. must rise before '" the sun to give thee thanks, and

29 before the break of day ^* pray unto thee. For the hope of an unthankful man ^
shall melt away as the winter's hoar frost, and shall run away as useless ^ water.

tetumeth not (avacTTpe'^et) ; neither the soul received up cometh again (TrapaATj^fleiuai' is rendered by Bunsen's Bibel-
werk, gefesselle, bound, i. €., in the underworld ; but its more literal meaning seems preferable, eU <I5ov being under-
stood.

Vers. 16-20. — ^ A. V. ; the ungodly that .... to know (cf. for a similar thought, xii. 27). ^ strange (feVois, but with
the sense given above). ^ omits and. ^ and showers were they persecuted, that they could not avoid. f" For

which is (TO yap ; '* Was aber .... war. Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerk. Cf. Kiihner, § 500, 2). o world (6 ic6(T/io?
= the materia] world). ' the flame .... beasts. 8 persecuted with. ^ thine own (trou). ^^ them from heaven
bread prepared (for dprov avrots aTr' ovpavov eTrcjLii//as, tve have aprov djr' {i^, 23. 155.) oupavov (56. adds Kat) irape'crxe?
(i-re^^iK, 248. Co,) airois in III. X. 23. 56. 106. 155. 248. 263. 254. 261. 296. A. B. E. H. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Arm., and it is
adopted by Fritzsche) without their labour (aKOTriarw? ; so Wahl, sine labore ; but it seems better to take the word, with
Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerk, in the sense of without cessation ; lit., without ^ettin^ tired ; see Com, ), able to content
{laxvovra ; Grabe would read laxovTa., following the Old Lat. — in se kahentem — but it is rejected by Grimm, Reusch,
and Fritzsche ; cf. Com.) every man^s delight.

Vers. 21-29. — ii A. V, : sustenance (for virdorao-ts, Nannius suggested the impossible reading, U7r6crra^t5 ; Grftbe,
aTTooTafis ; cf. Bleek's Com. at Ileb. i. 3, and our note below). " serving to the appetite .... tempered itself to every
man's liking. ^^ endured (lit., but not clear) the. l* fire burning in the hail and sparkling in the rain, did destroy.
IB enemies (plur., but more idiomatically rendered by the sing.). i« his. ^^ the righteous might .... creature that
serveth. ^^ the (the article is found, but with the force of the possessive pronoun). ^^ increaseth his. 20 his

strength. ^^ even. 22 fashions {iravro., but the idea of being changed into — all — kinds is contained in the verb).

2s children .... might know .... growing (ai yevetreL%). 24 nourisheth. 25 of the. 2« ,yith a little. 27 pre.
Tent. 28 j^t the dayspring (Trpbs 6.voiTokT\v (/xdtos ; see Com.). 20 the unthankful (166. has the plur. , cf. Com.).

30 unprofitable.

Chaptek XVI.

Ver. 1. 'Were they (i. c, the Egyptians) pun-
ished. The autlior takes up again the thread of
thouglit dropped at xi. 16.

Ver. 2. This hankering desire, hoM'ever, was
looked upon as sinful hv Jehovah, and severely
punished. Cf. Numb, xi" 31 ff.

Ver. 3. The reason is yiven for what is said to
have been done in verse 1. It was the Egyptians
■who lost their natural appetite, on account of the
various hateful animals that intruded themselves
into their dwellings and their food. — But that
these, i. e. the Israelites, were made partakers of
a new food. The quails before referred to are
meant.

Ver. 5. Upon them, the Israelites. See Numb.
xxi. 6 ff.

Ver. 6. Having a sign of salvation, namely, tho
brazen serpent. — Might be put in remembrance.
Not the brazen serpent alone, but the trouble and
the warning also, were calculated to do tliis.

Ver. 9 Bites of loousta killed. This fact,

if it be one, is not derived from the Pentateuch.
Tliat certain sptcies of locusts ivill bite, if molested,
is no longer disputed ; but the statement here made
can only rest on the supposition that in this case
a miraculous power was giveu to them.

Ver. 10. 'AvTiirapdpxoiiai { = ifTiirdpei/u), to
march over ar/ainst, or alongside of. Here, with the
added idea of being present to aid.

Ver. 11. A6yiov. The diminutive of \6yos, in
the sense of command. — Falling into deep for-
getfulnesB. This somewhat peculiar form of ex-

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

267

pression, els fiaOtiay ifi.veff6vT^s K^Qtjv, is probably
due to the idfea of forgetfnlness entertained by the
Greeks as connected with the river Lethe. —
'ATep/iTiraffToi. A word belonging to the later
Greek. Here apparently in the sense given above.

Ver. 12. Thy word, i.e., thy e.\pressed will.
Cf. Pa. cvii. 20.

Ver. 13. On the expression iruAai aSov, cf.
Job xxxviii. 17; Ps. ix. 13, cvii. 18; Is. xxxviii.
10. Hades, according to the general representa-
tion of Scripture, is the kingdom of the dead,
both of the good and of the evil, but especially
the place where sinners receive the punishment of
their evil deeds. Cf. Notes at Add. to Ksth. ii. 7.

Ver. 17. The fire that fell with the rain and
hail just spoken of, instead of being put out
thereby, only raged the fiercer. Cf. LXX. at Ex.
ix. 24.

Ver. 18. The two plagues described are here
mixed together as though they had occurred at
the same time. Schmid would explain the repre-
sentation by supposing that the Egyptians sought
to exterminate the insects througli fire. It is a
pure invention, however.

Ver. 20. Tpo<p)tv e\l/<iiwras rhv \a.iv <rov. This
is one of the verbs which is commonly followed by
two accusatives ; one of a person, and the other
of the thing. Cf. LXX. at Numb. xi. 4 ; Dent.
xxxii. 13. At 1 Cor. xiii. 3, it is used in another
sense: "Feed out all my goods." — 'AicoTTidras
for aKoirtiiTTu^, untiringly, is to be connected with
^nefi\\/as (or irapeax^s). — Haaav 7}5ov^v iax^ovTd,
strong in {with respect to) every kind of pleas-
ant relish, or, using the participle transitively,
providing (lit., strengthening) eve^ry enjoyment. The
former is the rendering preferred by Grimm.
Others take the participle in the sense of excelling,
like the verb 73'' in Hebrew. It was taught in
the Talmud, that as the child finds in the mother's
milk various kinds of relishable things which the
mother has eaten, so the Israelites in the manna.
The same tradition seems here to be met with.
The manna tasted to him who ate it just as the
food which he at the time most desired would have
tasted. Some Roman Catholics, regarding this

tradition as fact, go so far as to hold that an
actual transubstantiation took place, and that the
manna was changed into the various other kinds
of wished-for food.

Ver. 21. 'H ij.\vya.p ivScTaals aov. Schmid,
Gntberlet, and others refer "thy substance" to
the manna. Giimm says if it had referred to the
manna, avTov instead of aov would have been used,
and that the substance, being of God is meant.
But may not irov here be properly understood in
the sense of " from thee " t

Ver. 22. The idea is that while the Egyptians
were plagued through ice and snow, which the
fire flashing through them could not melt, this
ice-like substance, the manna, was not melted by
the same agencies, but became food for the Is-
raelites. Cf. Ex. xvi. 23 ; Numb. xi. 8. The
manna (as it is here implied) was even cooked
(ver. 20), and made ready to be eaten, by that
which worked such evil to their enemies.

Ver. 26. Cf. Deut. viii. 3, and our Saviour's
words at Matt. iv. 4.

Ver. 27. The statement just made Is now
illustrated by the case of the manna. For that
which was not destroyed by fire, i. e. in the
cooking, before it was sent down to the earth.

Ver. 28. Ilpis ayaroAV <puT6s, before day-
break. Some commentators, without sufficient
reason, take the preposition in the sense of direc-
tion, and suppose that our author, with the Es-
seues, would teach that one should pray with the
face directed towards the rising sun. See Jo-
sephus (Bell. ,Iud., ii. 8, § 5). Cf., however, Ps.
v. 3; Ivii. 8; Ixxxviii. 13. The Mishna (Bera-
choth, i. 2) also, according to Gutmann, has a
similar thought: "One should begin it [prayer]
as soon as he can distinguish light blue and white
(i'. e., at early dawn), and end with the shining out
of the sun."

Ver. 29. 'Axapia-ros. We have translated by
"unthankful;" but this seems hardly the right
word to suit the context. Bretschneider remarks
on the passage (Lex., ad vac.) : 'Axiip'ffToi signifi-
cat vel nefandum {e. g. SSikos, w. 24), vel alienum a
Deo, alienum a gratia, benejiciis Dei, guales JEgyp'
til idolatrice dediti, ibi describuntur."

Chapter XVII.

1 FoK great are thy judgments, and hard to search out ; ^ therefore undisciplined

2 souls fell into error.^ For unrighteous men thinking ' to oppress a * holy nation,
being shut up in their houses,* prisoners of darkness, and fettered by ^ a long

3 night, lay banished ' from the eternal providence. For while they supposed them-
selves to be ' hid in their secret sins, they were in darkness through a thick ' veil
of forgetfnlness, being fearfully '" astonished, and thrown into confusion by '^ ap-

4 paritions.^^ For not even the nook that held them kept ^' them without fear ; ^*
but noises " sounded about ^^ them and threw them into confusion,^' and sad spectres "

Vers. 1-4. — lA.V.: cannot be expressed (SvcrSt^-yTjTot, Bee Com.). 2 have erred. " when unrighteous men

thought. * the. ^ they being .... in their houses, the (marg., under their roofs). ^ with the bonds of. ' lay
there exiled fmarg., fugitives). ^ supposed to lie. *• were scattered (for eiTKopirLirBrja-av III. C. 55. 106. 157. 254. B.
C. H. read e(rKoriadTi(rav, which Tritzsche adopts with Grimm, Apel, Bauermeister, but not Reusch) vjuler a darli (see
Com.). to horribly. u troubled with {too weaic for eKTapa.(rtr6fj.evoi). ^2 strange appaxitions (marg., sights).

" neither might the corner (^v^os ; X., ^oi^os ; III., ixvdo^) .... keep. ^* from fear (Fritzsche receives a<f>ti^ous (text,
rec. II. X. 63., a-M/SOT) from III. C. 23. 65. 106. 155. 157. 248. 253. 254. 261. Co.). i» noises ai of waters falling down.

^^ (irepiKoiJ.Treut ; it is found only here in the Apoc. ; cf. Thucyd. vi. 17.) " omits last clause (cKTapaffa-oi-Te?, text, ret.,
KarapatraovTe^ ; X. 106. 261., rapao-o-ocres ; II. has not from the second hand, as Fritzsche states, Setcrapdavovre^, i. e.,
&* iKTopdtr. That is the reading of II. from the first hand. By a second hand was written an a above, between the icand
Tfi. e,, 6i KATopatT. ilence the original reading of II. is tllat which Fritzsche, following Orinmi, adopted). ^ visions.

268

THE APOCEYfHA.

5 appeared unto them with frowning ' countenances. And ^ no power of fire could *
give them light ; neither could the bright shining of the stars avail * to lighten that

6 horrible night. But there kept appearing unto them only a fire kindled of itself,
very dreadful ; and ' being exceedingly terrified at that sight which was not seen,

7 they thought what was seen to be worse. The tricks of magic art failed, moreover,

8 and its vaunting of wisdom was tested to its disgrace.^ For they that promised to
drive away terrors and troubles from a sick soul, were sick themselves with a fear

9 worthy to be laughed at. For though no real object of terror made them afraid,"
yet being scared forth both by the coming up of noxious insects, and the ' hissing

10 of serpents, they died for fear, even refusing to see the air,' which can on ^^ no side be

1 1 avoided. For wickedness, condemned by her own testimony, ^^ is " timorous, and

12 being pressed by '" conscience, always forecasteth grievous things. For fear is noth-

13 ing else but a giving Up of the means of succor" which reason offereth. But
the expectation of succor, overpowered from within, counteth its ignorance more

14 than the cause that bringeth the torment. And they, sleeping the same sleep in
the night which was really powerless and came from the recesses of the powerless

15 under-world, partly were harried by portentous apparitions, and partly were par-
alyzed by their heart failing them ; for a sudden and unlooked-for fear came upon

16 them.^^ Since it was so, whosoever was there, losing all courage, was kept^°

17 shut up in a prison without iron bars. For whether he were husbandman, or shep-
herd, or one of the laborers employed in the waste,^' he was overtaken, and endured
the '" necessity, which could not be avoided ; for they were all bound with one

18 chain of darkness. Whether it were a whistling wind, or a melodious song ^' of
birds among the thick ^'' branches, or a measured rise and ^^ fall of water running

l^ violently, or a terrible crash ^^ of stones cast down, or a running that could not be
seen of frisking animals,^ or a roaring voice of most terrible ^* wild beasts, or a

20 rebounding echo from a mountain hollow ^^ : it made them '^^ swoon for fear. For
the whole world shone "" with clear light, and was engaged in unhindered labor ; ^

21 over them only was spread ^ a heavy night, an image of that darkness which should
afterwards receive them ; but they were ^° unto themselves more grievous than the
darkness.

Ver. 4. — ^ A. v. : heavy {a/ieiSijToi9, not smilin^^ dark).

Vers. 5-10. — ^ A, V. : omits And. ^ the fire might. * flames of the stars endure. 6 Only there appeared

unto them a . . , . for. o they thought the things "which they saw to he worse than the sight thetj saw not (106.

omits jLLi) before dewpov/iefi]?, and supplies it before ^Keirofxeva), As for the illusions of art magick, they were put down,
and their vaunting in wisdom was reproved with disgrace. ^ of fear .... though no terrible thing did fear them.

« scared {iKtretro^Yjfiii'oi ] eKTre»fiopT;^eVoi, III. 106.; «jre0o|3ov^eVwi', 261.) with wild beasts that passed by (KvuiSdXMV
ffoyidSots) and. " denying that they saw the air. l" could of.

Vers. 11-15. — ii A. V. : witness [text, rec, ^aprvpei ; Tritzsche, with Grimm and Reusch, adopt jaoprupi from III. X.
55. 248. 264. 296. Co. ; CfiapTvpicj). ^^ is very. " pressed with (c£. ver. 20). " betraying of the succours.

" And the expectation from within, being less, counteth the ignorance more than the cause which bringeth the tor^
ment. (A. V. has a parenthesis inclosing vers. 11-13.) But they sleeping the same sleep that night, which was indeed
intolerable, and which came upon them out of the bottoms of inevitable hell (for iZvvirov o6ov p.vxiii' 106. 261.
read iSwiriov il.), were partly vexed with monstrous apparitions, and partly fainted, their heart failing them: lor
a sudden fear, and not looked for, came upon them (Fritzsche receives eTrexu^ij from X. 23. 106. 155. 263. text. rec.
effTJAflei/).

Vers. 16-21. — '« A. V. : So then (it does not bring out the transition forcibly enough ; Or., tie' ovru;) whosoever
there fell down {m StJttot- o5v ^i> eKcl, KaTajriTrTwi- ; the last word seems to have the meaning to lose courage) was straitly
kept. •' a labourer (ri^ .... ipydrri; lioxBioti) in the field (marg., desert). " endured tliat (|ueVi» seems to have hero
the peculiar meaning given it in the A. V. ; so Grimm and Wahl ; BunSen's Bibetwerk renders ; Mag er=zgave up M
was subjected to). m noise. "> spreading (i)i*iAac()^s = taking in on alt sides, and so, thickly grown). 21 ^ pleasing
(pue/169). 22 gound (ktujtos often refers to the crash of thunder or the clash of arms ; it comes from twtttw). 33 skip-
ping beasts. '« savage (imjnjs — here in the superlative — is the same word that is rendered " terrible," — marg.,
" hideous ■' — a few lines before. It means " rough," and then " fearful," " horrible." For the gen. plu'r. III. has
the nom. sing.). 25 the mountain hollows. Fritzsche receives KotAoTTjTOs from II. III. X. 23. 56. 68. 106. I65' 248 253
264. 296. Co. Aid. ; text, rec, Koi.\oTir<av. 2" A. V. : these things made them to. 27 shined. 28 ^^Tie were
hindered in their labour (the subject of crvmCxero — cf . Acts xviii. 6 in the Greek, the A. V. not renderino- it correctly
— is clearly i «o<r^oi of the preceding line). '« spread (Cod. II., with III. 68. 106. Aid., read iniraro — Trrrayna,, —
vulg., «jr€TeTaTo, pluperf. pass, of eTriTetVa>). 3" yet were they.

Chapter XVII.

Ver. I. AvtrSiiiyriTot, difficult to make out, un-
searchable. The Avord is not elsewhere found.

Ver._2. For the historical fact, cf. Ex. a. 23.
— Banished from the eternal providence, i.e.,
excluded from the benefits arising from it.

Ver. 3. Although not in harmony with the
pointing of the text, rec, it seems much better to
connect the words, " under a thick veil of forget-
fulness," with " to be hid," and the verse would
then read : " For while they imagined that they

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

269

were hid in their seeret sins under a dark veil of
forgetfulnesB, they were fearfully astonished and
thrown into great confusion by phantoms."

Ver. 4. yiuxis, nook (Lat., sinus, recessus, also
penetrate). It refers to the retired part of the
dwelling to which they were banished by the
darkness. What is here and in the following
verse given as historic fact is simply a fantastical
enlargement of what is said of the Egyptians at
Ex. X. 21 fF. ^

Ver. 5. "Cwefievov, avail. The verb means
tQ reinaiw behind ;, also, to venture, undertake, and to
be able.

Ver. 6. It is simply meant that their terror
magnified the evil not a little. They saw a fire,
without anything to cause it ; and their fear be-
cause of that which was hidden made this lire and
light worse than the darkness.

Vers. 7, 8. That the magicians sought through
magical arts to do away with the fears of the
Egyptians- caused by the darkness, is not said in
the Pentateuch. But cf. Ex. ix. 11, from which
the idea may have been derived.

Ver. 9. ^^K(Tiiro&y)n4voi ( 4k <Tofi4ia\, scared forth,
i. e., from the nooks into whif:h they had been pre-
viously driven by the darkness. — Ketvraing to
see the air. They shut their eyes, and would not
look at the reality, and so died of terror caused
by imagined horrors.

Ver. 11. Tp ffuveiS^o-Ei. This is the first ap-

pearance of this interesting word in Biblical
Greek in the present sense. It means literally a
knowing with one's self, i. e., one's own consciousness
comes forward as witness. " It expresses the
consciousness man has of his behavior {/^.vfi/j.Ti),
and his insight into its relation to moral oliliga-
tion (ffuufais) in the form iu which it manifests
itself, — as he is a witness against himself {fiiprvs,
Kariiyopos, ^iiixfiuxos). What the nature of this
consciousiiess is — the fact that it is more than a
mere function of the intellect or memory — be-
comes clear where the word is used in its full
force ; to wit, as adopted in the New Testament."
See Cremer's Lex,, sub voce.

Ver. 12. Of the means of suoeor. One of
these is the habit of inquiry, by the exercise of
which a person would not be frightened to death
by what is merely phantasmagorial.

Vers. 13-15. The idea is that despair of help
leads to depreciating the means of help and to
the concentmtion of the thought on the object
that causes terror. And their despairing per-
plexity, moreover, becomes to them a greater evil
than the real evil that causes it.

Ver. 18. "Pu8ii.6s seems to be used of the water,
on account of the rising and falling of the sound
according to the direction and force of the wind.

Ver. 21. They were a " burden to themselves "
on account of the stings of their violated con-
sciences.

Chapter XVIII.

1 But ^ thy saints had clearest ^ light, whose voice they indeed heard, but saw not
their ' shape ; because they also had not ^ suffered the same things, they counted

2 them happy.' And * that they did not hurt them now, of whom they had been wronged

3 before, they thanked ihem, and besought pardon that ' they had been enemies. On
the other hand thou didst furnish * them, a burning pillar of fire, as well a guide on

4 an unknown journey, as ° a harmless sun for a glorious expedition." Those truly
deserved " to be deprived of light, and imprisoned in darkness, who had kept thy
sons shut up, by whom the incorruptible ^^ light of the law was to be given unto
the world.

5 And having determined '' to slay the babes of the saints, and ^* one child having
been exposed,"^^ and saved for punishment,^^ thou tookest away the multitude of

6 their children, and destroyedst them altogether in a mighty " water. Of that night
were our fathers informed beforehand, ^^ that knowing ^^ unto what oaths they had

7 given credence, they might safely ^'' be of good cheer. So by ^' thy people was
expected first salvation for ^^ the righteous, then ^ destruction for their ^ enemies.

8 For wherewith ^ thou didst punish our adversaries, by this ^ thou didst glorify us,

9 whom thou hadst called. For the holy ^ children of good men^ did sacrifice se-
vers. 1-5. —1 A. V : NeTerthelefls. * a very great {t^eyitnov, but as the context demands with the sense given).

"■ hearingi and not seeing (A«r. » (For oJk, III. 251. Co. Old Lat. read ov.) « (See Com.) » But for. 'them
pardon for that (Qrimm and Reusch recommend the reading Tjuxapi'trroui', which is supported by all the Codd. except
II. X. 68., which support the text, rec, evxapL(rTovt7t.v). ^ Instead whereof thou gayest. ^ both to be a guide of

the ... . and {^iv — Si). m to entertain lAem honourably (a/3Aa;3ij i()i\oti>ou fewxeio; might also be rendered, with
^■imni, " harmless with respect to a glorious expedition;'' Bunsen's Bibelwerfc , *^ which did not injure the glorious
expediciftn,;;" see Com.). ii For they (^cv yap eKelvoi) were vrorthy. ^^ uncoriupHmarg., incorruptible). 13 when
they had determined. ^* omits a,nd. ic being cast forth (seeCom,). i« to reprove them (see Com.). "mighty
((r(fio5py, the idea of " tumultuous," " acting with violence,'' is also involved).

Vers. 6-11. — ^8 a. V. : certified afore. ^^ assuredly (ao-i^aAfSs : but it should be joined to eTrevdvfirjirbitri ; X. 106.

248. 253.-254. 261., eiri0u/jt^o-a)crci/) knowing. 20 afterwards (see previous note). 21 of. 22 accepted both the

(jrpotrt&ex.^ ■ • • ^e'i') salvation of. 28 and. 24 of the {the pronoun is not found in the Greek, hut is involved in the
context). 2E wherewith i^yip — ws yap, 11. (from first hand) III. X. 296. Co. Old Lat. Ar. ; but the true reading is
fixed by the follswingTouTo). 2c the-same. 2' righteous (oo-tot ; it is omitted by III.). ^ good men {ayaditiv ',
the usages of the writer is against' renderin^pa^ nlasouline,- 1: e., this is not the term he is wont to apply to ihe Isratiiitev;

270 THE APOCRYPHA.

cretly, and with one consent bound themselves to the '■ holy law, that the saints
should be in like manner ^ partakers in the same goods and dangers, having al-

10 ready beforehand joined in the sacred songs of praise of the fathers.' But on the
other side there sounded an ill-according cry of the enemy ; * and a voice of lamen-

11 tation ^ was carried abroad for children that were bewailed. Master and servant
were punished together with like punishment ; * and the common person suffered

12 the same things as the king.' And all together had dead in countless numbers who
had died with one kind of death ; and indeed the living were not sufficient • to bury

13 them; for in one moment their noblest offspring were^ destroyed. For whereas
they would not believe any thing by reason of the enchantments, upon the destruc-

14 tion of the firstborn, they acknowledged this people to be God's son.^° For while
all things were in deep ^^ silence, and night ^^ was in the midst of her swift course,^'

15 thine almighty word leaped " down from heaven from thy^^ royal throne, as a fierce

16 man of war into the midst of the land devoted to-"^ destruction, bearing^' thine un-
feigned commandment as a sharp sword ; and standing it filled '* all things with

17 death ; and while it touched heaven, it stood upon earth." Then suddenly im-
ages ^° of fearful ^^ dreams troubled them sore, and unexpected ^^ terrors came upon

18 them.^ And one thrown here, another there, half dead, shewed the cause of his

19 death. For the dreams that troubled them did foreshew this, lest they should per-
ish, and not know why they suffered ill.^*

20 Yea, the trial ^ of death touched the righteous also, and there took place a de-
struction of a ^^ multitude in the VUderness ; but the wrath " endured not long,

21 for a ^ blameless man made haste to contend for them. Bringing the weapon '" of
his proper ministry, even prayer, and propitiation of incense, he'" set himself
against the wrath, and so brought the calamity to an end, making it evident '^ that

22 he was thy servant. But he '^ overcame the anger, ^ not through '* strength of
body, nor force of arms, but through '^ a word subdued he him that punished, remind-

23 ing of '^ oaths and covenants of " the fathers. For the dead having already fallen
down in '* heaps one upon another, standing between, he stayed the wrath, and

24 cut off '^ the way to the living. For upon '"' the long garment was the whole
world, and upon "■ the four rows of engraved stone *^ was the glory of the fathers,*'

25 and thy majesty upon the diadem of his head. Unto these the destroyer gave
place, and these were feared ; ** for it was enough that they had the bare trial of "
the wrath.

Bee Com.). ^ made a, etc. (marg., a covenant of God^ or teoffue ; Qr., toc .... voftov .... BiiOtvro ; for fleiinjros,

limiting v6tJLov, X. 106. 155. 253. 261. haye the nearly synonymous oaionjros). 2 alike (ojuoms). 3 of the same

good and evil, the fathers now singing out the songs of praise {Fritzsche adopts, with Qrimm and Reusch, irpoavafteK-
n-oiT^es from III. 66. 106. 156. 167. 248. 263. 264. 296. Co. Old Lat. ; text, rec, wpoa^ane^rrii/rioi', as also II. 68. 261. Ar.,
and apparently Arm. ; see Com,). 4 enemies (plur., but used collectiTely). fi lamentable noise {(ttuv^ is

not found in the text, rec., but is adopted by Pritzsche from III. X. 23. 65. 106. 165. 167. 248. 264. 296. Co. Old Lat. Ar.
Arm.) 6 The master and the servant were punished {SLfxa is omitted by 23. 253. Jun.) after one manner. ^ ij^g g^

the king so suffered the common person.

Vers. 12-19. — 8 \, y. : So they altogether {ofio9vij.a5&v) had innumerable dead with one kind of death ; neither were
the living suflicient. " the noblest .... of them was (sing., but used collectively). i" the sons of God {6eou wibi'
Aao;-}. ^1 quiet (lit., for while deep silence invested — wep«xovtr7s — the All). ^^ that night. ^ lit., her own

swiftness. 1* A. V. ; leapt. i" out of thy. w a land of. " and brought. 18 standing up filled. i» and it
touched the heaven .... but it ... . the earth. 20 visions (marg., imaginations; Gr., tftavTauriat.). 21 horrible

(fieirii/ is adopted by IMtzsche from III. X. 65. 106. al. Co. Old Lat. Syr. ; text, rec, 5eti/is). 22 omits unexpected.

23 theyn unlooked for. 24 y/Q^e afflicted.

Vers. 20-25. — 20 a. V. : tasting (netpa). 20 ^as a destruction .... the 27 (^o„ ig added after hpyri by 23. 65.

157. 254. Old Lat.) 28 then the. 29 and stood forth to defend them; and bringing the shield. so the propitia-

tion .... omits he. »i declaring. »2 so he. » destroyer (rbi' bKoBpevovra, 157. 248. Co. ; Jun., vastatorem ; the
reading of the text. res. is o^Aoi' — as II. X. 23. Vulg. Syr. Ar. Arm.; for this Bauermeister conjectured that ^oAoi'
should be written, and his opinion was adopted by Grimm, Reusch, and Fritzsche). 3* with. sb ^jth. so ^Heg,
ing the (v7rojiAr^(ras). S7 made with. ^ when the dead were now fallen down by. so parted (marg., cut off).

«» in (tn-i). " in (iiri). « the stones (the plur. of AiSou is found in III. C. 23. 55. 248. 254. Co.). «» fathers

graven. ^4 was afraid of them : for ik<i>o^ri&ntTav of the text, rec, Fritzsche, with Grimm and Reusch, adopts e<^o)3^0,7
from III. 23. 66. 106. 156. 248. 258. 296. Co. ; Cod. X. has the same by a second hand ; see Com.). « tasted of (cf
ver. 20).

Chapter XVIII.

Ver. 1. Whose voice they indeed heard.
The Egyptians are represented asi hearing the
voices of the Israelites. Cf. Ex. x. 23. The ren-
dering of the last part of the verse in the A. V.

was based on the reading ov for olv, which also
Grimm adopts. This critic, moreover, places av
after ^TrtttdvSiurav. — They counted them happy
(t. e., the Israelites) that they also had not suf-

THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

271

fercd. With the common reading the rendering
would be : They held it accordingly for a good for-
tune [i. e., for themselves] that they fthe Israelites]
also had suffered. The Old Latin has : " Et quia
non et ipsi eadem passi erant magnificabant te."

Ver. 3. ^(vinta. Lit., a living abroad. It
was especially used of the life of a soldier in for-
eign service. Here the expedition of the Israelites
to the promised land is meant, — their wandering
in the wilderness.

Ver. 5. 'E/tTcfleWoj, exposed. This was the
common word used for the exposure of children
for the purpose of destroying them. Cf. Herod.,
i. 112. — For punishment (eij e\€7xoi') is joined
by some to what precedes, and by others to what
follows. In either case it makes good sense. In
the former case, which iieems to us less natural,
it would refer to what Moses afterwards became
as the avenger of his people, — was saved with
reference to punishment; in the latter, to the de-
struction of the first-born of the Egyptians. The
antithesis between the one child and the multitude
of children, the rescue of the one from the water
and the destruction of the many in the water, is
worthy of notice.

Ver. 6 Of that night, i.e., the night on which
the first-bom of the Egyptians were slain.

Ver. 9. 'Aya.6S>v may be taken as the genitive
plural neuter, in the sense of good things, of salva-
tion, instead of of good men. The latter seems
somewhat strained, and is contrary to the usage
of the writer, who never elsewhere applies this
epithet to the Israelites. Cf. for the historical
groundwork, E.x. xii. 13, 46. — To the holy {Thv
rrjs 0e((iT7jTos y6nov) law. 0€((Jt7;s =Tb ilvai Tt,
rivh. Qiiov. — Vt6fji.ov .... SUOevro. Cremer {Lex.,
ad voc.) gives a similar interpretation to these
words to the one given in the translation above.
He says : " It is clear that tliis does not simply
correspond to v6ixov rtBevai, ' to institute laws,' or
to viixov riBe<r8ai, ' to give laws for one's self,' or
'for the State' in clas.sical Greek; and it cannot
therefore be explained according to Judith v. 18,
where it is to send, to appoint. The accusative
with the infinitive, which follows, shows that it
must be, to come to terms or an agreement with. It
cannot mean ' to carry out,' ' to execute,' on ac-
count of the infinitive future." — Beforehand,

i. e., before the paschal supper was celebrated. —
Of the fathers. The fathers meant are the patri-
archs, and they were either themselves praised, or
songs transmitted from their time are meant.
The latter is the more probable.

Ver. 13. The use of the singular, " son," as
applying to the whole of Israel, is found also at
Ex. iv. 22 ; Hos. xi. 1 .

Ver. 16. T^v avuirSKptrov ^inrayhv ffov, thine
unfeigned commandment. The idea is that
it was no simulated matter, in which he threat-
ened something that he would not really do. Cf.
V. 18 : and for the historical allusion, 1 Chron.
xxi. 16. The word (i.e. will) of God is personi-
fied, as at Hos. vi. 5.

Ver. 18. Showed the cause of his death.
As some suppose, it was the manner in which they
lay and their general appearance which showed
that their death had been unnatural and fearful.
But it is more likely that a time before their
death is referred to, and their own language re-
specting the premonitions which they had re-
ceived. This seems evident, indeed, from what
immediately follows.

Ver. 21. A blameless man. Aaron is called
blameless, only as having had no part in the
idolatry of the people. — The wrath, t^ Bviuf.
In verse 20 the same rendering is given to rj op-fi].
In Attic Greek the former word meant the feeling
of wrath, while the latter was its active expi-es-
sion. Cf. Thucyd., ii. U, and remarks at 1 Mace,
iv. 49, and Pr. of IWan., ver. 10.

Ver. 22. AiafiijKas, covenants. In the Apoc-
rypha (cf. 1 Mace. ii. .54; 2 Mace. viii. 15 ; Ecclus.
xliv. 11, 20) this word means covenant, and not
testament, as it afterwards came to mean in the
New Testament, and as it was used also by Philo,
who gave it, in fact, no other signification.

Ver. 24. Was the whole world., /. e. repre-
sented. Cf. Josephus {Antiq., iii. 7, § 7) : " And
as for the ephod, it showed that God had made
the universe of four " [elements], etc.

Ver. 25. The reading icpoffiidncrav would re-
quire that the Israelites be represented as fearing
before the destroyers, which was in fact true ;
but to say it at this point would have been out of
place. Hence iipofii\9i) is, with the critical au-
thorities above mentioned, to be adopted.

Chapter XIX.

But ^ as for the ungodly, wrath came upon them without mercy unto the end ;
for he knew also " beforehand ' what they would do : that after ^ havmg given
them leave ' to depart, and sent them with zeal ^ away, they would repent and pur-
sue them. For whilst they were still engaged with their ' mourning and making
lamentation at the graves of the dead, they formed another foolish resolution,' and
pursued them as fugitives, whom they had driven out with entreaties.' For their
deserved fate ^° drew them unto this end, and made them forget the things that had
already happened," that they might fill up ^^ the punishment which was wanting in
the plagues ; ^' and that while thy people carried out a wonderful expedition they
should find " a strange death. For the whole creation in its proper ^^ kind was

Vers. 1-7. — ' A. V. : omits But (6e). ^ omits also (wat ; it is omitted by 106. 261.). 3 before. * how that.

(See Com.) ^ hastily. ' were yet {«Tt .... ^i* X^P*'"'*' ^X*"^*^ ™)- ^ added another foolish device. " intreated
(q be gone (marg.,ca5£ outhy intreaty ; lit., whom entreating they cast out]. i" the destiny, whereof they were worthy.
" Lit., threw in — induced — a/orget/ulness of the things that had taken place. 12 ^, v. : fulfil. ^ to their torments.
* and that thy people might pass a wonderful way ; but they might find. ^ creature in his proper (instead of iSiat

272 THE APOCRYPHA.

fashioned again anew, serving these * peculiar commandments, '^ that thy children

7 might be kept without hurt. One saw the ° cloud shadowing the train ; * and
where water stood before, dry land ; ° out of the Red sea, a way that could not be

8 shut up ; ° and out of a ' violent stream, a green field, through which a whole na-
tion " went that had been protected by ° thy hand, beholding ■"' marvellous '^ won-

9 ders. For they went at large ^^ like horses, and leaped like lambs, praising thee,

10 0 Lord, who hadst delivered them. For they were mindful of the things that
had been done while they were yet sojourners : ^' how the ground brought forth flies
instead of other living things,-"* and how the river cast up a multitude of frogs in-

11 stead of fishes.^^ But afterwards they saw also ^° a new species " of fowls, when "

12 being led by " appetite, they asked delicacies as food.^° For quails came up unto

13 them from the sea for their satisfaction.'^' And punishments came upon the sinners
not without signs which had appeared beforehand in the powerful lightnings ; ^^ for
they suffered justly on account of the wickedness peculiar ^ to them ; for they had

14 shown the most violent hatred ^ towards strangers. For they, on the one hand,*° did
not receive those whom they knew not,''' on their arrival ; ^ while these, on the other

15 hand,^° brought friends into bondage, that had well deserved of them. And not only
so, but — for which they shall be punished ^ — because they received '" strangers

1 6 hostilely ; '^ but these very grievously afflicted them, whom they had received with

17 feastings, and were already made partakers of the same rights.^* And ^' with
blindness were these also '* stricken, as those were at the doors of the righteous
man ; when, being compassed about with deep ^* darkness, each *' one sought the

18 passage to " his own doors. For although the elements are changed among them-
selves — just as notes on a psaltery change the name of the tune — they remain in
quality always the same ; which indeed may clearly be perceived from the sight of

19 the things that have taken plaee.^' For land animals were changed into water

20 animals, and things capable of swimming went on land. Fire exceeded in water

21 its natural strength, and water forgot its power to quench. On the other hand,
flames wasted not the flesh of destructible living things, though they walked
therein ; neither melted they *° the ice-like kind *" of heavenly f ood,*-" that was of
nature apt to melt.

22 For in every way,*^ 0 Lord, thou didst magnify thy people, and glorify them :
and didst not overlook them,*^ but didst stand by them " in every time and place.*'

III. X. 106. 156. 157. 261. Old Lat. Syr. Arm. read o-ais, but it is rejected by tlie best recent critics). >■ the (the

article is found, but with the force of a demonstrative pronoun). 2 commandments that were given unto them (the

words in italics are rendered unnecessary by the last chtiuge). ^ as namely a (the word e^ewpij^Tj, in the next line,

is the predicate, with still ether subjects). * camp (jrapcfAiSoX^c, here apparently used for the whole procession, or

train). ^ dry land appeared (eflewp,J0Tj, see note just above), and (a icai is found in 243. Co. and Old Lat.). 6 with-

out impediment (avefA^riSurTos ; Bunsen's Bibehverk^ nicht zit versperrenden). ^ the.

Vers. 8-13. — ^ A. V. ; wherethrough all the people {Trai' eflfos j Fritzsche adopts this reading from II. — by a second
hand — III. X. C. 65. 68. 155. 167. 248. 254. 296. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. ; text, rec, ^avtevi). i were defended

with. ^^ seeing f/iy. ^1 marvellous strange. 12 (seeCom.) ^ yet mindful (see Cow?.) of the /Ain^s that were
done while they sojourned in the strange land (see Com.). 1* cattle [^i^v). ^ fishes IkvvSpuv, i. e. thijigs living in
water). i" omits &\&o {tta.i). it generation. is (Fritzsche adopts ore — instead of ort of the te:c.t.rec. — from II.
III. X. C. 23. 65. 106. 165. 248. 253. 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm.). '» with tlieir. 20 delicate meats (lit.,

food as delicacies). 21 Their contentment (marg., covnfort). 22 former signs (instead of ■yeyoi'OTwv of the text, rec.,
npoyeyovoTUiv is to be adopted, with Reusch and Fritzsche, from III. X. C. 65. 106. 155. 157. 248. 263. 254. 261. Co. Old
Lat. Syr. Ar. Arm.) by the force of thunders. 23 according to their own wickedness. 24 insomuch as (tlie yap of

the text. rec. is omitted by X. 261.) they used a more hard and hateful behaviour.

Vers. 14-18. — 2a a. V. : the Sodomites (see Com.). 20 (Grotius conjectured that iyvwras should be read for ayvooOi'-
Tas ; Old Lat. J^noios.) 27 ^hgn they came (Codd. 106. 261., ws n-aptojTas for Trapovras). 28 but these. ^^ -peTnA-
venture some respect shall be had of those. ^'^ used, ^i not friendly. ^2 laws {8iKaiit>v) with them (see Com.).
^ Therefore even (6i Koi ; the ko.1 appears in our translation as *' also," after these). ^ omits also. S5 horrible

great. so every. 3^ of. ^^ For the elements were changed in themselves by a kind of harmony, like as in a

psaltery notes change the name of the tune, and yet are always sounds ; which may well be perceived by the sight of
the things that have been done.

Vers. 19-22. — 30 a. V. : earthly things were turned into watery, and the things that before swam in the water, now
went upon the ground. The fire had power (Fritzsche adopts laxvev — for laxvaev — from III. X. C. 65. 166. 157. 254. :
but it is possible that it arose from a desire to bring it, in tense, into uniformity with the following verb) in the water,
forgetting his own virtue (fiui/dfiews ; after this word III. C. 56. 155. 167. 248. 263. 254. 296. Co. have added eniK^Kijir-
nivov ; Fritzsche adopts for 2d 6Di/<i(i«io!, iJuVcius, from III. X. C. 23. 66. 156. 248. 254. 296. Co. Old Lat. Ar. Arm.) : and the
water forgat his own quenching nature. On the other side, the flames .... the corruptible .... neither melted they
(Nannius conjectured that oij5' eTTjKOP — Old Lat., ncc dissolvebant — should be written for ov&i ttjktAv, which Urimm
calls sehr ansprechend). « ioy kind. " meat. ^a all things (Kara ffdrra). " neither didst thou lightly regard
them. " assist thtm. 4« Cod. 0. has t!> n/iat for Towcp. Cf . Bel and Drag. ver. 16 ; 1 Maco. JT. 62 ; vi. 83 j xi. 67 ,
xvi. 5.

THE WISDOM OP SOLOMON.

273

Chapter XIX.

Ver. 2. Grimm would retain the reading ^n-i-
(TTpc'iJ/oi'Tcs (Fritzsche adopts iiriTpftf/ayres from
III. 55. 157. 248. Co. Old Lat.) on the ground that
it was probably changed on account' of the diffi-
culty of construing it. He takes it as reflexive,
with the signification to turn one's attention to some-
thing, think ofii pr provide /or. Here, having pro-
vided for thetfiiiijiiiijire. Comp. Wahl.

Ver. 3. 'EveaTrdiravTO Koyiafidv. This verb
means to draw, drag after one ; and, in the middle,
to draw to one's self, to win. Here the thought
seems to be that, in addition to their previous
guilt, they had brought, fastened upoji themselves
this additional crime. It can be rendered, how-
ever, only with the utmost freedom by some such
word as "formed," or "adopted," "a [another
foolish] resolutiou." — Entrfeited tb be gone.
Lit,, Cast forth, entreatirig (fhfew to be gone), i«et«i-
Ovrei 4^e$ti\ov.

Ver. 4. For their deserved fate. So it
is not simply predestination to destruction which
is here taught, but a destruction *hich the Egyp-
tiails Md brought upon theinselves by their hardi-
ness of heart, and which, moreover (yerso 5), was
overruled to the magnifying of the divine power
and mercy in Israel. Cf. Ex. viii. 15, 32; Zech.
vii. 11 ; Kom. i. 24 ; Eph. iv. 19.

Ver. 6. 'ivlSltf yev€i, in its proper kind, genus, i.e.,
in its natural peculiarities. The ground is given
for the miracle that had just been mentioned.

Ver. 7. Out of a violent stream. The thought
is doubtless based on later traditions and enlarge-
ments of the history of the Pentateuch.

Ver. 9. 'Zve/iriSria-av. A secondary ineauing of
this verb, especially in the middle form, is to feed,
go to pasture, graze. The sense is here modified
by the following clause, and is sufficiently well
given in the A. V. The suggestion (Nannins)
that ixpff'^riffav, tkej/ neii^hed, should be read in
place of the present word, does not seem to take
into account the lowness of the comparison. The
horses ought not to be made the principal feature
ill the figure. Cf. Ps. cxiv. 6. Fritzsche would
place a full stop after 5ic(rK//>Ti)(ray.
18

Ver. 10. Sojourners. 'E,v tj ■rapaml<f. Lit.,
m the place of sojourning. — 2icvl<fi = Kvi\fi. It means,
first, a small kind of emmet that gnaws figs ; then
((tKHrei), several kinds of insects, especially such as
live in wood. In the LXX. it is used to translate
D2^, gnats, a, collective form from the singular,

li :

Ver. 13. XaKeirtaTepau fita'o^evlajf, i. e., a more
violent hatred against strangers than they ought
to have, or than was ever shown before, and so
the most violent.

, Ver. 14. A comparison is made between the
Egyptiails and some other people and (as most
suppose) the Sodomites, as an introduction to
what follows.

Vers. 15, 16. For which they shall be pun-
ished. This is parenthetical, and refers to the
Sodomites. The thought is that the Egyptians
were worse than the Sodomites, because they had
received the Israelites with festivities and the
gift of full citizenship, while afterwards they
turned about, and bitterly oppressed them. The
Sodoihites, on the other hand, jver« consistent
from the first. The two verses might be ren-
dered as follows: 15, "And not only so, but for
this shall suitable punishment be laid upon the
former in that they received strangers in an un-
friendly way; 16, but the latter afflicted with fear-
ful tasks those whom they had received with
feastings, and already made," etc.

Ver. 18. Just as notes on a psaltery. The
thought is : Just as the different notes on a psal-
ter/ — as high or low, soft or loud, — give charac-
ter and names to different tunes while always
remaining musical tones, so the elements, although
acting in an apparently paradoxical way, remain
essentially (fixv, "> their sound, i. e., nature) the
same.

Ver. 19. Cf. Ex. viii. 1, fE. Some suppose
that the Israelites are represented by our author
as having become water animals, because they
passed through the Bed Seal

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS.

INTRODUCTION.

The name Ecolesiasticus, borne in the Latin Vulgate by the largest book of the Old Tes-
tament Apocrypha, first came into use about the middle of the fourth century. Like the
books with which it is associated, it was generally regarded as "ecclesiastical" rather than
" canonical," and on account of its size and the high appreciation in which it was held in the
church as a book for general reading and instruction, it received individually the title which
is properly applicable to the entire class. In the Greek MSS. and Fathers it is commonly
styled :iott>la 'Itjo-ou toZ Scipax, and sometimes, apparently for the sake of brevity, simply 2o<p(a
Sfipdx, v ao(j)la, or, by way of honorable distinction, ^ TravdpsTos ao<j>la; and even irajrdp^Tos and
waiSayoiySs alone.

The assertion of Jerome^ that in the Hebrew the book had the title "Proverbs"
(n"<bt£?a) is open to serious question, although it has the support of the Tanchuma, a certain
commentary to the Mishna.^ That the original Hebrew work continued in circulation for
some centuries is indeed possible, and even not improbable, considering the numerous refer-
ences to it in the rabbinical and Talmudic writings. Still, it is more likely that Jerome saw
some Aramaic collection having the name he mentions, than that, contrary to the unanimous
testimony of all other witnesses, this solitary Jewish one alone excepted, it was borne by the
present work. Moreover, the connection in which Jerome speaks of our book is quite re-
markable, not to say suspicious. He says of it : " Quorum yriorem Hebraicum reperi, non Ec-
clesiasticum ut apud Latinos, sed Parabolas prcenotatum, cui juncti erant Ecclesiasles et Canticum
Canticorum ut similitudinem Salomonis non solum librorum numero, sed etiam materiarum genere
cooequaret." How did it happen that in the MS. which Jerome professes to have seen Ecolesi-
asticus had the place which properly belonged to the Book of Proverbs, while, at the same
time, bearing the title by which the latter was commonly designated ?

The Author.

Not a little that has been said by different writers concerning the author of Ecolesiasticus
is pure speculation. Some,' for instance, on account of his speaking at considerable leno-th
and in laudatory terms of the priesthood, maintain that he himself was a priest. Others,*
again, see in him the high priest Jason (b. c. 175-172), a theory obviously inconsistent with
the fundamental character of the book. Cf. 2 Mace. iv. 7-26 ; 4 Mace. iv. 15-17; Jos.,
Antiq., xii. 5, § 1. And still others (Grotius), solely on the ground that the medical profes-
sion is commended (xxxviii. 1-15) hold that the writer must have been a physician. The
author names himself (1. 27) simply " Jesus, Son of Sirach of Jerusalem," and his grand-
son, in his prologue, says of him that he was a zealous student of the Law, Prophets, and
Other Books of the fathers, and felt impelled in consequence to write a, work himself,
whose object should be to encourage a life according to the Law. The name, Sirach, is not
found in Hebrew, and the Jewish rabbins, in speaking of the author, name him " the Son of
Sira." In the Syriac version he is called, in the title which is given to the present work, the
" Son of Simeon Asiro," and, at the end, simply " Son of Asiro." Whence this title
originated it is not now possible with certainty to say. Probably, however, it is based on

I iVts/. in Libr. Sal., in toe. 2 Fol. 69a.

S Linde, Glaubens- und Sittenlekre, etc., Einleit., p. ix. ; BO alflo, Zunz and Scholz.
4 Georg. Syncellus, Ckronog. (ed. Dindorf), i., p. 626.

THE BOOK OF ECCLBSIASTICUS. 275

later traditions. The Simeon meant seems to be the high priest of that name, for whom the
writer showed special predilections.' According to chap, xxxiv. H, 12, our author did not
remain bis entire life in Jerusalem, but travelled to some extent in foreign lands. He seems
also to have been a person of considerable importance. He represents in one place (li. 1-12)
that his life was brought into great danger through misrepresentations that had been made
concerning him to some king. He was well versed in the Scriptures, and a diligent student
of other learning, as tar as it prevailed in Palestine (li. 13 f., 23 f.). His attitude towards
the Law, as well as his friendly way of speaking of the Scribes (x. 5; xxxviii. 24 f.; xliv. 4),
give a color of probability to the supposition of Fritzsche that he himself belonged to this
class. His views, at least, are too broad, and his pen too bold and free, to have faithfully
represented the already stiffening Pharisaism of his day.

The Translator.

Of the translator of Ecclesiasticus still less is known than of the author. He speaks of
himself in the preface as grandson of the latter, but does not give his name. According to
Jewish tradition, he was called Joseph, and his father Usiel. A somewhat later Christian
tradition, on the other hand, which finally assumed in the false preface to our work a semi-
official character, names him like his grandfather, Jesus the Son of Sirach. But while it
was undoubtedly true that in Jewish usage a grandson often received the name of the grand-
father, in the present case it is most likely that the opinion that our translator was so named
is based on a misunderstanding. In his prologue he calls his grandfather simply Jesus ; but
at chap. 1. 27, it is said that one " Jesus the son of Sirach of Jerusalem " had written in the
book " the instruction of understanding," etc. Hence it seems to have been supposed that
two difEerent persons were referred to, and that the latter was the name of the translator,
and that he had not only made the Greek version, but had shared also in the composition of
the work.

So much is at least clear from the translator's own testimony, that he went to Egypt, and
there performed the work which introduced the composition of his grandfather to the world
of Greek learning. That he was capable of writing idiomatic Greek, his prologue sufficiently
proves. And it is therefore much to his credit that he translated so faithfully and literally,
and that he retained to such an extent in his work the Hebraistic style and coloring of the
original. His modesty, also, in asking the indulgence of his readers for any defects of the
version on the ground that " the same things uttered in Hebrew and translated into another
language have not the same force in them," cannot but make a most favorable impression as
it respects his real ability and honesty.

Contents and their A rrangement.

It may be said that the aim of the book, in general, is to represent wisdom as the source of
all virtue and blessedness, and by warnings, admonitions, and promises to encourage the pur-
suit of the same. There is, however, so little inward connection of thought that the greatest
diversity of opinion prevails respecting the manner in which its materials are arranged, some
critics even declaring that there is no logical order observed whatever. But this is an ex-
treme opinion, and not justified by the facts.

The view of Eichhorn ^ that the work is naturally divided into three parts (i.-xxiii.; xxiv.-
xlii. 14; xlii. 15-1. 24), marking three distinct collections, has been satisfactorily disproved
by Bretschneider.' Ewald* defends the opinion that the last author of the book made use of
two earlier works, the first (i.-xvi. 21) being left unchanged, the second (xvi. 22-xxxvi. 22)
appearing only in fragments, while his own composition (xxxvi. 23-li.) makes up the re-
mainder. But the grounds on which the theory is supported prove on closer examination to
be wholly untrustworthy, and the theory itself is rendered quite untenable by the fact that
one and the same spirit rules in the work from beginning to end, and that, a spirit of the
most marked and individual character. Fritzsche ^ holds that the book is made up for the
most part of distinct groups of proverbs and reflections composing sections of greater or less
dimensions. He divides it, consequently, omitting the conclusion (1. 27-29) and the appen-
dix (li.), into seven sections, as follows : i.-xvi. 21 ; xvi. 22-xxiii. 27, xxiv. 1-xxx. 24, xxx.

1 Cf chap. 1. 2 Mnleit., p. 60 tt

8 Liber Ji'su Siradda Grace, Prolegom., 20 ff.

4 BU> JcUvrb., iii. 125£f. ; x. 215 ff. and Gesckickte d.Volkes Is., it. 342. S EitUeit., p. xxxii.

276 THE APOCETPHA.

25-27; XXX. 28-xxxiii. 11; xxxiu. 12-xxxvi. 16a.; xxxvi. 166-22; xxxvi. 23-xxxix. 11;
xxxix. 12-xlii. 14; xlii. 15-1. 26. With such examination as I have been able to give the
theory in my study of the work — making due allowance for minor irregularities naturally to
be expected in so large a book, and one requii-ing so much time in its composition, and for
detached portions here and there whicli apparently admit of no logical association with the
remainder — it seems to me to answer reasonably well to the facts.

Original Language.

The testimony of the translator, in his preface, that our book was written in the Hebrew
{'E0pa'iffri) language is almost universally accepted as the truth. Indeed, it was to have been
expected. For although at the time when the son of Sirach lived, Hebrew had ceased to be
vernacular in Palestine, the Aramaic having supplanted it as such, still it was then, and for
a considerable period afterwards remained, the language in which all learned works were
written. Besides, the professed object of the writer being similar to that aimed at in the
sacred books of his people, and his work being constructed on the same general principles as
some of them, as well as steeped in the spirit of the whole, it was but natural that he should
choose, if there had been really any occasion for choice, to clothe his thoughts in tlie same
historic, venerated language in which they were written. The Talmud, moreover, offers im-
portant testimony in confirmation of the same supposition. It contains in its two forms,
Jerusalem and Babylonian, not a few citations from Ecclesiasticus, in fact, including those of
the various Midrashim, not less than forty, ^ all of which, except possibly three, are written
in Hebrew. And although these citations are by no means literally made, still it would be
impossible to deny that the original Hebrew form of expression has been to a good degree
retained, at least so far as to fix the point that it was Hebrew, and not Aramaic, or Syro-
Chaldaic. But even without appealing to any^f these reasons as valid, touching the point
at issue, the character of the translation itself would be a sufficient justification of the
assertion that the original could not have been Greek. The Hebrew idiom is in some in-
stances so closely followed that the Greek of the translator is almost wholly divested of its
characteristic qualities. Besides, there are passages here and there which can be made intel-
ligible only by presupposing a Hebrew original, and translating tliem back into that language.
The translator has made obvious mistakes in his efforts to put the work of his grandfather
into a presentable form for Hellenistic readers.

Foi- example, at xxiv. 27, we read : " He maketh the doctrine of knowledge appear as
the light, as Geon in the time of vintage." In the two verses next preceding, mention is
made of the Tigris, Euphrates, and Jordan, and we might have reason to expect that the
Nile would not be overlooked. And we believe, in fact, that it was not. The word trans-
lated "light," in the verse quoted, would be, in the Hebrew, lis, and it is probable that
our translator read this word, instead of niw, which the original really contained. The
latter word means " river," by which title the Nile is sometimes known in Scripture. Ac-
cordingly, this part should read : " as the river, Gihon [ = Nile], in the time of harvest."
It would have been very easy to make this mistake, if in the original the yodh of the latter
word was elided, as at Amos viii. 8, nS3, as a flood. Again, at xxv. 15, the translator,
without doubt, found in the text from which he translated, ti'"H-l, but gave it the meanin<»
"head" (KnpaKi)), when he should have rendered it "poison," since the latter translation
alone makes good sense, and is equally in place. So, at xxxviii. 28, we read that the smith
sits by the anvil and " considereth the iron work," etc., an idea which has but very little
force. It would appear that ^T' was translated, while the word in the text was ^3^ tires
himself with. Further, at xlii. 22, we find tlie scarcely intelligible words, " Oh, how desir-
able are all liis works! and that a man may see even to a spark." The want of clearness
seems to have arisen from the fact that the word meaning " flowers," riiS3 was mistaken
for V'i-''?! meaning "spark," which was read in its place. Once more, at xlvi. 18, we
have the passage, " And he destroyed the rulers of the Tyrians [Tvpimv]." Now history gives
us no information concerning any hostilities between the Israelites and Tyrians. Hence, it
is more than likely that we have here also a false rendering of the Hebrew text. The

I Zunz, rm-trage, p. 101 £

THE BOOK OP ECCLESIASTICUS. 277

translator had the word D*"^15 before him, as is probable, and he rendered it as though it was
to be pointed W^-fS, " Tyrians," instead of CIS, " enemies."

The Greek Version.

One of the greatest merits of the Greek translation of Ecclesiasticus is its extreme literal-
ness. The translator was sufficiently well acquainted with the Greek then spoken in Egypt,
as we have before seen, to have given his work, as it respects choice of words, grammatical
forms, idioms, and style throughout, a more thoroughly Greek stamp. He happily chose,
however, at the expense of smoothness, and sometimes even of clearness and good sense, to
reproduce in a Greek dress, as far as possible the original text itself. It was a high compli-
Tnent for Hellenic culture to pay to a Hebrew book, especially to one which, as was ad-
mitted, had no place in the sacred canon. What he read in the text, that this translator gave
in his version, apparently whether he understood it or not. His most glaring faults, conse-
quetitly, are those of an occasional misconception respecting the true reading and the right
Understanding of single words or letters of the original, and in a failure to punctuate and
divide his sentences properly.

The Septuagint translation of the Old Testament was already current, and we are not
surprised to find that it exercised considerable influence upon the present one. Sometimes,
indeed, the translator seems to have made direct use of the same. The following passages
furnish good evidence of it: cf. xx. 29 with Deut. xvi. 19 (^SSipa awoTvfKoT 6<p6a\fiov$ <ro(i>Siv) -^
xliv. 16 ('Ej-ebx . • • • /J-eTerdett) 17, 19, 21, with Gen. v. 24, vi. 9, xvii. 4, xxii. 18; xlv. 8 f. with
Ex. xxviii. 35 f. (irepio-KeA^, epyov ttoikiXtov, \oyi!ov Kpl<rews'); xlix. 7 with Jer. i. 10. There are
also, here and there, single passages in the LXX. translation of the Proverbs, that have left
their impression upon the work of our translator. Cf., for instance, li. 23 (^c oIk^ iraiSeios)
with Prov. ix. 1 ; li. 28 with Prov. iv. 5 (in III.) ; li. 26 (^iyyh iixriv tipCw miTi\v). So too, in
ohap. xlvi. 19, we have an allusion to the speech of Samuel, in which he gives an account of
his stewardship for Israel. (Cf. LXX. at 1 Sam. xii. 3.) There is stich a similarity in the
Greek of the two passages as to suggest, at least, a reminiscence, although the whole is also
evidently strongly colored by the proverbial words of Abraham to the king of Sodom (Gen.
xiv. 23). A very clear dependence of the present translation on the LXX. is furnished at
chap, xlviii. 18. The words, xal dirrjpec, are used, and, as it would seem, at first sight, quite
unnecessarily and out of place, so that some vacillation in the MSS. has been caused thereby,
although the present text is, notwithstanding, well supported. But we find, at Is. xxxvii. 8,
where the same historical fact is described, the very same words employed (airijpev hth Aax's).
Moreover, the added clause in the apocryphal work, /tol ^irflpc (xf'/"* auroD ^irl 'Ziiv), so far from
raising a suspicion respecting the former one on account of its similarity, furnishes a beauti-
ful example of a play upon words.' The word irapeKoAfo-e, too, used by the translator at
chap, xlviii. 24, in speaking of the prophet Isaiah, it can scarcely be doubted, has reference
to the solemn irapaKa\€iTe, irapaKaXCnf rir \a6v fiov, with which the so-called second part of the
prophecy opens (xl. 1).

The edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons gives, besides the text of the Roman
edition, the readings of fourteen MSS. of the present book as follows : III. 23. 55. 68. 70.
106. 155. 157. (closing with the word ^/tfriT^a-ai, li. 21) 248. 253. 254. 296. (parts of chaps,
xviii., xix., xxiii., xlviii., xlix. and the whole of li. are wanting) 307. 308., the last two being
also in certain parts defective. Fritzsche, in his critical apparatus, furnishes in addition,
the readings of three other MSS. : C, H., and X. The first is the well-known Codex
Ephraemi; the second, a certain Codex Augustanus, first collated (1604) by Hoeschel in his
edition of Ecclesiasticus; and the third, the Sinaitic Codex. The commonly received text,
i. e., that of the Vatican MS. (II.) is, in general, well preserved, and its failures are often
due less to corruptions than to the imperfections of the translation itself. The remaining
MSS. fall into two general classes. The great majority, including III., C, and X. contain a
text in which attempts have been made at correcting supposed mistakes, but it is one which
was most current in the early church. On the other hand, the MS. 248. — literally repro-
duced in the Complutensian Polyglot — together with 253., H., and 106. in a less pure form,
represent an emended text. In Fritzsche's opinion, these emendations betray in character
and method the hand of a single critic, who, moreover, since his emendations were adopted

' 1 Qf. fiShl, p. 88 a.

278 THE APOCETPHA.

by Clement of Alexandria and the Old Latin, cannot have lived later than the second cen-
tury. The headings of sections contained in the latter part of the book, although found both
in the MSS. and in the old versions, have no critical value whatever. They were obviously
added at a later date simply as a means of assisting the reader.

Date of the Greek. Version and of the Original Work.

For determining the time of the composition of Ecelesiasticus, and of its translation into
Greek, we may derive the following data from the book itself. (1) The author was a con-
temporary of the high priest, " Simon son of Onias " (1. 1-26). (2) The translator says in
the preface, which is universally acknowledged to be genuine, that he came to Egypt 4y t$
oyS6cj! Kai TpiaKo<TTif eret ^irl ToC zliepyeTov Paai\€ii!5. This would Seem to be sufficiently definite.
But, on the contrary, as a matter of fact, critics who accept these statements and make them
the basis of their reasoning differ from one another by a hundred years in the date which
they ascribe to the composition. For some of them think that the high priest, Simon I. (b. c.
310-290), and the king Ptolemy III. (b. c. 247-221) are meant, which would lead to the
conclusion that the work was written about B. C. 280, and translated about B. c. 230. Others
maintain that Simon II. (b. c. 219-199) and Ptolemy VII. (b. c. 170-116) must be meant,
which, as we have said, would make a difference of somewhere near a hundred years in the
respective dates. The first view is represented by such scholars as Hug, Scholz, Welte,
Keil, Vaihinger,! Bdhl, and Ziindel," the second by Eichhorn, Dillmann," Ewald, Delitzsch,*
Bretschneider, De Wette, Fritzsche, Hitzig (thinks it was composed during the Maccabasan
period!), Holtzmann,^ and Herzfeld.

What adds to the uncertainty is the fact that the same scholars are not agreed respecting
a proper rendering for the words of the translator quoted above. Those holding the first
opinion generally render : "in my thirty-eighth year, under king Euergetes," while the
latter class would translate : " in the thirty-eighth year of king Euergetes," i. e., of his
reign. And how tenaciously these two opinions are held and defended may be illustrated by
quoting the language of two well-known writers on opposite sides. Westcott, for instance,'
says: " It is strange that any doubt should have been raised about the meaning of the words
[the Greek above quoted] which can only be, that the translator ' in his thirty-eighth year
came to Egypt during the reign of Euergetes.' ... The translation of Eichhorn (1. c. 40)
and several others, ' in the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Euergetes,' is absolutely at
variance with the grammatical structure of the sentence." Whereas Stanley' asserts : " It
is strange that any doubt should ever have arisen on the date of Ecelesiasticus. The com-
parison of Hag. i. 1, ii. 1; Zech. i. 7, viii. 1; 1 Mac. xiii. 42, xiv. 27, makes it certain that
fc T$ oySov, etc., in the prologue can only mean 'in the thirty-eighth year of kin"' Euergetes,'
and as the first Euergetes only reigned twenty-five years, the date of the translation is thus
fixed to the thirty-eighth of the second Euergetes, B. c. 132."

It would seem to be a hopeless task to mediate between these two sharply antaironistio
opinions. Still it appears to me that the truth may, after all, lie in a combination of the
two views. The grammatical point of Westcott, upon which Winer* also insists, is not
proved. Winer says, if the thirty-eighth yeaf of the reign of Euergetes were meant, the
Greek would not have been M t^ oySoif, etc., but iv . . . . ^rei t^ iirX toO Evepyerov. But the
passages from the LXX. cited by Stanley, and still others adduced by Abbot in his note in
the American edition of Smith's Bible Dictionary, have a direct bearing on the question • and
if allowed the full weight that belongs to them in a grammatical point of view, they approach
the binding force of a rule. Hence, the opinion that Euergetes I., who reio-ned but twenty-
five years (b. c. 247-222), is not meant, but that Euergetes II., Physcon, is meant, who
reigned jointly with his brother twenty-five years (b. c. 170-145) and alone twenty-nine
years (b. c. 145-116), must be accepted as probable.

In the next place, we cannot well believe that any other high priest, " Simon son of Onias "
would be introduced into our book as among the national worthies to be held in remembrance
and extolled, than the well-known Simon who bore the surname, the Just ( ? b. c. 310-290).

1 Sludier, u. Kritilc., 1857, pp. 98-98. 2 Ahfm$migszeit des Buches Daniel, p 286.

8 Jahrb. fur deutsche Tkeologie, 1858, iii. 4 Geschichte d. JUdisclun Pocsie p. 20

« Einleit. in d. Apoc. BB. in Bunsen's Bibdwerk, voj. vii., p. 54. > t^ ■

6 Smith's Bii. Diet., art " Ecelesiasticus.," vol. i., p. 479, foot-note ; Am. ed., p. 651.

7 Tlu Jewish Cliurck, iii., p. 268. 8 De utriusque Siracida .mtate (Erlang. 1832) ; and Bib. RealwSrterb., ad voc.

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS. 279

The other high priest so called appears in Jewish history only in connection with the fabulous
stories in 3 Maccabees as having lived at the time of Ptolemy IV., Philopator, and among
Qther improbable things, prevented that king, by his prayer, from entering the temple at Je-
rusalem. He is, in fact, wholly unworthy of mention in comparison with his illustrious name-
sake, who is recognized as among the last celebrated teachers of the Great Synagogue, and as
marking an epoch in the later Israelitish annals. Josephus, moreover, does not give a single
favorable feature in his delineation of the former's character. On the contrary, he says of
him that he sided with the sons of Tobia, who were violent supporters of Hellenism as op-
posed to the strict interpretation and practice of the Mosaic law.^ The opinion that the title
" the Just " was applied not to Simon L, but Simon II., as some maintain, rests on no other
basis than uncertain and confused Talmudic traditions, and is directly opposed to the testi-
mony of Josephus, who applies the title solely to the former. It is with surprise, therefore,
that we read in the late excellent work of Dean Stanley, ^ just referred to, that "Derenbourg
has conclusively established that the Simon of Ecclesiasticus was Simon the Just, and that
this Simon was Simon II.'' Derenbourg makes no claim in his work to writing a history of
the Jews for the time which his book covers, but simply makes a collection of rabbinical tra-
ditions, relating to that history as found in the Talmud and Midrash. The view he supports
is the traditional one, and in the past has had the most defenders. But the tendency of late
has been quite in the other direction. Were it otherwise, we should scarcely expect from
Professor Schiirer, for instance, the assertion that "there is no doubt that Simon the Just
was the high priest, Simon I." ^

The argument that since our book speaks in a numbSr of instances (xxxi. 11, xxxvi. 17-22
of the Greek text, li. 1-12) of bitter hardships which the Jewish nation had to suffer, and of
tyrants that oppressed them, and since such complaints would have been out of place in the
period immediately following the death of Simon I., when the Jews were under the govern-
ment of Ptolemy Philadelphus, that therefore Simon I]^. must be meant, is without any real
force for the following reasons: The expressions referred to are far from being as strong as
they are represented. Moreover, there was a time of trial for the Jews also, in the earlier
part of the reign of Ptolemy I., Soter, and his good-will towards them, as far as it existed,
was probably more manifested towards those living in Egypt than in Palestine. Still further,
there is nothing in the expressions referred to that might not be expected from the pen of a
Jewish patriot, so long as his people were under a foreign yoke at all, however mild and
peacefully inclined the alien government may have been.

Again, Fritzsehe,* referring to what is said of the high priest Simon (1. 1-13), that " he
repaired the house again, and in his days fortified the temple," etc., says that tradition
knows nothing of this, so far as it concerns Simon I., "a silence which also points to Simon
II." But this critic does not tell us where we may learn that Simon II. ever engaged in
work such as is here described and praised. The silence of history, if it be silent on this
point, in itself therefore, would be no more favorable to Simon II. than Simon I. But history
is not wholly silent. Though it does not give us information so definite as we could wish on
this subject, it does give us certain important hints, and these fall out much more in favor of
the earher than the later Simon. We know that in his wars with Demetrius, Ptolemy I.,
Soter, found it necessary at one time to leave his possessions in Coele Syria and Phcenicia,
and in doing so, in order to give his opponent no advantage on account of the fortified places
which they contained, he caused such fortifications to be destroyed. This we know to have
been true of Acco, Joppa, Gaza, and Samaria, and there is good reason for supposing that it
was true also of Jerusalem.^ Here, then, would be found the needed occasion for Simon I.
" to repair the house again and fortify the temple." For these reasons, briefly stated, we
must regard the points as settled : first, that the " thirty-eighth year" refers to the reign
of , Euergetes ; and second, that Simon, the high priest, can only mean Simon I., whom Jo-
sephus names Sixaios, the Just.

Now it is further clear that the author of Ecclesiasticus wrote his work, in which he
describes with such a glow of enthusiasm Simon I. as the last in the long line of Jewish
wprthies, not long after the latter's death. Still, just how long an interval separated these
liwoeyesnts it is not now possible with certainty to say. It would, however, seem from the

1 Cf. Antiq., xii. 2, § 5 ; 4, § 10. 2 History of the Jewish, CImrch, vol. iii., p. 247.

S CI Neutest. Zeitgeschichts, p. 453, and the citations there made. See especially, Qraetz, Gesckicku, ii., p. 235.

4 EiiUtU., ad loc, and in Schenltel's Bibd-Lexicm, art. "Jesus Sohn Sirachs." 6 Gractz, 1. c. p. 230

280 THE APOCRYPHA.

language used, that the Son of Sirach must himself have been eye-witness to the glory which
he depicts. A limit, at least, is fixed by what is said of the version made by the grandson.
It was during the time that " Euergetes was king " in Egypt, and in the thirty-eighth year of
his reign. Hence it is clear Ptolemy VII., Physcon (b. c. 170-116), must be meant. If we
took the words, 6 Triwiros fwu, in their usual sense, as meaning " grandfather," and regarded
the author of the book as a contemporary of Simon I., we should not naturally, indeed, think of
this Ptolemy, since in that case too long an interval would intervene between the composition
and its translation. But neither of these suppositions is absolutely necessary. The words,
6 Triirwos jiov, may be used in a general sense, and mean simply ancestor, while the vividness
and warmth of coloring with which the great Simon is described may be due to something
else than the personal observation of a contemporary. Then, as now, it is likely the nobility
and grandeur even of a truly great character showed to best advantage at a short remove
from it.

Is there not, then, some other more decisive factor in the problem? Such a factor as, we
think, is found in the fact that the translator, as we have already seen, made considerable
use of the LXX. version, not alone of the five books of Moses, but of the Proverbs, the Book
of Joshua, and the prophecy of Isaiah. This version was begun in the time of the early
Ptolemies (circa B. o. 280). At the time of Ptolemy HI. it could hardly have come into such
general use as our translator's work would indicate. In the year B. c. 132, however, the
thirty-eighth of Ptolemy VII., Physcon 's reign, this would have been easily possible. At this
point, consequently, we feel justified in fixing the date of the Greek translation of Ecclesias-
ticus which was written by the grandfather. Of ancestor, of the translator, a man who was con-
temporary with, or lived not long after, the high priesthood of Simon 1., surnamed the Just.

Other Ancient Versions.

Of the other ancient versions of ouj book the Old Latin is the most important. It was not
revised by Jerome on being adopted into the Vulgate. It seems to have been made, at first,
by one person, but lias become much changed from its original form. There is not only in
many places a different arrangement of sentences, but considerable additions are also found,
including, in some cases, entire verses. A part of these changes are doubtless due to copyists
and self-appointed editors ; but inasmuch as there are also certain late and less trustworthy
MSS., like 248., with which this text preserves a tolerable uniformity, it seems probable that
the origin of some of these peculiarities is to be sought in them. That the translation was
made from the Greek, and not from the Hebrew, is generally acknowledged, and is proved
by the retention in a Latinized form of many Greek words, as : lingua eucharis for •yXaatra
eixi-i>is (vi. 5); in eremo for iv ifiiiJi.tf (xiii. 19); homo acharis for Hvepa-iros &xapis (xx. 18).
Many Latin words also were formed with reference to the Greek which they were meant to
render, as : obductio for iTrayuyri (ii. 2, v. 8) ; apostatare faciunt for i.-iroaT^aovai (xix. 2); as-
siduare for €i'ie\exe7y (xxx. 1).' In Fritzsche's opinion, the critical value of this version may
be easily placed too high. Its gold is mixed with much dross, which requires the most care-
ful sifting process.

The Syriac translation had also the Greek for its basis, and, as it would seem, also the
text represented by 248. and the Compluiensian Polyglot. It is rendered, however, with the
utmost freedom, so that the original thought is scarcely recognizable, and often grossly mis-
represented. This is true particularly of the latter part of the book, from chap. xxx. to the
end.

The Arabic version was made from the Syriac, and, in general, represents it quite faith-
fully. There is also an old Ethiopian version preserved at Tiibingen, whose worth, however,
has not yet been subjected to the tests of modern criticism.

An Armenian translation of Ecclesiasticus, moreover, exists, which, as Welte thinks, may

have been made from some Greek MS., but it presents the book in a very different form from

the oldest MSS. and versions. The first part is much condensed, chap, xxxvi., for instance,

having but twelve verses, and the last eight chapters are omitted entirely. There are also

a few additions here and there. In the Critical edition of the Armenian Bible, published in

Venice in 1805, this version was placed in the appendix with other acknowledged apocryphal

wor&s

1 Cf. Welte, EiiOea., p. 215.

THE BQ0S OF ECCI-ESIASTICUS. 28X

Dogmatical and Ethical Character,

The Book of Ecolesiasticus is Palestinian in its spirit as well as in respect to its author and
the place of its composition. Aside from occasional evidences of the author's acquaintance
with the LXX. version, as already noted, there are too few traces of Alexandrian influence
in his work to justify even the mild words of Stanley : " it is evident that the Grecian spirit
has touched it [the Book of Ecclesiasticus] at its core and raised it out of its Semitic atmos-
phere. The closed hand of the Hebrew proverb has opened into the open palm of Grecian
rhetoric." 1 Although the author had traveled in foreign lands, it is only through a casual
allusion, not at all in the spirit or form of the work, that we recognize the fact. Marks of
the influence of the Alexiindrian philosophy, which Gfrorer^ and Uiihne' think they discover
in it, either disappear before a proper exegesis, or prove to be as much Palestinian as Alex-
andrian in their character. The two passages most relied on to show such influence are xvii.
17 and xliv. 16. In the first, each nation is represented as having a guardian angel : " For
in the division of the nations of the whole earth he set a ruler (riyov/ievov) over every people."*
It has not been shown, however, that this view was confined to Alexandria. On the con-
trary, it is clear that the idea was a familiar one in Palestine in the later times.^ In the
other passage, Enoch is set forth as an example of repentance : " being an example of re-
pentance to all generations." In the Hebrew, at Genesis v. 24, there seems, at first sight,
to be no foundation for an allusion to Enoch's repentance. The Alexandrian Philo, however,
makes a point of it in his writings, and allegorizes on the basis of the following expression ;
Sti lifreOriKey aliThv d deSs. The question now arises. Whence did the idea originate ? Philo
may have found it in our book. It was at least current long before his time. But was it
current only in Alexandria? If the passage, as found in the Hebrew, is carefully examined
it will be found, as Fritzsche has shown,' that it might easily have suggested the idea even
to a Palestinian reader. It is said (v. 22) that " Enoch walked with (Jod after he hegat Me-
thuselah tViree hundred years." Certainly, it would not be strange if, to an oriental mind,
the thought should occur that Enoch did not walk with God until after he begat Methuselah,
and that hence he might, in consideration of his later life, be properly cited as a distinguished
example of repentance.

We have said that our hook is Palestinian in its form and spirit ; but by that it was by no
means meant that it was thoroughly Biblical. The same general ideas and expressions are
indeed, to some extent, met with that one finds in the Scriptures, but moving upon a de-
cidedly lower plane, and often bearing quite another stamp. The idea of God, for instance,
which the son of Sirach presents is not without elements of truth, and even of sublimity
(xlii. 15-xliii.), but it is greatly lacking in spirituality. It is principally in his relations to
the outward world that He is thought of. Moreover, there seems to be, here and there,
(xxxiii. 15, xlii. 24), the positively unscriptural representation that God contains in Himself
antagonistic elements, although the charge that our author declares Him to be the creator of
• 'error and darkness with the sinner" (Tr\iivn Kal irK6Tos a/iapTa\oTs, xi. 16) made by Keerl
and Dahne, rests on defective MS. authorities.

Of the Messiah and the Messianic kingdom there is no certain trace in the work. The
passages sometimes cited as showing the contrary (iv. 15; x. 13, 17; xi. 5, 6; xxxvii. 25,
26; xlviii. 15) are of a wholly general character, and have no such meaning as is thus im-
puted to them. Still, the author doubtless looked forward to better days for Israel, and his
hope in this respect seems to have culminated in the predicted coming of Elijah, who should
restore peace and prosperity to his afflicted country (xxxii. 17-19 ; xxxiii. 1-11; xxxvi. 16-2
—rail according to the arrangement of the Greek text — and xxxix. 23 ; xlviii. 10-11). The
Messianic hope in the later time, in fact, seems generally to have taken this direction. And
it was not a spiritual but a temporal restoration that was looked for. It will be remembered
how prevalent this idea of the return of Elijah was, in Palestine, at the time of Christ.
'* Why'Say the Scribes then, that Elias must first come? " was a question which the disciples
themselves once put to Him.

As in Job (chaps, xxviii., xxxviii.), and particularly in Proverbs, wisdom had been per-

1 History of the Jewish Church, vol. lii., p. 269. 2 ii., p. 18 a

' a il., (I. 141 S 4 Cf. the LXX. at Deut xxxli. 8-

I Cf. Dan. X. 13, 20, 21 ; Is. xxir. 21, 22, and Riehm'a Handwdrterb., art " Engel."
6 Einleit,, p. xxxvi.

282 THE APOCRYPHA.

sonified, so our author does the same, and evidently strives to outdo his models in the bola-
ness and brilliancy of his metaphors. But that he simply personifies is clear from the tact
that in one place he himself makes an explanation of the figure used (xxiv. 23) : " All these
are [true of] the book of the covenant of the most high God; " as also from the circum-
stance that this wisdom is represented as being " exalted like a tree in Lebanon," " shootmg
upwards like a palm-tree on the sea-shore," as "yielding a pleasant odor like the best
myrrh," etc. Such language could hardly have been employed if an actual person had been
meant. Israel, as the elect people of God, had been made the special abode of wisdom as
revealed in the Mosaic law. This law was the highest development of such wisdom, and
everything depended upon one's attitude toward it. One was free to choose his course. If
he chose the fear of God, the result would be happiness and prosperity; if the opposite,
misfortune and misery. Still, alike the penalty and the reward are looked upon as temporal,
and, though sometimes coming late, as surely coming, if not upon the man himself, then
upon his offspring (xli. 5-9). The passage which is sometimes adduced as showing what
the son of Sirach thought on the doctrine of the future endless punishment of the wicked
(vii. 17; cf. Is. xlvi. 24) seems to refer simply to the consuming and wasting away of the
body in the grave. Of life and immortality beyond the grave, our book contains not the
slightest undisputed intimation (cf. xvii. 25-29, with Ex. iii. 15, and Heb. xi. 13-16). On
the contrary, the highest motives to human conduct are drawn from the present life. Great
stress is laid in particular upon the name which one might leave behind him : " A good
life hath but few days ; but a good name endureth forever " (xli. 13).

Our author has none too low an estimate of his own position and abilities as a teacher.
He compares himself, indeed, in one place, to one that gathereth after the grape-gatherers
(xxxiii. 16) ; but elsewhere gives himself out for a prophet (xxiv. 33), likens himself to the
full moon (xxxix. 12), and says his teachings enlighten like the morning (xxix. 32). Not a
few of his maxims were written from a purely worldly, and some from a positively selfish,
point of view. Consider, for instance, the treatment he recommends for an uncongenial
wife (vii. 26); also, for a congenial one (ix. 2, xxvi. 16-18); his principles concerning the
loaning of money (viii. 12) ; why he would advise one to show kindness to others (xii. 2, 4,
xxii. 23); how he thinks enemies should be treated (xii. 10, 12, xxv. 7, xxx. 6); what he
says of sadness (xxx. 24, 25), and of wine and music (xxxi. 27-31, xxxii. 4-6); how far he
would go in the punishment of servants (xlii. 5); what treatment, in his opinion, should be
accorded to children, especially to daughters (vii. 24) ; and how one should conduct himself
when a friend dies (xxxviii. 17-19). In some instances, in fact, his teaching is not only
very human, it is also coarse and degrading. Whether he himself is to be regarded as the
author of all that appears in his book is a matter of minor consequence. What he did not
write, he collected and sanctioned. And it certainly cannot be regarded as a very high
order of inspiration which could feel sufficient interest in it to give currency to such advice
as we find at xxxi. 21, concerning what might be called the art of eating to excess.

Dean Stanley says of our book : i " There is a tender compassion which reaches far into
the future religion of mankind," and cites the passages: " Let it not grieve thee to bow down
thine ear to the poor, and give him a friendly answer with gentleness." " Be as a father
to the fatherless, and instead of a husband to the widow: so shalt thou be as the son of the
Most High, and He shall love thee more than thy mother doth." But it is, after all extremely
doubtful, judging from other parts of Ecclesiasticus, whether it was really a spirit of " tender
compassion ' ' that led the son of Sirach to write such things. Moral duties may indeed,
here and there, be urged as superior to rites and ceremonies ; but there is also a marked
and peculiar emphasis laid by our author, as by the writer of the Book of Tobit, on almso-iv-
ing in itself considered, — in fact, an anti-Biblical efficacy ascribed to it. At chap. iii. 14,
15, for example, we read : " For kindness toward the father shall not be foro-otten and
in spite of sins (iyrl o/tapriwc) thy prosperity shall bloom again. In the day of thine afflic-
tion thou shalt be remembered; as ice in mild weather, so shall thy sins melt away." And
in the third verse of the same chapter the same idea occurs : " Whoso honoreth his father
maketh an atonement for his sins." Also, in the thirtieth verse : " M''ater will quench a
flaming fire; and alms (tXeij^oo-ucrj) maketh an atonement for sin." Likewise at chap. xl.
24; " Brethren and help [i. e., helpers] are against time of trouble; but alms deliver mora
than both." Cf. also xl. 17.

1 History of the Jewish Churchy vol. iii., p. 271.

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTICUS. 283

Nothing is here said of any deep-lying spiritual motive from which these works should be
prompted. It is, evident, rather, from the whole tenor of the book, that they are regarded as
simply external in their character, "works of righteousness that we have done," wholly
lacking in that all-pervading spirit of love and compassion which Paul declares (1 Cor. xiii.)
to be an essential factor of true charity. Naturally, the high moral standard, the clearness
and precision of doctrinal teaching, that we find in the New Testament, we should have no
right to expect in the present book. But, on the other hand, we have a right to demand of
a book for which even deutero-canonical rank is' claimed that it shall not contain what is
positively contradictory to the most fundamental teachings of the canonical Scriptures and
subversive of them.

Recognition by Jeios and Christians.

Pritzsche seeks to answer the question why the Book of Ecclesiasticus was not received
into the canon of the Old Testament, as he, with Van Gilse,i thinks it might well have been.
In his opinion, it was not, as Hitzig supposes, because the original text was lost at so very
early a period, — for of this we cannot be so sure, — but for a variety of other reasons : such
as that the author bore no one of the old, revered Israelitish names ; the time of composition
was late; and the work brings forward nothing new, no need being felt for a second book of
Proverbs. Moreover, he thinks that while the book contains nothing positively heterodox
from the point of view of the Old Testament [?], still, its silence on the doctrine of the
resurrection, and its evident leaning towards the party of the Pharisees, might also have
been of influence in effecting its exclusion from the list of sacred books. There is certainly
much force in some of these reasons; but we must also give to the Jewish readers of the
book, even at that early date, credit for a wiser discrimination and a finer sense of propriety
than seems to chara<;terize some of its modern critics. It could not well have escaped them
that in its mass of material, much of which is worthy of all consideration, there are also
found elements of coarseness, of egoism, of a merely worldly philosophy, such as appear in
none of the divine-human productions of the Old Testament, and that the entire composition
moves on an entirely different plane from that of the Hebrew Bible. It is at least certain
that the book was never actually reckoned by the Jews among their Scriptures, although
frequently quoted in both the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds, and sometimes with a
formula which otherwise was employed only in making quotations from the Bible. A com-
plete Ust of such quotations is given by Delitzsch,^ comprising about forty in all; some of
which, however, are anonymous, and others of doubtful authority, being found in neither the
Greek nor Syrian text. Of literal citations there are very few, and it is likely that no small
part of the entire number are simply of traditional origin, the later Jewish writers being, wont
to ascribe proverbs whose authorship was unknown to the distinguished Ben Sira.

In A. D. 1519 there appeared in Constantinople (Venice, 1544; Sulzbach, 1697) what
purported to be the " Book [or Alphabet] of the son of Sirach," — a work which contained
scarcely a trace — not more than half a dozen proverbs — of the Palestinian original, the
remainder being made up from the Talmud and Midrashim. In an ostensible biography of
the author, it makes him out to be both son and grandson of the prophet Jeremiah. It con-
tains two collections of proverbs in alphabetical order, the second one beginning with the
Hebrew letter jodh. Still another collection of proverbs bearing the name of the son of
Sirach was published by P. Fagius in Latin,' and in Hebrew, Chaldee, and Latin, by J.
Drusius.* The same collection is found in Steinschneider's AtpJtabetum Sires Utrumquefi
It is of late origin, and wholly different from the work now under consideration. The Book
of Ecclesiasticus is in no instance cited in the New Testament, — a fact the more worthy of
remark as it could scarcely have remained unknown to the writers and readers of the latter,
especially if the supposed reference to Ecclus. iv. 31 in the Epistle of Barnabas (xix.; cf.
Apostol. Const, vii. 11) be admitted to have any force. The overheated effort of Stier,
during the controversies on this subject in Germany a quarter of a century since, to prove
the contrary, as against Keerl, signally failed. Irenseus and Justin Martyr pass over the
book in silence, leadino- some to conjecture that it did not get into circulation in the Chris-
tian church until the end of the second century. Clement of Alexandria makes a direct
citation from Ecclesiasticus. and is the first Christian writer who does so. He, as well as

1 Commentatio qua Libri Sir., etc., p. 102.

2 Idem, pp. 20, 21, 204. Cf. also Zunz, idem, pp. 100-104. 8 Ben Sira et aliorum OrientaUum Sententia.
* Franeq., 1697. S BerUu, 1358.

284 THE APOCRYPHA.

Cyprian of tlie Latin church, seemed to regard it as the work of Solomon, and more than
oniie quotes it as Scripture. Other writers, as Dionysiusof Alexandria, follow their example.
Even Origen uses the formula yfypanrai in citing passages from it, and Atlianasius quotes the
passage xv. 9, as t4 vvh tov iri/eii/iamt ehatirhy elpjiiieva. Still, it was well known that the work
was not to be found in the Hebrew canon ; and it does not appear in the catalogues of Melito,
Origen, Cyril, Hilary, or Rufinus. Eusebiua, Athanasius, Jerome, and Augustine all dis-
tinguish it from the canonical books proper; and Jerome asserts that it ought not to be used
for the support of doctrine, but simply for instruction. But theory and practice did not
always harmonize, and it was sometimes so employed. In the Abyssinian church it was
regariled as uncanonical, but was used for the instruction of the young.'

In the Alexandrine Codex (III-), Ecelesiasticus is found at the end of the Old Testament,
immediately after the Book of Wisdom. In the Vatican (II.), it has the same position
relative to the latter book, but is followed by Esther (with the Additions), Judith, and
Tobit, at the close of the Hagiographa. In the Sinaitic (X.), it is the last book but one of
the Old Testament, the Book of Job being the last. In the list in the Codex Claromontanus
it is found in the order: Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ecelesiasticus.

In the church of the Middle Ages we find Bishop Junilius, of North Africa (c. a., d. 550),
ascribing " perfect authority " to Ecelesiasticus; while Thomas Aquinas (f A. D. 1274), of
the Italian churcii, seems in doubt about its authority. Isidore of Seville (f a.d. 636)
recognized the fact of its not being found in the Hebrew canon, but (like Augustine) held
that it had received the indorsement of the church. Other Christian scholars of Spain,
however, preferred to follow the lead of Jerome : for example. Bishop Tostatus of Avila
(a. d. 1450). In France, also, Alcuin (f A. D. 804), the spiritual adviser of Charlemagne,
asserted, on the authority of Jerome and Isidore of Seville [I] that Ecelesiasticus was not to
be used in support of Christian doctrine. In the Greek church, the catalogue known as the
" Sixty Books " excluded Ecelesiasticus; and the Stichomelry of Nicephorus (c. A. D. 828)
reckoned it among the books " disputed."

In Great Britain the first writer to make any special investigations touching the canon
was Alfric (f a. d. 1005), Archbishop of Canterbury. Westcott '^ quotes him as saying:
" Now there are two bookes more placed with Solomons workes, as if he made them : which
for likenesse of stile and profitable use have gone for his ; but Jesus, the son of Sirach,
composed them. One is called .... the Booke of Wisdome ; and the other Ecclesias^
ticus. Very large bookes and read in the Church, of long custome, for much good instruc-
tion." The later history of our book is for the most part identical with that of the
remaining apocryphal works, and has already received sufficient attention.

The Unauthentic Preface.
In the Synopsis Scripturoe Sacrce, falsely ascribed to Athanasius, as also in Code.x 248. and
the Complutensian Polyglot, is contained a second preface to Ecelesiasticus, which treats of
the origin and contents of tlie work. In Credner's opinion ' this synopsis is a product of the
nintli or tenth century. And it seems probable both from the form and substance of the
second preface, which speaks of the translator in the third person — " this Jesus was the son
of Sirach, and grandson to Jesus of the same name with him," etc. — that it was at first
designed to be a sort of resume of the contents; of the book, and was written by the author of
the Synopsis. But, whether emanating from him or not, it is evidently simply the opinion
of some third person, and cannot by any means be considered as having the value which
would attach to a recognized historic tradition. In the book itself (1.27) the grandfather
is called " Jesus son of Sirach." Here the grandson receives this name also, which in iLself
would cause no surprise, since grandchildren not infrequently received the name of the
grandfather. But in the present instance, as we have already seen, it is clear that the
assertion rests on a misunderstanding of the passage just mentioned, it being supposed that
the translator was there meant, since elsewhere the grandfather and author is called simply
"Jesus." On this error is based another, viz., that the grandson shared in the composition
of the work, couipleti[ig and editing it after the death of the first Jesus. "When now the
first Jesus died, leaving this book almost [crxeSiiy n] collected, Sirach his son [another lesa
trustworthy reading is oZtos instead of i viis], receiving it after him, left it likewise [jra\£y]

1 Ewald, Jahrb. d. Bibl. Wissenscliafl, v., pp. 147, 149. S Bib. in the CSmrck, p. 209.

8 (rescfiichte d- Neatest. Kanon, p. 226.

THE BOOK OP ECCLESIASTICUS. 285

to his own son Jesus, who then, when he had come into possession of it, arranged it all in
one orderly volume, giving it the title Wisdom, with the name not only of himself and his
father, but of course also [iwct /iV "aQ that of the grandfather."

It is said, moreover, of the grandson that he lived in " the later times, after the Captivity
and the return, and after nearly [irxeScii', better, however, omitted] all the prophets." The
writer seems purposely thus to leave the date of the composition indefinite. The preface
closes : " This Jesus was an admirer [oiraSifj, literally, attendant] of Solomon, and was no less
famous for wisdom and learning, having both the repute, and being in fact, a man of great
learning."'

lIdonotlbUowtheA.T. Otp-SSa.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

Prologue.^

Whereas many and important '^ things have been handed down to us through the
law ^ and the prophets, and the others who followed after them,* for which ^ things Is-
rael ought to be commended for learning and wisdom ; and since ^ not only must the
readers become "^ skillful themselves, but also they that desire to learn be able to profit
them who are abroad,^ both by speaking and writing : my grandfather Jesus, who had
given himself more and more ® to the reading of the law, and the prophets, and the
other ^** books of our fathers, and had gotten therein no little proficiency,^^ was drawn
on also himseK to write some work^^ pertaining to learning and wisdom, to the intent
that those wh© -^^ are desirous to learn, becoming attached to this also,-^* might make
much more progress ^^ in living according to the law. Let ??2e intreat you now ^® to
read it with favor and attention, and to be indulgent, in that whei'e, perchance, with all
the care bestowed on the translation, we may seem to have failed in some words." For
what was originally uttered in Hebrew,^® has not the same force when translated into ^^

''■ The " Prologue made by an uncertain author," found in the A. V. before the present one, I omit from the text and
give here. See remarks at the close of my Introduction to this book.

" This Jesus was the son of Sirach and grandchild to Jesus of the same name with him. This Tnan therefore lived
[arose] in the latter [later, koitw] times, after the people had been led away captive and called home again [after
the Captivity and calling back], and almost [omit almost] after all the prophets. Now his grandfatJier Jesus, as he
[also] himself witnesseth, was [re, i. e., as well] a man of great diligence and wisdom [as of the greatest insight] among
the Hebrews [omit among the H.], who did not only gather the grave and short sentences of wise [gathered not only the
apothegms of sagacious) men, that had been before him, but himself also uttered some of his own, full of much under-
standing and wisdom. When as therefore [WTien now] the first Jesus died, leaving this book almost perfected [collected],
Sirach his son [omit Ital.] receiving it after him [likewise] left it to his own eon Jesus ; who, [then] having gotten it into
his hands, compiled it all orderly into one volume, and called it [as] Wisdom, intituling it both [not only] by his own
name [and] his father's name [omit name], and [but of course also] his grandfather's ; alluring the hearer [better reader]
by the very name of wisdom to have a greater love to the study of this book [of the book itself]. It containeth there-
fore wise [now sagacious] sayings, [both] dark sentences, and parables, and certain particular ancient godly stories of
[stories, and those about] men that pleased God; also Ks prayer and song; moreover [also], what benefits God had
[omit had] vouchsafed his people, and what plagues he had [om^it had] heaped upon their enemies. This Jesus did im-
itate Solomon, and was no less famous for wisdom and learning [than he], both being indeed a man of great learning,
and so reputed a/50."

2 A. V. : many and great (jLieyaAwr, but clearly with the sense of " important "). » delivered unto us by the law

etc. (Sta Tov vofxov .... fieSo/xcVwi' ; the context requires the rendering given. There is usually found for the last word
the same compounded with napa.). * by others that have followed their steps. ^ for the which. * whereof (ws ;
the A. V. must have read ^f if — Rob. Stephens andBadwell — or, un/ — Cod. H. — cf. Bretschneider and Coth., ad loc).
7 not only the readers must needs become (for ylvcaOtu, X. C. II. 55. 155. read y€ve<r9at). 8 which are without (marg.,
of another nation. The reference is to the Jews dispersed in other lands). ^ when he had much given himself (eirl

nXelov, more and more. 1 adopt Fritzsche's rendering, and not that of Wahl — diittius — who refers to Judith xiii. 1).
10 and other. " good judgment {i«av7)i' e^iv. The latter word has for a secondary meaning, skill as a result of experi-
ence, practice. The first meaning is, a state, habit., of body or mind), ^2 write something (ovyypai^at ti). i3 which.
1* and are addicted to these things (the word ei/oxos means rather bound to, while TouTwf obviously refers to the work
just spoken of). ^^ profit much more. (On the force of the verb cf. Com. Fritzsche, De Wette, and Bunsen's BibeU
werk render ttoAAw jwaAAof by immer mehr. See Com.) ^^ ^yherefore let me intreat you (irapajteKhTjaOe oiv).

1'' pardon us (o-uyyvwju.Tji^ ^X*^^^) wherein {e«f>* oTs) we may seem {av SoKi/xei*) to have come short of some words (tktI twv
Ke^etov aSwa/xelv ; X. 23. omit the last word ; cf . Com. ) which we have laboured to interpret (toii' Kara tt^v kptn\vsLa.v
TTf^tKoTrovT^iLevtav. My rendering is, for the most part, the same except in the order of the words. Fritzsche renders :
" and to have indulgence where we perchance — since, really the translation was worked out with zeal — might seem to
have failed in some words." Bunsen's Bibelwerk: ** and to have indulgence, if it should appear that we, with all the
diligence expended on the translation, in some words have not fully hit the sense "). I8 the same things uttered in

Hebrew (avTa iv eauToii e/Spai'trT-l \^y6^Qva.. The first pronoun seems to refer, in general, to the bo^k just spoken of ;
the reflexive = rn their own, i. e., language, the Hebrew. I have rendered freely. Cf., just below, "uttered in
the original," iv iavroU Keyofieva.). i^ and translated into . have not the same force m them.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

287

another tongue. And not only this book,^ but the law itself also,^ and the prophecies "
and the rest of the books, have no small difEerence, uttered in the original. For in the
eight and thirtieth year under King Euergetes,* coming into Egypt, and continuing
there some time, I found no small difEerence of learning.'' Therefore * I thought it
most necessary for me also ' to bestow some zeal and diligence on the translation of
this book ; * using indeed, in the mean time, great watchfulness and skill,^ in order,
having brought the book to an end, to ^^ publish it for those abroad also, who wish to
learn and prepare themselves to live in their customs " after the law.

^ A. V. : these things. - omits also. ^ prophets (marg., Gtv., prophecies; here, Trpo<ifr}Telai ; ot TrpoifjrJTai , C. Old Lat.).
* when they are spoken in their own language .... coming into Egypt, when Euergetes was king. (Cf. our Introd. on
this pas'^age.) "^ a book {a<j}6p.otov ; but 55. 254., a<j}opfjLrjv ; HI., e4>oSiov ; the Vulgate renders the clause, invent ibi
libros rclictos ; marg. of A. V., help of learning. The A V. seems to have taken ac/idjaoioc in the sense of " a copy " of a
work) of no small learning. ^ Fritzsche receives ovv from X. C. H. 55. 106. and the Old Lat. ' A. V. omits also

(Fritzsche receives a jcaL from III. X. C. H. 55. 106. al. Old Lat. It is also found in II.). 8 diligence (o-n-oi/S^i/) and

travail {^tAoTrovtai/) to interpret it {T(\vhe riqv jSi'^Aoi/. Of. note 5, above). * using (omits ya/5 with III. 55. 106. 155.

253. Old Lat.) great watchfulness and skill in that space. lo to bring .... and [ayayovra is adopted by Fritzsche

from III. X. C. H. 55. 106. 155. 253. 254. 296. for ayoi/™ of the lext. rec). u set it forth for them also, which in

a strange country {kv rfj irapoiKi^, i. c, Egypt ; but cf . above, roty ckto^) axe willing to learn, being prepared before
[irpoKaTaa-Kiva^ofievois ; II. III. C. 68. 106. al. the accus.) in manners to live.

Peolooub.

In II. III. 155. the title ia simply Up6\oyos : in
C. 2>pox 13 added ; in X. there is no title. —
This introduction to the Book of Kcclesiasti(!u3,
unlike the book itself, was originally written in
Greek, as is clear both from the circumstances
and the style. Its genuineness is undoubted. —
The law and the prophets and the others.
These are the well-known three parts into which
the books of the Old Testament were early di-
vided. By the last (tmv &\\aip) doubtless the
writers of the Hagiographa are meant. Just
below, the formula for the Old Testament canoni-
cal books is given in its more usual form : the law
and the prophets and the rest of the books (ret Aotira
Twv fii$\'iuv). Cf. Luke xxiv. 44, and Josephns,
Contra Ap., i S. — Those who are abroad. The
Jews who had emigrated to other countries are
meant, ]jarticulai'ly tho.se of Egypt. — And the
other books of our fathers, this circumlocu-
tion seems to have been employed because at this
time the Hagiographa were designated by no one
special title. — Becoming attached to this also,
i. e., the book that lies befoi-e us, from the pen of
Jesus. The Greek is TOtlraiv ecox"' yenilifot.
This adjective in the present sense is usually
followed b)' the dative. But cf. Heb. ii. 15, and
Buttmann, p. 1 70 ; Winer, p. 202. — 'ETriwpo(r6aa-i,
might make progress. Some would translate
add to, and derive from the passage the idea that
the son of Sirach wished to stimulate to further
effort in the way of composing something that
might be regarded as completing the works neces-
sary for such as would live after the law. The
verb certainly has this meaning in its transitive
sense ; but the thought which one would thus
smuggle in for dogmatic reasons is wholly incon-
gruous and foreign to the context. Hence it is
better to suppose that the word is employed here
in an intransitive sense, with the meaning given
to it above by us. This view is suppoited by

Fritzsche, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk. Bretschneider
has the following note on the word: " Insuper
addant, i. e., projiciant, ulterius progrediantur."
Linde translates : *' Damit Freunde der Weisheit
auch durch dieses Studium in der Frommigheit
imvier voUkommener werden ; " and De Wetfce :
" Und sick immer mehr vervoUkoinmnen mochten
durch ein gesetzliches Leben.'^ There is no evi-
dence in our passage, in short, that the son of
Sirach regarded his work as on a level with the
Jewish Scriptures, or thought that it might per-
haps be received among them. The impression
made by this explanatory introduction of his
grandson, as a whole, is quite the contrary. —
'E(p' oTs hv SoKwfj.€y . . . &,5vyafi.€'cf, in which we
might appear to be unable ; meaning, as the
context shows, where I might sefm not to have hit
the mark. — In Hebrew. As this prologue con-
tains the first allusion to the Old Testament
canon as a whole, so also it makes the first use of
the word " Hebrew " which occurs in extant his-
tory. — And not only this book, but the law.
It is to be inferred, then, that the Old Testament
had already been translated into Greek at the
time these words were written. — Difference of
learning (iraiSe/a;). This Greek word means
much the same as our word " culture" (German,
Bildung) ; but it is doubtless used here in a more
limited sense as referring to those subjects of
which the Old Testament and the present book
treat. — 'AipSn-otov has been variously rendered.
It means what is unlike, dijferent. The cultiva-
tion of the Jews in Egypt was of a later sort,
Hellenistic. — Some zeal. It is modestly spoken.
— 'Er rri napotKltf. See Text. Notes. The word
means living in a place as TrdpoiKos, a sojourner.
Cf. Jud. V. 9 ; Wtsd. xix. 10. I have given it
here the rendering " abroad," to correspond with
iKT6i above, the same persons being evidently
meant.

Chapter I.

1 All wisdom cometh from the Lord,
And is with him for ever.

2 Who can number the sand of the sea, and the drops of rain,

288 THE APOCEYPHA.

And the days of eternity ?

3 Who can trace ^ out the height of heaven, and the breadth of the earth,
And the deep, and wisdom?

4 Wisdom was " created before all things,

And prudent understanding '^ from everlasting.^
6 To whom was the root of wisdom revealed ? '
And who knew her subtile plans ? *

8 ' One is wise, greatly ' to be feared,
The Lord sitting upon his throne.

9 He created her, and saw her, and made her known,*
And poured her out upon all his works

10 Together with ^° all flesh according to his gift,

And he bestowed her abundantly on " them that love him."

1 1 The fear of the Lord is honor, and glory,
And gladness, and a crown of rejoicing.

12 The fear of the Lord contents the ^^ heart.
And giveth joy, and gladness, and a long life."

13 With him who feareth the Lord, it shall be well " at the last,
And he shall be blessed " on the day of his death.

14 To fear the Lord " is the beginning of wisdom ;
And it is " created with the faithful in the womb.

15 She prepared for herself an everlasting dwelling-place " with men.
And she will continually remain '^ with their seed.

16 To fear the Lord is fullness of wisdom,

And she maketh them drunken ^^ with her fruits.

17 She filleth all her house with things desirable,
And the garners with her products.^''

18 The fear of the Lord is a crown of wisdom,
Making peace and restored health ^* to flourish ; ^

19 And he saw and revealed her ; "^

She pours forth skill and practical knowledge.

And heightens the honor of them ^ that hold her fast.

20 The root of wisdom is to fear the Lord,
And the branches thereof are long life."

Vers. 1-6. — ^ A. V. : find. ^ hath been. ^ the understanding of prudence. (The Greek is tnjveffiff (^poi^trew?

Wahl would render by summa cognitio ; Bunseu's Sibelwerk, Terstandige Einsicht ; Fritzsche, kluge Einsicht ; Gaab,
hoc/iste Verstand ; Bretpchneider, summa sapientia.) * (Ter. 5) The word of God most high is the fountain of wisdom ;
And her ways are everlasting commandments. (It is found only in H. 23. 65. 70. 106. (with a Tariation), 248. 253. (with
a Tariation}, Co. Old Lat., and I haye omitted it.) ^ hath .... been revealed. ^ Or who hath known her wise

counsels ?

Vers. 7-12. — ^ A. V. : (ver. 7) Vnto whom kath the knowledge of wisdom been made -manifest ? And who hath under-
stood her great experience? (It is found in II. 23. 55. 70. 106. 253. Old Lat.) 8 There is one wise anrf greatly. (The
force of the Greek, els ecm o-otfio?, (|»o^epbs (j-^dSpa, is not sufficiently well brought out. In the following line, Codd.
55. 70- 106. 253. and the Old Lat. have supplied the words Kal xvpixviav before Kiiptos, probably for the reason that in
important authorities ■ — II. III. X. C. H. — the last word is joined to what follows. The context seems to be decidedly
against both changes.) ^ numbered her (c^Tjpi'e^ijo'ti'. It is, apparently, a false rendering of our translator, Cf .
the LXX. at Job xxviii. 27, Tore etSer av-n^v Kal e^TYf(jaaTO avj-qv, which probably lay at the basis of the pre.sent expres-
sion ; also, just before, ISini' Tjpidfnijae. See Cojn.}. i" She is with (the A. V. places a full stop at the end of the previ-
ous line). ^1 hath given her to {axopriyriaev ; cf . ver. 26). ^^ There is an addition of two lines to ver. 10 found in

II. 70. 253. and it is found also, in a corrupt form, in the Old Lat. i3 A. V. : The fear . . . maketh a merry (Tepi/zei).
1^ Following ver. 12 the codd. just mentioned have an addition of two lines.

Vers. 13-18. — ^ A. W : Whoso .... go well with him. ^^ find favour. (For evprjaet xapi** of the text, rec., Codd.

III. X. C. H. 23. 70. al. Old Lat. have eiAoyijSiJcreTat, which is adopted by Fritzsche. The A. V. notices it in the mar-
gin.) ^^ (Instead of tov 6e6v of the text. rec. and II., Fritzsche receives from III. X. H. 23. 55. al. Co. rov Kvpictv,
which we find has been already adopted in the A. V. ) ^^ was (a general truth). ^* hath built an ... . founda-
tion. (Lit., hatched .... foundation. But the verb .— Foo-creija) — is not used as transitive, and hence Fritzsche would
take 6efx€\iov as nom., and in apposition with the verb, i. «., she nested, prepared a nest with men, an eternal founda-
tion, dwelling-place.) ^o shall continue (not quite strong enough for iij.-iri(rrev8riafrat. Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibel-
werk, dauernd bteiben ; Wahl,;^£/e5 ei habebitur versanti inter posteros eorum. See Com.). 21 fiHeth men. ^^ their
(as III. II. 2*18.253. Co. ) house ... . increase {yevvr]fxaTu)v. "Increase " is not sufftciently definite). 2s perfect health
(uyt€tai' tdcT-eu)? =: health o/liealing,from healing. A remark of Gaab throws light on the rendering of the A. V. : " Per-
haps vyUia signified perfection, as vyi^s, according to Suidas, is Te'\etos ; so that it might be translated, perfect heal-
ing.") 24 Following ver. 18 there is the following addition in the A. V. : " Both which are the gifts of God : And it
eulargeth their rejoicing that love him." This is found in H. 70. 248, Co.

Vers. 19-24.— 25 A. V. omits this line (with 248. 253. Co.). 2» Wisdom (eo H. 70. 106. 248. al. Co. ) raineth down

skill and knowledge of landerstandii^g {-yrwo-tv avvitT^ia^ ; cf. ver. 4), and exaltcth them to honour. *' (Ver. 21) The

ECCLESIASTICUS.

289

22 Unrighteous anger ^ cannot be justified ;
For the sway of his anger is to his fall.^

23 A patient man holds out until his ' time,
And afterwards joy springs ■* up unto him.

24 He hides his words until his ^ time,

And the lips of many will speak fully of his sagacity.'

25 The intelligent proverb is ' in the treasures of wisdom ;
But godliness is an abomination to a sinner.

26 If thou desire wisdom, keep the commandments,

And the Lord will bestow her abundantly upon ' thee ;

27 For the fear of the Lord is wisdom and instruction,
And fidelity and humility ° are his delight.

28 Be not disobedient to the fear of the Lord,"
And come not unto it " with a divided ^'^ heart

29 Be not a hypocrite in the sight of men,
And take heed ^ what thou speakest.

30 Exalt not thyself, lest thou fall.
And bring dishonor upon thyself,"
And God reveal ■'^ thy secrets.

And cast thee down in the midst of the congregation,
Because thou earnest not to '° the fear of the Lord,
And thy heart was " full of deceit.

tear of the Lord driyeth away sins ; And where it is present it turneth away wrath. (The addition is found in H. 70.
106. 248. 283. Co. Old Lat., with more or less Tariafcion.) i A furious man (as H. 70. 108. 243. Co.). ^ fmy shall

be his destruction. ^ will bear for a. (The words ews Kaipov avi^erai haye a different force. The verb Fritzsche

adopts from 23. 245. 263. Co. Old Lat. for ivOeieraL of the text, rec, and U.) * joy shall spring. = will hide ....

for a. 6 many (iroMwi' is adopted by Fritzsche from III. X. H. 55. 70. al. Co. Old Lat., for tthttwi' of the text. rec.

and II. ; cf . xxxix. 9) shall declare his wisdom (practical wisdom, intelligence, sagacity, (ruveirtv).

Vers. 25-30.—' A. V. : The parables (The plur. is found in X. H. 70. al. Old Lat. Co. ; but the sing, is probably
used collectively) of knowledge are. (Cod. II. also supports the reading en-tflv/x^o-as, received by Fritzsche from III. X.
C. H. 248. Co. Aid. Old Lat., instead of eiTe6vfir^a-as of the text, rec.) 8 shall give her unto (cf . ver. 10). ^ faith

(iri'ffTis, but here, as it would seem, in the sense of " faithfulness '') and meekness. (I follow Fritzsche and Bunsen's
Bibelwerk.) ^° distrust not (marg., Be not disobedient to) ... . when thou art poor (li'Seris Siv, found in H. 70. 248.

Co. after tcvplov). ^^ him (auroi refers to the preceding <^6^<(t). ^^ double (cf. St'i/pjxos at Jas. i. 8, iv. 8). " good
heed. " thy soul (i. c, by Hebrew usage, and as better suiting the context, " thyself "). " so God discover

(meaning, in the earlier English, uncover, reveal). 19 not in truth {kv aAi]9ei4;i, supported by 248. 253. Co. Old Lat.)

to. ^' But (Jun., sed) thy heart is.

Chaptek I.

Ver. 1. Cf. Piov. iii. 13-20. — 'Wisdom. On
the idea of wisdom as illiistirated in the Old Testar
ment, see Bruch, Weisheits-Lehre der Hebrder ;
Oehler, Die Grundsllge der Altestainentltchen Weis-
heit ; Theologie d. Alt. Test., ad loc. ; and in Herzog's
Real-Encyk., v. 236 ff. On the meaning of the word
as used by Philo, cf. Herzog's Real-Encyk., xi. 588,
594 ; also, Excursus iii. in Bretschneider's Liber
Jesu Siracidce. I will give here some remarks
found in the opening chapter of Fritzsche's Com.
on the present book. " To our author wisdom —
ffotpia, nnSn, as whose correlated idea, in par-
allelism, ipp6p7i(ri7, ff^Vicn^, iirttTT-tj/xrj, watSeia . . , .
appear — is a person's objective knowledge; so,
first, something purely theoretical, that has its
object in the essence of things, the world as com-
plex. In this respect it is the rerum cognoscere, or
rather coqnovisse, causas. Considered in detail, it
is of course infinitely manifold. Then, further,
it comes into consideration in a double relation,
as unlimited and limited, as original and derived.
As unlimited {eTs icrrt (ro<p6i, i. 6) and original,
it is with God from eternity and to eternity (i, 4) ;
through it He knows and pervades all things (xv.
18, 19). It is itself, in this aspect of it, not to be
found out. As limited and derived it comes from
God (i. 1) ; He poured it out over all his works,
ind imparted it to them who love him (i. 9 ; 7-ois
19

(ua-e&eaiv, xliii. 33) ; suffered it however, particu-
larly, to have a dwelling in Jacob (xxiv. 8, 10, ff.).
cf. Bar. iii. 36). In order to obtain it, one must
seek it, go after it (iv. II, 14, 22-24 ; li. 13 ff.).
Since it teaches discipline, one must at the outset,
through conflict, submit himself to it (iv. 17 ; vi.
17). But he who possesses it is blessed and safe
(xiv. 20, 25-27) ; is exalted and made glad
through good fortune of all sorts ; loves himself
[his own life], serves and loves the Lord, and
is by him beloved (iv. 11-14). It is so (i. c,
proves itself practically to be) the fear of God, —
(p6$as Kupiov, = piety and fulfilling of the law,
Troi'ijo-is vSiiov, xix. 18, just as further it has re-
vealed itself in the Mosaic law. From this it can
be seen in what close, interchangeable relations
it stands to the fear of God : just as theory and
practice, knowledge and life, permeate each other
to the very innermost degree. When it is said,
'The fear of God passeth all things' (xxv. 11),
is also higher than that which wisdom possesses
(xxv. 9, 10), that it is the crown, the fullness of
wisdom (i. 14, 16), it is meant that it is the higher,
the highest object for men ; that the wise are not
yet necessarily, on account of their wisdom in it-
self considered, God-fearing, but that in it wis-
dom first finds its true dedication and transfigura-
tion. Man will, moreover, strive after insight

290

THE APOCRYPHA.

into the essence of things and the rule of the
Lord, in order to put himself in the, consequently,
idune rensonable — i, t., pious — relation to tlie
Lord. Wisdom lends lo the fear of the Lord,
and with it will it also increase itself ; as, on the
other hand, the keeping of the commandments
leads to wi^dom (i. 26). But there still rises the
question, whether the author thought of wisdom
simply as au attribute. As it is said that it
' came out of tlie mouth of the Most High ; ' was
'created before all things' (i. 4, 9; xxiv. 9); that
with it God made glorious his crisative activity
(xxiv. 5, 6 ; xxvi. '8 fall according to the Greek
text]; xlii. 21). and continually sustains and
rules the world in connection with it (xlii. 21)
so to our sober sense the first impulse would be to
think of it as from eternity resting in God, but
througli Him coming into being before any cre-
ated thing as personal (KTiffiia.). And yet nothing
would be more false than this. Hence it is clear
that if wisdom is regarded as an attribute which
both God and men have, only in a different de-
gree and for a different period ; and if in the pas-
sages where it appears as a person there is rec-
ognized a simple, close-at-hand, and, moreover,
already -indicated personification, — how every-
thing falls into beautiful harmony ! While, on
the contrary, the hypostasizing of wisdom would
stand in the boldest contradiction to the the
istic stand-point of the author, as it otherwise
appears, and must have awakened in him doubts,
which he is so far from raising that he nowhere
once lets even a glimmer of them appear. His
point of \iew, consequently, is in this respect
essentially the same as that in Proverbs, Job,
and Baruch. The irpoTfpa navTwv eKrurrai (i. 4-)
has its parallel in Prov. viii. 22. As Wisdom was
active in tlie creation of the world, so it must
have been already in being before the same
But in that view to the poetic fancy it trans
formed itself into a person — though from eter
niiy there was only God, and all things were shut
up in Him — so it surrendered itself as Trp^Tepa
■KavTuiu .... to have itself created. The poetic
Btrippcd off, the thought is : From eternity wisdom
rested to a peifect degree in God. At 'the crea
tion, as he revealed his power and glory, so par
ticularly his wisdom, those attributes which as a
limited but glorious inheritance also attained to
by the humnu r:ice, especially by Jacob, stood be-
fore the eyes of the later Jews as the foremost
thing,"

Ver. 2. Days of eternity. Some would trans-
late aliiv by world (Luther, Bretschneider), and
others by the li)ne past (Fritzsche, Bunseu's Bibel-
werh). De Wette and Wahl agree with our ver-
sion. Li its primary idea the word refers to the
life which lapses away with the breath (see Horn.,
11., xxiv, 725 ; and hence, in a secondary sense,
may refer to the space of a human life. " Again,
it may designate that which is filled by life, a
space of time, a spculum ; and then, unbounded
time. In the later Gieek it was. employed more
and more to denote the period of human history;
and that is possibly the meaning here. Cf.
Cremer, sub voce.

Ver. 3. Height of heaven. Cf. Ps. ciii. 11.

Vcr. 6. Ilai'oopyiij{r])iA.aTa. The first meaning
is crafty, villainous things, counsels, plans. Here,
in a good sense, subtile, sagacious plans. The word
is found in a bad sense at xxi. 12.

Ver. 9. Made her known. Lit., numbered,
i. e., with reference to revealing it in its order
Cf. LXX. at Job xxviii. 27. Grotius says : " Di-

numeravit, nempe ut solemus iUa, gu(e e 9
■olumus." -p ,

Ver. 10. According to his gift- ^'i- ^P"-
iii. 7 : " according to the gift ; '' and iv. 7 : ac-
cording to the measure of the gift."

Ver. 11. Crown of rejoicing. An allusion to
a custom which prevailed of wearing crowns or
garlands at joyous festivals.

Ver. 12. Long Ufe. This was one of the
blessings promised to godliness even in the Mo-
saic hooks. Cf. Ticut. iv. 40, vi. 2 ; also, Prov.
iii. 2, X. 27.

Ver. 14. Is created with the faithful in the
womb. niiTTis seems to be used here, as in verse
26, in the sense of the faithful, loyal, true. A
general truth is announced. " Perhaps the early
beginning of wisdom is meant here to be poeti-
cally described, or, in accordance with the Jewish
philosophy, as in Ps. li. 7, the early beginning of
sin." Linde.

Ver. 15. @f/j.i\iov, with ivoaa-evtre, can scarce-
ly mean anything else than dwelling-place. Cf.
Prov. ix. 1 ;" 1 Tim. vi. 19 ; 2 Tim. ii. 19. Gram-
matically, as the verb only occurs in an intransi-
tive sense, the substantive is to be regarded as be-
ing in apposition to the preceding verbal idea. —
Shall continually remain, ifiTriaTevB-fiaeTm. De
Wette translates: "And finds faith (credit) with
their seed." Luther, following the Latin : " And
one finds it with the righteous and faithful,"
" Cum justis etfidelibus agnoscitur."

Vers. 16, 17. Cf. Prov. viii. 18.

Ver. 18. A crown. In verse 20, the same is
called " the root " of wisdom. Hence both taken
together include it entirely. — Perfect health
{A. v.). Lit., "health through healing," vyteiav
ld(reais. According to Wahl, the two words to-
gether mean health sed fortius, as the translators
of the A. V. .seem also to have thought. But sec
Fritzsche's Com., and our Text. Notes.

Ver. 19. Fvuffiv avv^asus. The yi/ojais is "the
insight which manifests itself in the thorough
understanding of the subject with which it meets,
and in the conduct determined thereby ; which
hits on what is right in that it allows itself to be
guided by the right knowledge of the object
with which it has to do." See Cremer, under the
word. Of the words prefixed above (cf. verse 25
in Text. Notes) to this verse in our translation,
Fritzsche remarks that "they are rejected by the
commentators with considerable unanimity. Still,
their gentiineness is scarcely to be doubted. They
are wanting only in 253. 248. and Co. ; and if
they might not be found in other related manu-
scripts, still one recognizes the arbitrary nlterar
tion. And as they are externally fullv supported,
so they are also re(inired exegetically. If they
are left out, what is the subject in wha't follows?''

Ver. 22. On ev/j.6s cf. remarks at Prayer of
Manasses, verse 10.

Ver. 23. "Em Ka,pou, = nV—\V. Cf. Dan. xi.

24. It means here up to the right, opportune,
time. .> ' rr

Ver. 24. Hides his words. It refers to what
precedes. He is not hasty to speak, waits till the
proper time comes.

Ver. 25. Uapa^oA-l,. Parai/e, or, as used collec-
tively, parables ; Heb., bt»a. A secondary mean-
ing 13 proverb, since this generally contained a
witty comparison.

. ^T' T* .v.°^^^-',"™ '".'."^'■^ "^"^^ tlie result of
trust If they did not distrust the fear of the

ECCLBSIASTICUS. 291

Lord, they would follow it. — Unto it, i. e., t^
<l>i0V Kvplov. — A <iiyide,d heart. Cf . Pa. xii. 2.
Ver. 30. In the midst of the congregation

{awayayrjs). The court for trying ofienses was
held openly at the gate. C£. Numb. xxxv. 12,
24; Piov. V. 14.

Chapteb n.

1 My son, if thou dost set out ^ to serve the Lord,
Prepare thy soul for temptation.

2 Set thy heart aright, and be stedfast,'
And make not haste in time of visitation.'

3 Cleave unto him, and withdraw not thyself,*
That thou mayest become great in thy last days."

4 All that Cometh upon thee accept,"

And be patient in the vicissitudes of thy humiliation.^

5 For gold is tried in the fire,

And acceptable men in the furnace of humiliation.'

6 Trust ' in him, and he will espouse thy cause ; "
Make thy way straight, and hope " in Mm.

7 Ye that fear the Lord, wait for his mercy;
And go not aside, lest ye fall.

8 Te that fear the Lord, trust in ^^ him,
And your reward shall not fail.

9 Te that fear the Lord, hope for good,
And for everlasting joy and mercy.

10 Look at the generations of old, and see :

Who trusted in the Lord, and was made ashamed ? " ♦

Or who abode ■'^ in his fear, and was forsaken ?
Or who called upon him, and he overlooked him ? ^

11 For the Lord is compassionate and merciful,"
And forgiveth sins, and saveth in time of affliction.

12 Woe be to fearful hearts, and hands that hang down,"
And a sioner who entereth on two paths ! "

13 Woe unto him that is fainthearted ! for it trusteth not ;
Therefore shall it " not be defended.

14 Woe unto you that have lost patience ! ""

And what wiU ye do when the Lord shall visit you ?

15 They that fear the Lord will not disobey his words ;^
And they that love him wUl keep strictly ^^ his ways.

16 They that fear the Lord will seek his good pleasure ; "
And they that love him will observe fully ^ the law.

17 They that fear the Lord wUl prepare their hearts,

Vers 1-6. — lA.V.: covie (Trpoa-epxn, earnest forward, i. e., showest a purpose^ aettest ottt). * constantly enduw

(Kopre'riiiirof . It is from Kapro? (KpaT09), and means, Se staunch, brave, strong, i. e., to stand, and so, stedfast. Cf . Heb.
si. 27, he endwed). ^ trouble {eTraywyT)? = a bringing in, or on, so a visitation, in the usual sense of that word).

• depart not away. " increased at thy last end. <* Whatsoever is brought .... take cheerfully (H. 106. 248. 253.
add atrfw'vtti?). ' when thou art changed to a low estate {ev aWayiiain Tan-eivolcretis (rov. The word aAAayjLta means

that tohick is chajtged or interchanged, the price to be paid ; also wares ; buY here it can only refer to the reverses of for-
tune, and I render in harmony with Wahl, Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk,Wechselfdllen). * adversity (Tan-eti/aJo-ews,
as in the second line before). 8 Believe (n-toTeuo-oy). ^^ help thee {avrLXaiipdvitj, here better, take part with, on be-
half of ; cf . Com.). ^ Order thy way aright, and trust (eA.iria-oc).

Vera. 7-13. —i^ A. V. : believe (cf. ver. 6). '^ Did ever any trust in ... . confounded. " did any abide

M whom did he ever despise, that called upon him ? ^^ is full of compassion and mercy {olKrCpfiinv Kat eAe^juuui/),

long suffering, and very pitiful. (These words are added by H. 106. 248. 253. with Co.) ^^ faint hands (I have ren-

dered TrapeijiieVais more literally ; cf . Heb. xii. 12, iropet/xeVa? x^'p'Jts). " the sinner that goeth two ways (the preposi-
tion iiri is omitted before 6uo TptjSouf in 55. 248. Co.). !■* he believeth (the reference is rather to the heart ; and cf.
Ters. 6, 7 for the force of Trio-TetJet) . . .he.

Vers. 14-17. — '" A. V. : patience {i-roiiovriv ; cf. Com.). ^'^ word (pijuiro):'. Codd. 155. 248. 298. Co. have the

dative. But the genitive is found after aTreidetv, also at rvi. 26 [Greek text] except in 248. Co. which change to the ac-
cusative, and H. which has the dative). 22 j^eep {<rvtfTi}p^<rov(rt is more emphatic). ^ that which is well-pleasing
anto him. (For hutoS, 106. 248. Co. read irap' auToB.) " shall be filled with (IpHrXigu-^a-oi/Tiu j H. 106. 248. Co. omit
.he prep. Lit., unit be filled with, i. e., wiU fully observe).

292

THE APOCBTPHA.

And humble their souls in his sight,

Saying, We will fall into the hands of the Lord, and not into the hands of

18

men ;
For as his greatness, so also is ^ his mercy.

Ver. 18. — • A. V. : majesty it (iuya\u(rvyri), so t».

Chapteb n.

Ver. 1. Cf. verses 11, 18; Job ix. 21 ; 1 Cor.
X. 13; Jas. i. 2. Satan does not assault a sonl
that has nothing to lose. — Serve. External
worship is not so much meant, as a devoted life.
The word is SouAeufic.

Ver. 2. Set thy heart aright. Be master
over it, and bring it into the proper condition.
Cf. the LXX. at Josh. xxiv. 23, evdivart t^v
KapSlap. — 'E7ra7ai7^s, that which is led to (the
heart in the way of proving, tijing it). — Make
not haste, i. e., be not fearful, but calm and self-
possessed. See Is. lii. 12 : " For ye shall not go
out with haste." Others would render by a de-
rived meaning of atreiSa ; but it seems unneces-
sary.

Ver. 3. In thy last days, cr' iffxdray trov.
This does not mean the very conclusion of life,
but the later years of it. Perhaps the experience
of Job was floating before the author's mind. Cf.
i. 13 ; Job xlii. 10; Jas. v. 11.

Ver. 5. For the figure, cf. Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii.
21 : Zech. xiii. 9 ; Mai. iii. 3 ; 1 Pet. i. 7.

Ver. 6. 'A^TiA^Jij/sTai, wili lay hold to help, or
will hold helpingly. The idea seems to be better
broughtf out by the rendering given above. Cf.
iii. 12, xii. 4, 7, xxix. 9, 20; Judith xiii. 5 ; 2 Mac.
xiv. 15; Luke i. 54 (A. V., holpen); Acts xx. 35
(A. v., support). — Make thy way straight. Cf.
Ps. V. 8; Heb. xii. 13. The language is figura-
tive, and means very much what we mean when
we speak of being " straightforward."

Ver. 11. Forgiveth sins. This means here,
as is evident from the context, saves from the
consequences of sin.

Ver. 12. Entereth upon two paths. In-
stead of going straight forward, in a moral sense,
he turns to the right and the left. Cf. 1 Kings
xviii. 21 ; Jas. i. 8, iv. 8.

Ver. 14. TV inropunrfiv. The capacity for hold-
ing out patiently in the time of trial ana suffering.
Fritzsche, however, would give to the word here
and at xvi. 13, on accotint of the context, the
meaning hope.

Ver. 15. His words. Note the interesting
change from the singnlar to the plural at John
xiv. 23, 24 : " If a man love me, he will keep my
words" ["word," Thv \6yov\. "He that loveth
me not keepeth not my sayings" [rohs K6yovs\.
So much discrimination, however, could scarcely
be expected in the present writer.

Ver. 17. Prepare their hearts. They will
hold themselves in readiness to receive whatever
it may please God to send. Cf. Ps. x. 17.

Ver. 18. Pall into the hands of the Lord.
Cf. 2 Sam. xxiv. 14. — So also is his mercy.
" It must be great mercy or no mercy ; for little
mercy will never serve my turn." Bnnyan. The
mercy of God is much emphasized in the present
book. It is characterized by iKfoi at ii. 18, v. 6,
xvi. 11, xlvii. 22, li. 8; ^AcTj^oo-ifi'T), xvi. 14;
i^iKuaiJtos, xvi. 12 ; and x^P"! '• '3 (text. rec. and
II.) Its activity is indicated by i\ee^v and fiaxpo-
Ovfiuf, xviii. 11, 14; irXriduvetv rhv ^^i\a(Tix6v,
xviii. 12. It is a mercy which is widespread in
its exercise and divine in its fullness (xviii. 13 ;
xxxii. 13 ff. ; xxxiv. 16 ; xxxix. 22 ; -Klvii. 22 ff.) ;
but, in this respect, the Book of Ecclesiasticus
cannot be regarded (with Mergnet, pp. 11, 12) as
superior to the Old Testament canonical literature,
and as marking a transition period to the New
Testament universalism. On the contrary, there
is a growing narrowness and national exclusive-
ness of spirit evident, not only in the present
work, but in all the apocryphal books of the Old
Testament, by which indeed they show themselves
to be faithful representatives of their time.

Chaptek III.

1 Hbae me your father, O children.
And so do, that ye may be saved.''

2 For the Lord will have a father glorified by children,''

And hath established .over sons the law concerning a mother.'

3 He who bonoreth * his father shall make atonement ^ for his sins ;

4 And he that glorifieth ^ his mother is as one that layeth up treasure,
o He who honoreth his father shall have joy from children ; '

And on the day of ' his prayer, he shall be heard.

Vers. 1-5. — > A. V. : And do thereafter .... sale (oweiJTe). = hath given the father honour [iU^airt n-orepo)

over the children (eirl reKrots. Not elear ; rather, " hath honored a father in the case of children "). a the authority
{Kpiaiv; cf. Com.) of the mother (this construction is adopted by some ; but it would seem better, with Fritzsche to
make it refer to Ood^s law, ordinance concerning the mother, t. e., concerning that which Is due to her) over the sons
(«0' viol'; ; «(/>' uiovs, II. 106. 248. Co.). * Whoso honoureth. ^ maketh an atonement (for i^iKcurertLt, Codd. HI. C.
H. 108. 167. have the pres. indie, here, and at ver. 8, except III. C). « honoureth (not the same word as in the pre-

leding line, but iofa^wc). ' Whoso honoureth .... of his ovm ohUdreii (wirb TiKvtav ; eirt r^Kfots III. H. 248. 307
jO. ; Old Lat., inJUiis. See Com.). 8 when he maketh (see Com.),

ECCLESIASTICUS. 293

6 He that glorifieth ^ his father shall have long ^ life ;

And he that is obedient unto the Lord shall give relief to' his mother,*

7 And will do good service under * his parents, as under ^ masters.

8 Honor thy father ' in word and deed,

That a blessing may come upon thee from him.'

9 For the blessing of a ° father establisheth the houses of children ;
But the curse of a ^'* mother destroyeth them to their foxmdations."

10 Glory not in the dishonor of thy father ; •'^
For thy father's dishonor is no glory unto thee.

11 For the glory of a man is from the honor of his father ;
And a mother in disrepute ^' is a reproach to children."

12 My son, help thy father in his age,
And grieve him not as long as he liveth.

13 And If his understanding fail, be indulgent towards him ; "
And despise him not in the fullness of thy ■'*' strength.

14 For kindness towards " thy father shall not be forgotten ;
And in spite of " sins thy prosperity shall bloom again."*

15 In the day of thine affliction thou shalt ^'' be remembered ;
Thy sins shall "'■ melt away, as ice in mild ^^ weather.

16 He that forsaketh his father is as a blasphemer ;

And he that angereth his mother is cursed of the Lord.*

17 My son, carry out^ thy business in meekness,'''
And thou shalt ^'' be beloved of him that is accepted.*'

18 The greater thou art, the more humble thyself,
And thou shalt find favor before the Lord ; ^*

20 For the power of the Lord is great,
And he is glorified by ^ the lowly.

21 Seek not what is '° too hard for thee,

And search not out what is '* above thy strength.

22 What'^ is commanded thee, think thereon ; "
For thou hast no need of what is concealed.'*

23 In that which goes beyond thy occupations waste no strength,'^

For very many things of human knowledge '* have been made known to thee.

24 For their notion hath led many astray ; "

And an evil fancy *' hath overthrown their judgment."

26 A stubborn heart shall fare ill *" at last ; ^
And he that loveth danger shall perish *'' therein.

27 An obstinate heart shall be laden with troubles ; *'
And the sinner will heap sin upon sins.

Vers. 6-10. — ^ A. V. : honoureth {So^ai^uv). 2 g, long. 8 gfaftH i,e a comfort to {avairoMtrn. Fritzsche and

Bunsen^s Bibelwerh, erquicket ; Old Lat., refrigerabit . It Beems better to retain the original meaning of the word ; see
Com.). * adds (at the beginning of Ter. 7), he that feareth the Lord will honour his father (with H. 253. Co. Old

Lat. ; see Com.). ' unto (ey. It is wanting in H. 23. 106. 157. 248. 263. Co.). ' to Am. ' father and mother

(H. 106. 248. Co.) iolh. » them (H. 106. 253.). , » the. »« the. " rooteth out foundations (lit., but not clear).
^ For Trarpb? irt^ia, II. III. 0. read irpbs aTifilav.

Vers. 11-16. — ^* A. V. : dishonour (a8o|ta. The word used in the two preTious lines is aTtfiiq). " the children,

re have patience with him ((rvyyruju.Tp' exe ; see Coth.). ^ when thou art in thy full. i^ the relieving of (eAcTj^ucriiiTj,
with the gen.). ^ instead of {avrl ; see Com.). w it shall be added to build thee up. (The verb n-poo-avoiKofio^ew
means to add in rebuilding ; but the metaphorical meaning is here more in place ; cf . Com.) 20 jt shall (see Com.).

^ also shall. ^ the ice in the fair warm (lit., " As clear weather (works) with ice "). ^ is cursed of God (106.

253., tstav).

Vers. 17-25. — 2* A. V. : go on with (Siefays). ^b meekness (cf . i. 27). ^8 go shalt thou. 27 approved [tnKrov,
accepted, 1. e., of the Lord). 28 adds (as ver. 19), Many are in high place, and of renown ; But mysteries are revealed
unto the meek (as H. 106. 248. 263. Co.). 29 honoured of (Sofaferai). "> out the things that are. si Neither

Eearch the things that are. ^2 £nt what. ss thereupon with reverence (oo-i'tDs, H. 248. 253. Co.). ^4 poj it is not
needful for thee to see with thine eyes (248. Co. Old Lat. add ^\e'n-etl' hjt6a.Ktj.ol';) the things that are in secret. se jje

not curious in unnece.^sary matters (ec tois n-epto-irots riav epyav (H. 248. Co., Aiywv) ; cf. Com.) 36 j-qi. more things

ire shewed unto thee than men understand (TrAetoi'ot — irKeiov, 263. 307. — yap avveaeios avdpiarruiv — 167. omits last
word — ■i/ireSeixBT/} aoi ; 155. omits trot). 87 many are deceived by their own vain (248. Co., rj jiiartua) opinion. ^s gug.
picion. 3D adds (as ver. 25), Without eyes thou shalt want light : Profess not the knowledge therefore that thou haat
not (with H. 248. 263. Co. Syr. Ar.).

Vers. 26-31. —" A. V. : evil. " the last. « perish (iiroAeiTai, adopted by rritzsche from III. X. C H. 23. 55.
106. l65. al. Co. in place of e/iTreo-etrcu of the text. rec. and II.). *^ sorrows (irorots ; see Com.) wicked man

294

THE APOCRTPHA.

28 The punishment ^ of the proud doth not cure him,^
For the plynt of wickedness hath taken root in him.

29 The mind of a sagacious person will meditate on a proverb ; '
And an attentive ear is the desire of a wise man.

30 Water will quench a fJaming fire,
And alms make ^ atonement for sins.

31 He ^ that requiteth good turns is mindful of that which comes after ;'
And on occasion of his falling,' he shall find a stay.

Bball .... Bin {as 248. Co.}. ' In the punishment {iv kirayiayyi, H. 248. Co. ; text, ree., the nom.). ' there is

no remedy {laa^'s. Marg. of A. V : " The proud man is not healed by hia punishment "). 3 heart (see Com.) of the

prudent {(rvvfjov) will understand (SiaroijSijo-eTat) a parable (see Com.). * alms maketh an (cf. Ter. 3). * And he.
6 may come hereafter {Bunsen's Bibthverk, thinfci — i. e., the Lord, as H. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. — thereon in the time
to come). ' when he (Fritzsche adopts avTOv after n-ruio-ewy from III. X. C. H. al. Old Lat.) falleth.

Chapter III.

Ver. 1. Cf. Deut. v. 16, and the fifth com-
mandment of the Decalogue, Ex. xx. 12.

Ver. 2. Kpio-ix, right, law, i. e., the law to obey
and honor the mother. Cf. Prov. i. 8, Betrfiovs

fJ.7}Tp6s (TOV.

Ver. 3. Shall make atonement for (hia)
sins. It would seem that the reference is to the
temporal consequences of sin. Love and obedi-
ence to parents are never found as solitary vir-
tues. See, however, remarks in the Introduction,
under " Dogmatical and Ethical Character."

Ver. 4. Layeth up treasure, aTvo0r]aavpt(<i>f.
The same word is used at 1 Tim. vi. 19, " Laying
up in store" (A. V.).

Ver. 5. The passive ehtppalvftrdai with uTrtJ is
said not to be found elsewhere. — On the day of
his prayer. This need not refer to the time of
calamity (Bretschneider, Gaab), but to prayer in
general.

Ver. 6. Give relief, ArarauVei. Lit., will cause
to rest, i. e , from anxieties. Following this verse,
the Old Latin has the addition . " He who feareth
the Lord honors his mother." It was probably
inserted in order to make the antithesis complete,
as without it the seventh verse would seem to be
supeifluous. But there are other instances where
a similar arrangement of sentences occurs.

Ver. 8. In word and deed. Cf. Luke xxiv.
19.

Ver. 13. 2,vyyv(i^T)v, fellow-feeling, sympathy,
and so secondarily indulgence. Cf. Schmidt, Syn-
onymik, i., p. 196. The difficulty of obeying this in-
junction is particularly great when one is himself
in the enjoyment of his full strength.

Ver. 14. The literal meaning of kvrl, in place
of, would be here obscure ; and the one we have
adopted, with Fritzsche, better suits the context.

— Shall bloom again, lit., he built again. It is
figuratively spoken, as of a house that has fallen
down. Cf. Deut. xxv. 9 ; Job xxii. 23 ; Mai. iii.
15.

Ver. 15. Thou shalt be remembered, i. e.,
of God. The verb is not, however, to be regarded
as passive, for which we should have expected
&,vaiJ.vri(!6ii(Tr}, but middle with the subject under-
stood, or as impersonal. — Melt away, avaKuBiiaov-
Tot. This word, according to Fritzsche, is not
elsewhere used of sin. But Kieiv is frequently so
used. Cf. xxviii. 2 ; Is. xl. 2 : KeXvTai aurris ri
aiiapria; Soph., Phil., 1224. Philo {Vita Mas.,
669) : Xiaii a/xapTriiidTtcv. — EuSia, here mild (lit.,
2lear) weather. Cf. same word at Matt. xvi. 2
(A. Y.),fair weather.

Ver. 16. Porsaketh, {. e., leaves uncared for.

— Angereth. By leaving her unsupported.

Ver. 18. Cf. Prov. iii. 34 ; 1 Pet. v. 5 ; also, in
the present book, xli. 24; xlv. 1.

Ver. 21. Cf. Jer. xlv. 5; Rom. xii. 16. Ac-
cording to Gutraann {Com., ad loc), this is the
first passage of the present book which is quoted
in the Talmud. In Tr. "Chagiga" (fol. xi.) it
is said : " The law concerning incest must not
be explained before three persons, the history of the
creation before two, and the appearances of higher
beings before one, if this one be not a learned
man and one of good understanding. Whoever
makes observations about the following four
things, it would have been better for him if he
had never been born : about what is in the heights,
and about that which is in the depths ; about that
which was before the world, and that which will
come after it,'* etc. At the end of the passage
occurs our verse, nearly word for word.

Ver. 22. • Cf. Deut. xxix. 29.

Ver. 23. Tleptepyd(ov. The same word is
found at 2 Thess. iii. 11, and rendered in the
A. V. (in the plural) " busybodies." Other trans-
lations are ; '* In thy many affairs, pursue nothing
superfluous." Fritzsche. " What is over and
above thy business, that do not, overforward,
engage in." Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and De Wette.
— Very many things. There are too many for
one to attempt to understand them all. On this
verse is based the German proverb : " Was deines
Amtes nicht ist, da lass deinen Vorwitz."

Ver. 24. 'TTnirota, like inr6\rj\i/is, fancy, illusion,
notion. The illusion is that they suppose them-
selves capable of achieving more than they can.

Ver. 26. See Matt. xxvi. 52 : " They that
take the sword," etc. Cf. also the German prov-
erb : " Wer sich in Gefahr begiebt, kommt darin
um."

Ver. 27. Tl6voi!, troubles. The first meaning
of this word — labors, cares — might also be re-
tained, and a good sense secured. It will give
him more to do than he expects. It is not the
easiest way to get along.

Ver. 29. KapSta, mind. The understanding is
obviously meant. Cf. the very full and interesting
remarks of Crenier on this word. Lex., ». o. — SiJv-
eo-ir is intelligence, insight into anything ; also, clev-
eriiess,- quickness of apprehension, acuteness, sagacity,
Cf . i. 24. — Tlapa^o\i\v, Parable. This rendering,
however, would seem somewhat too broad here.
The Hebrew word 72JJ3, to which it is probably
meant to correspond, means originally "com-
parison," and, while including the parable, may
also denote simply a " proverb," " maxim," or an
" example." Cf. i. 25.

ECULESIASTICUS. 295

Ver. 30. 'EAeij/iocri/V)), See remarks on this
woid in our Introd. to the Book of Tobit. Its
primary meaning was "pity," "mercifulness."
Through a degeneration in the theological idea
during the later periods of Jewish history, it
came to mean, as in the LXX., the " showing of
mercy," and then, specifically, " alms-giving."

Just that, in all probability, is the thought of the
writer here. Cf. 1 Maco. ii. 57, and Bar. ii. 19.
Linde remarks on the present passage: "Our
author .... being accustomed to make sacrifices
as atonement for sins, thought of his charities as
representing offerings in the sight of God." Com.,
ad toe.

Chapter IV.

1 My son, withhold not from the poor man * his living,
And make not needy eyes wait ^ long.

2 Make not a hungry soul sorrowful ;

And provoke not a man in his embarrassment.*

3 Excite not stUl more a heart that is provoked ; *
And defer not a gift to one in need.'

4 Refuse not a suppliant in distress ; °

And turn not away ' thy face from a poor man.

5 Turn not away thine eye from him that asketh,'
And give a man no ^ occasion to curse thee ;

6 For if he curse thee in the bitterness of his soul,
His prayer will ^" be heard of him that made him.

7 Win for tliyself the love of the people,^'
And bow thy head to a great man.

8 Incline thine ear to a poor man,-*^

And give him a friendly answer with mildness.

9 Deliver one oppressed from the hand of an oppressor ; ^'
And be not fainthearted when thou judgest.^*

10 Be as a father unto the fatherless,

And instead of a husband unto their mother ;
And thou shalt ^' be as a son ^^ of the Most High,
And he wUl " love thee more than thy mother doth.

11 Wisdom exalteth her sons,
And helpeth ^5 them that seek her.

12 He that loveth her loveth life ;

And they that rise early to seek her " shall be flUed with joy.

13 He that holdeth her fast shall inherit glory ;
And where he entereth in, the Lord blesseth.™

14 They that serve her shall serve ^^ the Holy One ;
And them that love her the Lord doth love.

15 He who ^^ giveth ear unto her shall judge nations ; ^'
And he that attendeth ^ unto her shall dwell securely.

16 If one trust in ^' ker, he shall inherit her ;

And his generations shall have her in ^^ possession.

Vers. 1-6. — A. V. : defraud (airooTep^tTTjs. It ia one of the meanings of the word, but does not as -well suit the con-
text as the one given) not the poor of. 2 the needy ... to wait. ^ Neither provoke a . . . . distress (an-opta,
P'Tplsxity^ embarrassment, i. e., in business matters). * Add not more trouble to .... is vexed. ^ defer not to

give to him that is in need (the same verb is rendered in ver. 1 make .... wait lan^). <> Reject not the supplica-

tion of the afdicted (iKe'rTjv SKL^ofievov). ' Neither turn away. ^ the needy (ctTro Seo/ieVov. I adopt marginal read-

ing). * him (a»'5pain-(y) none. 10 shall.

Vers. 7-12. — ^ A. V. : Get thyself .... congregation. 12 ijet it not grieve thee to bow down {aXun-ws is added at

the end of the line by H. 248. 263. Co. ; Old Lat., sine tristilia) .... to the poor. ^ meekness .... him that

t^uffereth wrong (oSi/fov/Ltei-ov . . . aStKovvros) .... the oppressor. i* eittest in judgment. ^s So shalt thou,

ic the son. ^^ shall. ^8 children . . layeth hold of (eTnAaix^averai.i. e., lays hold of to help ; hence, taketh up,
espouseth the cause of, helps ; see Com.}. 1^ that seek to her early (op^pi^orre? ; cf. Com.).

Vers. 13-16. — 20 ^_ y_ ; yfheresoever she entereth (oC eloTropeu'eTat) .... will bless. (Instead of eiiAoy^cret of the
text. rec. and II., Fritzsche adopts evXoyet from III. X. C. H. 23. 65. 106. al. Co.) 21 minister to (the same word as

I'n the first part of the line). 22 Whoso. 23 the nations. 24 attendeth (Fritzsche adopts npotr^xtiiv from III. X.
0. H. 23. 55. al. Co. Old Lat. for TrpoveKdiitv. It was the reading of the A. V.). 23 a man commit (cf. John ii. 24,

iniojevev eavTOv) himself unio. 20 shall hold ker in (ef naTaax^a-ei ea-ovTat ai yeveaX avToO ; H. 23. 248. Co., avrdv}.

296

THE APOCEYPHA.

17 For at first ^ she walketh ' with him in * crooked ways.
And bringeth fear * and dread upon him.

And tormentetb ^ him with her discipline,
Until she hath confidence in him,'
And hath proved ' him by her precepts.'

18 And again she returneth to ' the straight way with '"' him.
And gladdeneth " him, and revealeth to '^ him her secrets.

19 If ^^ he go wrong, she will forsake him.

And give him up to his fall.^'' ,

20 Observe the opportunity, and beware of evil,
And thou will not need to be ashamed for thyself ; "

21 For there is a shame that bringeth sin,

And there is a shame which is glory and grace.

22 Have no respect of persons to the injury of thyself,
And let not timidity ^^ cause thee to fall.

23 Refrain not from speaking," when there is opportunity to save,"
And hide not thy wisdom as a beauty."

24 For by speech wisdom becometh ™ known ;

And instruction by the utterance ^^ of the tongue.

25 Do not ^ speak against the truth ;

And be modest on account of thy want of learning.''

26 Be not ashamed to confess thy sins ;
And force not the course of a ^ river.

27 Make not thyself an underling to a foolish man ;
And accept not ^ the person of the mighty.

28 Contend '^^ for the truth unto death,
And the Lord God will ^ fight for thee.

29 Be not violent with ^* thy tongue,
And in thy deeds slack and remiss.

30 Be not as a lion in thy house,

And as a crazy man ^ among thy servants.

31 Let not thine hand be stretched out to receive.
And held back in repaying.""

Vers. 17, 18.—' A.V.: the first. ^ .jvill walk (so III. C. H. 56. al. Co.) ' by. * will bring fear. (The Se found
after this word in the text. rec. and 11. is omitted by Fritzsche, with III. X. C. 23. 156. al. Co. OldLat. The verb here
and those following {vers. 17, 18) are in the future, but better represented by the present to correspond with Tropeverat.)
6 torment. " may trust his soul (i/n/xn "^"JToi), but with the comflion derived meaning. Codd. 55. 254. have ^mjj for

'P^xv)' ^ ^^y- * laws. (It would seem to be too strong a word for &tKatufAaaty here.) * Then (kqI ndXtv) will
she return. '^ unto. '' comfort (€u»|)parei). '^ shew.

Vers. 19-25. — '^ A. V. : But if. i* give him over .... own ruin. ^ be not ashamed when it concemeth thy
soul. (Lit., be not ashamed concerning thy soul ; but the thought is better brought out by the rendering given. Bun-
sen's Bibelwerh: " So wirst du dich nicht vor dir eelbst zu schiimen haben." Pritzsche : " Und nicht mdgest du dich
deiner schiimen miissen. See Com.) "^ Accept no person against thy soul, And let not the reverence (Jun., ne

revercaris) of any man (evrpajri^s. The same word is used in ver. 26, and rendered in the A. V. : " be abashed," and
by us, " be modest "). " And refrain not to speak {fx^ KitiKvoTf; \6yov). '^ occasion to do good {iv icatpui tm-rrtpia'i ;

marg., m time of saving). ^^ in Iter beauty (ets KoXAovr/v. This entire member ia omitted by the text. rec. and II., but

is found in II. 106. 248. 253. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar., and is adopted by Fritzsche. See Com.). '" wisdom shall be.

^' learning .... word (p^ju-art, but with the force of the plural, utterance). 32 in qq wise (H. 248. 253. Co. add KarA

PTjSe ei' ; Old Lat., ullo rnodo) speak. ^ But be abashed (cf. ver. 22) of the error (an-atSevcrias ; 106. 248. 263. Co. Old
Lat., i^eij(7^aTos ^y^s oltt.) of thine ignorance.

Vers. 26-31. — '■" A. V. : the (marg., '* And strive not against the stream," which gives the sense well). 25 Neither
accept. (The (cat found at the beginning of this verso in the text. rec. and II. is rejected by Fritzsche with 56. 248. 264.
al. Co. The " 26 '" is a misprint in Fritzsche"s notes.) 20 Strive (a-ywcKrai ; cf. Luke xiii. 24, aywi'i^ecrfle). 27 Lord
(6 ©e'os are wanting in Syr. Ar. and in Origen) shall. 28 hasty (raxiis, III. X. 166. 307. 308. Old Lat. ; 0pourvs, H. 23.

65. 106. al. ; Syr. Ar. , jactahundus ; Tpaxw«, text. rec. and II. ; cf . Com.) in. 29 Nor frantick ((^avrao-toKOTrtilv ^ one

who has vain fancies. Fritzsche would i^nAQ-chy argwohnisch, suspicious ; but it does not so well agree with the con-
text ; cf. Com.). ^ shut {(mvetnaXii.evy), drawn together, then lessened, shortened. The parallelism seems to require
here the meaning, held back) when thou shouldest repay (marg., give).

Chapter IV.

Ver. 1. Living, fmV- The thing is here put
for that which contributes to it, sustains it.
There are but few passages in the New Testa-
ment where this word refers simply to the earthly
existence. It is rather used to denote the sum of

all good, the result of the divine promises, the
final goal of faith and hope. And this is not
infrequently the case, also, in the Old Testa-
ment. See Beut. xxx. 19 ; Ps. xxvii. 13, xxxvi.
9 ; Prov. xii. 28, xiii. 14, xiv. 27. Hence, th«

ECCLESIASTICUS.

297

sense of the word in the present instance is in-
tentionally a low and worldly one. Cf. Luke xii.
15: "A man's life consisteth not in the abun-
dance of the things which he possessoth." —
Needy eyes. The language of the eyes is often
the most expressive. — TlapeAK6crr)s. Lit., to draw
aside, or to one side. A secondary nieaning is,
to spin out time. See Polyb., ii. 70, 3 ; Horn., Od.,
xxi. lU. There is a Latin proverb : "He gives
double who gives quick, and nothing who delays
his gift, " Bis dat qui cito dat, nil dat qui munera
tardat."

Ver. 2. Eritzbch4 quotes Isocrates : " Upbraid
not one with his misfortuue, for what falls out is
common, and unknown the future lot."

Ver. 6. Cf. Ex. xxii. 23 ; Prov. xiv. 21 ; xvii. ,5.

Ver. 7. Gain the love of those on a level with
you, and be respectful to superiors. An old prov-
erb runs : " If the monkey reigns, dance before
him." '1 he latter part of the admonition of our
author does not contradict what is said in verse
27 about not " accepting the person of the
mighty." Re.spect and politeness are by no
means to be confounded with sycophancy. The
Old Latin gives for trwayuyy, congregationi pau-
perum.

Ver. 9. Be not fainthearted, i. e., to the ex-
tent of judging the rich and the proud — because
they are such — too favorably.

Ver. U. 'EmAaiiPdverai. Cf. the use of this
word in Heb. ii. 16, and the remarks of Tayler
Lewis upon it in his work. The Divine-Human in
the Scriptures (New York, 1860), pp. 94, 389.

Ver. 12. Else early to seek her (A. V., " seek
her early"). One is at once reminded of the
well-known passage in Prov. viii. 17. The same
expression is also found at Wisd. vi. 14. The ob-
vious idea is that one must seek earnestly, and
not, as is generally held, early in life. The same
word, opSpl^a (= 6p0peva), is often used in the
LXX. to render the Hebrew "intt". See Prov.

- T

xi. 27.

Ver. 13. Where he entereth, i. e. the house
of him who cleaves to wisdom. The other ren-
dering : " where she (wisdom) entereth," is also
possible, but seems not so well to agree with the
context.

Ver. 15. Judge nations. The Jews hoped
not only to get possession of Palestine again, but
finally to rule over all nations. Cf. Wisd. iii. 8;
1 Cor. vi. 2. This thought was more or less
closely connected with the Messianic hope, so far
as it "continued to exist, to which they gave a
material, rather than a spiritual, cast.

Ver. 17. This verse and the following are
among the most beautiful in sentiment and ex-
piession of the entire book. Possibly the in-
stances of Joseph and Moses were before the
writer's mind. Gutmann quotes from the Mishna
(Tr, Aboth, vi. 4) a similar thought respecting the
study of the law: "Eat bread with salt, and
drink water by measure ; sleep on the ground ;
live a life of cgie ; give thyself trouble for the
lavf. If thou do this, blessed art thou, it shall go
well with thee. Blessed art thou in this world,

and it shall go well with thee in the world to
come."

Ver. 19. This verse is intended to show the
consequences, if one be unable to stand the tests
which wisdom requires.

Ver. 20. The translation of the A. V., with
which that of De Wette nearly coincides : " And
be not ashamed when it concemeth thy soul,"
i. e., to care for it, is not allowed by the parallel-
ism. The thought is rather that, if one be not
watchful against sin, he will have real occasion to
be ashamed of himself. For the thought of the
first pan of the verse, cf. Eph. v. 16, ^fayopafii/i-
eyoi Thy Kaipiy.

Ver. 21. The shame that induces sin is that
which would lead one to refuse to express his
true opinions from fear of being in the minority
or of being ridiculed.

Ver. 23. The last clause, although not sup-
ported by all the MSS., is found (as it will be
observed) in the Old Latin, Syriac, and Arabic
versions, and is accepted as genuine by Linde,
Bretschneider, Fritzsche, and others. Its mean-
ing is that when silence seems to be " golden,"
an occasion of honor to a person, still it may be
best to speak even at the risk, through unpalat-
able, though good advice, of falling into disgrace.
Bunsen's Bibelwerk and Fritzsche render eh Ka\-
Xoviiv by zum Ruhme, for fame.

Ver. 25. On account of thy want of learning.
He would not be able to speak the right word at
the right time, or would be hindered from doing
it through a false shame. A really cultivated
person does not hesitate to confess his ignorance
of many things, and to lament it.

Ver. 26. This proverb seem^ to have been
current in all times and languages. In Juvenal
(iv. 89) it ran : " Direxit brachia contra torrentem."
The sense of the whole verse is ; " Do not hesi-
tate to confess thy sins, for to conceal them will
in the end be impossible."

Ver. 27. Make not thyself {a-eavTiv} an un-
derling (inroffTp^cri?, from inrofrTpfavvvjxi = viro-
(XTopfvvvii.i. Lit., / spread a mat for any one).
See Is. Iviii. 5 (LXX.) ; Luke xix. 36, where it is
used literally. In fact, its figurative use, as here,
is not common. The Hebrew word was doubtless

IJS"', found also at Esth. iv. 3 ; Ps. cxxxix. 8 : Is.
xiv. 11.

Ver. 29. The reading Tpa^ws is to be retained,
although the immediate context, as well as some
first-rate MS. authorities, favor Taxvs. The au-
thor seems to have had already in mind what he
was about to say in the following verse. Cf. i. 29.

Ver. 30. iavTa(TioKo-Ka>v. It is found only
here in the Apocryphal books. It means " to in-
dulge vain opinions," " give way to groundless
suspicions," and then, as a secondary meaning,
" be rough," " harsh," " cruel." The first mean-
ing seems here most in place. Cf. Eph. vi. 9.

Ver. 31. The thought is not without force;
but in both strength and beauty falls far short of
those traditional words of the Master, for whose
authenticity Paul vouches : "It is more blessed to
give than to receive."

298 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter V.

1 Rely not * npon thy goods ;
And say not, I have enough.^

2 Give not rein to thy inclinings and thy lustiness,*
To walk in the desires ^ of thy heart ;

3 And say not, Who shall control me ? *
For the Lord will surely punish thee.°

4 Say not, I sinned, and what happened ' unto me ?
For the Lord is longsuffering.*

5 Concerning propitiation, be not without fear
In heaping sin upon sins.'

6 And say not. His mercy is great ;

He. will condone ^^ the multitude of my sins ;
For mercy and wrath come from him,
And his indignation resteth upon sinners.

7 Make no tarrying to turn to the Lord,
And put it not ^^ off from day to day ;

For suddenly will ^^ the wrath of the Lord come forth,**
And thou wilt perish ^* in the day of vengeance.

8 Rely not^^ upon goods unjustly gotten;

For thou wilt have no profit ■'' in the day of calamity."

9 Winnow not with every wind.
And walk not in every path ; ^'

So the sinner who is double-tongued.'"

10 Be stedfast in thy conviction,^"

And let thy speech '"^ be one and the same.^

11 Be swift to hear ; ^

And with deliberation ^* give answer.

12 If thou hast insight,^^ answer thy neighbor;
But if not, lay thy hand upon thy mouth.

13 Honor and shame are ™ in talk ;
And the tongue of man is his fall.

14 Be not called a whisperer.

And lie not in wait with thy tongue ;

For a shame '■" is upon the thief,

And an evil condemnation upon the double tongue.

15 Err not in a matter great or small.

And ^* instead of a friend become not an enemy.

Vers. 1-5. — * A. V. : Set not thy heart (en-pxe, here in the sense of leaning, relying upon). s enough for my lijs

(e« C'^rjv, adcled by H. 248. 253. 308. Co., Old Lat., est mihi svffidens vita). 3 Follow not thine own mind (see Com *

and thy strength (t. e., -what might be the natural impulses of one in his full physical strength). » ways (in-t9u(i£ai? ■
H. 6.5. 106. 263. 254., the sing. ; 248. Co., 68ois). " me for my works (Sii to. ipya. (loip, added by H. 106. 248. 263. Co. Old
Lat.). 0 revenge thy pride. (Instead of ce, H. 106. 248. 253. Co. have o-ov ttjk v^piv. Codd. III. X. 55, 155. al. Old

Lat, Syr. Ar. omit o-e.) ' have sinned .... harm [>^vTrrip6v, H. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat.) hath happened. » long-

suffering (H. 106. 248. Co. add ov f^Tj tre av^ ; Old Lat., patiena redr/itor), he will in nowise let thee go. » To add

iirpo<r6fiiycn. I have rendered so as to be in harmony with iii. 27) sin unto sin (plur. in all but H. 248. Co.).

Vers. 6-10. — lo A. V. : be pacified (^ftXaa-erai. " 2) Ex liebraica loquendi consuetudine. A) dt Deo usurpalum ; condono.^^
Wahl, s. V.) for. " put not. i' shall. " forth (23. 248. 263. Co. add koX m a/ieAij<reii Jurpip^iTTi, And in thy

security thou Shalt be destroyed). " And perish. m Set not thy heart (cf. ver. 1). m they shall not profit thee
(the pronoun is added after <o.|)<;A^cr«i by III. X. H. 106. al. Old Lat. ; 248. 307. Co., ii<j)eA^<rfi alone ; text. rec. (and II.)
followed by Fritzsche, (ii^eATJcrei?). " calamity (eTraywyiis). is go not into every way (arpaTr^). i» For BO

doth ... that hath a double tongue. ^o umiei-atanding (see Com.). ^^ word (Xoyos, but with the general signi-

fication of speech). " the same (eh, one ; but here used like our one and the same, and is so rendered by

Fritzsche).

Vers. 11-15. — 2» A. V. : hear : and let thy life be sincere. (The last member is found in H. 248. Co. After trou of
the first member, ivaSf; is added by H. 106. 248 263. Co.) « patience ((laKpoevniif ; but the context requires the

meaning given. Bunsen's Bibelwerk, o.nd'gTitmche, Eediiclitigkeit; cf. ver. 4). 21! understanding ((nJi'to-is ■ here in-

sigkt, sagadty). =» If not . . . . is. 21 foul (nox«iIP«, as H. 106. 248. 263. Co.)-8ham6. m Be not Ignorant ol

Jsce Com.) any tiling (nijSS Hv, H. 248. Co.) in a great matter or a small, And (A. V. omits And). I add, with Fritzsche
to chap. 15, the first member of vi. 1, to make the parallelism complete. Fritzsche also adds to this chapter, as ver'
16, the remainder of the same verse.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

299

Chapter V.

Ver. 1. Hare enough. Cf. Tob. v. 19 ; Luke
xii. 19; 1 Tim. Ti. 17, "trust in {{jXirtKevai M)
uncertain riches."

Ver. 2. Mind {ffivxrj)- Here used in tlie sense
of desire, longing, inclination. — Xiustiness, i. e.,
what thy physical powers and propensities might
lead thee to do. " Noli facere quidquid potes ac
libet." Grotius.

Vers. 5, 6. Gntraann refers to a similar prov-
erb of the Mishna (Tr. KI3V, viii. 9): "If one
think : ' 1 will sin, and then repent,' there will be
given him no help to repent. If one think : ' I
will sin, and the day of atonement will effect the
forgiveness of my sin,' the day of atonement will
bring him no forgiveness."

Ver. 7. It is the old and universal weakness
of procrastination, so well described by Long-
fellow : —

" How oft my guardian angel gently cried,

' Soul, from thy casement look, and thou ahalt Bee
How he persists to knock and wait for thee ! '
And oh I how often to that voice of sorrow,

' To-morrow I will open,' I replied ;
And when the morrow came I answered still,

' To-morrow.' "

Ver. 8. Cf. Prov. x. 2. The German proverb
is : " Unrecht gut gedeihet nicht."

Ver 9. ■Winnow not with every wind. "The
wheat or barley is separated from the ear, when
the quantity is small, by beating it out with a
stick, and afterward throwing it up in the air,
and letting the wind carry away the stubble
(Ruth ii. 17) ; and with smallei' quantities we not
infrequently see men rubbing several ears in the
palms of their hands, and blowing away the chaff
while tossing up the grain, which they then eat

unground and raw.'' Van Lennep, Bible Lands,
p. 86. — 'Walk not in every path. Keep thine
own course ; and do not try to please everybody,
like the man who says "yes" to everything, and
is as changeable as the wind.

Ver. 10. SweVei. It seems to be used here in
the .sense of " judgment," " conviction," i. e , what
one has attained to by his sagacity and insight.

Ver. 11. Swift to hear. Cf. Jas. i. 19. "For
God has given us two ears, but only one mouth."
Grotius. Cf. Zeno, ap, Diog. Lae'rt., vii. 1, 23.

Ver. 12. Hand upon thy mouth. Cf. Job
xxi. 5, xxix. 9 ; Prov. xxx. 32. Similarly in
Latin : Digito compesce labellum ; and the Greek,
^ Keye ti trcy^s Kp^laffov, ^ ffiyiiv ^x^-

Ver. 14. A whisperer, \liWvpos. And since
one who whispers about others, here and there, is
likely to exaggerate and falsify, the word means
also " slanderer." In fact, the root of the word
seems to be allied to that of ^fiSoi (i/zuS, ij/u9).
At first thought there would seem to be no com-
mon point of comparison between a thief and a
liar or slanderer. But it lies in the fact that both
make use of opportunities to do behind one's back
what they would not do in his presence. — VLaray-
vaxTis. (1) Thinking meanly of one, then blame,
censure; {2) judgment, condemnation.

Ver. 15. Err, dyyciei. The word is probably

a translation of the Hebrew natt?, aatT, err, fail,
offend. The admonition has reference still, it
would seem, to the tongue. Cf. Heb. v. 2 ; Xen.,
Anab., vii. 3, 38, for similar examples of the use
of this verb. The rendering of the A. V., " Be
not ignorant (of anything)," arose from paying
too little attention to the requirements of the
context.

Chapter VI.

1 For an ill name shall inherit ^ shame and reproach •
So the '' sinner who is double-tongued.'

2 Exalt * not thyself in the purpose ^ of thy soul,'
,^ That thou be not torn in pieces as a palm.^

3 Thou wilt consume ° thy leaves, and destroy thy fruits,*
And be left '" thyself as a dry tree.

4 An evU ^-^ soul will ^^ destroy him that hath it,
And will ^' make him the " scorn of his enemies.

5 Sweet language ^^ will multiply one's friends ; ■"

And a pleasant " speaking tongue will increase kind greetings.

6 Let there be many who live at peace with thee ;
But thy counsellors, let him be one ^° of a thousand.

7 If thou wouldst get a friend, get him through testing,^'
And be not hasty to trust in ™ him.

Vera. 1-7. ^A. V. : thereby thou Shalt inherit (KXTjpovojLnJffet?, H. 253. Syr.) an ill name. 2 Even so shaUo.. * that
aath a double tongue. * Extol (en-apTjs). ^ counsel OovAjJ. Not clear. It seems to mean here choice, purpose).

« thine own heart. ' thy soul .... a bull straying alone (see Com.). ^ shalt eat up. " lose .... fruit.

*o leave thyself (a^^o-ets creauroi' ; so represented because it is the result of his foolish pride. The sense is better
given by the passive). " A wicked [irovripa.. It refers rather to the pride which has just been spoken of. It is in

that sense evil). 12 shall. la ghall. i4 to be laughed to {eTrt;<ap^ta). i" language (lit., larynx), lo njuitj,
^ly friends [avrov, his, ane^s). 1^ fair (" fair speaking " has come to mean " false speaking "). "^ Be in peace

with many : Nevertheless have but one counsellor (see Cotk.). ^^ prove him ^first {ev jretpao-^tp /ciTJcrai aiVoi' ; marg.,

get him in the time of trouble, which would also be a good rendering). 20 credit.

300 THE APOCKTPHA.

8 For many a one is friend in a time opportune for him,''
And will not abide in the day of thy affliction.^

9 And there is many a ' friend, who is transformed to an enemy,
And wQl reveal thy disgraceful strife.*

10 And many a one is friend as companion at table,'
And will not abide ° in the day of thy affliction,

11 Yea,' in thy prosperity he will be as thyself,
And will speak roughly to * thy servants.

12 If thou be brought low, he will be against thee.
And will hide himself from thy face.

13 Separate thyself from thine enemies,
And beware of " thy friends.

14 A faithful friend is a strong defence,

And he that hath found him ^" hath found a treasure.

15 There is nothing to be exchanged for " a faithful friend,
And his excellence is invaluable.^^

16 A faithful friend is a medicine for one's life ; "
And they that fear the Lord shall find him.

17 He who f eareth the Lord directs " his friendship aright ;
For as he is, so is his associate also.^^

18 My son, delight in ^^ instruction from thy youth up,
And thou shalt find wisdom till old age."

19 Come unto her as one that ploweth and one that soweth,
And await ^* her good fruits ;

For thou shalt not be long wearied in her husbandry ;
Yea, soon thou shalt eat of her fruits."

20 How rough is she to the uninstructed ! ""

And he "^ that is without understanding ^ will not remain with her.

21 She wUl be upon him as a mighty stone of trial ;
And he will not delay to cast her from him.''

22 For wisdom is according to her name,
And she is not manifest unto many.

23 Give ear, my son, and accept my opinion,"
And refuse not my counsel ;

24 And put thy feet into her fetters,
And thy neck into her yoke.^

25 Put under ^® thy shoulder, and bear her,
And be not averse to ^ her bonds.

26 Come unto her with thy whole soul,*^
And keep her ways with all thy power.

27 Trace out,^° and seek, and she shall become °" known unto thee ;
When thou hast hold of her,'-' let her not go.

Vers. 8-15. — ^ A. V : some man is a .... for his own occasion. ^ trouble (dAii^eo)?). » is a. (The sense U

better given by our rendering, although the A. V. is literal.) * being turned to enmity {ex^pav ; ex^poi', III. 0. H.

65. 106. al.) and strife (the A. V. adds «ai ixaxtiv improperly to this member) Will discoTer thy reproach (of. preced-
ing note and Com.). ^ Again, some friend is a ... . the table {TpaTre^oii'). o continue (cf. yer. 8). ' But
(Kai). ^ be bold over {evi .... n-appTjataff-erat, to speah freely ; then, as here, to speak with license^ boldly, harshly^
i. e., as their lord). ^ take heed of (cf. Greek at Matt. yii. 15). lo guch a one (auroi/). ii Nothing doth counter-
Tail {see Com.). ^ excellency (lit., beauty, koAXoi/^?) is unyaluable (lit., there is no weight, crra^jaos).

Vers. 16-20. — ^^ A.Y.: is the medicine of life. (It is not clear. The meaning is that a true friend will make our carefl
and troubles less.) i* Whoso .... shall direct [evOvvel, 248., instead of ev6vvei. Fritzsche, " preserves his friend-

ship ; " Bunsen's Bibelwerk, " leads his friend.'' The next line makes it clear what is intended). ^ shall his neigh-
bour be also (6 nki]tTiov, but obviously in the sense of companion, associate; cf. Com.. Cod. 248. with Co. read ot TrKtiaCav).
10 gather (^jrtAe^at, choose out, have pleasure in). i^ So shalt thou .... till thine old age (jroXioJc, i. e., gray hair; Aid.,
eids jroiwi'). ^ and soweth .... wait for (expectation implied). ^ toll (Kon-iaerets) much in labouring about

her (el' T]} epyacrt^ avT^s), But (icai) .... friiits right soon. 20 ghg ig very unpleasant (rpaxeia. Her stern discipline
is meant, or her difficult paths) .... unlearned. 21 jje. ** understanding (marg., heart ; aicapSios, a stupid fellovj)

Vets. 21-27.^23 A. V. : lie upon .... will cast her from /iim ere it be long. ^ son, receive (Se'fiu ; Fritzsche, with
III. X. 166. 167. 807., €K5e^ai)my advice (Ycw/x7)»'n=(l) a means of knowing, a mark, token; (2) that by which one biiowa,
judgment, understanding ; (3) the result of mental operations, a, judgment, opinion). 25 chain (marg., collar^ k\oiw.

It might also be of wood, and I have therefore preferred the rendering yoke, with its already established figurative
meaning. Cf- ver. 29). "a bq^ down iviroOes). '^'^ grieved with [irpovoxQitrQs. It is a word peculiar to the LXX.
andN.T.). ^ heart. 20 Search. so be made. >' when thou haet got hold ot Aer.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

301

28 For at last ^ thou shalt And her rest,
And she will turn to thee as ^ joy.

29 And her fetters will be ' a strong defence for thee,
And her yokes a splendid robe.*

30 For there is a golden ornament upon her,
And her bands are of hyacinthine threads.'

31 Thou wilt put her on as a splendid robe,*
And wilt set her upon thee as' a crown of joy.

32 My son, if thou wilt, thou shalt become instructed ; '
And if thou wilt apply thy mind, thou shalt be skillful.'

33 If thou lovest ^° to hear, thou shalt receive ; *^
And if thou bow thine ear, thou shalt be wise.

34 Be found in a gathering of ■'^ elders,
And cleave unto him that is wise.

35 Be desirous ■'^ to hear every godly discourse.
And let not sagacious proverbs " escape thee.

36 If ^^ thou seest a man of understanding, rise early to seek him,''
And let thy foot wear the steps of his doors.^'

37 Let thy mind be upon the ordinances of the Lord,
And meditate continually on ^' his commandments :
He will ^' establish thine heart.

And thy desire for wisdom will be granted thee.^"

Vers. 28-33. — i A. V. : the last. 2 that shall be turned to thy. ^ Then shall her fetters be. * chains (cf.

ver. 24 ; II. reads KXa5oi, young brariches, shoota^ for kXoiol) a robe of glory. ^ purple lace (marg., a ribhajid of blite

Bilk ; cf . Numb, xt, 38, " ribband of blue ;'" Gr., kKuktilo. vaxivdivov , i. e., hyacinthine thread. Fritzsche renders, *' are of
purple-blue threads ; " Bunsen's Bihelvierh, " For she wears a golden ornament on her head. Surrounded with purple-
blue ribbons." See Com.). ^ shalt .... 05 a robe of honour {uT0\rtv 66|tjs, as in Ter. 29). ^ shalt put her about
thee as (Trepi0i7cr€is creaurw ; but the context shows that a crown for the head is meant. Only 307. has ^Trtff^creiy. See
Com,). 8 be taught. 0 prudent (Travoupyo?. Cf. Prov. xiii. 1, in the LXX.).

Vers. 33-37. — lo A. V. : tliou love. " receive understanding (l/tSe'ln. Codd. H. 248. 253. with Co. Aid. Old Lat.

add irvvtcnv). ^^ stand in the multitude of the (the context requires the rendering given. Cf, Com.). 13 ^villing
(not strong enough for fle'Xe here). 1* the parables of understanding. ^5 ^nd if. " get thee betimes (6p0pife ;
cf. Com. at iv. 12} unto him. ^^ steps {^aBtxavs. Fritzsche, Schwellen, sills) of his door (Cod. II. has TpCpoiv for Bvpiov).
18 in. *" shall. 20 ^^d give thee wisdom at thine own desire.

Chaptek VI.

Ver. 2. As a palm. The MSS. give &s ravpos,
as a bull. But Holtzmarm (Bunsen's Bibelwerk,
ad he), on a supposition of a false rendering of
the Hebrew ("112 having, in his opinion, been
confounded with ~nttJ or ~lipl), has suggested
that the true reading is probably o-roiupiij, palm,
and his opinion is accepted by the best critics.
Cf. Hitzig on Hos.' ix. 13.

Ver. 6. Lit. : " Those living in peace with
thee, let them he many ; but thy counsellors, one
of a thousand." One taken in counsel must be
an intimate and faithful fiiend ; otherwise there
will be trouble enough. This proverb is quoted
in that passage of the Talmud where a large
number of tbe proverbs of " Ben Sira" are cited,
but ■with the following addition : " To one among
a thousand reveal thy secret. Before the wife
that rests on thy bosom must thou keep the gates
of thy mouth." Cf. Micah vii. 5.

Ver. 9. Disgraceful strife, i. e., a strife be-
tween him and thee which in his representation
of it will result in thy disgrace.

Ver. 10. Cf . Prov. xiv. 20 ; xix. 4.

Ver. 12. Ovid, quoted by Holtzmann (Bun-
sen's Bibelwerk), says similarly: "As long as
thou art prosperous, thou wilt have many friends ;
wlicn the times are dark, thou wilt be alone."

Ver. 1.5. Exchanged for. The same word,
4>',T!4AA.o7jiia, is found in Matt. xvi. 26 ; " Or what

shall a man give in exchange for his soul ? " Cf.
Mark viii. 37.

Ver. 17- The idea is that a good- man will
make his friend good, if he remain his friend.
There are many proverbs which teach the same
general truth. For instance : " Birds of a feather
flock together ; " " A man is known by the com-
pany he keeps : " and the German, " Gleich und
gleich gesellt sick gem."

Ver. 21. Stone of trial. In the cities of Pal-
estine there was an old custom in accordance
with which a heavy, round stone was kept for
testing the strength of the young men. Some
were able to lift it but a little ways, others to the
shoulders, and still others over their heads. So
Jerome at Zech. xii. 3.

Ver. 22. According to her name. The com-
mon word for wisdom was nD3n. But it is

T ; T

supposed he derived it from a word which
means " to conceal," D J^ ; D]?3? (Arab., Urn,
from alamtt), having the meaning, understanding,
wisdom. So Bunsen's Bibelwerk, ad loc. Cf. Hitzig,
at Eccles. iii. 11. Fritzsche, however, supposes thati
the son of Sirach is alluding simply to the com-
mon idea of wisdom, namely, that it is something
exalted and difficult to attain ; or, if he refers to
the etymology of the word as it is found in He-
brew, that such etymology (j. «., with such a sig
nification) is now unknown to us.

302 THE APOCRYPHA.

Vei'. 20. Hyacinthine threads, kXuxt^ vaKlv-
tivov. The latter word is foand also in Homer
(Od., vi. 231 ; xxiii. I.5S). Cf. also the LXX. at
Ex. xxvi, 4, and Numb. xv. 38.

Ver. 31 . UeptBTia-ea, Set her upon (thy head).
This word is also used for putting ornamenta-
tions on the head bj the LXX. at Is. Ixi. 10 : us

vvfj.(picfj Trepie^TjKe not jxWpav. Cf. Acts xiii. 3
iiriOevres riy x^'^P^^ auTo7s.

Ver 32. If thou wilt. If thou art ready to
make the sacrifices which might be needful.

Ver. 34. Gathering, of elders. The public
assembly seems to be referred to. Cf. vii. 14.
He was to go where he would be most likely to
see and hear what was profitable.

Chaptek vn.

1 Do not evil and evil will not befall ■" thee.

2 Depart from what is unjust,^ and it will * turn away from thee.

3 My son, sow not upon the furrows of unrighteousness,
And thou shalt not reap them seven-fold.

4 Seek not of the Lord leadership,^
Neither of the king a ' seat of honor.

5 Justify not thyself before the Lord ;

And play not the wise man " before the king.

6 Seek not to become judge :

Lest thou shouldest not be able to do away with iniquities ;
Lest haply thou shouldest be timid before the mighty man,''
And lay a stumbling-block in the way of thy uprightness.

7 Sin * not against the multitude of a city,
And cast not ° thyself down among the people.

8 Presume not to sin a second time ; ^^
For in one thou shalt not be unpunished.

9 Say not, God will look upon the multitude of my gifts,**
And when I offer to the Most High God, he will accept it,

10 Be not faint-hearted in " thy prayer,
And neglect not to give alms.

11 Laugh at no man^^ in the bitterness of his soul ;
For there is One who " humbleth and exalteth.

12 Devise '^ not a lie against thy brother;
Neither do the like to thy friend.

13 Be unwilling to speak any lie at all,*^
For the habit of it comes not to good."

14 Speak not idly in an assembly ■'* of elders.
And do not repeat thyself in thy prayer.*'

15 Hate not a toilsome occupation,^"

And husbandry appointed by the Most High."*

16 Number not thyself among the multitude of sinners,
Remember ^^ that wrath will not tarry .^

17 Humble thy soul greatly,

For the punishment ^^ of the ungodly is fire and the worm.°^

Vers. 1-5. —1 A. V. : no eyil, so shall no harm como unto. ^ the unjust (see Com.). ' iniquity (106. adds koxIo. ,
248. 253. Co., a^apTt'a ; C, dSiKi'a) shall. * pre-eminence (^yefioviW. See Com.). "the. " boast not of thy

wisdom (^7j o-o0tfou).

Vers. 6-11. — T a. V. : be judge, being not able to take away iniquity ; Lest at any time thou fear (cf . Com.) the per-
Bon of the mighty (cf. the Gr.). "Offend. " //ten thou shalt not cast. (It is too explanatory. The parallelism

itself gives the sense with sufficient clearness. See Com.). i" Bind not one sin upon another. (The Terb #caTo5e<r-

^eiiw, means (1) to hind fast ; (2) to bind up — as a wound ; so at Ecclus. xxx. 7 ; see Com.) u oblations. 12 ^hen
thou maitest. is Laugh no man to scorn. " one which.

Vers. 12-16. — MA. v.: Devise (opoTp;^ ; marg., plough ; but probably for tr"in, and used in the sense ot forge,
devise. Cf. ProT. iii, 29, xiv. 22). i« Use not (Mr, 6jA«) to make any manner of lie (i^ev8«ir9oi nai: i/zeSSoj). " the
custom (lit., continuance, Tritzsche and liunsen's Bibetwerk, " dauemdes Liigen," " continued lying,") thereof is not
good (eU iyae6v). " Use not many words (ptij ii6o\e'<rxn) in a multitude (cf. vi. 34). m make not much babbling
{marg., vain repetition; Or., ^J] SeurepwtTTjs AtSyoi/) when thou prayest. 20 laborious work. 2x Neither (cl. Co?n.l

husbandry which the most High hath ordained. 23 ^k! remember. " tarry long.

Vers. 17-24. •— " A. V. : yengeanci- "= and worms (the stag, is used in the Greek, and has more forca in English

ECCLESIASTICUS. 303

18 Exchange ^ not a friend for a great treasure ; ^
Neither a real ' brother for the gold of Suphir.*

19 Turn not away from^ a wise and good woman,
For also her attractiveness is " above gold.

20 A servant who worketh faithfully, treat not ill,'
Nor a hireling who is wholly devoted.*

21 Let thy soul love an intelligent ° servant,
Defraud him not of his release.^"

22 Hast thou cattle ? have an eye to them ;

And if they be for thy profit, let them remain ^' with thee.

23 Hast thou children ? discipline ^'^ them,
And bow down their neck from ikeir youth.

24 Hast thou daughters ? have a care for ^' their body.
And carry not a cheerful face ^* toward them.

25 Marry off a daughter, and thou wilt have completed ^^ a weighty matter ;
And give her to a man of understanding.-"

26 Hast thou a wife after thy mind ? do not put her away ; "
But do not resign thyself to one who is hateful.'*

27 Honor thy father with thy whole heart.

And forget not the birth-pangs '' of thy mother.

28 Remember that thou camest into being through them ; '°

And how canst thou repay them for what "' they have done for thee ?

29 Fear the Lord with all thy soul.
And reverence his priests.

SO Love him that made thee with all thy strength.
And forsake not his ministers.

31 Fear the Lord, and honor the priest ;

And give him his portion, as it is commanded thee ;
Firstfruits, and trespass offering, and gift of the shoulders,
And holy offering, ^^ and firstfruits ^* of the holy things.

32 Also stretch forth thine hand unto a poor man,''^
That thy blessing may be perfected.

33 A gracious gift for every one living,
And from the dead withhold not favor.'^

34 Fail not to be with them that weep.
And mourn with them that mourn.

35 Be not slow to visit a sick person, ''^

For through such things wilt thou be ^ beloved.

36 Li all that thou ^' takest in hand, remember thy end,^
And thou wilt not sin forever.'"

See Com.)- 'Change. = for any good by no means (Ji/eksi' a8ia<(>opov ; 106. 248. Co. add Kara ni)65 ei". Others

render, *' for a trifle," which does not bo well suit the context. I follow Wahl and Pritzache). ^ faithful (rather,

genuine, real, yvrja-iov ; cf. Phil. It. 3, o-ii^yye -yi^o-ie). * Ophir (cf. Com.). ^ Eorego not (jutj atrroxei ; lit., Do

not miss t!ie mark, /ait of. But the word seems here to be used in the sense of neglect, turn away from (cf. Polyb. xxix.
91). So Bunsen's Bibetwerk, and Fritzsche). ^ For (III. X. H. 23. 55. al. omit Kat) her grace is [xdp\<;, here in the

sense of charm, attractiveness), ' Whereas thy servant worketh truly, entreat him not eyil. ^ the hireling that

bestoweth himself wholly /or tkee (cf. Com.). ^ good i^crvveriiv ; II. 68. 167., ayadov). l" And ((cat, loo. 157.)

.... liberty (cf. Com.). '^ keep them (c/xjiiej'eTto). '2 instruct. '3 have care of. " shew not thyself cheerful

Vers. 25-28. — ^ A. V. : Marry thy (106. adds aov) daughter . ... so shalt .... performed (cf. Com.). w But ....
understanding (cf . ver. 21). '^ forsake her not (cf . Com.). ^8 jjut give not thyself over fejan-toTeuoT)? ; ctfiaJs, II. 248.
Co.) to a light (marg., hateful) woman. This second member is received by Fritzsche from X. II. 23. 106. 248. 307. Co.
Old Lat. Syr. Ar. Some of the less important of them (23. excepted), however, have Ka.1 at the beginning, instead of 6e'
after juio-ouiu.ei'Tj). '^ sorrows (toSii'a?). ' ^ wast begot of them (fit' avriav eyei/VTj07)s , with III. X. U, 55. al. Co. Aid. ;
text, rec, eyevrjOri^). 21 recompense . . . the things that [lit., just as, as, Ka.6di<;).

Vera. 29-36. — ^- A. V. : The firstfruits .... the trespass .... the gift .... the sacrifice of sanctification (cf. Com.).
23 the firstfruits. 24 _And (Kai, but to be rendered with Gaab, Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, " Also " on account of
its close relation to what precedes) stretch .... the poor (sing. — 106. plur. — and without the article). ^ A gift

hath grace in the sight of every man living ; And for the dead detain it not (cf . Com.). 20 the sick [appuinov has

avQpiaivov before it in 55. 106. 155. al.). " that shall make thee to be. 28 Whatsoever thou. ^^ the (307. omita
rov) end. 30 shalt never do amiss (cf . Com.)

804

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chaptek VII.

Ver. 1. Like the Latin proverb : "Nisi essent
veccata, von essent /lagdla."

Ver. 2. 'ASIkou is to be constrned as neuter,
and not as in the A. V. as masculine. Cf. Jas. iv.
7 : " Resist the devil, and he will flee from you."
The peculiar appropriateness of the verbs in the
two clauses (diriio-TTjei .... iKKAtvf'i) to express
the idea intended is to be noted.

Ver. 3. Essentially the same figure is found
at Prov. xxii. 8 ; Hos. x. 12 ; Gal. vi. 8.

Ver. 4. 'Hyefioviau. It might be used as refer-
ring to a special office, as that of proconsul (cf.
X. 1) ; but it seems better here to retain the gen-
eral meaning of leadership, supremacy. See Herod.,
iii. 65.

Ver. 6. Those that seek great things for them-
selves should not forget the new burdens and
temptations that would thus come upon them. —
EuXa^riBfis, thou mightest be timid. The word
means originally to be thoughtful, cautious. In
Attic Greek it was used as synonymous with
<(iv\dTTtff6ai ; in later Greek, with (fjo0€ia6ai. Cf.
xxii. 22, xxvi. 25, xli. 3; Wisd. xii. U ; 1 Mace,
xii. 42; 2 Mace. viii. 16, — where it is similarly
employed.

Ver. 7. A person in office might be led to op-
press or do injustice to the common people in con-
sideration of the powerful, and so prepare the
way for his removal by the people.

Ver. 8. M^ KaraSeaixevaris. The translation
of the A. V. is scarcely allowable, although sin-
ning is in fact like a chain in which one link after
another is forged on. Others (De Wette) would
render "palliate not;" Bretschneider (followed
by Wahl) : " Bind not up" (as a wound), i. e. to
heal the sting. In other words : Do not indulge
thyself in sin Fritzsche, " Siihne nicht zweimal,"
" Atone not t\\ice for," The following verse shows
what was in the mind of the author. He would
reprove those who thought that they might keep
on sinning, if they kept on sacrificing ; and I
have rendered accordingly. Cf. 1 Sam. xv. 22.

Ver. 9. Aiipaiy, gifts. This word is used for
sacrificial gifts several times in the Gospel of
Matthew, and in Mark it is once employed to
translate corban. The word "oblation" doubtless
came into the A. V. through the Vulgate.

Ver. 10. Cf. Jas. i. 6. From the first half of
this verse, some have thought the Talmud derived
the admonition: "He that is not serene in spirit
should not pray ; for it is writ;ten, ' In anxiety
should one not pray.' " But it is most likely that
the words had another origin.

Ver. 14. Cf. Matt. vi. 7 : " Use not vain repe-
titions," etc. ; but there fi'ti ffaTTuKoyi]tn\T(.

Ver. 15. And husbandry. Or, namely, even
(wat) husbandry, agriculture. Cf. Gen. ii. 15.

Ver. 16. It is meant that one should not reckon
himself among sinners as being one with them and
of them, and so be led on from bad to wor.se.

Ver. 17. Fire and the worm. Cf. Is. Ixvi.
24; Judith xvi. 17 ; Mark ix. 48. In the valley
of Hinnom, near Jerusalem, the Jews at one time
pr.icticed the horrible idolatry of making thei
children pass tlirongh the fire to Moloch. Hence
it was defiled by Josiah (2 Kings xxiii. 10, 14).
And it would seem that, afterwards, the carcases
of dead animals were thrown out there, and that
it became the burying-place of the poor and the
outcast of Jerusalem. Hence this place .where

fires burned continually and worms preyed on the
dead became to the Jew the image of all that was
dreadful.

Ver. 18. Gold of Suphir, i. e. Ophir, which ia
the Hebrew form of the word. In the LXX. it
is not only spelled as here, but in several other
ways. Cf. also Jos., Antiq., viii. 6, § 4. It has
been recently identified with the Taprobane of the
Greeks. See Transactions, etc., ii. 267 ff. ; hut cf
Stud, und Krit., 1878, pp. 458-475.

Ver. 20. AiSiJj'to tV iiuxh" outoS, is wholly
devoted. This seems to render the idea truly,
although somewhat liberally. Bretschneider sup-
poses that the reference is to those who sold them-
selves into slavery. See Dent. xv. 12 ; cf., how-
ever, Deut. xxiv. 15. A Jewish commentator
remarks on the passage : " The day-laborer risks
his life for his pay, since he exposes himself to
the most dangerous employments."

Ver. 21. Of his release. After a service of
six years, or in the year of Jubilee, the slave
among the Hebrews was manumitted. Cf. x. 25,
and Jer. xxxiv. 9.

Ver. 23. The Syriac version renders the sec-
ond member; "and give them wives in their
youth."

Ver. 24. A care for their body, namely, with
respect to chastity. — An Oriental proverb runs :

He that strikes not his daughter will strike his
own knees," i. e., in mourning. The propriety of
such admonitions, however, it requires little dis-
crimination to deny. Simple severity, without
tenderness, might be expected, as the world goes,
to have quite the contrary effect from the one
here sought.

Ver. 25. A weighty matter. It is possible,
though not absolutely necessary, that the idea of
obtaining a dowry is meant to be here included,
since this was an invariable part of the transac-
tion. See Van Lennep's Bible Lands, p. 540 ff.

Ver. 26. Do not put her away. The matter
of divorce seems to be referred to. See xxv. 26,
xxviii. 15 ; Lev. xxi. 7 ; Mark x. 4. The second
niember is rendered in the Old Latin : " Et odibili
non credas te ; " the Syriac : " Quodsi sit improba
ne te concredas ilti ;" the Arabic : " Nee Jidem ad-
hibeas illi si fuerit impudica." Gaab ( Com., in loc.)
thinks that by fitffovixfvr} that wife among the
many is meant who, for the time being, had not
the first place in the harem. But it is doubtful
whether such a definite meaning can be ascribed
to the words. In the later periods of Judaism
there ruled even greater looseness in the marriage
relation, polygamy being very commonly prac-
ticed. Josephus (Antiq., xvii. 1, § 2) wrote:
" From the father's times to ours it is customary
among us to have several wives at once."

Ver. 29. 0at!,uofe. The Old Latin has sancti-
fica. The word seems to mean here, hold in high
estimation. Luther renders : " Holil in all honor."
Cf. xxxviii. 3. The priests were very likely,
in the midst of the various political revolutions
which the Jews passed tlirough in the last cen-
turies before Christ, to suffer not a little in their
means of support.

Ver. 31. As it is oommanded thee. Lev. vii.
32; Deut. xviii. 3. — Holy offering, flufffay ayiacr-
liov. Bretschneider renders the latter word by
" temple," but improperly. A special holy offer-
ing is meant, and, as it would seem, the bloodless

ECCLESIASTICUS.

305

meat offering of Lev. ii. 3. — First fruits of the
holy things, namely, the tithes which were ap-
portioned among the priests. See Lev. xxvii.
30 ; Numb, xviii. 21 f.

ver. 33. X.(ipis 56fj.aTos euavri iravrhs ^Hvtos,
Kal M vfKfiif firi iiroxaAiiffri! x^P'"- " Grace of a
gift [be] over against every living person, and
toward the dead withhold not favor [respect, good-
will]." The meaning seems to be: "Be ready
graciously to show favoi's to every one living, and
to the dead refuse not the rites of honorable
burial." Cf. Tob. ii. 4.

Ver. 34. A very similar precept is found at
Rom. xii. 15.

Ver. 36. Thy end. The final result of all.
Cf. vi. 28, where a similar thought is found. A
well-known proverb runs : " All 's well that ends
well." See also Is. iii. 10, 11. — Wilt not sin
(ajjuapTiiaeis) forever. Evidently quite too sweep-
ing a statement, arising not only from an inade-
quate view of the nature of sin, but also from a
very imperfect comprehension of what was needed
to prevent and atone for the same. This Greek
word belongs to the moral sphere, meaning, from
the time of Homer downwards, to miss the right,
to transgress, to sin. Cf. Cremer's Lex., s. v. The
form for the fut. act., a/iiprriirai, is Alexandrian,
and not common.

Chapxee Viil.

10

11

12
13

Strive not with a mighty man,
Lest thou fall into his hands.

Be not at variance with a rich man, lest he outweigh ^ thee ;
For gold corrupteth ^ many,
-And perverteth " the hearts of kings.
Strive not with a man that is fuU of tongue,
And heap not wood upon his fire.

Jest not with a rude man,
Lest thy ancestors be disgraced.
Reproach not a man that turneth from sin.
Remember that we are all worthy of punishment.^
Dishonor not a man in his old age.
For some of us also are growing ^ old.
Rejoice not over the death of any one,'
Remember ' that we die all.

Neglect * not the discourse of the wise,
And employ ° thyself with their proverbs ;
For of them thou shalt learn discipline,"
And to serve great men."
Miss not the discourse of old men,''^
For they also learned of their fathers ;
For of them thou shalt learn insight,^'
And to give answer as need requireth.

Kindle not the coals of a sinner,
Lest thou be burnt by his flaming fire.-'*
Do not get excited before an insolent " person.
Lest he seat himself as one who lieth in wait at thy mouth."
Lend not to a man '" mightier than thyself,
And if thou hast lent, count it as ^* lost.
Be not surety above thy power.
And ^' if thou be surety, take care to pay it.

Vers. 1-5. — ' A. V. ; ovepweigli (cf. Com.). * hath destroyed (an-faJXeo-e, iterative aorist ; cf. Buttmann, p. 201).

perverted. * But remember .... punishmeat {Codd. II. (by first hand) III. X. 23. 68. Aid., eTriTiftois. Kom. ed.

(with II. by a second hand) eTrtriftiois).

Vers. 6-10. — c A. V. : even some of us wax. ^ thy greatest enemy (tm exSpoTaTw trov, H. 248. Co. ; Old Lat. , inimico
two) being dead. ' But remember. * Despise (irapifiTj?). ^ But acquaint (icai .... dcaoTpe'i^ou). lo instruc-
tion (TratSeiay. It is used here, as the next line shows, in the sense of " discipline "). ^i how .... men with ease
{106. 248. Co. add eujuopw? ; H., evfiadMs j Old Lat., sine querela). i^ the elders iyEpovjuv). ^ And of ... . under-
standing {(riivetrit/ ; cf. following). ^* with the flame of his fire (iv jrvpl 0Ao-yos airov).

Vers. 11-13. — ^"^ A. V. : Rise not up m anger at the presence of an injurious (see Com.). lo lie in wait (iVa pij e-yica-
eCari) to entrap thee (is iveipov, but probably for treiptviov — 3'^H — as Tritzsche supposes) in thy words (marg.,/or
thy mouth). " unto him that is. " Tor {xai) if thou lendest him, count it but (is iiroAuAeKut yiVou). '» For

20

306

THE APOCRYPHA.

14

15

16

17

18

19

Go not to law with a judge,
For they will decide ^ for him according to his high standing.'
Travel not in ' the way with a hold fellow,
Lest he become burdensome * unto thee ;
For he will do according to his pleasure,'
And thou wilt ^ perish with him through his folly.
Strive not with an angry man,
And go not with him through the waste,'
For blood is as nothing in his sight.
And where there is no help, he will strike thee down.'
Consult not with a fool.
For he cannot be silent about a matter.'
Do no secret thine/ before a stranger,
For thou knowest not what he will bring to light.*"
Open not thine heart to every man.
Aid so set an ill return.^^

Verp. 14-19. — i A. V. : judge. 2 honour iB6^ay. It refers to his high rant as ruler, or judge). 3 by (ei/).

• grievous. ^ own will. ° shalt. ' into a solitary place {Stanopevov .... ttiv epritiov. The preposition is omit-
ted by 106. 248. 254. 307. Co.). ^ overthrow (KarajSaAet) thee. *• keep counsel {K6yov trre^at). ^t* forth (cf.
Com.}. 11 Lest he requite thse with a shrewd turn (to x^pt*' is added in H. 23. 106. 248. Co., ^ev&-!j ; Old Lat., groftam
falsam. It is an obvious though correct gloss)

Chaptek VIII.

Ver. 2. Outweigh thee, avTiarrja-Ti aou r^v
ShK-fiv. Put over against thee the weight, namely,
the weight of his money. He would be able,
throngh bribery, to prevail, althougli his cause
might be unjust.

Ver. 4. Ancestors be disgraced. Snch a
nnin has no respect for anytliing, and one might
therefore be wounded in his most sacred feelings
by his thoughtless remarks.

Ver. 5. See tlie account of the woman taken
in adultery, John viii. 7 ff. ; as also the conduct
of the elder son in the parable recorded in Luke,
chap. XV.

Ver. 6. See Lev. xix. 32. — In his old age ;
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, " on account of his old age,"
which is correct as a gloss.

Ver. 11. M^ i^avacTT-^s aiTh ■wpoaunrou v^piaTou.
The sense seems to be ; " Uo not allow thyself to
get excited in the presence of a reckless blas-
phemer, and so be led to say things which he
might use against thee." It might, however,
mean : " Rise not up (reverently) before," i. e., in
order to win him over by moderation and indul-

gence. But the context favors the rendering
given, which is also essentially that of Wahl, and
Bunsen's Bibehoerk.

Ver. 12. To a man mightier. He would
exercise against thee the right of the stronger.

Ver. 16. Cf. xxviii. 8 ; Prov. xv. 18, xxii. 24.

Ver. 18. A stranger. Not necessarily here a
heathen, but one who is unknown. — tIktiiv.
Probably for the Hebrew T^^, and here figura-
tively used for bring to light. Cf. Job xv. 35 ;
Ps. vii. 14. A Latin proverb runs : " Fide, sed
cui vide ; " German, " Trait, schau, wem."

Ver. 19. Kai fj.^ ai'at^epeTw aoL x^P"'- The
sense is given correctly by the A. V. In this
case, as the context shows, x"?'" means an ill turn ;
et cace, ne male tibi rependat. Wahl's Clavis, ad
voc. Bunsen's Bibelwerk renders (with De Wette,
less truly and forcibly ) : " He will not thank you for
it ; " Fritzsche, " So shalt thou not have ill thanks
[schlechten Dank) for it." On the force of a second
imperative connected by Kai, as here, cf. Winer,
p. 311.

Chapter IX.

1 Be not jealous over ^ the wife of thy bosom.
And teach her not an evil lesson against thyself.

2 Yield not thyself to a wife,

To cohabit with her beyond thy strength."

3 Go not to meet ^ a harlot,
Lest thou fall into her snares.

4 Be not long with a female singer,*
Lest thou be taken by her arts.^

6 Gaze not on a maid.

Vers. 1-4. — ' A. V. : over (or with respect to. The word yvroiKa has no prep, before it). 2 Give not thy soul unto a
woman (jir) {«! yvvaiitl T?)!/ ^vxfiv crou) To set her foot upon thy substance (cf. Com. It might also be rendered
' That she set herself against thy power "). a Meet not with (vnivra. ; iiriiTa, 248. 307. Co.). * Use not mucli

ihe company (eraeXe'xife) of a woman that is a singer (cf. Com.). 0 with her attempts (eirm)8ci!|ttacrii', H. 106. 248.
Co.).

ECCLESIASTICUS. 307

Lest thou be annoyed with penalties on her account.*

6 Yield not thyself unto harlots,''
That thou lose not thine inheritance.

7 Do not look around ^ in the streets of a * city,
And wander not in the abandoned ^ places thereof.

8 Turn away thine eye from a woman of beautiful form,'
And look not upon a beauty that is another's ; '
Many have been led astray ° by the beauty of a woman ;
And hereby ^ love is kindled as a fire.

9 Sit not at all with a married woman/"

And be not given to feasting and wine-drinking with her,**

Lest thine heart incline unto her,

And through thy passion thou plunge ^ into destruction.

10 Forsake not an old friend,

For the new is not equal ^' to him.

A new friend, new ** wine ;

If it has become old, thou wilt ^' drink it with pleasure.

11 Envy not the glory*' of a sinner,

For thou knowest not what will " be his end.

12 Delight not in that which the ungodly delight *^ in,
Remember they will not be unpunished tUl death.*"

13 Keep thee far from the man that hath power to kUl,
And thou shalt not be in suspense through ^° fear of death ;
And if thou come unto him, make no mistake,''*

Lest he take away thy life.''^

Know '^ that thou goest ^^ in the midst of snares.

And that thou walkest about ^^ upon the battlements of a city."*

14 As near as thou canst, study out those around thee,'"
And consult with the wise.

15 Let thy conference ^^ be with men of insight,^

And all thy communication ^ in the law of the Most High.

16 Let** just men eat and drink with thee ; ^^
And let thy glorying be in the fear of the Lord.

17 By reason of the hand of artificers the work will '' be commended,
And the wise ruler of the people by reason of ^* his speech.

18 A man full of ^^ tongue is feared ^ in his city ;
And he that is rash in his talk will*' be hated.

Vera. 5-9. — i A. V : That thou fall not {o-Kai/SaAnrdpy. Wahl gives it here the eense of indignor) by those things that
are precious in her {see Com.). " Give not thy soul (see ver. 1) unto harlots {see Com.). s Look not round about
thee. * the. * Neither wander thou .... solitary (rats ip^/Aoi?, i. e., the disreputable portions). b thine (croc is
added by 106. 254. 257.) eye from a beautiful woman Cyvraucbseundpcljov). ' another's beauty (see Com.). » lor (248.
Go. have -yap) many .... deceiTed {iwXavridTia-tuf). * J"or herewith. lo another man's wife {^era vtrdv^pov yvvai.K6^, i. e.,
a woman who is under the control of a man, has a husband ; of. Kom. Tii. 2, i^ yap vjrai/ipos yvvri. These words were
also sometimes used for a loose woman, but that is clearly not the meaning here. Codd. H. 248. Co. add Ka\ firi Kara-
KAtfljjs ctt' ayKoXbiv jtter' aUTTj?, which were adopted by the A. V., " Nor sit down with her in chine arms). " spend not
thy money (ffVfipoAoKojr^oTjs) with her at the wine (ec oicoi. A more free rendering seems preferable). ^ so through
thy desire (see Com.) thou fall (oAitrfl^aTjs. It means to slip, slide in a slippery path, and the rendering of the A. V. is
not strong enough).

Vers. 10-13, — ^^ A. V. : comparable {eijmTos ; III., eTrio-os ; II., e(^' lo-os ; H., e^' 1(77)5 ; 248. Co., ctt' itnjs). ^^ is as

new. ^5 ^'hen it is old, thou Shalt. ^^ glory {see Coin.). ^^ shall. i^ jhe thing that .... have pleasure {eiSo-
(f^trrjs eufioKtat? ; text, rec, ev evSoKLcf). ^^ But remember they shall not go unpunished (lit., " shall not be declared

just") unto their grave (lit., "as far as Hades "). ^^ So shalt thou not doubt (lit., " suspect ") the. 21 fault.

22 life presently (H. 248. Co. add TrapaxpTjfAa). 23 Remember {ewCyvijid'.). ^ goest (Sta^aiWt?). 25 walkest (n-ept-
irareis). ^a tiie eity {text, rec, n-oAewc ; Fritzsche receives the gen.^ing. from X. C. H. 23. 106. 248. 254. 307. Co.).

Vers. 14-18. — 27 ^_ y. : guess at (oToxao-at. It means here, take the measure of, study out) thy neighbour (C. H. 248.
807. Co., Toi3 — for Tovs — irXijo-ioi' ; cf. Com.). ^^ tii\]/i {Et.oKoyi.uii.i'; zzz {\) a balancing of accounts ; {2) reasoning ,

conversation; (3) N. T., rfoMftf). 2fl the wise (oTJi^eTwj'). so communication (5t^Y^(ri9, lit., narraitort). 81 And

let. 22 eat and drink with thee {avvBemvoi a-ov, i. e., thy table companions). ^ For tlie hand of the artificer
phall (55. 106. 157. 254. have the sing. ; cf. Com.). 34 for se of an ill (yAuo-auSiis ; cf Till 3. I have rendered to
correspond) ^^ dangerous (</)o/5ep6s) *^ shall.

308

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter IX.

Ver. 1. Cf. Numb. v. 14. — An evil lesson,
i. e. a lesson of ULfaitlifulness to thee.

Ver. 2. We have given above two render-
ings of the latter clause of this verse : 'EiriyS^j'ai
avTTjv eTrl r^v iax^^ (Co., ^iixi)v) <tov, 1'he one in
the text is perhaps on the whole preferable.
Fritzsche olijects to it that the verb in this sense
is used only of animals, and th.at in this case, too,
un-ep should stand in the place of eV/. But neither
objection can be considered as necessarily having
force in the present case, The preposition might
be translated in its ordinary sense without im-
pairing the meaning of the verb. And it would
not be beneath the level of our book, in other
respects, to ,-uppose that it purposely used here
€7ri/3iicai rather than the usual avaifivai.. The
rendering given is in harmony with the context,
and was adopted by Bretschneider and Bunsen's
hihelwerk.

Ver. 4. Singer, ^a\\oi(7r)s. Properly a dancer
as well lis a singer. Van Lennep, in speaking of
the professional dancing of single persons in
Eastern lands, says : " As it existed in Egypt
from time immemorial, and is copiously pictured
on the monuments of that country, even upon
some that are older thaij the exodus of the Israel-
ites, it is highly probable that it was thence intro-
duced into Western Asia and India. Still, it
appears to have been long confined to the volup-
tuaries of the ureat monarchies of Assyria and
Egypt. . . It is very common among the rich
in Cairo to call in one of these women to dance be-
fore their guests after dinner, and scenes of the most

revolting character not infrequently ensue

When dancing before a ]>rivate company, they wear
the ample shintian or trousers, and, in addition
only a tunic of gauze-like texture. Libations of
wine and arrack are offered them by the spectators,
of which they freely partake, and, laying aside the
last vestige of modesty, the consequences may be
ea.sily imagined." Bible Lands, p. 626 f£.

Ver. 5. ^KavSaKiadi]? iv rots iirnLfxiois avTris.
The Syriac and Arabic translate : " Ne ad du-
plictmi ejus dotem damneris." According to Dent,
xxii. 19, the seducer was obliged to pay the se-
duced a hundred shekels, twice as much as was
usually demanded of the bridegroom, by the par-
ents, in case of mairiage. Others translate :
" lest thou fall into sin with her ; " and still
others; "lest thou fall through her charms."
Fritzsche thinks it possible that the word may
have been originally iTrtSv/^ion, as a translation of
rr^^n, of which a secondary meaning is " charm "
or " beauty."

Ver. B. Cf. Prov. v. 10; vi. 26 ; xxix. 3. The
word used for " harlot " here is vipvTfv (from
Trtpi'ao), Greek prostitutes being generally slaves).
Cf. yvvaiKi kraipL^Ofiivy, ver. 3.

Ver. 7. Cf. Prov. yii. 8. The dangers into
which curiosity concerning evil leads one are illus-
trated by many jjroverbs, one of which is ; " Talk
of the Devil, and he is sure to appear." The
Israelites were not allowed even to make inquiries
concerning heathenism and the service of strange
gods, lest they should be led into sin. See Deut.
xii. 29, 30.

Ver. 8. KiWos aWirptoy, namely, of a woman
that is not thy wife, and that belongs to another.
The Talmud has cited this passage, with varia-
tions, and an addition from Jeremiah : " Turn
away thy eyes from a beautiful woman, lest thou
be caught in her .snares. Visit not her husband
in order to drink wine or strong drink with him.
For the form of a beautiful woman has already
ruined many, and numerous are they who have
been destroyed by her. The dealer in ornaments,
who stimulates to unchastity, receives many
wounds. As a spark kindles the flame, as the
cage is full of birds, so her house is full of craft."
Gutmann, Com., ad he.

Ver. 9. Cf. Numb. v. 29; Prov. vi. 24 f.
Grotius : ** Conjuncta sunt convivta et amoves.^' —
Desire, irveiifxari. This word may mean " inclina-
tion," " pasbion," (auimal) " desire," and is prob-
ably given as a rendering of n^T. Old Lat.,
Syr., Ar., and Clem, of Alex, read alfian for it.

Ver. 10. A new friend, new ^^ine, i. e., both
are unproved, are simply in process of develop-
ment, and less pleasant than afterwards.

Ver. 11. Cf. Ps. Ixxiii. throughout, but espe-
cially verse 17. — A6^aii seems here to be used in
the sense of " good fortune."

Ver. 13. There w^ere periods in the history of
the Jews when to be cited before a judge was in
itself equivalent to a sentence of death. There is
an Oriental proverb: "If the judge be your
enemy, God help you \" It is possible, however,
that the admonition relates simply to one's con-
duct in general, in the service of kings and others
of high rank.

Ver. 14. Tous TrKritriov, those near, in order to
find out whether they are persons suitable to be
intimate with.

Ver. 15. In the law, Iv v6ixa. The rendering
of the A. V. is correct. It does not mean " cou-
cerning the law" (Linde), but to be within its
bounds, — in harmony with it, not against it.

Ver. 17. The thought is that as an artist's
hand is shown in his work, so a ruler's language
will show whether he is wise or not. Luther :
" Das Werk lobt den Meister," " The work praises
the master."

Ver. 18. An Oriental proverb runs: " A fool
cast a stone into a well, which forty men could
not draw out again." — ni>omT-l)s= falling for-
ward ; then, prone to a thing, rash.

Chapter X.

1 A WISE ruler '^ will discipline ^ his people,

And the government of a sagacious man ° is well ordered.

Vers. 1, 2. — » A. V. : judge (Kpinjs, but clearly lor iDDtD, and meaning here ruler, regent ; cf. Wisd. 1. 1). » In-
itruct (iroiSeuo-ei ; iroiSeuei, H. 63. 248. Co.). 2 prudent man {avvenu ; cf. i. 4, 19, 24, and ver. 23 below with Com

ecClesiasticus. 309

2 As the ruler ^ of his ^ people, so his servants,'

And as the chief person * of the city, so ^ all they that dwell therein.

3 An uninstructed " king destroyeth his people.

And '■ through the sagacity of the powerful a city will flourish.'

4 The dominion ° of the earth is in the hand of the Lord,
And in due time he will set over it him who is qualified.'"'

5 In the hand of the Lord ^^ is the prosperity of a man,^"
And to ^' the person of an official he lendeth its dignity."

6 Bear not hatred to thy neighbor over any ^^ wrong,
And do nothing at all if violence is practiced.^^

7 Pride is hateful before the Lord " and before men,"
And against ^* both doth it ^° commit iniquity.

8 Because of wrongs, and violence, and greed of gain,
Dominion passes from nation to nation.^'

9 What ^^ is earth and ashes proud of ? ^'

For while alive he maketh him inwardly tremble.^

10 A long disease, the physician jokes ; ^'

Yea, to day a king, and to morrow he will die.^°

11 For when a man is dead.

He shall have as his portion maggots, and jackals, and worms."

12 The beginning of pride is when a man ^' departeth from the Lord,^
And his heart is turned away from his Maker.

13 For the beginning of pride is '" sin.

And he that holdeth it fast will pour out "^ abomination.
Therefore ^^ the Lord made his calamities extraordinary,"*
And overthrew them utterly.

14 The Lord cast '* down the thrones of princes,'^
And set '° the meek in their stead.

15 The Lord plucked"' up the roots of nations,*'
And planted the lowly in their place.

16 Lands of nations the Lord overthrew,*'

And destroyed them to the foundations of the earth.

17 He took some of them away,"*" and destroyed them.
And made *'■ their memorial to cease from the earth.

18 Pride is not meant *' for men,

Nor furious anger ^* for them that are born of women."

at that place.). ^ judge. 2 the (aurou is omitted by X. — through a corrector — H. 106. 157. 248. 254, Co. Old

Lat.). " is himself, so (/cat after outojs is omitted by Fritzsche with III. X. C. 106. 155. 307.) are his officers (XeiToup-
vol avTOv). ^ what manner of man the ruler (here rjyovfj^evov). ^ is, suck are.

Vers. 3-6. — " A. V. : unwise (arralSevTo^). ' But (Kat). » prudence {crvv4a-et. ; cf. ver. 1) of them which are in

authority {Swainiay) the city shall be inhabited (cf. Com.). 9 power (e|ouffia with the article in III. X. II. 23. 55.

106. 155. 157. Co., which is adopted by Fritzsche). ^^ one that is profitable (Tof xp^o'^M-*"') *■ fi-, useful as it respects
the objects for which one should rule, and so, qualified). " God. ^2 of man. ^'^ upon (diit. without a p'-ep. ; 307.,
accus.). 1* the scribe (cf. Com.) shall he lay (en-tS^o-et, but expressing a general truth) his honour (&6^av, here the
respect, dignity inhering in his office). ^" for {iiri ; iv, 106. 155.) e^ery (jrai/ri, but the sense can only be as giyen

above. It means et-ery wrong, even the least, and so, any vjrons;). ^"^ by injurious practices (see Com.).

Vers. 7-9. — i^ A. V. : God. 18 and man (plur.). " by (seeCom.). ^'^ one. 21 unrighteous dealings (aSiKi'as),
injuries (sal v^pe«), and riches got by deceit (xp^ftara ; 248. Co. add fioAia. The context makes it clear that the love of
gold is meant which leads to robbery and violence), the kingdom (^a<TtA.eia, a kingdom, or rule, dominion in general)
is translated from one people to another (irro iSvovi els eSras). 22 vVhy (ri)- '" proud (see Com. There fol-

low in the A. V. the words " Tliere is not a more wicked thing than a covetous man: For such an one setteth his own
eoul to sale." They are found in H. 248. Co. Old Lat. ; also iu 106., but in that MS. as a conclusion to ver. 8, where
they would more properly be foundl. 2* Because while he liveth (oTt kv C<^jj ; 106. 248. Co. add avroO) he casteth

away his bowels (eppn//a — plur., III. 157. 248. Co — rd ev56a-9ia aurov ; cf. Com.).

Vers. 10-16. — -^ A. V. : The physician cutteth off {aKuTrrei ; 157. 248. Co., KdirTet. ; ^KKinret, 55. 254. Cf. Com.) a
long disease (Atoucpbi/ appucmi^a. These words begin the line, and are followed by a comma in Tritzsche's text).
2« And he that is to day a king (Kat) to-morrow shall die. 27 inherit creeping things, (/cat) beasts (see Com.),- and

(Aid. omits) worms. 28 one {av&piiinov). 29 Qod (Kvptiv ; cf. vers. 4, 7). ^^ pride is the beginning of sin (so 248.

Old Lat. Syr. Ar.). si hath it (o Kparii' avT)js) shall pour out (ejo/x^p^o-al. =2 ^n<i therefore. 33 brought upon
them strange calamities (i-apeSiJayc icupio! raj iirayiuyiis). '" hath cast. "^ proud (II. and Old Lat. add i-rTef:ri^i.v<i>v)
princes. ^ set up (eicd^co-e). ^7 bath plucked. ^e the proud (H. 23. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. add vTTep-i)<lt6.vii>v)

nations. sit The Lord overthrew countries of the heathen.

Vers. 17, 18. — ^ A. V. : took some (contained in the prep, with the gen.) .... away (e^TJper was read, which Fritzsche
adopts ; cf. Com.). " hath made. *2 y,g^ (perf . pass, in the sense of the pres.) not made (better rendered by the

Idiomatic expression given above). « furious anger(6pyij ^u^iou ; cf . 0v^b? opyilS) Ecclus. xlv. 19, andCbwi. at Prayer
of Manas, ver. 10, 1 Maco. ii. 49). " a woman (plur. in Or.).

310 THE APOCRYPHA.

19 What generation is honored ? The generation of man.
What generation is honored ? They that fear the Lord.
What generation is unhonored ? The generation of man-

What generation is unhonored? They that transgress the commandinents.

20 Among brethren he that is their chief is honored ; ^
So are they that fear the Lord in his eyes.*

22 A rich, and a noble, and a poor man,*
Their glory is the fear of the Lord.

23 It is not right ^ to despise a ^ poor man that hath sagacity ; '
And it is not fitting to honor " a sinful man.

24 A great man, and a judge, and a potentate, will ° be honored,

And there is " none of them greater than he that feareth the Lord.

25 Unto the wise servant will the free ^^ do service,
And an intelligent man will not grumble.^^

26 Be not overwise in doing thy business.
And boast not '^ in the time of thy distress.

27 Better is he that laboreth, and aboundeth in all things.
Than he that boasteth,-'* and wanteth bread.

28 j% son, glorify thyself in meekness,"'

And honor thyself •"' according to thy worth."

29 Who will justify him that sinneth against himself ? "
And who will glorify him that dishonoreth himself ? "

30 A ^'' poor man is honored for his skill,
And a^^ rich man is honored for his riches.

31 But he ^^ that is honored in poverty, how much more ^ in riches ?
And he that is unhonored ^ in riches, how much more in poverty ?

Vers. 19-23. — ^ A. V. : They that fear the Lord are a sure seed,

And they that love him an honorable plant :

They that regard not the law are a dishonourable seed ;

They that transgress the commandments are a deceivable seed.
(So 248. Co. ; H. inserts it before ver. 19). 2 ig chief is honourable. 3 eyes (106. 248. Co. have an addition to thif

verse appearing in the A. V. as ver. 21, as follows : The fear of the Lord goeth before the obtaining of authority (n-poo-
A^i^eio? apxi} ; 248. Co for the former Trpo Aij^ews): But roughness and pride is the losing thereof). * Wiether he ba

rich, (Kat) noble, or (Kat) poor. '^ mGGb [SUatov). o the. ' understanding (see Com.). ^ Neither is it conven-
ient to magnify.

Vers. 24-31. — » .'l. V. : Great men, and judges, and potentates (U. 248. Co. have the plur.) shall. » Yet is there.

11 the servant that is wise {a-o<l>^ ; 11. 23. 106. 248. 307. Co., aTjveT<^) shall tkey that are free. 12 i^g that hath knowledge
(aiT]p c7ri(rT7Jp(ui') .... grudge (yoyyutret ; H. 248. Co. Syr. Ar. add TratSevifiei-os ; Old. Lat., correptwt) when he is reformed.
13 not thyself (cf . Com. ). i^ boasteth himself. 1^ glorify thy soul in meekness {ep irpaijDjTi So^aaov ttji' ^x^v

(rov). 1" give it (auT^, thy sou), or thyself) honor. 1^ the dignity thereof. i^ tijg own soul. ^^ his own

life (ttji/ ^iiiijf auToiJ. The substantive seems to be used in the sense of ^'^XV^ ^^ the previous verse ). 20 The. 21 the.
M fie (111. C. 106. 167. 248. 296. 307. Co. join the Se to the verb, i. e., instead of o 6e Sofu.fVei'O! read o SeSofacrnevos).
23 how much vwre {koI .... jroo-axws ; lit., in. how many ways. On /cai, in such a construction, cf. Winer, p. 437. It
might be rendered here " also "). 24 /jg iji^t is dishonourable.

Chapter X.

rec. and II., the last member would read : " and
against boih injustice will do wrong." Bvit it seems
belter to have the same subject for both members
of the verse. Bunsen's Bibelwerk, retaining the
common text, renders : " and through both must
he rue it (irArj/ifieXe'cu, a supposed rendering for
Dt^K) in vain."

Ver. 9. Eartli and ashes. Cf. xvii. 27, and
Gen. xviii. 27. The Syriac and Arabic texts
render by " Cur superbiat putvis ac cinis f " Old
Latin: " Quid superbit," etc. But the Greek is:
T^ vTvept^ipaveveTai, etc. — "I [God] make him in-
wardly tremble." So Pritzsche, who supposes the
verb to be a rendering for t^'^bpn, Hiphil of
Tlytt', in the sense of concutere. 1 have adopted
the third person singular of the aorist, instead of
the first. Bunsen's Bibelwerk renders : " In life
are his entrails emptied out."

Ver. 10. Jokes, makes light of, vKdirret. The

Vers. 1,2. Cf. Prov. xx. 8, and ix. 17 of the
present book. The Latin proverb is familiar :
" Qitalis rex, talis lex " (or grex).

Ver. 3. OiKio-eVjo-eTai. Lit., " shall be built,"
!. e., shiiU grow, thrive. See the use of tlie same
word at xxxviii. 32.

Ver. 5. Prosperity, elioSla. As the context
shows, prosperity with reference to the attainment
of hij^h position is meant. — Xlpoatairti} ypa^^ar^o)^.
The connection requires the sense " othcial," " to
him in official position," corresponding to the

Hebrew "IttO. Cf. Gen. v. 6, 10; Josh. i. 10.

Ver. 6. If violence is practiced, ('• e., against
thee. Lit., " in works of violence." This render-
ing of iv ipyots v^p^ois is fixed by tlic context.

Ver. 7. We have emended the translation in
liarmony with Giotius's and Fritzsche's sugges-
tion that eis should stand for ^£ before a.ix(t>oTipo>v.
If aStKia (with III. X. 23. 55. 106. 155. 157. 254.
296. 307. 308.) is substituted for fiSi/to of the text.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

311

jiliysitiiiii thinks the disease or weakness that
conns throufjh the judgment of God of little ac-
count; but — to-day a kin<;, to-morrow dead. If
the suggestion of Hitzig, that larpSv be read for
larpis, be received, the tiist member would be, "A
loiifi' sickness mocks the physician," and greater
clearness of thought secured. The passage has
been thouglit by some to refer to the death of
Autiochus Epip banes. Cf. I Mace. vi. 8, 9 ; 2
Macu. ix. 9. Bretschneider, adopting this theory,
would consequently reject the whole verse as a
latgr addition. But it is probably genuine, and
has 'only a general, and not a specific, reference.

Ver. 11. Jackals, 677pia. Theocritus (ix. 161)
uses the word of bees ; Hippocrates of worms in
the bowels, and it might here mean " worms."
But it is probable that that pest of Oriental coun-
tries, the jackal, is meant. So Bretschneider and
Wahl versus Fritzsche.

Ver. 17. 'El'^pctj'6;', K''3]', lets dry up, wither, go
to ruin. The reading i^Tjpev, Old Latin, amovit,
was adopted by the A. V. It has also been re-
ceived by Frilzsche from III. X. C. H. 23. 106.
1 55. 137. 248. 254. 296. 307. Co., and I have there-
fore left the translation unchanged.

Ver. 18. The meaning is that man was not
made for pride. Luther, falsely : " The man is
not made evil." — Born of women. Men are
spoken of in this way as being in their origin of
one flesh and blood (cf. Matt. xi. 11 ; Luke vii.
28), and also as weak and mortal. The word
yevvTifia is used for what is produced by plants
and animals, especially the former. Cf. 1 Mace.
1. 38, iii. 45, where it is employed as here.

Ver. 19. Generation, (rTrep/ia= V^)/

Ver. 22. Cf. Jer. ix. 23, 24.

Ver. 23. 'StiyfrSi/, intelligent, sagacious. Here
the word is contrasted with a^apTw\6v in the fol-
lowing clause, which is as much as to say that a
sagacious man will not be a sinner. It is inter-
esting, indeed, to note what a variety of ideas our
author, through the titles he applies, associates

with the character represented in Hebrew by the
terras b'a^ and 7"'1S. We find, for instance,

T T •'.■ '

Honpis, viii. 1 7 ; i^puv, xxi. 23 ; Ao-uveros, xxi. 18;
aviriTos, xxi. 19; hwaiSevTOS, ItitipSios, vi. 20; &•/-
dpairos Sxapis, XX. 19. All these words emphasize
the fact of the lack of wisdom. A second group
sets forth the false relation which such a person
sustains to God and divine things : i.<Tf$r]'s, vii.
17 ; (> KaTahttriiji' rhv Kvpiov, xxviii. 23 ; irapa^aivtuv,
xl. 14; Si/o^uos, xvi. 4 ; SSikos, xl. 13 ; ix^p6s, xii.
8, 9 ; aWirpLos, xi. 34. A third series of titles
represent the activity of such a person aa, in gen-
eral, a false one : aixa.pTaiK6^, xi. 30 ; a,)i.apT6,vitiv,
xix. 4 ; (5 &vBpa)wos TT\av(i)ix^vos, xvi. 23 ; i Kanzk
4pya(6iiei'os, xxvii. 10 ; iTour}pev6fi(Pos, xix. 26.
Still another series of words, by which a more
definite characterization of the " fool " is pre-
sented, are : Katcos, xx. 17 ; ^ ^pvxh Tovr]pa, vi. 4 ;
vTrep7t<pavos, xi. 30 ; 56\ios, xi. 29 ; (rwaTaK6s, xxi.
15 ; \oLSopos, xxiii. 8 ; avaiSris, xl. 30. Cf. Mer-
guet, pp. 26, 33.

Ver. 25. Will not grumble, i. e., at that which
had just been asserted ; since it was quite right,
if one were wise enough to see it. There was no
real want of propriety in it.

Ver. 26. Overwise. Do not try to be very
fine and very clever, and do everything after the
most wonderful way ; for then nothing at all will
be accomplished. Cf. LXX. at Ec. vii. 16.

Ver. 27. The text of the vulgate and II. is
Kpsiaaiev (248. 254. Co. add ydp) lpya(6p.evos iv
naaiv % irepmaTiHv ( " thou a loafer ") ?) So|afii^£yos,
etc. ITritzsche adopts from X., by a corrector,
H. 23. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Kp(ltraa>v iyya-
^S^^vos Kal Trepia(TeiJ<tiif ii/ iratTiP ^ {6, H. 248. Co.)
Solofii/xfos, etc., which was the reading of the
A. V. ; III. 106. 157. 296. agree, except that they
add ^ irepnraruiv after ■jrao-ii', and III. C. 55. 106.
155. 157. 296. omit ^ before SoJafoVej/os.

Ver. 29. Ai.ica.uii!ii,set forth as righteous, justify.
Cf. ix. 12; xiii. 22. — Dishonoretli himself, de-
grades himself, namely, by doing that which is
disgraceful, or by having had little self-respect.

CHA.PTEE XI.

1 The wisdom of a lowly man lifteth up his head,^
And giveth him a seat ^ among great men.

2 Praise * not a man for his beauty,

And abhor not * a man for his appearance.'

3 The * bee is little among such as fly,
And ' her fruit is chief " of sweet things.

4 Boast not in the putting on of clothing,^
And exalt not thyself in the day of honor ;
For the works of the Lord are wonderful.
And his works among men are hidden.

5 Many rulers came to sit on '" the ground,

And he ■'^ that was not thought of -"^ wore ^' the crown.

Vers. 1-5. — i A. V. : Wisdom liftetli up the bead of him thut is of low degree (marg., of the lowly; tro^tCa TaTeivov
ain/i^wo-et (aian/fwa-e, text, rec.) (fe^aATjv avTov (text. rec. omits auToO). Pritzsche adopts this form of tlie text from III.
X. C. H. 65. 106. 248. al Co.). s maketh him to sit. 3 Commend (nlviarii, witti II. III. X. 0. 157. 248. 295. 807.

Co. Old Lat. ; text, rec, aiveVets). * Neither abhor. ^ outward appearance (opatrei). o xtie (the article is found
in X. 0. H. 55. 106. 167. 248. Co.iandisadoptedby Sritzsche). 'But. « m the chief . » of !/ji/ clothing and

raiment (ei/ ireptjSoApt/xaTi'wi'). lo j^jngg (TTjpaj'vot) have sat down upon (^/cadto-ai' cn-t). 'i one (6). 12 noyer

thought of [v-wTTOvcrnroi), ^^ hath worn (aor. ).

312 THE APOCRYPHA.

6 Many mighty men were ^ greatly disgraced,
And honored ones ^ delivered into other's ^ hands.

7 Blame not before thou hast examined ; *
Think over ^ first, and then rebuke.

8 Answer not before thou * hast heard,'
And do not break in ' in the midst of what is said.'

9 Strive not about ^° a matter that concerneth thee not,"
And sit not in judgment along with ■'^ sinners.

10 My son, employ not thyself about ■'* many matters,
For if ^^ thou multiply pursttits,^^ thou wilt not come off blameless ;"
And though thou follow," thou wilt not overtake,^'
And though thou run away, thou wilt not escape."

11 Many a one ^ laboreth, and taketh pains, and maketh haste,
And is so much the more behind.

1 2 Many a one is ^^ slow, and in need ^^ of help,
Is behind in strength, ^^ and in poverty rich ; ^*
And the eyes ^^ of the Lord look "" upon him for good,
And he raiseth ^' him up from his low estate,

13 And lif teth ^^ up his head ; ^^
And many are in wonderment over ^ him.

14 Prosperity and adversity, life and death,
Poverty and riches, come from the Lord.''

17 What is given ^^ of the Lord remaineth with the godly,
And his favor bringeth prosperity for ever.

18 Many a one is rich through ^ his wariness and pinching,
And this is his portion as reward :'*

19 Li his saying,'^ I have found rest,
And now can eat of my good things.'*
And '' he knoweth not how time passeth away,"'
And that he shall "^ leave these things to others, and die.

20 Be stbdfast in thy covenant, and pass thy life *" therein,
And so grow ^^ old in thy work.

21 Marvel not at the works of a sinner,^^
But trust in the Lord, and abide in thy labor ;
For it is an easy thinff in the sight of the Lord
On the sudden to make a poor man quickly *' rich.
The blessing of the Lord is the reward of the godly,
And in a swift hour ^^ he maketh his blessing flourish.*^

Vers. 6-10. — i A. V. : have been. 2 the honourable. s other men's. * examined the truth {H. adds to

MfV'/'I? lie words 6i' OKO^!). s Understand (j-oiitroi/). • lAoti. ' heard (Ae rau.«. ' Neither interrupt men

(fii) uap<:i/.fii\Kov ; H. 248. Co. add pVjfja ; Old Lat., ne adjicias leijui). » tlieir talk (Xiyoir). lo jn [nepC)

" thee not ixpeta.. found in the lext. nc. after aov, is stricken out by Fritzsche, as a later addition, in harmony with III.
X. 0. 23. 248. al. Co.). '- with (the Terb is (niviSpmie ; marg. of A. V., in the judgment of sinners). i» meddle not

(enTuaav ai Trpofeis (rov) with (7r(pi). " For if (iav yip, X. H. 56. 106. 167. 248. 254. Co., and Fritzsche adopts ; text.

i-ec. omits yip). '» meddle much (7rA,)9Ji/(ls). " Shalt not be innocent. " if thou follow a/ler. "' shalt

not obtain (fii) KinaXifiii';. The meaning given is quite as legitimate, and it strengthens the parallelism). M Neither
shalt thou escape by fleeing (marg., escape hurt).

Vers. 11-16. — " A. V. : There is'one that. 21 Again, there is another that is. 22 hath need. 2S Wanting

(iro-repii'. I have rendered as it was rendered in Ter. 11) ability (icjxiii. Fritzsche and Bnnsen's Bibelwerk render by
Thatkraft, enterprise, jiower to achieve, to correspond with their rendering of fiuSpiis, laT-y, in the previous line Both
renderings seem to me to be out of harmony with the context. Why should God help a lazy man, and one who has no
energy ? He never does, except by heavier burdens). ^ fuU ol poverty (ir™x"'? vep,.aaeve,, has an eict.M is rich in

poverty). 25 Yet («„•) the eye (plur. ; sing., X. 243. 307. Co. Old Lat.). 20 looked (hlstor. aor.). 27 And set

28 lifted. 20 head from misery (H. 248. 253. Co. add iir!> oTixTpi/S^i). so go that many that saw U (23. 248. 253 Co'
add eeuipijtr<ii/T«s ; Old Lat., el honoraverunt deum) marvelled at (in-eSoiifiao-ai'). »i of the Lord. (In II. 23. 106 248°

253. Co. Old Lilt. Syr, Ar. is found here an addition, which appears in the A. V. as follows : " Wisdom, knowledge and
understanding of the law, are al the Lord : Love, and the way of good works, are from him. Error and darkness had
their beginning together with sinnera : And evil shall wax old with them that glory therein.")

Vers. 17-22. — 82 A. V. : The gift (8cJ<ns, not simply one gift, but what is given of the Lord in general • or particularly
riches that come from him). 33 ujore is that waxeth rich by. si is the portion of his reward (i laepls (H 23 248
Co., p.ep\, avToC iTTo) ToO utireoO avToC). 8G Whereas he saith. so will eat continually (^iyio/xai ; ^iyo^ol X III'
n. 106. 807. Aid. ; H. 106. 24S. Co. add. dSioAeiVrus) of my goods (« tH^v iyaSiiy i^ov, i. e., the good things accumul
lated). « And yet. »» what time (ti's Kaipds ; cf. Com.) shall come upon him (■^apeXnnroA. ; H. 248 253 Co add
oirov). ™ must leave those. « be conversant (6^i-\e. ; see Com.). " And (Kai conMcuiiTOm) wax. "sinners
" omits quickly (ef iira/a, which follows Sii raxous). " is in (t. c, the reward is that) the reward suddenly (fr

22

wpf Taxit'o). *^ to flourish.

ECCLESIASTICtrS.

313

23 Say not, What profit have I ? *

And what good things shall I have from now on? '

24 Say ' not, I have enough,*

And what evil can come to me from now on ? ^

25 In the day of prosperity there is ° forgetfulness of adversity,'

And in the day of adversity ' there is no remembrance of prosperity.

26 For easy is it " before the Lord, in the day of death.
To reward a man according to his ways.

27 An hour's adversity causeth forgetfulness of pleasure,*"
And at a man's end his deeds are uncovered. '•■•

28 Pronounce none blessed ^'^ before his death,
And ^' a man will " be known in his children.

29 Bring not every man into thine house.

For the deceitful man hath many lurking-places.**

30 A decoy partridge in a basket, so *^ the heart of the proud,
And as the " spy, he hath an eye *' for a *' fall ;

31 For he lieth in wait, turning the ^^ good into evil,
And on things worthy of praise putteth a blot.°*

32 By ^ a spark of fire a heap of coals is set ablaze,''*
And a sinful man lieth in wait ^ for blood.

33 Take heed of an evil doer,^^ for he deviseth evils,^°
Lest he bring upon thee a perpetual blot.

34 Receive 'a stranger into thine house, and through quarrels he will unsettle thee,'"
And turn thee out of thine own.^

Vers. 23-28. — ^ A. V. : profit is there of my service (H. 248. Co. add apeo-K^as to xp^ta). ^ hereafter {a.irh rod vvv ;
cf. ver. 24). * Again (Aid. has itaC) Bay. * and possess many things (H. 106. 248. Co. add koI itoWd ixoi & exm).

6 hereafter (see Ter. 23). ^ there is a. ^ affliction (KaKwv, I render as the parallelism requires). ^ affliction.

0 It is an easy thing unto {Kovipov Ivarri). ^^ The affliction ((caKcuo-ts) of an hour maketh a man forget pleasure.

11 in his end {it/ avvreXeia a.v&po>irov) .... shall be discovered (Old Eng. ioT uncovered). 12 Judge . . . blessed {fia-

Kapi^e). " For. " shall.

Vers. 29-31. — i*" A. V. ; trains (lit., *' For many are the ambuscades, lurking-places of the deceitful man ; " 106. 248.
Co. read &tafi6Kov for So\iov). i" Like as a partridge taken and kept in a cage, so is (cf. Com.). i^ like as a.

IS watcheth he (eTripAeVet ; 248. Co., ^Tri^as eirt). '^ thy (a fall, any fall, overthrow. He is on the lookout to catch
some one). ^^ and turneth (pres. particip. , tumiftg. That is a part of his secret plan). ^^ in things worthy praise

will lay blame upon thee (see Cow. and ver. 83 below). 22 Qf_ 23 ig kindled (lit., increased, multiplied, i. e., en-

larged to a great matter). 2i layetji ^ait. 2c a mischievous man (/caKoupyov). 20 ^orketh (reKTaiVei ; TeKTaiVerat,
H. 106. 248. 307. Co.) wickedness (iroiTjpd). 27 and he will disturb thee (Siatrrp^i/fei ere — 296. Aid., SiaarpetlieLs — iv

rapaxoxi ; X. H. 23. 248. 263. Co., ev rapaxH ', Old Lat., in turbine; see Com.). 28 gee Com.

Chapteb XL

Ver. 2. Cf. 1 Sam. xvi. 7.

Ver. 4. The works of the Lord are wonder-
ful. Hence he may, almost unawares, bring
about a change in one^s circumstances.

Ver. 8. Cf. Prov. xviii. 13. The Mishna also
(2V. Ahoth, >'. 9) numbers among the seven things
in which the wi.'^e are distinguished from others
these two: "He does not interrupt another in
speaking, and does not answer too quick."

Ver. 9. In judgment along with sinners,
t. e., where he is judge. The danger would be
that he, too, would be led to judge falsely.
" When a man takes a crow for his leader, his
mouth must be ever full of carrion." Oriental
proverb.

Ver. 10. Cf. Eccles. ix. 11, 12 ; 1 Tim. vi. 9.

Vers. 11-13. The more behind, namely, with
respfect to what he seeks. He is all the more in
wiint. Cf . Ps. cxxvii. 1,2; Prov. xi. 24 ; also,
the Greek proverb : " The net of the sleeping
(fisherman) takes," — eSSovri nipTos alfiei, — and
the story connected with it in Plutarch's Lives,
" Sulla," chap. vi.

Ver. 17. Given of the Lord. According to
the context, riches are meant, worldly prosperity.
— Euo-e/SeVi, with the godly. The word occurs

only in the later Greek, and but seldom in the
LXX., though comparatively often in the present
book. See verse 22 ; xii. 2, 4 ; xxviii. 22 ; xxxix.
27 ; xliii. 33. It means one who is ruled by the
fenr of God, while aae^-fjs denotes the contrary
The noun euo-e'^Sio is found at xlix. 3.

Ver. 18. Pinching, crpiyyias. This form of
the word is found only here in Biblical Greek. But
cf. Sophocles' Lex., s. v. The verb with which it
is allied means "to draw together."^ This is his
portion, namely, what is subsequently mentioned.
It might include also the very narrowness and
littleness here spoken of. — As reward. Cf .
IVIatt. vi. 2, where the Master speaks of the hypo-
crites as having " their reward."

Ver. 19. Can eat of my good things. Cf.
Luke xii. 16 ff. ; also, Job xxvii. 16 ff. — T/s
Katp6s, what time, ;'. e., how short a time; or,
possibly, what sort of a time, — whut troubles,
what poverty. The first thought, however, cor-
responds better with the context,

Ver. 20, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, with Schleusner
and Breitschneider, renders : " Be steadfast in
thy calling," taking SiaBiiKr/ in the sense of a busi-
ness contract between two persons. It appears to
us better, however, to give the word its usual

314

THE APOCRYPHA.

meaning; ; in which case, too, it would more natu-
rally refer to a covenant made with God than to
one made with man. Cf. xliv. 11 of the present
book and 1 Mace. ii. 20. The idea is: "Bestead-
fast to walk in the waj that God ha.s ordained."

Ver. 21. Marvel not. Do not be led astray
by them. Judg'e not simply from appearances.
" The night is in travail, but who can tell what it
will bring forth 1 " See for this and some other
Oriental proverbs cited by us, Append, i. of Van
Lennep's Bible Lands.

Ver. 25. Forgetfulness, eViAijir/uoj'rjv. Cf.
Jas. i. 25, ouTOs ovk aKpoar^s iivtXnjfTfj.ovris y^vifx^vos.

Ver. 28. Pronounce none blessed before his
death. This was a current Greek proverb, and
it is not likely that our author uses it here with
reference to what might be expected after death.
The following clause, rather, shows that it was
life taken as a whole, and the life in its conse-
quences to one's family and the world in general,
which was to determine whether it had been
really successful. Bnnsen's Bibelwerk renders :
" And the man is known from his exit," namely,
the circumstances under which he dies. Cf. xiv.
16. There is an old Spanish proverb : "Call me
not an olive till you see me gathered."

Ver. 29. The Talmud cites this proverb as
from the " book of Ben Sira," but in an altered
form : " Keep away the multitude from thy house,
and bring not every one within."

Ver. 30. A decoy partridge. Qripim-fis, with
iTEpSi^, is used in this sense by Aristotle {Hist. An.,
ix. 8,8). — KapT<iK\as. A basket with a pointed
bottom. It is a late word, and stands for S3M.
Cf. the LXX. at Deut. xxvi. 2, 4 ; 2 Kings x.'t';
Jer. vi. 9 ; and Com. at 1 Esd. ii. 13.

Ver. 31. Putteth a blot {fia/j-of). I render as
rendered in verse 33. This Greek word is used
in Homer ( Od., ii. 86) in the sense of a brand that
is put upon one. In the later Greek prose it was
personified as Momus, the critic God. Cf. Hes.,
Theog., 214.

Ver. 32. Cf. Jas. iii. 5. Great results flow
from apparently insignificant causes. " The pas-
sage of a rat is nothing, but it soon becomes a
thoroughfare." Oriental proverb.

Ver. 34. Turn thee out of thine own, o7ra\-
\orpL(a(Tet tre TaJf (248. Co., e/c rclj^) ISCuy trov. Or,
taking ISiucv as masculine, " estrange from thee
thine own household."

Chaptek XII.

10

If thou wouldst ' do good, know to whom thou doest it,
And thou wilt ^ be thanked for thy benefits.
Do good to a godly man,^ and thou wilt ^ find a recompense ;
And if not from him, yet from the Most High.
There is no good for ^ him that is bent on '' evil,
Nor to him that giveth not alms gladly.'
Give to the godly man,
And help not the ' sinner.

Do good to a lowly man, and ° give not to an ungodly one ; **
Hold back his " bread, and give it not uuto him.
Lest he get the upper hand of ■'^ thee thereby ;
For thou ^^ shalt receive twice as much evil
For all the good thou mayest have done " him.^°
For also ^^ the Most High hateth sinners,
And will repay with punishment " the ungodly."
Give unto the good,
And help not the sinner.

The '"' friend will not be punished '° in prosperity,
And the ^^ enemy wiU not ^^ be hidden in adversity.
In the prosperity of a man his ^ enemies are in sorrow,''*
And °* in his adversity even the "^ friend will depart.
Never trust thine enemy.
For as the metal ^ rusteth, so '■'' his wickedness.

Vers. 1-6. — ' A. V. : When thou wilt ('Eii/ c5 Troij!). ^ gp jjia^u (/,„„ s the godly man. < shalt, s can no
good come, (eVnx ; FritzBchc adopts «V™i from III. X. II. 23. 155. 167. 248. 263. 264. Co.) to. " is always occupied in
{ivitktxL(ovri. 6«). ' giveth no alms (™ iAe7)(ioo-ui/>)i/ — Co., eAeti/ioo-unj! — p.ri xapifofieVu — Co., xopifofieVo. Bun-

eon s Bibelwrrk, following Bretschncidor, renders, And for him, who i.s not thankful for favors. The verb is used in
the classics often with the accus. to denote (/ouig- a i/(i/(^g-;arf^7/. Cf Horn., 0^/., xxiv. 283 ; Herod., i. 91). t a (™)
" well (e5 ; cf . ver. 1) unto him that is lowly (Fritzsche strikes out tw before TaTreit-w, with III. X. H 55 al ) and*
» the ungodly. " thy (o-ou, 23. 248. Co). '' overmaster. '■' else thou. " shalt have done Uv ^ioTjs)'

M unto him. ^ w omits also. "_ vengeance unto. " ungodly (H. 106. 248. 253. Co. add 4,v\iaaei (H., <n/^«\aao-e.i
fie auTous eis iifj-epay e«SiK7Jaews avruiy. A. V. : And keepeth them against the mighty day of their punishment).

Vers. 8-10.-1" A. V. ; A. "« cannot be known (e«8i/<r,9^<r«Tai ; €K/3A.r,9^o-eTai , 155. 248. Co. ; III., the same, except
in the prep, prefixed, it having iy ; 106. 253., eTriyruxj-e^o-eTiu ; Old Lat., agnoscetur,- cf. Com.). 21 an (6). ' 22 e^Q.

not(lut.) 2.1 oj.nil.^ his. ^ will be griemA liy KiTrg). 25 But (k«0- 20 a (o). 27 Lite as iron (o voAjcot

marg. of A. V., ira.-;.^ ; cf. Com.) 28 go is, ^

ECCLESIASTICUS.

315

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

And though ^ he humble himself, and go crouching,

Take heed to thyself and beware of him,

And thou wilt be with respect to ^ him as one who hath ' wiped a lookingglass,

And wilt ^ know that he covered not himself forever with rust/

Set him not by thee,

Lest, having overthrown ^ thee, he stand ' in thy place ;

Seat him not ' at thy right hand,

Lest he seek ' thy seat,

And thou at last find true ^^ my words,

And have remorse over, my sayings.-'^

Who will pity a charmer bitten by ^^ a serpent,

And all those who ^* come nigh wUd beasts ?

So none, him '* that goeth to a sinner.

And mixeth in with " his sins.'''

For awhile he will abide with thee,

And " if thou begin to fall,'* he will not tarry.

And the ■'' enemy speaketh sweetly with his lips,^"

And ^' in his heart he is planning ^ to throw thee into a pit ;

The enemy ^ wUl weep with his eyes,

And ^'^ if he find opportunity, he will not be satisfied with blood.

If adversity meet ** thee, thou wilt "" find him there before thee ; "

And as though helping, he will trip thee up.^^

He will shake his head, and clap his hands,

And whisper ^ much, and change his countenance.

Vers. 11-15. — 1 A. V. : Though. 2 Yg^ take good heed (eTrionjo-oi' ttji* i/^x^v o-ou) .... shalt be unto (literal, but it
lacks clearness). ^ if thou hadst. ^ thou shalt. 5 iiig rust hath not been altogether wiped away (ouk ets Te'Ao5,

KaTt'coo-e ; see Com.). ° when he hath overthrown {tir) ararpe'i/zas ; ^tj avatrrpeitta^^ III. X. 155. 157. 308. ; 248. Co.,fAii7roTtf
itoiTatrT(jsi(/o5). ' Stand up. 8 Neither let him sit. » seek to take (H. 106. 248. Co. add Ka^elf). i» the last

remember (eTrtYrtitrrj). ^^ be pricked therewith (cttI tmv pt}fLaToiv ftov Karawyi^oifi. Codd. II. — in the upper margin

— 68. , with Aid., add irif Seajj-eixreL^ Sis ofiapTtac, iv yap p-i^ ovK oBtaiaBijtr^j ; of. vii. 8). ^^ that is bitten with, 13 Q].
any such as. i-* one. ^'^ is defiled {marg., mingled) with him in. ^'^ adds w/io will pity, i? But (leat).

^8 fall {cKicAii'Tjy ; cf. Com.).

Vers. 16-18. — 1° A. V. : An. 20 lips (gg. Aid., with II. in the lower margin, add «al woAAa \l/Levpla-ei (cf. ver. 18)

(cal ipcl croi itoXi keyuf). "■ But. '2 imagineth how. ^ He (H. 248. 263. Co. Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. omit

6 ^x^pos). 2* But. ^i' come upon {vTravrriai(i). ^^ shalt. 27 fimj iiim there first [irpoTEpov trov kKei, with many
MSS. ; text. rec. has eicet first ; III. 165. have it between the other two words). '^ though he pretend to help thee,

yet shall he undermine (niarg., supplant) thee. Gr., ws ^oTjfur vTTO(rxi<T€L Trrepav a-ov. Lit., *' as one helping, he will
trip up thy foot." See Cam.). 2t» Whisper (lit., hiss, but used for malicious whisperings by Polyb.)

Chapter XII,

Ver. 1. Cf. XX. 15, and the contrast in Rom.
xii. 20.

Ver. 2. See the quite different counsel of our
Lord at Luke vi. 27 If.

Ver. 5. Hold back his bread. These words,
as far as verse 7 inclufiive, Bretschneider thinks
must be a later addition, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk
agrees with him. The reasons given, however,
are insuiBcient ; namely, that the same ideas are
repeated, and that the renderinj; of the old trans-
lations (Old Latin, Syriac, and Arabic) is con-
fused. The repeiifcion is obviously for emphasis ;
while the variations in the old versious may be
looked upon as attempts to soften somewhat the
inexcusable harshness of the counsel given. The
Syriac, for instance, instead of " Hold back his
bread," has " Intrust not to him tliy weapons,"
Luther also omitted verse 7.

Ver. 6. Tols aae^iinv, the ungodly. This
word has not simply a negative force, without god-
liness, but positive, and represents one who in
character and life is opposed to that which the
fear of God would require. Cf. Wisd. iii. 10; iv.
16; xix. 1.

Ver. 8. Cf. Prov. xix. 4. 7. It is not improb-
able that the translitor of our book misunder-

stood his text at this point, since some such idea
as be manifest, he known, seems to be required by
the context, as the various readings show. If the
text be retained as it is, however, and the trans-
lation be punished adhered to, there could still be
a passable sense obtained from the passage ; A
friend will not he punished in prosperity, i. e., a
supposed friend, who is not really such, will give
no occasion for punishment as long as one is
prosperous. The latter clause of the following
verse, in fact, gives support to this rendering.
Linde, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and orhers render;
" Not in good fortune is the friend known."

Ver. 10. Iron (A. V.), X'^\k6s, rather bronze.
though the word is not infrequently used in the
later Greek poets for criSripos. Usually, however,
the word x^^fi^' "'a.'* applied to a mixture of cop-
per and tin, answering to our bronze. As raetal
rusts, and is no more recognizable as snch, so
wickedness is concealed under a fair exterior.
Oi', as rust spoils the met:il, so wickedness the
man, — the ostensible, but not real, friend.

Ver. U. You will learn, if yon are prudent,
that he is always the same base man, and has
only taken on a different guise. Cf. P.ov. xxvi.
24 ff . — As one who hath wiped a looking-glass,

816

THE APOCRYPHA.

etc. When the metiillic mirror has been wiped
clean, and the true image appears, that will be
evic'ent which was concealed before. The last
clause of this ver.se Bunsen's Bihelwerk translates :
" So wilt thou learn ivhelh^r he is not rusted forever.'^
Fritzsche : " And Jin d out that he covered not him-
self to the end {always) with rust," i. e., that he has
not forever played false, since you have already
disco\ered his hypocrisy. Gaab would prefer the
rending of III,, KarlteTat, which would give, how-
ever, much the same .«ense : " And thou wilt find
out that he is not altogether covered with rust,"
i. e., one can discover what his true inward condi-
tion is. Liiide renders the whole verse very
loosely : " Thou art for him a polished mirror,
Tlierefore he will not always show his rust," and
remarks: "Wise reserve and watclifulncss to-
wards the enemy brings him at last to this, that
he is obliged to conceal his blotches. But this
purity is not natural, but forced, and therefore
dangerous."

Ver. 12. At thy right hand. The place of honor.

Ver. 13. There are even at the present day,
in Egypt and India, persons who capture and
train serpents for exhibition. They are some-

times made to dance to tlie music of a flute.
" At Bombay, in India, the celebration of the
' Feast of Snakes ' presents the extraordinary
spectacle of some three hundred ' charmers ' each
wearing a basket with about twenty cobras,
gathered in a Hindoo temple, when the creatures
are fed with buffaloes' milk furnished by the su-
perstitious people. The men handle them with
perfect unconcern.'' — Van Lennep, Bible Lands,
p. 306.

Ver. 15. Begin to fall {iKK\lvris). Fritzsche,
with Gaab, would translate by abbiegest (Heb.
(■^TO or nt03), turnest aside, withdrawest from him,
on the ground that the meaning to Jail is improp-
erly given to the word; but it is adopted for
substance by Drusius, Luther, De Wette, Bret-
schneider, Wahl, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk.

Ver. 16. "With hlood = with thy blood.

Ver. 17. According to Fritzsche, the word
vTToax'^C^^^i '^^ compound, is found only here. Cf.
the LXX. at Jer. ix. 4, ^repvy irrepi/iu.

Ver. 18. For similar examples of the variona
tokens of diabolical joy, see xiii. 7 ; Job xvi. 4 ;
Nah. iii. 19 ; Matt, xxvii. 39.

Chapter XIII.

1 He that toucheth pitch will ^ be defiled,^

And he that hath fellowship with a proud man will become like ' him.

2 Burden not thyself above thy power,*

And have no fellowship with a man * mightier and richer than thyscK ;
What fellowship hath " kettle with ' earthen pot ? *
This liitteth against, and that is shivered.'

3 A rich man doeth ^° wrong, and he threateneth besides ; ^'
A poor man '^ is wronged, and he intreateth besides.^'

4 If thou be for /us profit, he will use thee ;

And " if thou have want,'^ he will forsake thee.
6 If thou have any thing, he will live with thee.

Yea, he will empty thee,^* and he will not trouble himseU."

6 If he have need of thee, so will he lead thee astray,"
And smile upon thee, and put thee in hope ;

He will speak fine things to thee,^" and say, What is thy need?°*

7 And he will shame thee by his feasts,^^
Until he hath emptied thee ^ twice or thrice,
And at last ^^ he will laugh at thee.'^
Afterward, he will see thee, and ^* will forsake thee,
And shake his head over thee.

8 Beware lest ^"^ thou be led astray,^
And brought low by ^" thy jollity.

Vers. 1-8. — ' A. V. : shall. ^ defiled therewith (248. Co. Old Lat. add iv airfi). » shall be like uato {iixom9^<r€
Tat). 4 power while thou litest (H. 248. Co. add ^i- fia^ crov). e „ne tliat is. » For how agree the. ' and the
8 pot together. « For if the one be smitten against the other, it shall he broken. m The rich man hath dona

{hist. aor.). u yd he threateneth withal (Trpotrei-e/Spifuja-aTo ; cj. Com.). J2 The poor. is he must intreat also

{Trpoo-6ei](?^trCTaL ; Trpoo-ainAtje^o-eTat , X. H. 248. Co.).

Vers. 4-8. — " A. V. : But. " have nothing (io-T.piioTjs,/ii« behind, grow poorer). w make thee bare (airoK.i/citrti
ae ; cf. ver. 7). " be sorry /or it (aurbs ov TroveVei, i. e., " he himself will not care ''). " he will deceive thee

(iTTon-Aawjo-ei ae). i» speak thee fair. ■'« wantost thou. 21 meats (/3poi^a<rw, the abundance and variety of hia
food). 2! have drawn thee dry (A7.0Kevii<rj) o-t ; III. X. H. 157. 248. Co. Aid., i,ro«e,/al<r.i <re). 2a the last

M laugh thee to scorn (cf. vii. U; Judith xii. 12; Wisd. iT. 18. The expression is no longer well understood).
^ when he aeeth .... he. »« at thee .... that. 27 not deceived (cf . ver. 6). 28 brought down in (Ta,r«v(oe„s Iv
>. e , made poor through excesses. The A. V. notices the reading of the Vulgate, i^poavrn, having in the margin, by
thy simpllcrty). o i j*

ECCtESIAStlCUS. 317

9 If thou be invited of a mighty man, appear reluctant,*

Ahd so much the more will he invite thee.

10 Press thou not upon Mm, lest thou be put back,
Stand not far off, lest thou be forgotten.

11 Make it not a point to talk with him as an equal,"
And trust ° not his many words ;

'Pot with much talking ** will he tempt thee.
And. as a smiling friend he will search thee out.'

12 Cruel is he who keepeth not a conversation to himself,'
And will not spare injury ' and bonds.*

13 Look out for thyself,* and take good heed.
For thou goest about with thy fall.^"

15 Every animal ■'^ loveth its •'^ like,
And every man his ^^ neighbor.

1 6 All flesh consorteth according to race,"
And a man will cleave to his like.

17 What fellowship hath a ^° wolf with a " lamb ?
So a ^' sinner with a godly man.^^

18 What peace between a hyena and a ^' dog ?

And what peace between a rich and a poor mah ? *•

19 Wild asses are lions' ^^ prey in the wilderness ;
So poor men are fodder of the rich.^''

20 An abomination to a proud man is a low estate ; ^
So a poor man is an abomination to a rich one.''*

21 A rich man beginning to fall is held up by '^ friends ;

But one in low estate having fallen is given also a push by friends.'"

22 If a rich man hath slipped," he hath many helpers ;

He speaketh things not to be spoken, and they ^^ justify him ;

A man in low estate '^ slipped, and ^ they reproached him besides ; **

He spoke intelligently,^'^ and no hearing was given him.'^

23 A ^* rich man speaketh, and all are *^ silent,^'
And " what he saith, they extol ^' to the clouds ;

A '* poor man speaketh, and they *° say. Who is ^ this ?
And if he stumble, they throw him down completely.*"

24 Kiches are good to which attacheth ** no sin.

And poverty is evU in the mouth ** of an ungodly man.**

25 The heart of a man changeth his countenance,

Vef^. 9-14. — 1 A. V. : withdraw fchyself (un-oxwpwp ytvov. It means obTiously, Be reserved^ Make as though thou art
unwilling). 3- Affect not (fiij ewexe ; c£. 1 Tim. iv. 16) to be made equal unto liim in talk (ItrriyopeZfrStu — to speak Uke^
i. e., with the same freedom — fier' avTov ; cf. Com.). 3 believe. * communication (AoAias). ^ And smiling

upon tkee [koX m irpotryeAwf ) will get out thy secrets (eferito-et, text. rec. } III, X. 0. 65. 68. 155. al. add ce, and it is
received by Fritzsche ; H. 23. 106. 248. 253. Co. add to the verb to. upvnra. aov). •> But cruelly he will lay up thy

words (dreAe^jitwc 6 /xTj irvvTrtpuv (cf. Com.) Ai-yous. Gaab and Bretschneider join this to the preceding Pritzache and
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, on the other hand, more properly begin with it a new sentence). '^ to do thee hurt (n-cpl kokio-

o-ews ; 248. Co. add aov). ^ and to put thee in prison (simply dea/xui', the preceding jrepi having still force). ^ Observe
{trvuTrip'rjtTO^ ; has here its usual meaning, and that of ver. 12). ^^ walkest in peril of thy overthrowing (fiera rijff

jTTolcTetofj). Codd. 106. 248. 253. Co. Old Lat. have an addition here appearing in the A. V. as : " When thou hearesfc
these things, awake in thy sleep. Love the Lord all thy life, And call upon him for thy salvation.'' Cod. II. also haa
the sign for an addition, but none is made).

Vers. 15-20. — "' A. V. : bestst (fiuov). •= his. " man loveth his (248. Co. add ayair^). " kind (•)/e>'09).

It* the. ^^ thd. " the. i* the godly. ^^ agreemerit ielp^VTj) is thire between' the hyena and a. 20 ti^g ^\f.-[^ _ ^ ^
the poof. 21 j^s the wild kss (plur.) is the liohs'. 22 the rich eat up the poor (more forcible if rendered literally,
voftai frAovtriwi' irraixoi). ^ As the proud hate {p&fMiyp-a vTr€prt]4>dv(f ; 248. Co., gen. plur. of latter) humility (Tairet-

I'oTTjs. The context seems to require the rendering given ; cf. ver. 21). 24 ,30th the rich abhor the poor.

Vers. 21-25. — 25 ^. y. : of his. ^^ a poor Tnan (TOTretvoj ; X. 248. Co., imuxofi) being down is thrust also away by

hii friends. ^ When ai rich Tnan is fallen {irKovtriov (r<^ttAe»Tos ; cf. the parallel). 28 yg/ men. 29 xhe poor man
(fflwreicos) Plipt (it might be rendered as present, but as aorist it is not without force). S" and yet. 3' rebuked him
too [irpoa-eneTifi.iiitrav, scolded, reproached beside.^). ^2 spake wisely {(rvveatv ; aTrdppTJTa, in the parallel, might mean

"foolish things''). ss could have no place (cf. Com.). »* When a. » every man is. ™ holdeth his tongue,
s' And look. " extol it. "> But if the. " speak, they. «' WiiatfeUaui is. « will help to overthrow him
{TrpoiravaTpe^ovaiv ainixv, lit., overthrow him besides). •*2 Kiches .... unto him that hath (this rendering would be

allowable, but does not so well suit the context, and does not offer so natural a grammatical con.struction ; 6 ttAoutos w,
etc.). ** mouth (Fritzsche receives vroixart from III. X. H. 55. 106. al. ; text, rec, with II., trToiiatriv). ^ the

ungodly.

318

THE APOCEYPHA.

Be it to pleasure or sadness ; ^
26 A cheerful countenance is ^ token of a heart in ^ prosperity,
And finding* out proverbs,^ a wearisome labor of the mind.'

Vers. 25, 26. — > A. V.: whether it be for good or evil (eiv n eU i-foBd. eav ets <ajti). Linde would render : nachclem ergut
oderiihtlgtsinntisl," " accordiDg as he is disposed to — i. e., aims at — good or evil." But the reference is doubtless to
the countenance, and the contrasted o-yaWi and Ka/tos may properly bear the flguratiye meaning giyen them. Codd.
106. 248. 253. Co. add to this Terse, koX ayoWm trpoanairov hi Tt>i//ei Kap6ia eaAAoviro. A. V., " And a merry heart mak-
eth a cheerful countenance "). 2 is a. ' that is in. * the finding. » of parables (vtBK: the secondary

meaning, sentenu, — yi-aJjWTj — apothegm ; or irapotjiiia, proverb, seems more appropriate here. Cf . Luke iv. 23, Trapa-
/SoAtj, " proTerb "). "^ wearisoroe labour of the mind {Sl.a\oyla■^Lol — SiaXoyicrtJM^, H. 23. 253. Co. — ^era koiiov. Codd.
III. 106. 157. 264. 296. read itiirair, which is adopted by Fritzsche. The A. V. gives the sense correctly. Literally, it
would be, " thoughts — thinking — with pains," i. «., close, painful, wearisome thought).

Chapter XIII.

Ver. 1. Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 33. There is a German
proverb : '* Wer Pech angreiftj der besudelt sich
damiV

Ver. 2. The xi'^pa was a cheap earthen pot,
and seems often to have been employed in a fig-
urative sense. Aiifxav x'^'rpats, for instance, meant
to have swellings as big as kitchen pots in the
corner of the eye. The word was also used for a
kind of kiss, in which one person held the other
by the ears as by handles. The \e$nTa, on the
other hand, was a large-sized kettle of bronze or
copper, and sometimes of very costly workman-
ship. — This .... that. The Greek translator
has used aSrri in both instances. Grammatically,
ixeiv-n was to have been expected in the latter
clause. Probably HT • • • • HI; stood in the orig-
inal text.

Vers. 3-5. Juvenal (iii. 299), as cited by
Fritzsche, has the following analogous thought : —

" Liberia^ pauperis hcBc est :

Piilsattis rogat et pugnis concisus adorat,
Ut liceat pallets cum dentibus tnde reverti.^^

The Mishna also ( Tr. Aboth, ii. 4) has a parallel
passage: "Be prudent in your intercourse with
the great ! They are condescending towards
men only for .«ellish reasons ; they show them-
selves friends when they can take advantage of
it, but stand aloof in time of need." — Upoafve-
$ptpLriffaTO, threateneth besides. Fritzsche ren-
ders "grumbles besides," i.e., as though some
wrong had been done him. The Vulgate has
fremere. The word is Hellenistic only.

Ver. 7. Feasts ($poiix.a<nv). Properly victuals,
food, that he sets before him at the entertainments
to which he invites him. — Emptied thee. Some
suppose the meaning to be that the poor man be-
comes impoverished by attempting to give simihir
rich feasts (Gvotius, Bretschneider) ; others, that
it colnes through his lending the supposed rich
man money for such entertainments to which he
himself is invited (Fritzsche, Bunsen's Biheliverk).

Ver. 8. The warning seems to be directed
against the blinding power of worldly pleasure.

Ver. 10. Press thou not, ij.^ e/nriirTc. Lit.,
Fall not on or in. The idea of a thoughtless,
reckle.«s thrusting one's self upon the notice of
the great is contained in the verb.

Ver. 11. 'lay^yopuadat, to speak like, i. e., to
speak with equal freedom. Its use seems to be
confined to the LXX. 'Itnjyopia meant equal
freedom of speech and opinion (Hei'od., v. 78),
and was sometimes used, like ia-ovo/ila, for equality
in generah

Ver. 12. Bunsen's Bihelwerh gives a somewhat
different turn to these words : " Cruel is he
(against himself) who does not watch closely his
words; he will not be spared ill treatment and
bonds." Fritzsche: " Cruel is he who does not
keep words to himself," i. e., such as are spoken
to him in confidence. ^vvTTipav may certainly
have the latter meaning, and it harmonizes well
with the context. Cf. Polyb., xxxi. 6, 5.

Ver. 13. Inperilof thy overthrowing(A. v.).
Lit., with thy overthrowing, fall, as with an enemy
who walks at thy side. Cf. Job xxxi. 5 ; Prov.
xiii. 20.

Vers. 15, 16. The same thought as in the
proverb, " Birds of a feather flock together,"
common in many languages. Cf. Matt. x. 16,
" sheep in the midst of wolves."

Ver. 19. Wild asses. See Job xxxix. 5.
" The ancient kings of Nineveh hunted the animal
as a pastime ; so do the Persian nobility of our
day. Olearus states that he saw no fewer than
thirty-two wild asses slain in one day by the Shah
of Persia and his court, the bodies of which were
sent to the royal kitchens at Ispahan. The fleet-
ness of this animal is such, however, that no
mounted horsemen can hope to overtake it, and
the only successful modes of hunting it are by
means of hounds, or of relays which successively
take up the chase as the game passes by, as de-
scribed by Xenophon {Anab., i. 5)." — Van Lcnnep,
Bible Lands, p. 228.

Ver. 22. No hearing was given him, ouk 46607)
avT^ tSttos. Lit., There was not given him place,
i. e., no opportunity to excuse himself, no hearing.
He is condemned without a hearing, though he is
able to give an intelligent ground for his conduct.
The rich man, on the other hand, has only foolish
excuses. Cf. Text. Iilotes.

Ver. 24. The thought is a very appropriate
one as qualifying and limiting what has gone
before. It is not all the rich who are to be placed
in the category of those previously described,
but the rich who are without the chastening,
restraining, and guiding influence of a living
faith in God. On the other hand, it is sinners
who condemn poverty outright, which is not with-
out its prizes and its pleasures.

Ver. 26. The writer contrasts the cheerful,
happy countenance of a person free from care
with that of one who labors severely with the
mind. Grotius, aptly ; " Inventio sententiarum labo-
riosa est cogitatio, i. e., seriie meditationis index,
vultus severior, frons caperata, adducta supercilia
oculi quieti, gents stantes, os taciturn,"

ECCLESIASTICUS. 319

Chapter XIV.

1 Blessed is the man that hath not offended in his speech/
And is not pricked with grief for sins.'^

2 Blessed is he whose conscience hath not condemned him,
And who is not fallen from his hope.^

3 Riches are not comely for a niggard,

And of what use is money to an envious man ? *

4 He that gathereth hy stinting himself,* gathereth for others,
And others will fare sumptuously * on his goods.

5 He that is evil to himself, to whom will he be good ?
And he will take no ' pleasure in his money.*

6 There is none worse than he that envieth ^ himseK,
And this is a recompense of his baseness."

7 Ahd if he doeth good, he doeth it in forgetfulness ; ^
And at last he showeth out ^^ his baseness.^'

8 Base is he that hath an envious eye ; ^*

He turneth away his face, and overlooketh the needy."

9 A covetous man's eye is not satisfied with a " portion j
And base injustice " drieth up the ■"' soul.

10 A penurious " eye envieth its ^ bread.
And hath want at its ^^ table.

11 My son, according to what thou hast''^ do good to thyself,
And give the Lord proportionate offerings.^'

12 Eemember that death will not be long in coming,

And that the covenant of Hades ^* is not showed unto thee.

13 Do good unto thy friend ^ before thou die.

And according to thy ability stretch out thy hand and give to him.

14 Do not miss a '■'^ good day,

And let not participation in a proper enjoyment escape ^^ thee,

15 Wilt ^ thou not leave the fruits of thy toil to * another,
And thy labors to be divided by lot ?

16 Give, and take, and beguile ^ thy soul,

For there is no seeking of dainties in Hades.'^

17 All flesh groweth '^ old as a garment ;

For the covenant ^ from the beginning is, Thou shalt surely die."

18 As green leaves ^° on a densely covered tree,°°
Some fall, while others '" grow :

Vers. 1-6. —' A. T. : slipt witli his mouth. (It is more common now to speak of a " slip of the tongue." But here
blasphemous, calumnious, or corrupting words are meant.) 2 y,nii the multitude of sins (for Xuirjj, 248. Co. read

irX^flet. The A. V. notices the alternative reading in the margin. Or, sorrow. Fritzsche reads afiapTtatv, instead of
the sing., with III. X. H. 55. 155. 157. 248. Co.) ' hope in the Lord (23. 106. 248. 253. Co. add t^s eiri Kvpioi-).

* And what should an envious (used in the sense of *' grudging " here, and in the context) man do wit/i money (afdpun-cji
jSao-Karw ivari xprifi.aTa). t* by defrauding his own soul (see Com.). " That (xal .... eVepot) shall spend his goods
riotously (the word " riot " in this sense is obsolescent). ' He (wat) shaU not take. » goods (xpiJ/^aTa, which I

render as rendered in ver. 3). 8 envieth (cf . rem. at ver. 8). i" wickedness (cf. ver. 7).

Vers. 7-12. — ^i A. V. : unwillingly (iv A^5|7 ; 248. Co., oiix €Kutv ; Old Lat., ignoranter et non volens). " the last

be will declare (€Ki/)air» ; 55. 248. 254. Co. and X., by a corrector, have the f ut.), i3 wickedness iKoKiav, whose mean-
ing is limited by the context). 1* The envious man hath a wicked eye {jrovjjpo^ 6 ^a.aKa.iviMv — 248. Co. add iSctf —
h^daXfii^). '° despiseth men (uircpopoic )^vx*5, i.e., needy souls, the poor). ^^ his. ^' the iniquity of the wicked
(aStKLd TTOvripa. ; 248. Co., iroiojpoi) for the latter). i^ j^ig (23. 248. Co. Old Lat. add avTov) soul. ^^ A wicked (noi/ijpos,
but colored in its meaning by the context). 20 envieth his. 21 jje is a niggard (eAAiTr^s) at his (I render by " its "
to correspond with the first member). 22 tijy ability {day exil^)- ^ bis due offering {Trpocr^opa'; .... a^iws, i. c,
offerings worthy of thy prosperous circumstances). 24 the grave (cf. ver. 16).

Vers. 13-18. — 2C a. V. : thy friend (the pronoun is wanting, and we might have expected ital. in the A. V., which is
so particular to write thy hand in the next line). 20 Defraud not thyself of the (^tij (M^vtrrep^oTjs = do not come too

late). 27 not the part (used in the sense of participation) of a good desire (emeujiiias, here, what is desired^ an enjoy-

ment) overpass. 28 Shalt. 29 ^-^y travails (ttocovs) unto. ^o sanctify ia.-na.n)tjov ; ayiatroi', 106. 248. 253. 296. Co.
Aid. : Old L&t.,justijica ; Grotius would read aydmjtrov, but the common text is right as it stands. See Com.). 3* the
grave (I transfer the Greek word here, as in all such cases). 32 waxeth (otherwise than as applied to the moon obso-
lescent). 33 covenant (Sta0rtKrt, but used here apparently in much the same sense as our word " law ■'). 34 be-
zinning (an-' (uwi/os) .... die the death. 3q o/the green leaves (sing., but used collectively). 36 thick (foireos)
free. 37 a,nd some (oAAa Se, with jaeV in the previous clause. Fritzsche makes both verbs transitive.)

320

THE APOCRYPHA.

So also ^ the generation of flesh and blood,

The one cometh to an end, while ^ another is born.

19 Every corruptible work ^ consumeth away,
And the worker thereof will pass away with it.^

20 Blessed is the man that doth meditate on ^ wisdom,
And that discourseth about it in his sagacity ; '

21 Who ' considereth her ways in his heart,
And pondereth over her * secrets.

22 Go out ° after her as one that traceth.
And lie in wait in her ways.

23 He prieth in at " her windows.

And hearkeneth at the posts of her doors.*^

24 He dvvelleth very ^^ near her house,
And driveth his tent-pin ^' in her walls.

25 He pitcheth •'^ his tent nigh unto her,

And dwelleth in a dwelling ^^ where good things are.

26 He putteth ^* his children under her protection,"
And lodgeth ^* under her branches.

27 By her he is " covered from heat,
Aid he dwelleth in her glory. ^°

Ter. 18. — i A. V. : is (The same critic adopts icai from III. X. C. H. 106. 165. 157. 248. 295. 307. Co., which is not
found in the r^a:;. rec). ^ Q^g .... and (5e', corresponding to iueV).

Vers. 19-23. — 3 A. V. : Every worlc rotteth and (itiv tpyov oTproixei/of). ' shall go withal (het' avToO aireXevo-cToi).

' good things in (TeAevrrjo-ei. Fritzsohe adopts luke-nja-si from 106. 243. 263. Co. Old. Lat.; H. 106. 248. 263. Co. add icaXi).
« reasoncth of holy things (6ioAex*'!"'f™i ; H. 23. 248. 263. Co. add a-yioi) by his understanding (Bretschneider and Wahl,
render as the A. V. But the Ureelt seems to be a rendering of 3 "137 = say something, discourse through, or in).
' He that (6. It is a continuation of the previous thought). 8 shall also have understanding (en-oijfl^o-eTai) in her.

' Go (e'ffXSe), i» He that prieth (6oios dauin beside in order to looli through) in at. " Shall also hearJien at her

door.^ (ejrl Ttoi' BvptjifxaTutv aUTijs)-

Vers. 24-26. — 12 A. V. : that doth lodge (o KinaXvwv ; cf. aiXio-eijo-trat, ver. 26). is ghall also fasten a pin (see

Com.). » shall pitch. " shall lodge in a lodging. " shall set. "shelter. i8 shall lodge. w shall be.
2» in her glory shall he dwell (for consistency's sake, I put all these verbs in the present, although in some instances
the future, which stands in the text, would have equal force. But it is rather a fact than a promise that is meant).

Chapter XIV.

Ver. 1. 'Ev (TTtJ/ioTi {iv yXdaari, XXT. 8). So
Jas. iii. 2 : "If any man offend not in word, the
same is a perfect man, and able also to bridle the
whole body."

Ver. 2. Whose conscience (^vxh) hath not
condemned him. Cf. 1 John iii. 21, where we
find Kapdia : " Beloved, if our heart condemn us
not," etc.

Ver. 3. To an envious man, paa-Kavif. It is
not easy to give to this word here and in the
following verses the exact shade of meaning re-
quired. Luther translates in the present instance,
a stingy doq. Fritzsche supposes that it repre-
sents the Hebrew ]"'y J7~l, "evil eye." The verb
in the sense of io bewitch, to fascinate, which occurs
not iinconinionly, is usually 'constructed with the
accusative (cf. Gal. iii. 1) ; in the sense of to envy,
with the dative. See Winer, p. 223. In the case
before us, the word seems to mean, to he penurious,
stingy, to fjrudye one's self or others anything, as
in verse .sixth. What should a man that is close
and stingy do with property ? He cannot get
any enjoyment out of it.

Ver. 4. By stinting himself. Lit., Jrom him-
self, airh T7)s ^vxv^ avTov.

Ver. 5. Evil, Trov7ip6s. Here in the sense of
harii.

Ver. 6. Cf. Prov. xi. 17.

Ver. 8. The "evil" of the eye, i. e., the base-
ness of the man, in this case is explained : it does
not see [overlooks, vTrfpoouf) cases of need.

Ver. 9. It is remarkable how much is imputed
to the eye in the Old Testament: (1.) All the
various emotions that are expressed through it,
as lojiy eyes (Ps. xviii. 27) ; low eyes (Job xxii. 29).
(2.) They are used for the person, the presence
of any one (Gen. xxiii. 10). (3.) They are put
for one's judgment, opinion, as wise in his own
eyes (Prov. iii. 7). (4.) The expression, t-o set the
eye upon one, is used for showing kindness (Gen.
xliv. 21) ; also, as a token of disfavor (Am. ix.4).
(5.) We have also the expression : to be eyes /or
mother, i. e., to lead them. — 'ASi/c/a rnvripd, base
injustice. The words obviously refer to the
natural result of covetousness, which is injustice
and wrong-doing. Bunsen's Bibelwerk, with De
Wette, renders by evil appetites, which seems less
appropriate.

Vei-. 10. Euvleth its bread, i. e., he be-
grudges the expense of even the most necessary
things that come to his table.

Vers. U, 12. The Talmud has a proverb (Tr.
T'DTIU, fol. 53), which agrees in part with the
present one, and which Zunz, with others, thinks
may have been derived from it. But it is doubted
by Giitmann. The proverb is as follows : " My son,
if thou hast the means, do well by thyself. For
in the underwoild there is no pleasure, and death
tarries not. If thou sayest, however, ' I will
leave to my sons and daughters their support,'
how will you know in the underworld 1 [whether
they make a, right use of the property]. The

ECCLESIASTICUS.

321

children ol men are like the plants of the field :
riome flourish, others perish."

Ver. 14. A good day, A day of feasting and
rejoicing. Of. Esth. ix. 19. — Do not miss. The
word a<l>uarepe7v means, literally, to come too late.
And so Walil's Clavis, s. i'. : serins veniens de-
fraudo me aliqua re. Fritzsche, however, thinks
that it was usud in the later times actively, with
the ."ieuse let want, withhold, and would render :
Withdraw mt thyself from a good dai/.

Ver. 15. The sense is plain. Cf. Ps. xxxix.
6, " He heapeth up riches, and knoweth not who
shall gather them."

Ver. 16. Give and take. Luther: "Give
willinc/ly, so wilt thou again receive. Some such
idea may be contained in the passage. Of two
imperatives, the second has often the force of a
future. Cf. for the thought, Luke vi. 38. —
'AnaTTio-op, beguile. The word contains both the
idea of deception and amusement. The meaning
of the author seems to be, in general : There is
no sense in denying one's self all right enjoy-
ments through penurious habits ; for if one's
money is not put to good use daring his lifetime,

when will it be ? — Seeking of dainties, (nrfiffai
rpv(l>-fii>. The grave is no place for physical enjoy-
ments. Cf. the language of the Preacher, Eccles.
ix. 10,

Ver. 17. Cf., for the covenant referred to.
Gen. ii. 17, iii. 19 ; and for a figure similar to the
one used, Ps. cii. 26.

Ver. 18. Cf. Homer, IL, vi. 146 ff., xxi. 464 ff.
— Flesh and blood. Cremer {Lex., under al/j-a)
thinks that that which is characteristic of the
(Ttipl, the alienation of human nature from what
is higher, spiritual, divine, is hinted at in this
case. Bretschneider (Com., in loc.) calls atten-
tion to the fact that the figure here employed is
the more apt, for the reason that trees in a trop-
ical climate are referred to : " Recordeniur hie
tectores, quod arbores in terris tropicis plerumque
nova jam gignant folia tarn priora marcescunt,
novosque Jlores producant, cumfriiges maturant."

Ver. 24. TXiaaaKos is a wooden pin, but here
clearly tent-pin, ^^^^• ^^^ meaning is that he
will get so close to wisdom that his own tent-pin,
as it were, will pierce the walls of her tent.

Chapter XV.

10

11

12

He that feareth the Lord will do this,^
And he that holdeth fast to ^ the law shall obtain her.
And as a mother shall she meet him,
And receive him as a virgin wife.'
With bread of insight * shall she feed him,
And give him water * of wisdom to drink.
He shall support himself ° upon her, and shall not give way,'
And shall rely upon her, and shall not be made ashamed.'
And ' she shall exalt him above his neighbors.
And in the midst of the congregation shall she open his mouth.
Joy ^^ and a crown of gladness.
And an everlasting name' shall he inherit.''^
Foolish ^^ men shall not attain unto her,
And sinners shall not see her.
For she is far from pride,
And liars wUl not be mindful of ^' her.
Praise " is not seemly in the mouth of a sinner,
For he '^ was not sent from ^^ the Lord.
For praise shall be uttered in wisdom.
And the Lord will prosper it.

Say not thou. Through the Lord I " fell away.
For thou oughtest not to do what ■" he hateth.
Say not thou. He himself led me astray.
For he hath no need of a sinful ■'' man.

Vers. 1-4. — • A. V. : do good (airo ; ovra, 23. 106. 248. 253. Co.). * hath the knowledge of (o h/Kfttrrii toB v6\i.ov ;

248. Co. ry. yviatreias ; 23. 263., ctATjt^ijs yviairtv). ^ a wife married of a virgin {fivi) Trapda/iav, i. e., a wife who is a

virgin I cf.Ctowi.). * the bread of understanding (aprov ovreo-ews). i* the water. « be stayed. ' be moved

(kXi^j}). * confounded.

Vers. 6-12. — ^ A. V.: omits And. " He shall find joy (at the end of the line, III. H. 106. 248. Co. add eipyja-et). ii she
phall cause him {avriv is added by 248. Co.; cf . Com.) to inherit an everlasting name {text, rec, oi/o/xa alutvcof ; Fritzsche
receives oiivoj from III. X. C. 23. 155. 157. 243. 263. Co.). " Bat {kuC, 248. 263. Co.) foolish. " men tkat.are

liars (avSpes iffevaTat, best expressed by the one word " liars ") cannot remember [oi/ jlltj ^mjo^ijo-ocTac). ^* Praise

(marg., " A parable," i. c, oIhk, was supposed to be a possible rendering of /CPC, but more likely of nvTlPl).
w it (so marg. ; see Com.). '« sent him (ainf is added by H. 106. 248. Co.) of. " It is through .... tkat L

'8 tlie things that. " hath caused me to err (aurds /xe eirXAvriiTev ; errKatrev, 55. 106. 248. 254. 296. 307. Co.) .... th«

sinful.

322

THE APOCRYPHA.

13 The Lord hateth every abomination,
And they that fear him ^ love it not.

14 He himself made man from the beginning,
And left him to his free choice ; ^

15 If thou vi'ilt, thou shalt keep ' the commandments ;
And to act with fidelity is matter of liking.^

16 He hath set fire and water before thee,

Thou shalt stretch forth ^ thy hand to which ever ' thou wilt.

17 Before man is life and death,

And which ever he '' liketh shall be given him.

18 For the wisdom of the Lord is great.

And he is mighty in power, and beholdeth all things ;

19 And his eyes are upon them that fear him,
And he knoweth every work of a man.*

20 He commanded not one to be godless,'
And he gave not one ^^ license to sin.

Vers. 13-15. — ^ A. V. : aU abomination .... fear God. 2 in the hand of his counsel {Fritzsche refers the pronoun
to God, but it makes better sense to suppose that man is meant, " left him in the power, under the control, of his free
will." So Wahl, and Bunscn's Bibehverk) 3 to Iteep {oTJi'TTjp^a-ets ; X., by a corrector, (rvtTTJpTjtre ; 55. 157. 253.

254., (Tvvrrifiria-ai ; Vulg., si volueris mandata servare). * to perform {iroirjirai, ; 106., ironjo-ei?) acceptable faithfulness
iTTitriLu TT. fvSoKia^, e'tTTt, being understood. Bunsen's Bibelwcrk renders, '* If thou wilt keep the commandments, And
practice well-pleasing honesty '').

Vers. 16-20. — o a. V. ; Stretch forth {eKreveU ; H. 248. Co. Old Lat. read iKretvov). « unto whether (o5 eVi', i. e.,

to which place, where the fire is, or, where the water is). ' whether him (S iav euSoKTioTi). ^ of man (sing., and

better so rendered, on account of the connection). ^ hath .... no man to do wickedly (ovk, — om. by 23. 106. 166.

248. al. — .... ovfiei'l do-e^eti'). ^'^ Neither hath he given any man.

Chaptee XV.

Ver. 1. Will do this, namely, what had ju.st
been spoken of, — zealously pursue wisdom. —
Holdeth fast to {iyKparris) t adheres to, and obeys
its precepts.

Ver. 2. As a mother. Cf. Is. Ixvi. 13. — Avir-
gin wife. The Vulgate renders by " uxor a vir-
ginitate" (ci.Vio^.M.n). Grotius : " uxor, quam
qitis virginem duxit." Wahl : " virgo irmnaculata."

Ver. 3. Cf. Is. xliv. 3 ; Jno. iv. U, vi. 27.

Ver. 6. The subject of KaraKKiqpovofjL-fia-fL is not
wisdom, but the God-fearing. Our translators,
with Grotius, make wisdom the subject, and are
obliged therefore to give the verb a causative
sense, corresponding to the Hiphil in Hebrew.
On the idea of everlasting name, cf. Is. Ivi. 5 ; Ixiii.
12.

Ver. 7. Not see her, i.e., not even see her,
much less attain unto her.

Ver. 8. Humility is a necessary prerequisite
to the attainment of wisdom. The Bible abounds
in passages which show that meekness and lowli-
ness of mind are an indispensable condition to
mental and spiritual progress. Cf., among others.
Vs. ix. 12, X. 17, xviii. 27, xxv. 9, xxxvii. 11,
cxxxviii. 6; 1 Cor. iii. 18; Eph. iv. 2. The

Talmud also says {Tr. DTIDE, fol. 66, cited by
Gutmann) : " He who lifts himself up with pride,
though he be wise, his wisdom will depart from
him ; and, if he be a prophet, the gift of prophecy
will forsake him."

Ver. 9. He was not sent. In other words,
was not comjnissioned {aireffTdXTj). With Gaab, I
have given this word the sense indicated (Heb.,
nbtt7, see Ex. iv. 13) as best suited to the con-
text. The sinner has no commission to sing
God's praises, i. e., as a sinner.

Ver. 11. Cf. Jas. i. 13, 14 : "Let no man say
when he is tempted, I am tempted of God."

Ver. 12. God has no need of a sinner ; hence
he makes no man sin, so as to employ him in evil
things.

Ver. 15. 'Z^v SeAps, trvvTTjfyficreis 4vro\^s, koI
TTitTTo/ irotTJo-ai eiiSoKias. 'i'he translation which I
have given of this verse above seems to bring it
into better harmony with the context, and at. the
same time to preserve the parallelism. A period
is placed after verse 14 by Fritzsche. We should
have expected to find ttIutiv evSoxias together, if
they were intended to be read together. Cf.
noicav TTiaTets, he that dealeth truly, of the EXX.,
at Prov. xii. 22.

Ver. 16. Fire and water, used figuratively
for two things that are precisely opposite.

Vers. 17-20. Our author's doctrine of the will
is worthy of notice. Cf. on the general subject,
Professor Shedd, The Doctrine of Original Sin
{Jissays, Andover, Draper, 1859, pp. 218 ff.) ;
also, Dr. Marsh's introduction to Coleridge'a
Works (Harper & Brothers, New York, 1853,
vol. 1, p. 87 ff.).

Chapter XVI.

1 Desire not a multitude of unprofitable children,

Nor have joy over ^ ungodly sons.

T*r. 1. — 1 A. V. : Neither delight in (^r|Sa — text. rec. omits «, but It is found in III. X. 56. al. — rf^aiVow im)

ECCLESIASTICUS. 323

2 Though they multiply, have not joy over ^ them,
Except the fear of the Lord be with them.

3 Trust not thou in their life,
And do not rely on their place ; ^
For one is ° better than a thousand.

And to die childless * than to have ungodly children ; *
4, For by one that hath understanding shall a city be peopled,'
But a race of transgressors shall die out.'

5 Many such things have I seen with mine eyes,
And mine ear hath heard greater * things than these.

6 In a convocation of sinners ' shall a lire be kindled,
And in a rebellious nation wrath is set on fire.

7 He was not pacified respecting " the old giants,
Who fell away in their strength.^^

8 He spared not the people where Lot sojourned,"
Whom he abhorred ^* for their pride.

9 He pitied not a nation devoted to destruction,"
Who were taken away ■'^ in their sins ;

10 And so " six hundred thousand footmen,

Who were gathered together in the hardness of their hearts.

11 And if there be one stSnecked,"

It is a ^* marvel if this one ^^ escape unpunished ;

For mercy and wrath are with him ;

Me is mighty to forgive,^" also ^^ to pour out wrath ; "'^

12 As his mercy is great, so is his correction also ;
He judgeth ^^ a man according to his works.

13 A '^ sinner shall not escape with his spoil,^

And the hope ^^ of the godly shall not be unfulfilled."

14 He will make room ^' for every mercy ; ^

Every ^ man shall receive ^^ according to his works.'^

17 Say not thou, I will hide myself from the Lord ;
And who from above will be mindful of me ?

I shall not be thought of *^ among so many ^* people ;
For what am I in the immeasurable creation ? ^

18 Behold, the heaven, and the heaven of heaven,^'
The deep, and the earth, are shaken at his visitation.''

Vers. 2-5. — i A. V. : rejoice not in. 2 Neither respect their multitude {kolI fj^yj iitexe eVl rhv tojtov — rh ttX^^oj, m. X.
23. al. Co. — avTwi'). '^ that is just is (to ets, 248. Co. add SUaw; ; Old La.t., unus timens Deum. The addition is correct
if understood as a gloss ; but by making it, the beauty of the style, which consists in suggesting the thought without
clearly stating it, is marred ; cf. ver. 4). * better it is to die without children. b them that are ungodly. 6 the
city be replenished (crui/otKia-fliio-eTai ttoAi? ; cf. following). ' the kindred (marg., tribe ; Or., ^vKri, but probably for
nnQtt?P, a tribe, dan, family, and also, a whole race) of the wicked (avoii-iav ; ao-ejSaif , 248. Co.) shall speedily (ey

Ta^et is added by 106. 248. Co.) become desolate (lit., but not clear, or true to the context). o greater (see Com.).

Vers. 6-12. — l* A. V. : the congregation ((ruraywyiJ , but here in the sense of gathering, or, as given) of the ungodly
[otiaffrtaKCiv). 10 towards (wept)- ^ the strength of their foolishness (ttjs ac^potnjrijs are inserted in H. 106. 248. Co.
before auTwi'). ^2 Neither spared he the place where Lot sojourned (Trapoiwias Aoit. Lit., Lot's sojourning ; but the

contest shows that the people of Sodom are meant. See Com.). ^ But abhorred them. " the people of perdition
(eflvo? an-ioAei'd?. It means either a nation worthy of destruction, or a nation devoted to destruction. I adopt the latter,
with Wahl and Fritzsche ; cf . Com.). ^ taken away (e'lTipfteVous ; others render, rose up, rebelled, but this meaning

is uncommon in the LXX.). i'' Nor the (jcal ovtw? ; cf. Com.). " stiffnecked among the people (248. Co. add iv

Aaip). ^8 15. 13 he (touto, emphatic). 20 mighty to forgive (lit., Lord of appeasings , atonements). 21 and.

22 displeasure (opyTji/). 23 judgeth (Fritzsche adopts the fut. from 55. 106. 248. al.).

Vers. 13-19. — 24 A. V. : The. 25 gpoils (Fritzsche adopts sing, from III. X. 28. 65. 155. al.). 20 patience [i. e.,

the result of patience, and what is hoped for ; cf. Com.). 27 frustrate (lit., remain behind). 28 make way (n-otTj-

iroi', — for TTOiijtret — 248. Co.). 20 work of mercy {eKeyinoavyfj. As a human virtue, it is usually so rendered ; but

here fhe mercy of God is meant). 20 jTor (106. 248. Co. have yap after eKao-ros) every. sx find (lit., but not clear).
82 works (A. V. adds, on the authority of 106. 248. Co. Syr. Ar., the words ; " The Lord hardened Pharaoh, that he
should not know him, That his powerful works might be known to the world. His mercy is manifest to every creature ;
And he hath separated his light from the darkness with an adamant). 23 shall (Fritzsche receives Ko.i from III. X.
23. 106. 155. al.) any remember me from above. ^4 not be remembered (ou fir] -yvaxrfli ; Fritzsche receives this verb
.n place of fivijirBiij, from III. X. H. 23. 106. 155. al. Old Lat. Syr. Ar.). se so many (TrAeioi/t). 3« 15 my soul among
such an infinite number of creatures (eV ajtieTpTjTii) «Ti<j-et). ^^ heavens (Fritzsche strikes out too deou, as wanting in

III. X. and almost all the MS3. It is found, however, in II.). »» earth and all that therein is (so H. 106. 248. Co. Old

824 THE APOCEYPHA.

19 The mountains also ' and the ^ foundations of the earth
Tremble with fear when he ' looketh upon them.

20 And the heart thinketh not upon these things ;*
And who considereth ^ his ways ?

21 Even as ^ a tempest which no man seeth,"
So the most * of his works are hid.

22 Who will announce the works of his justice ? ° or who await them ? ^
For the goal is afar off.^^

23 He that wanteth understanding thinketh this ; ^^

And a foolish and erring man thinketh foolish things.^

24 My son, hearken unto me, and learn experience,-'^
And mark my words with thy heart.

25 I make known well-considered instruction,
And announce experience with exactness.

26 According to the determination of the Lord are his works ^' from the begimiing ;
And from the time he made them, he divided ^* the parts thereof.

27 He garnished ■" his works for ever.

And the ■" chief of them throughout their generations.^'
They neither hunger,^" nor are weary, '
And cease not ^^ from their offices.^^

28 None of them crowdeth his neighbor,^'
And they never '' disobey his word.

29 And ^^ after this the Lord looked upon the earth,
And filled it with his blessings.

80 With every kind of living creature^" he covered the face thereof ;
And unto it is their return.'*'

Lat. ), ShaU be moYed when he ehall Tisit. i also (ana, but better reaacred here by " also "). ' omitt the

8 Shall be shaken [together] with trembling (lit., but by metonymy Tpiiuo! is put for that which causes It), when the
Lord (H. Co. add (cup^of ).

Vers. 20-23. — ■> A. V. : No heart can think upon these things worthily (a|i'(us is found in 248. Co.). <• is able to

conceive (the verbs are (ut. in this and the preceding sentence, but with a general import). 8 It is (itai is stricken

out in H. 248. Co. I have rendered freely, for the sake of clearness, and to bring out the comparison). ' can see.

' For (Se) the most part. » can declare the works of his justice (Ip-ya aiicaioo-uiTjs — 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. add ainoj —
ri'i kvayyektl, i. e., his retributive justice. So speaks a disbeliever). m can endure them (uTro^evsI for Hip ! of. Job
vii. 2). " his covenant is (of. Com.) afar off (A. V. adds on the authority of H. 106. 248. Co., " And the trial of all
things is in the end •'). « will think upon vain things (SiaTOelTat raiJTa). " foolish man erring imagineth follies

Vers. 24-30. — » A. V. : knowledge {Hi.irniiJ.riv. It seems to refer, as the connection suggests, to what the writer him-
self l^aa gained by his study and travels). u i will show forth doctrine in weight, And declare his knowledge (H.
106.248. Co. add aiiToO after eTrianiniji') exactly. The works of the Lord ore t/one in judgment (ej/itpio-ei /tupi'ou —t. e., as
the Lprd has decided — to Ipya aiToC). w disposed (JieoTeiAe for b'^'^Dil ", SuVreAAei/ is found in II. X. Aid. ; cf. Gen.
i. 6.). " garnished {ix6<T}j.iitrm . Others would prefer the rendering, ordered, arranged). m in his hand are the
(so 106. 248. Co.). i» unto all generations (cis yti-ei? aOrii' ; the last authorities mentioned, with H., eis yevta.^ ycveuv.
rritzsche renders, " from generation to generation ■'). » labour {irreivacrau). 21 nor cease. » works (Ipyiov'
but clearly used in the sense of special duties, offices). 23 hindereth (efeaAii/zej., so Eritzsche from III. X. 23. 55. 106!
166. al. Co. ; text, rec, eSAiifiev) another. » shall never (fut., but the thought is general). 25 omits And!
iw With all manner of living things [ipvxil — text, rec, i^rox^i- — :raiT« fcjlou) hath. a? they shall return into it
again.

Chapter XVI.

Ver. 1. TJnprofltable. It is meant that they principle announced in Ps. Iv. 23, that the tm-
are unprofitable in as far as they do not fear God. godly " shall not live out half their days "
It was generally regarded by the Jews as a great ; Ver. 5. Greater things, i. e.. worse things, which
bles8ing to have many clnldren. T he childless he goes on in the following verse to specif v

were looked upon as particularly tinfortunate. 1 ,t „ /-, ,. ,, 1 ^ ■'"

The pati-iarclial system fostered this idea, as well I . ^^^- ®- <-°«^-»™^'»«. assembly, "prti?, cf. Numb.
US the customary habits of life and thought in the | xi. 1 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 21.

'^'l''- „ .„ , Ver. 7. The old giants. Cf. Gen. vi. 2;

Ver. d. Kely upon their place, as though : Wisdom, xiv. 6 ; Bar. iii. 26 ; 3 Mace ii 4 The

ihey would permanently occupy it. — For one. ' subject of the verb is God, Jehovah, and is prob-

One that fears God is doubtlcis meant. Xhe -*''" ""-■""'' — *■ -' '■'- -

A. V. has supplied this idea, but without suffi-
cient MS. authority.
Ver. 4. The assertion made is baaed on the

ably omitted out of superstitious reverence. — In
their strength, i. e., through confidence in their
strength. The Vulgate has conjidentes suee vir
tuti.

ECCLESIASTIOUS.

325

Ver. 8. Uapomias. The abstract is used for
the concrete. The people are meant, as the sec-
ond clause shows. T he idea of the destruction of
the cities of the plain seeJns first to have entered
the author's mind, and then he thought of the
inhabitants. Cf. Ezek. xvi. 49, where the pjide
of the Sodomites is assigned as one of the rea-
sons for their OYerthro\y. See 3 Mace. ii. 5.

Ver. 9. It is not clear who are here meant.
Some think <jf the Sodomites ; others, of the
Egyptians that were drowned in the Red Sea;
and still others of the Cauaanites. But It is most
likely that the Egyptians are intended, as the
following verse seems to speak of those who fell
in the wilderness during the forty years of wan-
dering.

Ver. 10. And so. The words, As showed not
mercy towards, are to be understood ; i. e., the
force of the verb from the preceding verse is to be
brought along, the two verses being connected
simply by a semicolon.

Ver. 11. God does not overlook individuals.
He deals with great multitudes of people, but as
composed of individuals. And if he did not
spare the 600,000, much less would he spare the
single person who sinned.

Ver. 13. Hope. It is probable that Hlpri,
(1) thread, (2) perseverance, hope, stood in the

original. This word is ordinarily translated in
the LXX. by iniiovi). Cf. Wisd. ii. 14.

Ver. 14. He will make room for every
meroy, namely, on his own part. Still, men
were not on that account to expect that justice
towards individuals would be overlooked.

Vers. 17, 18. The later Jews held to the
doctrine of a number of different heavens, one
above another. Cf. Deut. x. 14 ; 1 Kings viii.
27; 3 Mace, ii. 15; 2 Cor. xii. 2. Eritzsehe,
however, thinks that the present expression,
" heaven of heaven," simply refers to heaven
taken as a whole.

Ver. 22. Goal. The Greek word is Smfl^jKr;,
covenant. But the idea is that the determination,
reaching of results, the award of jnstice, is afar
off. The covenant is referred to, therefore, in
its aims, — especially in its aim to punish all
departures from it.

Ver. 23. ThirLketh this. They will think the
day of retribution far off, and so go on sinning.

Ver. 27. The chief of them, Tcts kpx^i ainSiv.
Probably the heavenly bodies are meant.

Ver. 29. Blessings, hyaSav. — " Frumento, vite,
olea, rebusque ahis ad vitam out necessariis aut
utilibus." Grotius.

Ver. 30. Cf. Gen. iii, 19, "For dust thoa art,
and unto dust shalt thou return."

Chapter XVII.

10

The Lord created man of earth,^
And turned him back ^ into it again.
He gave them a number of ' days, and a definite time,*
And he gave them * power over the things which are on it.'
He endued them with strength like himself/
And made them according to his own ' image.
He put^ the fear of him" upon all flesh,
And gave him dominion over beasts and fowls.*'
Free will,''^ and a tongue, and eyes,
Ears, and a heart gave he them to consider."
He " filled them with intelligent insight,"
And shewed them good and evil.
He set his eye upon ■"* their hearts,
That he might shew them the greatness of his works."
And they shall praise his holy name.
That they may celebrate the great things of his works."

Vers 1-B — ' A V ■ the earth. " omi« back (iireorptifiei'). ' them few (cl. Cam.). « sAorJ time (Kaipdi/).
5 omit, he gave them {««.«,/ airtw ; omitted by 106., and the whole line by 68. Aid,). « power also over the Mng.i
therein ' by themselves (MSS., khS' iavravt. I adopt Fritzsche's conjecture, ki>»-' imrov ; c£. Com.). > omits

own {text rec o.inov ; Wtzsche adopts iavroi from III, X. 23. 106. 157. 298, 307. ). « And put (rritzsche strikes out
theKaibeforelft,«6,a8in,X.H,23,55,al,01dLat.). " of man (marg,, of him). u fowls (H. 248. Co, have an ad-
(ition appearing in the A, V, as ver, 5 : They received (preceded, in the authorities mentioned, by ii> o,ioi»i<,aTO the use
,f the Jive operatiom: of the Lord, And in the sixth place he imparted them understanding. And in the seventh, speech,
an taterpreter of the cogitations thereof ). , „■. , , , i., „ ,

Vers 6-10 —^i. V, : Counsel (8ia/3ovAiov, I render with Wahl, and Bunscn's Bibelwerk; cf. %y. 14). » under-
stand (Siarorio-eai.) M Withal he, '5 „,i/j the Icnowledge of understanding {iw^a-rfi^n" <r<ivi<rfm. Fritzsohe ren-
ders, einsieht.woUer Eenntniss, knowledge fidl of insight ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, intelligent insight) '"upon (Others ren-
der by in. i. e„ gave them some of his own knowledge, power of sight ; cf , Com.) " works (H, 55, 106. 248. 254. Co,
add here What appears in the A. V, as ver, 9 : He gave them to glory in his marvellous acts forever, That they might
declare his works with understanding (,n,«T«; ^v,Toi, H. 106,). Then foHows, as ver, 10 And they (A V., the elect,
i.k,Kroi, with the above authorities) shall praise his (248. Co. add cirou) holy name). « works. This member, .<
will be Botieed, was placed before the last in the A. V., and with the variation just noticed ; of. Com.)

326 THE APOCRYPHA.

11 He ^ gave them knowledge besides,''
And gave a law ' of life for an heritage.

12 He established^ an everlasting covenant with them,
And shewed them his ordinances.'

13 Their eyes saw the greatness " of his glory,
And their ear ' heard his * glorious voice.

14 And he said unto them, Beware of every ' unrighteousness ;

And he gave every man commandments " concerning his neighbor.

15 Their ways are ever before him,
They " shall not be hid from his eyes.

17 He appointed a ruler for every nation,^^
And Israel is the Lord's portion.

19 All ^° their works are as the sun before him.
And his eyes are continually upon their ways.

20 Their unrighteous deeds are not " hid from him,
And ^' all their sins are before the Lord.^°

22 A man's almsdoing is " as a signet with him,

And he will keep a man's good deeds as the apple of the eye.**

23 Afterward he will rise up and reward them.
And render their recompense upon their heads.

24 But unto them that repent, he granteth return,^'
And comforteth those whose confidence faileth.'^

25 Return unto the Lord, and forsake thy sins,

Make thy prayer before his face, and lessen thy offence.^'

26 Turn again to the Most High, and turn away from unrighteousness,**
And bate thou abomination vehemently.

27 Who will ^* praise the Most High in Hades,^*
Instead of them who ^^ live and give praise ? °°

28 Praise ^ perisheth from the dead, as from one who is no more ; '^
The living and sound ^^ shall praise the Lord.

29 How great is the loving kindness '" of the Lord,^^
And his compassion '^ unto such as turn unto him ! ^

30 For all things cannot be in men.
Because the son of man is not immortal.

31 What is brighter than the sun ? and this groweth dark ;"
And an evil man taketh flesh and blood in consideration.''

32 He vieweth the power of the height of heaven ;
And men, all, are ^° earth and ashes.

Vers. 11-18. — i A. V. : Beside tkis he. 2 oynits besides. 3 And tlie law. * made. " judgments (icptjii«Ta for
D^^tDQtiyiS), ® majesty (/AeYoAeroc). ' ears. * his (avrdv, text. ree. ; Fritzsche adopts sing, from X. C. H.

23. 165. al. Syr. Ar. ). ^ a.\\. ^^ commandment (ti'eTetXaTo, the decalogue is meant). ^ And. 12 gygg, (The

verses 16, 17, IS, I have stricken, out as appearing, with variations, only in H. 106. 248. Co. They are as follows :
Every man from his youth is given to evil ; Neither could they malce to themselves fleshy hearts for stony. For in the
division of the nations of the whole earth He set a ruler over every people ; But Israel is the Lord's portion (cf . ver. 17,
in the text) : Whom, being his first born, he nourisheth with discipline, And giving him the light of his love doth not
forsake him.) .... people.

Vers. 19-24. —" A. V. : Therefore (106. inserts SkStl) all. " None of their .... are. >» But. w Lord (106.

248. Co. add what appears in A. V. as ver. 21 : But the Lord being gracious, and knowing his workmanship, Neither
left nor forsook them, but spared them). " The alms of a man is (eKf-qfj.o<rvvri ai/fipds : in the following member, x^P***
avBpuiirov). 18 the good deeds of man . ... 0/ the eye (the words in ital. are implied in Koftrfv. A. V. adds, And give
repentance to his sons and daughters. It is found in H. 106. 248. Co.). 1** he granted them (Gnomic aorist ; cf.

Buttmann, p. 201) return. ^li comforted .... that fail in patience (utto^owJi', cf. ii. 14 ; xvi. 3).

Vers. 25-32. — 21 ^_ y. : and offend less (marg., lessen thy ojfe^ice, which agrees better with the Greek, <ritiKpvvov
t^p6<TKo^l^La). 22 iniquity (aStKias. A. V. adds, on the authority of H. 106. 248. Co., For he will lead thee out of dark-
ness into the light of health). 23 shall. 24 the grave. 20 Instead of them which. 20 thanks {av0oij.o\6yjta-iv =
in Polyb., (1.) a mutual agreement ; (2.) an open fret confession). 27 Thanksgiving (see preceding note). ^^ from one
that is not {nT}8e oi-tos). 20 sound in heart (t^ KapBia are added in H. 248. Co.) S'^ loving kindness {i\er]pni(rvvj}

pity, mercy). 3i Lord our God (106. 248. Co. add deov i^/xtoi/). ^2 compassion (e^i^aa/xos, i. e., readiness to be con-

ciliated). 33 him in holiness (106. 248. Co. add oo-iu; after avrSv). ^4 yet the light thereof faileth {koI touto

exAei'irei). ^5 And flesh and blood will imagine evil (Troi^pbs ey6vij.rjOriir£Tat aapKa koX alfia. I render with Fritz?che.
For TOvTipm III. 106. 166. 254. 296. Aid. 307. read the accns. of the same ; HI. C. 65. 106. 254. 296. 307. Aid. have also
rapf for (rapKa. A corrector in II., moreover, has adopted these readings, and in the margin of that MS. some one
has written, Kai ttov^p'qv evdvp-rjo-eTai. crap^ Kal atfxa, which would give the rendering. And [or, And so] flesh and blood
have consideration for [go after] what is evil. The more difflcult reading is fax more likely to be the original oaW
BO all men are but (oi avOpujroi Trdcres).

ECCLESIASTICUS.

827

Chapter XVII.

Ver. 2. 'Huepas h.pi0fiov. Not a few days^ as
usually interpreted, but, as the following clause
shows, a certain number of dmjs. The idea of
few is of com'sfe included. Cf. xxvi. 1, xxxvii.
25, xli. 1.3 ; Job xiv. 5.

Ver. 3. Like himself, kcS' iavTovs. This
doubtless refers to God, and not to man, and
stands for kot' iiK^va. avrou. Cf. the Hebrew at
Gen. i. 26, where the plural is used.

Ver. 5. Grotius thinks this verse was orig-
inally a gloss from the hand of some Stoic, since
they believed that, besides the five senses, men
had received also two others, — judgment and
reason.

Ver. 6. Free will, Sta&oiXiov. Fritzsche ren-
ders by Uebertegung, deliberation^ reflection; De
Wette, by Willkur, absolute will; Linde, by Ur-
tkeilskraft, power of judgment ; WaiHyfreier Wille,
free will ; Luther, Vemunft, reason ; and Gut-
mann, by Einsicht, insight, discernment. At xv. \i,
we have translated it " choice," and it may have
that meaning here. — To consider, i. e., that he
might be able to weigh, understand, and judge.

Ver. 8. Set hia eye upon their hearts. Ac-
cording to Fritzsche these words mean : He placed
the eye (figuratively used for capacity) for ob-
servation and judgment in their hearts, to the
end that He might show them, as intelligent be-
ings, the greatness of His works. Grotius, Gaab,
Bunsen's Bibehverh, and others explain that He
(God) directed His own eye (in the way of caring
and providing properly for them) upon the hearts
(understandings) of men, for the same purpose,
— to make them capable of appreciating His
works.

Ver. 10. The force of 'Iva, which is found at
the beginning of the second clause, some critics
think should be extended over the first also. But
it is unnecessary. They celebrate His works in
their praises. Bretschneider, in his text of our
book, has changed the order of the two clauses,
and is followed by De Wette and Bunsen's Bibel-
werk. Cf . Text. Notes.

Ver. 11. Lawr of life, i. e., the law whose ob-
servance leads to life, the Mosaic law. The words
are spoken from a Jewish stand-point.

Ver. 14. Beware of every unrighteousness.
This might possibly relate, as Grotius thinks, not-
withstanding the objections of Fritzsche, to the
first table of the Law, as the following clause evi-
dently refers to the second table.

Ver. 17. Appointed a ruler (^7oi{|Ue»'oj') over
every people. The later criticism supposes that

by this Greek word an angel is meant — Prit^rsche
so renders — in accordance with the prevailing
view of the Jews at this time, that every nation
had its guardian angel. See Kiehm's Hand-
wdrterbuch, ii. p. 381 ; and cf. LXX. at Deut.
xxxii. 8,9; Is. xxiv. 21, 22; Dan. x. 13, 20, 21.
Sometimes they are called " gods," as in Is. xlvi.
1,2; Jer. xlviii. 7, xlix. 3.

Ver. 22. The writer had said that men's sins
were known to God ; here he declares that their
virtues are also known. But his idea of virtue is
a very limited and vitiated one. It is represented
by iXen/jLoffinn (cf. iii. 30) and x°'P" — whicli sig-
nifies here much the same thing — which, accord-
ing to the degenerated meaning of the words at
that time, our translators have perhaps properly
rendered by " alms " or " almsgiving." But it is
easy to see that we are here in the very midst of
the moral current whose result was the substitu-
tion of '* alms-giving " for " righteousness," —
the outward act for the inward feeling. Cf. re-
marks at iii. 30, and in the Introduction to Tobit.
— As a signet. The signet ring was the dearest
treasure to the Hebrew, — something that he
wore continually. It was suspended from the
neck by a string, or fastened upon the arm. In
Solomon's Song (viii, 6) we read : " 0 lay me as
the signet ring on thy heart, as the signet ring on
thy arm ! " Cf. llawlinson. Ancient Hon., i. 93 f.,
264, 383 ; ii. 566 ; iii. 226, .342.

Ver. 23. The reference is not to the same
persons as in verse 17, but to their opposites, —
sinners.

Ver. 24. MeTayoovaiv, to them that repent.
It is noticeable that this word is used here to de-
note a moral change (cf. xlviii. 15; Wisd. v. 3) ;
while in the LXX. this idea is usually expressed
by 4Trt(TTpi(j>eiy.

Ver. 27. The idea is : " Comply with these
admonitions at once, for," — .

Ver. 30. He " knoweth our frame." That is
the reason he is merciful.

Ver. 31. Tlovqpbs 4vdvfirf\Q'{\(r€rai trdpKa koI atfjio.
Supposing this to be the correct form of the text,
the meaning seems to be that as the sun becomes
dark, so man morally ; he is too much influ-
enced by flesh and blood, and too little by the
eternal realities. Cf. Gal. i. 16: "I conferred
not with flesh and blood."

Ver. 32. The contrast between the sun and
man is here emphasized : The one watches over
the host of high heaven, the bther is but earth
and ashes.

Chaptek xvin.

1 He that liveth. for ever created all things without exception ; ^

2 The Lord only is righteous.^

Vers 1, 2. — * A. V. : things in general {kolvj}. It would be possible to render in the same manner oSoI, or Bome such
word, being understood ; but it is probable that the Greek stands for a Hebrew word meaning all together, i. e., without
exception ; cl. Com. Codd. 56. 254., «V kayif koI ra^u). ^ righteous (H. 106. 248. Co. have an addition appearing in.

the A. V. as the second member of ver. 2 and as ver. 3 : And there is none other but he, Who govemeth the world with
the palm of his hand, And all things obey his will : For he ii the king of all, by his power Dividing holy things among
them from profane).

328 THE APOCRYPHA.

4 To none gave he power to make known fully ^ his works,

And who will trace out his mighty ^ acts ?
6 Who will measure " the strength of his majesty ?

And who will besides, set forth * his mercies ?

6 One cannot take from, or add to,

Neither can he trace out, the wonderful things of the Lord.*

7 When a man is ° done, then he beginneth ;
And when he leaveth off, then is he in doubt.'

8 What is man, and whereto seryeth he ?
What is his good, and what is his evil ?

9 The number of a man's days
Are many if an hundred years.'

10 As a drop of water from ' the sea, and a grain of sand,**
So a few years in the day ^^ of eternity.

11 Therefore is the Lord '^ patient with them,
And poureth out ^^ his mercy upon them.

12 He saw and perceived that their end is " evil.
Therefore he increased his compassion."

13 The mercy of a man is toward his neighbor,
But the mercy of the Lord is toward '^ all flesh ;
He reproveth, and disciplineth, and teacheth,
And bringeth back," as a shepherd his flock.

14 He hath mercy on them that receive discipline,
And that hasten to his ordinances.'"

15 My son, give not blame with ^' thy good deeds,
And with any gift, bitter words.^

16 Doth not the dew give relief from the east wind? "*
So is a word better than a gift.

17 Lo, is not a word above a good gift ? ^
And^ both are with a gracious man.

18 A fool will upbraid ungraciously,^

And a gift of the envious maketh weeping eyes.^

19 Learn before <//0M speak.

And take care of thyself before thou art sick.°°

20 Before judgment examine thyself,

And in the hour " of visitation thou shalt find reconciliation.*^

21 Humble thyself before thou art ^ sick.
And in the time of sins show repentance.

22 Be not hindered from paying a *° vow in due time.
And defer not until death to be justified.

23 Before making a vow, prove ^'^ thyself,
And be not as one that tempteth the Lord.

Vers. 4-7. — 1 A. v. : whom (oiiitvi ; H. 106. 248. Co., rCn) hath he giTen power {i(ewoCr^m. As intamsitlve (a ft<
tufficient. Fritzsche giyeB it the force of concessit, verstatteU er: Bunsen'a Bibdwerk, gewahrt er es) to declare. ''shall
find out his nohle. ' shall number (ef apiSfiiiirerai. It meaus to number — cf , Lev. xiii. 15 ; Job xxxi. 4 — and also

to reckon i/p, and so determine, measure, which meaning the context here demands). < shall also tell out (n-pocrSn e '

t«:«iijy^o-ac-9ai). = As for the wondrous works of the Lord, there may be nothing taken from t/um, Neither may aly'
thing be put unto them. Neither can the ground of them be found out. o hath. ^ then he shall be doubtful

Vera. 8-11. — » A. V. : at the most are an hundred years (TroXAi itt, iKariv ; others render, Is a hundred, if his years
are many). « unto (in-d) '» a grayel stone in comparison o/the sand (i(<^(()0! i(i(i,ov). " so are a thousand (for

oAiya, 106. 248. Co. Syr. Ar. read xi>"i. Cf. Ps. xc. 4) to the days (C. 248. Co. haye plur.). 12 is God («iinii,cl T,«.ti„„t

13 poureth forth (Jfe'xeer; 248., 8laxe«; Co., &axe<reO. Wi-auem.

Vers. 12-16.- w A. V. : perceived their end to be (lit., their end, on Trorrjpi). 16 multiplied {iirK^Svpe) his compas-
sion (e^iAao-f/oc, i. e., the compassion that is easily reconciled, forgives ; cf. ver. 20). 10 of man .... upon (eir' i
strictly, it extendeth over, includes). " nurtureth (n-oiSfiiiuv. In the next verse TreuSeiav Is rendered discipline) ' '
again. " diligently seek after his judgments (KpiVara. Cf. xyii. 12 ; xlT. B). » blemish not. » Neither uje

uncomfortable words when thou givest any thmg. » Shall asswage (iwiTraJcrt.) the heat (Ka.!a<g^a cf. Judith

Tiii. 3 ; Jas. 1. 11). ' '

Vers. 17-21. — 22 A. v.: better than (wep) a gift ({d^a i-yoWi/ ; IK., niv iyaSov ; A. V. road ayaWt). sa jut;.

" churlishly (ixapi'irru!, and I have rendered to correspond with the rendering of «x«P'™/iev(ii — Luke 1 28 " hishlv
favored " - in the preceding line). ^ consumeth the (i«-ni«ji, melts out, wastes away, \. e., here by weepinef

•« Use physick (9«p<iwti/i)u) or ever thou be sick. " day (a>p<f). M mercy (eJiAacrfidi/). 2» bo. '

Vers. 22-27. - ao A. V. : Lot nothing hinder thee to pay thy. M thou proyest (rffaoSat, i. „.,' to make a vow, and

ECCLESIASTICUS.

829

24 Think upon the wrath on the day of death,'

And the time of retribution," when he shall turn away his face.

25 In time of plenty, think of ' the time of hunger,
And in days of wealth, of * poverty and need.

26 Between morning and evening ' the time is changed,
And all things are soon otherwise ' before the Lord.

27 A wise man wUl be cautious ' in every thing,

And in days of sinning he wUl beware of mistakes.*

28 Every sagacious man ' knoweth wisdom,

« And wiU give praise unto him that finds '" her.

29 Those sagacious in proverbs are also themselves wise,
And pour '^ forth exquisite parables.

30 Go not after thy lusts,

And restrain " thyself from thine appetites.

31 If thou allowest thy soul to have pleasure in appetite,
She will make thee a laughingstock to thine enemies."*

32 Take not pleasure in great luxury,'*
And be not tied to her entertainments.'^

33 Become not '* a beggar by banqueting upon borrowing,
And when " thou hast nothing in thy purse.'*

here, to God) prepare. * that shall be at the end (lit., in the days of the end, TeXevr^s. The last word Is often

used for death in the classics. Cf. Thucyd., ii. 44). 2 yengeance (eKStK,J(re(ijs. It is often properly rendered by

pvnishment ,• bnt ilece the context seems to require a stronger word). * When thou hast enough iev Kaipa! — «v

^^e'pai$, III. 55. 254. — ir\riiTiJ.ovrjq) remember (jH»^o-077Tt, but cf. previous Terse). * thou art rich, think upon.

B From the morning until the evening. « soon done {Ta;^ii/d, quick, i. e., here, to change). 7 will fear (euAajSij-

O^aeTox, have a care, be cautious), 8 the day .... offence (ff\TjjLif*eAetas, H. 106. 248. Co. add what appears in the

A. v. as : But a fool will not observe time).

Vers. 28-33. — '^ A. V. : Every man of understanding. ^0 found. 11 They that were of understanding in sayings
became also wise themselves, And poured. (The next section, which begins with ver. 30, has for a heading, 'EyKpareta
i/n>x^s, marg. of A. V., Temperance of soul.) 12 B,jt refrain. *- givest thy soul the desires that please her {evSoKiav
eiTLdvfxtav ; 248. Co., iiriBviiiav evSoKtas ttvTrjs) .... enemies that malign thee (248. Co. add ot ^a(ricavov(Ti o-e).
w much good cheer (jroAAp rpvipfl)- ^' Neither be ... . the expence thereof {frvii^oKfj avr^s ; III. C. 23. 155. 167.

248. 254. Co. read tru^^oA^s preceded by Trpoo-SerjSps ; avfiPovAfji, 248. Co.), ^^ jjg not made {ftrj yCvov). " When

(Kat). ^^ purse (H. 106. 248. Co. add what appears in the A. V. as : For thou Shalt lie in wait for thine own life,

nnd be talked on ; only 248. Co. add AaA,jTos).

chaptee xvni.

Ver. 1. Koiyp. The word probably represents
V^n^, one with another, i. e., altogether, and so

all, without exception.

Ver. 4. 'E|o77€rAa(. This verb means here
more than simply declare, publish. It is publish
completely (Biel ; plene et plane), to tell to the end.
Fritzsche adopts i^ixyfvtret from III. X. C. 253.
307.; text, rec, with II., eJixfuSo-fi. The former
occurs at vi. 27, xlii. 18; while the latter, which
is an impure form, is not elsewhere found in the
present book or in the LXX.

Ver. 5. Strength of Ms majesty. His majestic,
^reat might. Cf., for the use of i^apidfieo}, the LXX.
at Vs. xe. 12, cxxxix., 18; also, Polyb., i. 13, 6.
It means literally to count throughout, and is
used in Herodotus {vii. 59, 60) for the enumera-
tion of. an army. Cf. 'lext. Notes.

Ver. 7. When a man is done, then he beetn-
neth. When he has come to the end of his abil-
ity tO' do it, or when he thinks that he has at last
finished, he has but ju^t begun. — In doubt, in
perplexity, which way to turn (H. adds irSBev iJKei),
Cf. Jobxi. 7-9; Ps. viii. 4.

Ver. 8. What is his good, and what is his
evil? What is meant under the term good is
shown by that which immediately follows, — life
and its blessings.

Ver. 13. Cf. Matt. ^. 45, 46.

Ver. 15. Bitter words, \virnv Kiytev, or bitter-

ness through thy words. Cf. Jas. i. 5 : " God, that
giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not."
See also in the present book, xi. 31 .
Ver. 16. Kaiawp is frequently used in the

LXX. to translate t3"'7(''i the burning east wind.
— A word, i. e., a friendly word. It is better to
speak a friendly, comforting word to the unfortu-
nate and miserable, than to give them something
and at the same time upbraid them.

Ver. 17. lioliSoi. The attention is especially
called to the fact just mentioned, which is also
now repeated. — With a gracious man, and char-
acteristic of such a man. Ke both gives and
speaks kindly.

" Not that which we give, but what we share,—
for the gift without the giver is bare."

J. R. Lowell in Sir Laun/al.

Ver. 1 8. Maketh weeping eyes, on account of
the smallness of the gift and the spirit of the
giver.

Ver. 19. One does not often use medicine be-
fore he is sick. It is better therefore to take
$€pairevou in its first sense of do service, namely,
for thyself, take care of thyself.

Ver. 20. Before judgment, before God visits
you in judgment. Sec 1 Cor. .xi. 31 : " For if we
would judge ourselves, we should not be judged."
'Ev Spif ^TTiffKoTT^s, in the hour of visitation.

830

THE AVOCETPHA.

The latter word is found only once outside of
patristic and Biblical Greek (Lucian, Dial. Dear.,
XX. 8), ^7riVK6i|/is being employed instead of it.
It blends here tlie two ideas of guardianship and
reproof.

Ver. 21. Become sick, i. e., as the punishment
of sin. — In the time of sins = when thou hast
sinned. Drusius understood it differently : " Q'lo
iewpore prihlica p^ccata vigent inter homines." And
others (Luther, Ue Wette, Wahl) : " in the time
when (on account of youthful appetites) thou
canst sin."

Ver. 22. Defer not until death to be justi-
fied. The meaning seems to be : " Do not wait
to pay thy vow until death shall absolve thee from
it, or rather make it an eternal debt.

Ver. 24. The day of death. One has enough

to think of at the hour of death without being
obliged to think of unfulfilled vows.

Ver. 26. The time is changed, /leraPiWei
Kaip6i. The idea is : One's fortunes may change
at any moment with the changing times. " Tem-
pora mutantur, nos mutamur in illis."

Ver. 27. Days of sinning = when sinning is in
vogue. Cf. verse 21. 0 there (Bunsen's Bibel-
werk) : " in the day of the punishment of sin."

Ver. 32. TlpoirSeBf! crv/i$o\fi out5)?, tied to her
entertainments, «'. e.. Do not become so used to
such a mode of life as not easily to get free.
— 2u/.tj3oA^, coming together, meeting ; also, a meal,
entertainment. It is used also in the classics in the
latter sense. :ivfi$o\ai were the contributions
made to a common meal.

Chapter XIX.

10

11

12

13

A LABORING man given ^ to drunkenness shall not be rich ;
He '' that contemneth small things shall fall by little and little.
Wine and women will make men of understanding to fall away;
And he that cleaveth to harlots will be most reckless.'
Maggots * and worms shall have him as ^ heritage,
Yea, a reckless * man shall be taken away.

He that is hasty to give credit is light-minded ;
And he that so sinneth will commit an error against himself.''
He who ' taketh pleasure in babbling " shall be condemned,
And he that hateth it ^° shall have less evil.
Never repeat a conversation,-"
And thou shalt fare never the worse.
"Whether it be to friend or foe, relate it not,*^
And if it be possible without sin,-'' reveal it " not.
For he heareth thee and is on his guard against '^ thee,
And at the right time he will show his hatred of thee.^'
If " thou hast heard something,'' let it die with thee ;
Be not alarmed,^^ it will not burst thee.
A fool travaileth with a secret,^
As the mother ^ in labor with "^ a child.
An arrow stuck in the flesh of the thigh,^
So a secret in a fool's mind.^*

Question ^ a friend, it may be he did it not ; °°
And if he did something,^' that he do it ^' no more.

Vers. 1-4. — i A. V. : that is given. 2 And (248. Co. have kcu) he. » become impudent (see Com.). * Mothi

(cf. Com.}. » to. 6 And a bold man {•livx^ ToAfjijpi). ' that sinneth (the context sho-ws that the particular sin
just mentioned is meant) shall offend against his own soul.

Vers. 6-8. — » A. V. : Whoso. ' in wickedness (it«ip6V(f, preceded by o l!tl.j>p(llVli^e>'os ; 55. 264. read XaXii ; 23. 106.

263 , ironjpia ; 248. Co., eirl Kaicoefi'n ; Old Lat., iniquitate. Cf. Com. In A. V., follows as the last mem. of ver. 5 and
the first of ver. 6, But he that rosisteth pleasures crowneth his life. He that can rule Am tongue shall live -without
strife, derived from Codd. H. 248. Co.). » babbling (see Com.). " Rehearse not unto another that which is told

unto thee (MijSeVoTe SeuTepiicTj;! Kiyov ; cf. Com.). >= talk not of other men's lives (nij Jirj-yoC ; H. 248. Co. add pious

aMoTpt'oug ; Old Lat., ienmm tuum. Fritzsche strikes out the ec before exflptS, as wanting in III. X. C. H. 106 156 157
248. 258. 264. 307. Co. A. V. has has in the marg., o//r/enrf or /oe).

Vers. 9-18. — " A. V. : thou canst without offence (see Com.). " them. m heard and observed (Gnomic aorist,
and better rendered here by the present). >» when time cometh (^i- KoipiS, i. e., when he finds opportunity) he will

hate (fiiin)<r6i ; 248. Co., fiio-et. I have adopted the marginal reading of A. V.) thee. " If. la a word (A6yoi>

out with the sense given, t. e., a conversation, a secret). lo And be bold (flipcrei ; 248. Co., koX evSopir),! vivov)!

» a word. " a woman {i, riKTovtra). » of. S3 As an arrow Btlcketh in a man's thigh (/SAos we:n,yb5 iv nTjpa

o-opKos). M 1.1 a word within a fool's belly (literal, but the meaning Is obviously as given above). m Admonish

(e'A.yfoi-, i. e., examine, question). 25 hath not done it. " have done it («; n — it Is omitted by X. throueh a cor-
rector. 23. 155. al. 248. Co. - <7roii)<r.). M it. /UK lH,r-

ECCLESIASTICUS.

331

14 Question thy neighbor,^ it may be he said it not ; ^
And if he hath said it,° that he do it not again.^

15 Question ' a friend, for many times it is a slander,
And believe not every report.'

16 Many a one maketh a slip and it is not matter of purpose ; '
And who hath not sinned ' with his tongue ?

17 Question ° thy neighbor before thou threatenest,"
And ^^ give place to the law of the Most High.

20 All wisdom is the fear of the Lord ; ^^

And in all wisdom is the keeping of the law.^'

22 And a knowledge of evU ** is not wisdom,
And ^° the counsel of sinners is not ^° prudence.

23 There is a cleverness," and it is " an abomination ;
And there is a fool wanting in wisdom."

24 Better one weak in insight and God-fe»ring,

Than one abounding in prudence and a transgressor of the law."

25 There is an exquisite cleverness,^^ and it is ^ unjust ;
And there is one who perverteth right to get a verdict.^

26 Many an evil doer is bowed down in sadness,''*
And ^' inwardly he is full of deceit.

27 He carrieth a long face and is half deaf ; ^°

Where he is not perceived,^' he will take thee by surprise.'''

28 And though ^ for want of power he be hindered from sinning,
If "• he find ^^ opportunity he will do evil.

29 A man will be known by his appearance,^^

And one that hath understanding, by the expression of his countenance."

30 A man's attire, and excessive laughter.
And a man's ** gait, shew what he is.

Vers. 14-19. — i A. V. : Admonish thy friend {Pritzsche adopts rbi' irkijariou from X. C. 23. 157. al. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. ;
text, rec, tov ^i\ov). ^ hath not said it. 3 have {etpTjKei^}. 4 speak it not again (fiij Sevrvptauji). ^ Admon<

ish. 8 tale (Aoyw). ' There is one that slippeth in his speech (lo-nf oKitrOaivbiv ; H. 106. 248. Co., S« ovk u}\ltTOit<rev

and add (106., eV) Aiyw ; Old Lat., lingiui), but not from his heart (koI ou*f otto ^ux^^)- ^ ^3 ^^ tliat hath not offended.
' Admonish. ^° thou threaten him. ii And not being angrj (U. 248. Co., ■yii/V«»'o^ afiVTi\vfi^, i. e., ativrjvt.?. The
same authorities add what appears in A. V. — vers. 18, 19 — as : The fear of the Lord is the first step to be accepted of
him. And wisdom obtaineth his lore. The knowledge of the commandments of the Lord is the doctrine of life : And
they that do things that please him shall receive the fruit of the tree of immortality).

Vers. 20-24. — ^^ A. V. : The fear of the Lord is all wisdom (n-ao-a (ro(^ia, the subject ; cf. Com.). i3 performance

(7rotT7(ris) of the law (H. 248. Co. add what appears in the A. V. as the last member of ver. 20, and as ver. 21 : And the
knowledge of his omnlpotency. If a servant say to his master, I will not do as it pleaseth thee. Though afterward he
do it, he angereth him that nourisheth him). " The (xai, omitted by H. 157. 248. 308. Co.) .... wickedness (jrorrjpta?
here, apparently, evil in general ; cf . Rom. xvl. 19). ^ Neither at any time (Fritzsche strikes out oirov before ^ovKr/,
as wanting in III. X. C. H. 106. 165. 167. 264. 307. 308.) ^^ omits is not. i^ wickedness iTravovpyia is received by
Fritzsche, with Grabe, Bretschneider, and others, from 23. 253. ; text, rec,, n-orijpta. The context seems to require it).
IB the same {avTrj ; 55. 106. 248. al. Co., aVTjj). i» wisdom (cf. Com.). 20 He that hath small understanding, and

feareth God, is better Than one that hath much wisdom and transgresseth the law of the most High (for irapapaiyuv
vofi-av, 248. Co. have napafiaivovTOi vofiifjUL vi//i(rTOu).

Vers. 25-30. — 21 a. V. : subtilty [Travovpyia ; cf . ver. 23). 22 t]ie same m. 23 that tumeth aside to make judg-

ment appear (see Com. A. V. adds from 106. 248. Co., And there is a wise rnan that justifieth in judgment). 24 There
is a wicked man that hangeth down his head sadly (marg., in black; cf. Com.). 25 But_ 26 Casting down his coun-
tenance and making as if he heard not (cf. Com.). 27 known [ottov ouk eireyvii(r6Tij ; 248, Co., o5 iav iiriy.). 28 (Jq
thee a mischief before thou be aware {jrpo'tiOatrei tre ; H. reads for this verb KaKonon^trei ; 248. Co. add to the clause
KaKonotijirai.). 29 if (cf. following member). so Ye* when. si findeth. ^2 man may be known by Ai> look
(in-b opdcreuf, here general appearance). ^^ by his countenance, when thou meetest him (diro awavri^aeto^ n-pocrwn-ou,
1. e., the meeting, appearance, expression of countenance). ^4 omits a man's (ai'dpwTrov. There is a.v6p6i in the
preceding line.)

Chaptek XIX.

Ver. 1. Cf. Prov. xxi. 17; xxiii. 21. — Tii
o\lya seems to refer here to property, " small

expenditures." — Kara iiiKp6y = tO^QS, in a short
time, though a translation little by little might also
be allowable.

Ver. 2. To\iinp6T(pos, most reckless. He will
give free rein to his lusts, without regard to con-
sequences. The comparative stands, as so often,
for Uie superlative. Cf. Winer, p. 242. Codd.

C. 55. 106. 157. 248. 253. Co. have the positive;
Old Lat., neqnam.

Ver. 3. The word " moths," (riJTes {II., by the
first hand, has o-jjir?; with III. C. 155. ; X., criiwes;

Old Lat., putredo), Heb., WV, is probably used by
the author in the sense of " insects." Cf. Prov.
xiv. 30 in the Hebrew and the LXX. The mean-
ing of the verse apparently is that such a person
will find an early death. Grotius, however, thiuks

332

THE APOCEYPHA.

of something else : " Mire hoc convenil m ilium
morbuvi, qui nostra seculo vagas libidines sequitur.
Sed et olim Venus nimia corpus enervatum gravibus
hand dubie morbis tradidit."

Ver. 4. With this verse the author changes
the subject, and does not refer, as some suppose,
to the seductions of evil women, but to light-
mindedness in general, and especially to that form
of it which leads one to lay too much stress upon
what he may hear said.

Ver. 5. The A. V. followed the reading
iTovT^^la, or firl KaKoe^itf (cf. Text, Notes) for KapSla.
If, however, the best-supported text be adopted,
'O ev(pitaiv6ij.evos KapSta, it seems necessary to sup-
ply the direct object from the following clause,
as we have done. AaAicfK means here " babbling,"
but, as the context shows, has particular refer-
eni'e to talk concerning others, i.e. "gossip." —
'EKaTTovouTai KaKia. have less evil. Will expe-
rience little tnisfoTtune iti comparison with the
opposite character.

Ver. 7. A conversation, \6yev. What has
been spoken in confidence is particularly meant.
Others, without noting the context, think one's
own words fire intended, and that the author
would admonish against garrulity. Cf. also xli. 23.

Ver. 8. Ei /x^) iari aoi afiafria can only mean:
except whe)i it is (would be) to thee a sin. If silence
would make one a participator in guilt, then the
matter was quite different. Or if one's reputa-
tion or moral character was especially concerned
therein, he might speak.

Ver. 1.3. The force of eXey^ov here, as in the
two verses imiiiediati'ly following, is speak to,
question him about the matter. So also Luther :
" Sj'rich deini^n Ndchsten darum an."

Ver. 20. All wisdom. Not the whole of wis-
dom, but every kind of wisdom. Cf. i. 1.

Ver. 2.3. A fool {&(ppicv) ■wanting in wisdom.
Bretschneider would read uaottyiq. for ao(pit^, in the
sense of impietij. And Bunsen's Bibetwerk trans-
lates, accordingly : " who is free from sin ; "
which would give a clearer sense, but rests on
simple conjecture.

Ver. 24. 'HTTiJ/teyos (11., by A second hand.
68. Aid., ^AoTToi/jeVos) in (rweirei. If this form
of the text is retained, the meaning would be :
A man may indeed be wanting in insight, but
may not be wicked like the clever person spoken
of just before.

Ver. 25. "Eo-ti StaaTpftpav X"P"' '"'''" ^'"P"^"'"
Kplfia. Xipiv with too and an infinitive following
would hardly have been used by the Greek trans-
lator in an adverbial sense. As a substantive it
is usually found as the translation of the Hebrew
in, which, however, here is not to be thought of.
Fritzsche conjectures that y^ stood in the orig-
inal, and that ITI was improperly written or read
for it. I have rendered accordingly. So also Bun-
sen's Blbelwerk. Other renderings are those of De
Wette : "And many a one distorts the truth in or-
der to bring to light a verdict ; " Gutmann : " And
many a one twists about in order that his cause
may appear right ;" Luther : " And can twist the
matter as he will have it ; " Wahl, the last clause :
" in order to gain the appearance of sharpness,"
aKpifiiis being understood ; Bretschneider, invert-
ing the order of words : " perverting justice to
show favor to others."

Ver. 26. MeAaylij, in sadness. The word is

probably a rendering of the word iT'S'llp
(see IWal. iii. 14), in mourning, mournfully. Grotius,
giving the word its meaning as found in the
classics, renders : "hides himself [reading (ru7/£€-
Kpviptiis for cvyKii<v^iiis\ in dark clouds."

Ver. 27. 'ErepoKOJc^eij', to be deaf on one
side. The word is found nowhere else. The
meaning is that he acts as if he were paying no
special attention, heard but little. Codd, 23. 248.
253. Co. read iBeKoKaiipuv, pretending deafness.

Ver. 30. Excessive laughter. Lit., laughter
of the teeth, ye\us oS6yTUD ; meaning that kind of
laughter in which one shows the teeth. Gaab
supposes that some word has dropped out before
oS6yTay. In any case, the psychology of the
author, to say the least, is not very profound.

Chaptek XX.

1 There is a reproof that is not timely/
An(3 many a one is silent, and he is sensible.^

2 How ^ much better to reprove, than to be angry secretly,*
And he who openly confesseth ^ shall be preserved from hurt."

4 As is the lust of an eunuch to deflower a virgin,
So is he that executeth judgment with violence.

5 Many a one is silent,' and is found wise ;

And many a one * by much babbling becometh hateful.

6 Many a one is silent,' because he hath not to answer ;
j^nd many a one is silent,^" knowing his opportunity.'^

7 A wise man will be silent '^ till his opportunity,^'

But the swaggerer and a fool will take no notice of an opportunity."

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. ; comely (tupaios). ^ Again [Kai), some man holdeth his tongue . . . . is wise [^p6vip.<n). 'It
la (106. 248. Co. add 'eari. to li? koAov). * secretly (H. 106. 248. Co. add Kpun-rtos after dviiovvSai. It is implied in

the context, and I have left it in italics. Luther : heimtich Hass tragen). "J that confesseth his fault (6 ai/dop-oAoyov-
uei/05 ; Bunsen'B Bibdwcric, spt^alcs it out, which agrees well with the context, but does not so well render the text).
" hurt (after this verse the Old Lat. has an addition appearing in the A. V. as ver. 3 : How good is it, when tlwu art re-
proved, tn shew repentance I For so shalt thou escape wilful sin. Codd. II. 248., with Co., insert it after ver. 8).

Vers. 4-7. — ^ A. V. : There is one that keepeth silence. « anollier (same construction as in the preceding member).
** Some man holdeth his tongue. w And some keepeth silence. ^i his time {Kat-pov, i. e., the right time, oppor-

tunity). 12 hold his tongue. is h£ see opportunity (ews Katpov). " a babbler (6 Kama-T^^ ; o-aAn-ior^s, H. 15^

286. 808.) regard no time ivTrep^-q<r€Tai tcaipov).

ECCLESIASTICUS. 333

8 He that useth many words shall be abhorred,

And he that abuseth his privilege,^ be hated.
d Many a man hath good fortune in ill fortune,'

And there is a gain that turneth to loss.

10 There is a gift that shall not profit thee,

And there is a gift whose recompense is double.

11 There is an abasement because of glory,

And there is one who ' lifteth up his head from a low estate.

12 Many a one * buyeth much for a little,
And repayeth it sevenfold.

13 The ^ wise man by Ids words ° maketh himself beloved.
But the pleasant conceits ' of fools shall be poured away.'

14 The gift of a fool shall not profit ' thee,
For he looketh to receive many things for one.

15 He giveth little, and upbraideth much,
And ^^ he openeth his mouth like a crier ;

To day he lendeth, and to morrow will he ask it again :

Such a man is hateful." ^

16 A ^^ fool saith, I have not a friend,^'

And " / have no thank for my " good deeds ;
They ^^ that eat my bread are evil-tongued : "

17 How oft, and of how many shall he be laughed at ! "

18 Better slip upon a pavement than with ^' the tongue ;
So the fall of the wicked shall come speedily.

19 A disagreeable man, an untimely speech : '■"'

It will always be in the mouth of the uninstructed.^

20 A proverb from a fool's mouth will be rejected,^^
For he will not speak it in its ^^ season.

21 Many a one ^* is hindered from sinning through want.
And in his ^ rest, he will have no remorse.^"

22 Many a one ^ destroyeth himself ^' through bashfulness,
And by accepting of persons '° overthroweth himself.

23 Many a one out of bashfulness maketh promises to a '" friend,
And maketh him an ^^ enemy for nothing.

24 A lie is a foul blot on ^^ a man.

It '^ is continually in the mouth of the Bninstructed.**

25 A thief is better than he that is '^ accustomed to lie.
But both shall inherit destruction.^^

26 The disposition °' of a liar is dishonorable,
And his shame is ever with him.

27 He that is wise in words shall promote himself,"

Vera. 8-16. — ^ A. V. : taketti to himself authority therein (6 ecef ovtrio^i^iecos = to use, or abuse, one^s power) shall.
* There is a sinner (H. 106. 248. Co. Old Lafc. read afkapru3\<Z after avbpi) that hath good success (euoSta; 248. Co., euSo-
Kta) in CTil things (the next memher shows plainly what is here meant). 3 jg that {iuiw os). * There is that.

5 A. " words (Fritzsche adopts Aoyois from III. X. 23. 55. al. Co. for \6yia of the text, rec), ' graces f;^apiTes. I
adopt the rendering of the margin). ^ poured out {iKxvBrtffovrai. The meaning is, as the margin suggests, that they
are spilled, lost). » do thee no good {I have rendered to correspond with the rendering of the same word at Ter. 10)

when thou hast it (H. 106. 248. Co. add AajSivrt, and further what appears in the A. V. as : Neither yet of the envioua
for his necessity). i" omits And. ii one is to be hated of God and man (so 106. 248. Co.).

Vers. 16-20. — '^ A. V. : The. >= no friends. " omits And (as 248. Co.). " all my. M And they.

1' speak evil of me {^avKoi y^uiffaji). ^^ to scorn (II. 106. 248. Co. Old Lat. have an addition appearing in the A. V. as
the last two members of ver. 17 : For he knovveth not aright what it is to have ; And it is all one unto him as if he had
it not). ^3 To slip upon .... is better than to slip with. ^o An unseasonable tale [audputTro^ a^apis, p.v6os aicatpos.
A. V. has in the margin, Or, An unpleasant fellow ; cf. Com.). -i Will always .... unwise (an-aiSeuTioc). 22 x wise
sentence (Trapa^oAij) shall be rejected lolien it comet/i out of a fool's mouth). =3 due (aur^).

Vers. 21-26. — 24 A. V. : There is that. 2c when he taketh. 20 phall not be troubled (Kararuy^creTat. Stings of
conscience are meant). 27 There is that. ^ his own soul (tt/i' V'l'xV avToO). s» accepting of persons {anb

d(fipovoi Trpoo-wirou. For af^povos, 248. Co. have A^i/zews. Fritzsche justly suspects a failure on the part of our translator,

and suggests that he probably read ©'"'DC for DKHJi before D"'35). ™ There is that for ... . promiseth

to Ms. 51 All. =2 in. S3 Yet it ({e is found in 106. 248. Co.). « untaught. M o maM that is. M they both
shall have destruction to heritage. »' disposition (vj^os ; also moral nature, character).

Vers. 27-32. — ^A.V.: A wise man shall promote himself to Aonour with Ais words (i** Aoyos to bo joined, obviously

334

THE APOCRYPHA.

And a prudent man will please the great.^

28 He that tilleth the eartli shall heap high his sheaves ; ^

And he tliat pleaseth great men shall make atonement for unrighteousness.'

29 Presents and gifts blind the eyes of the wise,

And as a muzzle on the mouth turn they away reproofs.*

30 Wisdom that is hid, and treasure out of sight :^

What profit is there in either ? ^
31 Better a man that' hideth his folly,
Than a man that hideth his wisdom.'

to (ro(|)d?, which they follow. The headintr of this section in II. III. X. al. is \6yoL napa^oXaiv ; A. V. : " ProTerbs ")
^ he that hath understanding will please great men. 2 his (avTov, 248. Co.) land shall increase his heap {aw\fiu)(r€i

6rifjntjv\ay ainov). 3 get pardon for iniquity (e^tAao-cTai aSiKLav). ^ stop up liU mouth (marg., as a muzzle in t/ie

inouth] that he cannot reprove (aTroTpeTret eAey^ous). ^ that is hoarded up [a'pavrj^]. 6 is in th^m both iiy ajLi<f)o-

ve'pot?. Not both together, but either one of both). ' 75 he (ai'SpwTro?) that. 8 wisdom {248. Co. have an addition
appearing in the A. V. as ver. 32 : Necessary patience in seeking the Lord is better Than he that leadeth his life with-
out a guide).

Chapter XX.

Ver. 4. Tke lust of a eunuch. Obvioiitily,
a proper eunuch oanuot be meant. The meaning
is that the one thing would be as much out of
place and naturally as unexpected as the other.
Most commentators tliink the verse does not be-
long here. But 6 iromv Kpl/iaTa need not refer
especially to a judge, but to any one in general
who pronounces judgments. jfn this seUiie it
mi^ht refer to the consequences of an indignation
that is kept shut up in the bosom and does not
vent itself in timely and moderate reproof.

Ver. 6. Knowing his opportunity, eiSdis
Kaipdv. He has respect to fitness of time. Cf ,
the use of 2?T'^ in the Hebrew.

-T

Ver. 8. Abuseth his privilege, ivelouata^d^-
eror. He assumes the right to speak much, as
though his information were greater or his words
more acceptable than those of others.

Ver. 9. Good fortune in ill fortune, tuoS/a eV
KaKo7s. The sense appears to be that there is
often good forttine gi-owing out of apparent mis-
fortune. That which seems to be a misfortune
often proves to be a great blessing. •

Ver. 12. Eepayeth it sevenfold. A man
thinks he has made a good bargain, but finds that
by getting a poor article be has been badly
cheated. He might better have paid seven times
as much for what would have proved satisfactory.
()thers translate : " Many a one buys much for
little, And many a one must pay seven times for
a thing."

Ver. 14. For he looketh to receive many-
things for one. Lit., P^or his eyes are many in-
stead of one. He expects more in return than he
gives. Luther paraphrases : " He gives with one
eye, and with seven he watches to see what he
will get for it."

Ver. 15. Openeth his mouth. To reproach,
make demands. — Like a crier, is k^/)i/|. An
important personage in ancient times.

Ver. 16. Eat my bread. Cf. Ps. xli. 9.

Ver. 18. ''E5a<^09, (1) the bottom, foundation oi
anything ; (2) in later usage, the ground-floor of a
house. Cf. tlerod., viii. 1.37.

Ver. 19. A disagreeable (lit., thankless, grace-
less) man, S^vOpwiros &x^P^^- The Old Latin
transfers the word, acharis. The A. V. seems to
have regarded these words as a title to the section,
as did Camerarius, Drusins, and Gaab.

Ver. 21. Through want. This may bo meant
as an example of what is spoken of in verse 9 of
apparent adversity as resulting in good. Still
the question might be asked : How much better,
in reality, is the man who does not sin because he
has no opportunity, than one who sins? Do
circumstances, then, make the man"! They serve
simply to develop and prove him. Cf. Deut.
viii. 2.

Ver. 22. By accepting of persons, awh &^povos
Trpoa-aiTTov, Gaab would change the order of the
words, and, taking ^cppofos as genitive neuter,
render : " on account of tlie foolishness of a per-
son," i.e. his own or another's. Linde and De
Wctte translate: "And for the sake of a fool
lose it," i. e., his life. Cf. Text. Notes.

Ver. 23. He promises on account of diffidence
what he cannot perform, and so makes an enemy
by not keeping his word.

Ver. 28. Heap high his sheaves. The point
of the comparison is in the fact that both classed
of persons have used means calculated to produce
the desired results.

Ver. 29. The wise. Their wisdom is not yet
perfect, since it allows them to accept of bribes.
Cf. Deut. xvi. 19.

Chapter XXI.

1 Mi/ son, hast thou sinned ? do so ^ no more,
And ^ ask pardon ^ for thy former sins.

2 Flee from sin as from before * a serpent ;

Vers 1, 2. —1 A. V. : do so (jrpoo-9r;5, i. e., add to). ^ But. » pardon (see Com. Before Sr^StjTi, II. adds oXo<t»

XepM! iiricn-pei//ticr, and Old Lat. ut tibi dimiltanlur after it). » the face of (iTrb irpoo-ioirov. It is often redundant, lik«
D'^SD in Heb.).

ECCLESIASTICUS. 335

For if thou comest near,^ it will bite''' thee ;
The teeth thereof are ' the teeth of a lion,
They take away men's lives.*

3 Every transgression ^ is as a two-edged sword,
For its wound there is no healing. °

4 To terrify and use violence ' will waste riches.
Thus the house of a proud man ' shall be made desolate.

5 A prayer out of a poor man's mouth reacheth to His ears,'
And His judgment cometh speedily.

6 He that hateth reproof is on the path of a sinner ; ■"'
And ^^ he that feareth the Lord will repent from his heart.

7 The eloquent man ^^ is known far and near ; '^^

But the ^* man of understanding '^ knoweth when he slippeth.

8 He that buildeth his house with other men's money
Is like one that gathereth his stones for winter.'"

9 An assembly of transgressors is tow collected " together ;
And the end of them, a flame of fire.''

10 The way of sinners is paved '^ with stones.
And ™ at the end thereof is the pit of Hades.^'

11 He that keepeth the law ^'^ getteth the master/ of his mind ; ^
And the perfection ^* of the fear of the Lord is wisdom.

12 He that is not clever ^^ will not be taught ;

But there is a cleverness ^° which increaseth ^' bitterness.

13 The knowledge of a wise man will increase ^' like a flood ;
And his insight™ like a living fountain.'"

14 The inner parts of a fool are like a vessel broken in pieces,'^
And he will not gain any knowledge.'^

15 If an intelligent '^ man hear a wise word.
He will commend it, and add unto it ;

The gross man heareth, and ^^ it digpleaseth him,
And he casteth it behind his back.

16 The talking '^ of a fool is like a burden on a journey ; ''^
But grace shall be found on '' the lips of a sagacious man."

17 The mouth of a prudent man*'' will be sought after in the congregation,
And men will *" ponder his words in their heart.

18 Like a house destroyed,*' so is wisdom to a fool ;

And the knowledge of a stupid man, unintelligible words.*^

Vers. 2, 3. — > A. V. : too near (Trpoo-e'XSi)!) it (106. 248. Co. add hutj; ; Old Lat., ad ilia). 2 bite (S^ferai, bite, or

tting. I retain the former, on account of the context. Cod. H. 248 al. Co. Old Lat., Several). s arc as. * Slaying
the souls of men (araipoCi'Tes i/zuxas aydpuniiiv. No more is meant than that they take away life. Cf . Wisd. i. 11).
fi All iniquity {jraa-a avoixca). ^ The wounds whereof cannot he healed {ry TrAijyjJ airfj^ ovk eoTtc lao-t?).

Vers. 4-8. — ^ A. V. : To terrify and do wrong (cf. Com.). 8 proud men (III. 106. 155. 157. 248. Co., the plur. As
will have been noticed, every opportunity is talien, i. c, when other changes are made in the immediate context, to do
away with the many instances of an unnecessary use of italics in the A. V.). » the ears 0/ God (ews wTioiv omtov.

Cf. Com.). 10 To be reproved (Mey/u.oV) (5 in the way of sinners (cf. Com.). n But. 12 j^n eloquent man (lit.,

He who is mighty with the tongue; cf. Com.). is fj^j. and near {fioKpodefjJrojn afar, but the sense given in the A. V.
is also allowable). ^* a. ^ understanding {vorjfi.biv, a thinking man). ^^ gathereth himself stones (text, rec,

avTou Tous At9ovs ; III. X. 55. 155. 157. al. the same, except in placing the pronoun at the end ; 248. Co., eauTw At^ous)
for the tomb of his burial (els x^^M'^i'a ; eU Aet/xaira, 308. ; eU x^Ma Ta^^s auToO, 106. 248. Co. Cf. Com.).

Vers. 9-13. — 1^ A. V. : The congregation of the wicked i.i tike tow wrapped (irvvTjy^evov). ^^ is a ... . fire to destroy
t/uTn (so 106. 248. Co.). ^^ w made plain (lit., smooth, w^aAio'f.ierj]). -" But. 21 hell. 22 law of the Lord (so

106. 248. Co.). 23 the understanding thereof (see CoTn.). 24 perfection (ffui'Te'Aeia, rendered end, in ver. 10. It

means here the final outcome, acme, perfecting, bloom). 25 wise (marg., witty ; Gr., iravovftyos). ^o wisdom (marg.,
subtilty. Fritzsche adopts fie after ecrrt from III. X. C. H. 106. 155. al. Old Lat. ; text. rec. omits). 27 multiplieth.

2« man shall abound (the same word rendered multiplieth in the preceding verse). ^ti counsel ()3ouAt}, but counsel is

too indefinite a meaning for this place) is. 20 a pure fountain (248. Co. add kyvii after iryjyTJ) of life (Hebraism for

living fountain).

Vers. 14-18. — si a. V, : broken vessel (ayyeioi' avvTeTpLfj.fi.evov). 82 hold no (ou ifpa-njtret ; II. 106. 248. Co. add iv fwjj
avTou) k. as long as he liveth. ss a skilful (a proper rendering for ^tthtt^hwi', but not suitable for the context here).

^ But as soon as one of no understanding (6 airaTcKiav ; 106. 248. Co., aurov a.(rvveTo^. Cf . Com.) heareth ii. ^•' talk-
ing (^^vjyijo-is ^ a .statement, narrative, explanation. Our word exegesis is derived from it). 3C i^ the way (cf. Com.).
S7 in (en-i). ^i the wise (ovveTOv). 8" They inquire at the mouth of the wise man {trrSiMa ippovCfLov standing at the
beginning of line, clearly the subject). « they shall {SLavorf87JiiovTai received by Fritzsche from 111. X. C. 23. 155.

"al. Old Lat. ; text, rer., the slug.). *» As (5 ... . that is (no article, and these words burden the sentence) destroyed.
*- the unwise {aavveTov =: tile opposite of a sagacious man) is as talk without sense (marg., the usual meaning', n.}t to
\f. ituiuired after, Gr., aStei^^Taa^ot. ^'vyw.)

336

THE APOCRYPHA.

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27
28

Instruction to a stupid man ^ is as fetters on the feet,
And like manacles on the right hand.
A fool lif teth up his voice in ^ laughter,
But a clever man " doth scarce smile a little.
Instruction to a sensible man is as * an ornament of gold,
And like a bracelet upon his right arm.

A foolish man's foot is soon in a ^ house ;
But a man of experience hesitateth before the front walls.'
A fool will peep in at the door into the house ; '
But a man * well nurtured will stand without.
It is rudeness in ' a man to hearken at a ^^ door ;
But the prudent man ^^ will be grieved at the disgrace."
The lips of the proud are heavy with cursing ; ^^
But the words of the prudent " are weighed in a " balance.

In the mouth of fools is their heart ; ^'
But the heart of the wise is their mouth."
When an ungodly man " curseth Satan,
He curseth his own soul.
The " whisperer defileth his own soul,
And ie hated where he sojourneth.^"

Vers. 19-25. — ^ A. V. : Doctrine unto fools {avorjTov TratSei'a. Fritzsclie receiTes the former word from X. 55. 106. 155
157. 254. 296. : text, rec, ai'orjroL^). 2 with {ev). 3 wise wan, * Learning {iraiSeia, instruction^ cultivation^ as

in Ter. 19} is unto a wise mnn as (w? is found in the Gr.). f' his neighbours (should be left more general, any house)

" is ashamed of him (ai(rxvi^Sr}iTtTa.i ano TrpocrwTrou ; 248. Co. add ajr' aiiTov. Cf. Com.). ^ peep in at tlie door into the
house (aTTo 0upa9 TTapanvjTTCL, i. e., he goea crouching along, lilte a spaniel, from the door, et? oikiW. Others render,
^00^5 through the door into the house. Bunsen's Bibetwerk). ^ he that i.s {'avr]p). " It is the rudeness of (aTratSev-

aia a.v6pu)Trov). 1" the. ^i a wise man. i^ ^jth disgrace (aTi'/itav, with III. X. C. 23. 55. al. ; text, rec, oTt/ita),

13 talkers will be telling such things as pertain not to them (xciAt) i\AoTpiii)v — see Com. — kv toutois jSapvi'^tJo'eTai ; 24S.
Co., x^iK-i] TToAuAaAoji/ Ta Q\]K a.vTuiv StTjyTjcreTai). ^* such as have understanding. l^ the.

Vers. 26-28. — ^3 A. V. : The heart of fools (5 in their mouth {aiiTtav limits KapSia). ^^ mouth of the wise is in their
heart {xapSia &e o-o(|)wi' — 248. Co. OldLat., ev Se KapSia cro^iiiv — in6fia aiiTwi' ; H. 106. 248. Co., to (rrofjia avriitv).
13 the ungodly. " A. 20 wheresoever he dwelleth (tV TrapoiK^cj-et, in the place of his sojourn, l. e., by those around

him).

Chapter XXX.

Ver. 1. Lit., Entreat (Se^flijTt) for thy former
ones, namely, ask forgiveness. Grotius remarks :
" Utramque partem pa^nitentice bene expressit.^^ Cf.
xvii. 19-24.

Ver. 3. A two-edged sword. A sword sharp
on both etl^es, and hence very dangerous. Cf.
Judg. iii, 16 ; Ps. cxli.x. 6 ; Prov. v. 4.

Ver. 4. To terrify and use violence, Kara-
TTXTiyixhs Kal ij$pts. Bunscn's Biheliver/c translates :
Misfortune and wantonness. The first word is
found only here. The Old Latin has for it ohjur-
gatio, but according to another recension {S.
Ger. 15), cataplecfalio, thus transferring the word
instead of translating it. Grotius renders by ter-
ritio, and Dc Wette by GeivaltlJiatigkeit, violence.
The English translators seem to have got the true
meaning, intimidation, since its rendering must he
influenced somewhat by the following v^pts, which
is the actual carrying out of the idea expressed by
the preceding word.

Ver. 5. To His ears, namely, the ears of God.
Others (Fritzsclie, Hansen's liihelwerk), the ears
of the rich man, not} to his heart; which seems to
us forced, and not so well to suit the context.

Ver. 6. On the path, iv ixva- On the track, in
the footsteps.

Ver. 7. 'O Suj/arij if yXiia-a-ri might be taken
either in a good or bad sense. The antithesis is,
however, better marked with the second clause of
the verse, if they are understood in a good sense,
as by the A. V. It is better to be a man of
understanding than to be eloquent; since the

former knows how to judge of a speech, and can
tell when errors are committed. — ri^ttttrrSs is gen-
erally used in the later Greek, in a passive signifi-
cation, known; in Plato, always in the sense of
capable of being known. In the latter sense it seems
also to be used in the present case, and is almost
the only instance in Biblical Greek where it is so
used. Cf., however, Acts iv. 16, and Rom. i. 19 (■?).

Ver. 8. Other men's money, i. e., money un-
justly acquired. — Gathereth his stones for win-
ter. The idea is, he does what is foolish and use-
less. It is not stones that are wanted, but wood.
Tile common reading, aurov tovs \idous eis x^tfiojva,
is undoubtedly right, the others having arisen from
a failure to understand the meaning.

Ver. 11. KaraKparu Tov ivvoi\fxaTos aiirov.
Fi'itzsche would render: gets the power over (rules)
his mind, i. e., beconws wise. The context favors
this rendering. Others make o-vtov refer to the
law, attains to its understanding. Bunsen's Bibel-
werk and others.

Ver. 12. Inoreaseth bitterness. There are
also clever rascals. Cf. also Eccles. i. 18.

Ver. 13. Cf. Ps. xxxvi. 9; Prov. x. 11, xiii.
14, xiv. 27, xvi. 22.

Ver. 15. The gross man, i (rrraTaXav. Lit.,
the glutton. But the comparison is between a man
of intelligence and practical wisdom and one who
is ruled simply by his lower appetites. The read-
ing of 106. 248. Co. (see Text. Notes) showed an
appreciation of what the context demanded in this
instance.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

337

Ver. 16. Burden on ajoxirney (^1/ i8ij)). Cf.
Matt, xxiii. 4 ; Gal. vi. 5.

Ver. 18. The point of the comparison is in the
fact that neither can be used.

Ver. 22. 'Awh irpotriiirou. The word xpoadwou
refers to that part of the house which is first seen
by one who is entering, »'. e., the outer front wall, or
perhaps the inner walls of the porch, entry. Van
Lennep {Bible Lands, p. 427) says of the Eastern
house ; " The most important spot is tlie room
where alone male strangers are admitted, and
called par excellence the liwan, or raised platform.
It is situated directly opposite the door of en-
trance, with the court intervening, and is still
more suggestive of a tent than the other apart-
ments, being entirely open in front. Its furniture
consists of a divan arrauged upon three sides of
a raised platform, while in front of the latter the
eye is sometimes refreshed by a basin of water or
a jetting fountain."

Ver. 25. The usual text of this verse (xe'^I
aWoTpiajv ev tovtois ^apwd^trerat] makes no
sense, and is doubtless corrupt. Fritzsche's sup-
position that D^'J.'t stood in the original Hebrew,

while the Greek (oWoTpimv) is a translation of
D"'"rt, is probable, and I have translated ac-
cordingly. The further words ii> tovtois seem to
be a translation of n^S3 (instead of nbs?).
So Hitzig, Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk. — In
a balance ; i. e., they are carefully considered
by others, or by themselves, before they are
uttered.

Ver. 26. la their mouth. They speak only
what they have duly pondered.

Ver. 27. Satan, riv aaTavav. It is not so
certain that the prince of evil is here meant. He
is at least nowhere else alluded to by our author,
nor in any other of the Old Testament Apocryphal
books, excepting Wisdom (ii. 24), where 6ia/3oAos
is identified with the serpent of Paradise. Smith's
Bible Dictionary (iii. 1145), however, was hardly
justified in saying that there is but one passage in
the Apocryphal books where Satan is mentioned.
Cf. article Tetifd in Herzog's Real-Encyh. In
any case, the writer represents that a wicked man,
instead of cursing Satan, the enemy, as the au-
thor of his misfortune, might better think of
himself.

Chaptee xxn.

1 A SLOTHFUL man is like * a filthy stone,
And every one will hiss over " his disgrace.

2 A slothful man is like " the filth of a dunghill,
Every man that takes it up will shake Ms hand.

3 A father's shame is in begetting an undisciplined son,*
And such a ^ daughter is born to his " loss.

4 A prudent ' daughter will get herself a husband,"

But she that acteth shamefully is a grief to her father.'
6 The over-bold disgraceth father and " husband,
And both will despise her.^^

6 Instruction ^^ out of season is as music in mourning ;
But stripes and discipline are wisdom at all times.-''

7 He who " teacheth a fool is as one that glueth a potsherd together ;
He " waketh one from a sound sleep.

8 He that discourseth " to a fool discourseth " to one in a slumber,
And at the end, he will say, What is it ? "

11 Weep over ^'^ the dead, for light failed ; ^^

And weep over a ^^ fool, for understanding failed.''^

Vers. 1-3. — lA. V.: iBcom^^vGiioi,(Tvve^k-l]Qii, is thrown together with; here, for tlie sake of compariion). * Hm.
out to (eKiropiei means will hiss out,but, as followed by eiri here, doubtless stands for the Heb. pits'], followed by 757.
The same verb, followed by b, meant to whistle for). ' compared to. * An evil nurtured son is the dishonour of
his father that begat him (Aiirxyvri Trarpbs Iv yevyritra. AiraiSeiiTou). = a, foolish. = his (the context requires it).

Vers. 4-6. — ' A. V. ; wise (c|>poi'i>7)). ' shall bring an inheritance to her husband (marg., siudl he the luir of her

husband. Of. Com.). » But (khi) .... she that liveth dishonestly (KaTai(TX"i'ov(7(i) is her father's heaviness.

10 She that is bold (>i Bpivrela.) dishonoureth both her father and her. " But they both shall despise her. (Bunsen's

Bibelwerk. " But more than both shall she herself be despised," which seems to suit neither the context nor the Greelc
as well as the other. Gr., Kal inrb A|U.if>oTepoii' inima-eria-tTcu.). 12 A tale (sec Com.). '^ But (Fritzsche receives S4

from III. X. C. 65. 106. 155. al. ; text, rec, with II., omits) stripes and correction of wisdom (Fritzsche receives o-oii'a
from X. Old Lat. ; text, rec, II., and most Codd., (ro(f.iM. Of. Com.) are never out of time (iv iraprl Kaipa ; 106. 248.

Co. omit iravrC).

Vers. 7-10. —» A. V. : Who.io. M And as he that. " telleth a tale (see ver. 6). " speaketh (same word).

18 When he hath told Aw tale, he will say. What is the matter. A. V. (vers. 9, 10) adds what appears in II. 106. 248. Co.
immediately after ver. 6 : If children live honestly, and have wherewithal. They shall cover the basene.ia of their
parents. But children, being haughty, through disdain and want of nurture, Do stain the nobility of their kindred.

Vers. 11-13. — i" A. V. : for (eiri). '-' he hath lost the light (efe'Xiire yip (jiii. In the original there probably stood
^TiU which should have been rendered by cfit airoS). . "i for the. ^ he wanteth understanding (efeA.Hre yip

22

338 THE APOCRYPHA.

"Weep softly over ' the dead, for he went to his rest ; ^
But the life of the fool is worse than death.

12 Seven days do men mourn for him that is dead,

But for a fool and an ungodly man, all the days of his life.

13 Talk not much with a fool.

And go not to him that hath no understanding ;
Beware of him, lest thou have trouble.
And thou shalt not be defiled with his slaver.'
Turn away ^ from him, and thou shalt find rest,
And not be made sorry through his foUy.^

14 What is heavier than lead ? °

And what other name has it than ' fool ?

15 Sand, and salt, and a mass of iron, is easier to bear '
Than a man without understanding.

16 A wooden crossbeam bound into a building will not be loosened by an earth-

quake ; "
So a heart established in a well considered purpose will not tremble at the
crisis.^"

17 A heart settled upon an intelligent purpose,

Is as the plaster ornament of a polished wall.^^

18 Pales set on a high place will not ^^ stand against the wind.

So a fearful heart based on a fool's purpose will not ^' stand against any alarm.*^

19 Ke that pricketh the eye will make tears to fall ;

And he that pricketh the heart maketh it to shew sensitiveness.^^

20 He who ■"" casteth a stone at the birds frayeth them away.
And he that upbraideth his friend breaketh friendship.

21 Though thou drewest a sword against thy friend, despair *' not.
For there may be a turning back.^*

22 Though ■" thou hast opened thy mouth against thy friend, fear not,
For there may be a reconciliation.

Except for ^^ upbraiding, and ^-^ pride, and ^^ disclosing of secrets, and ^ a treach-
erous wound:
For ^^ these things every friend will depart.

23 Gain credit with thy ^^ neighbor in his poverty,
That thou mayest rejoice ^* in his prosperity ;
Abide steadfast unto him in the time of his affliction,
That thou mayest be heir with him in his heritage.'^

24 Before a fire, smoke of the furnace and vapor,^^
So reviling before blood.

25 I will not be ashamed to protect a friend,
And I will not '' hide myself from him.

26 And if evil ^' happen unto me by him.
Every one that heareth it will beware of him.

(riveiTK ; II., by the first hand, III. X. C. 23. 155. 296. Aid., which is quite an array of authorities, read trintinv ; bat
the verb is perhaps better rendered intransitively here, as in the preceding line). i Make little (rjSiox) weeping for.

2 isat rest(aveTov(roTo). » never .... loolerie.s (marg., when he shakes off Ai's filth). « Depart (IkkXitoi').

» never be disquieted (oi fir) i/iijSiaoTii = (1) be without care, (2) be cast down, sad) with madness {iv Tfj iiroi-oiif aWov.
Cod. 2.3. omits ai/rov.) o lead (Fritzsche receives ^oAt/Soc — poet, for fioXvfiSoi' —from IH. X. C. 23. 157. It is also

the reading of II. The later form was |u6Av)3os, which is the reading— in ace. — of 55. 248. 253. 254. 296. 308. Co.).
' is the name thereof but (ti aiiTuJ ouofia aAA" tj). a easier {eiiKOTTov, ^J.aK\oy being understood. Oodd. 106. 248. al.

Co. have the comparative).

Yera. 16-19. — » A. V. : As timber girt and bound together in ... . cannot be loosed with shaking (ev avatreicru^).
i» the heart that is established by advised counsel (eirl SiayoyuxaTos iSovAJjs) shall fear at no time (ei'- U. 106. 248. Co',
add Travri — Katp^ — 218. Co. add 4,6pif — ou SeiAiio-ti). " a thought of understanding {ini Siai/oia — SiavoU^, text.

rec. and II. — crui/eVeius) Is as a fair plaistering (/c^o-fio; fafini^roi) on the wall (im roixov, 23. 248. Co.) of a gallery
(marg., o/a polished wall). ^'- never (ou n^). w in the imagination of a fool (cl. Com.) cannot. " fear. I6 her
knowledge {ato-eTjo-t? — a sensation, here naturally, of pain).

Vers. 20-26.— ■« A. v.: Whoso, ■' at thy .... i/f( despair. »» returning (o/ai'o«r. » If. m /or (irAiji.
with the gen.). =' or («a., in each instance). 2= Tor, for {yap inserted by II. Co.). ^ Be faithful to tliy (niorii!
KTijcjai ; cf. Com.). s' rejoice (Fritzsche receives eiilypaLveiJi from III. —which adds tri — X. 28. 55. 106 al Old Lat •

text, rec, i,ij.oi 7rA>,o-e,;s). "> trouble heritage (106. 248. Co. add as the A. V., as the last part of vcr 23 • For a

mean estate M not always to be contemned ; Nor the rich that is foolish to be had in admiration). 2« As the vapour

ind smoke of a furnace goetli before the fire. " defend a .... Neither will I. » anij evil

ECCLESIASTICUS.

339

27

0 that One would set a watch upon ^ my mouth,
And a fitting seal ^ upon my lips,
That I fall not by it,^
And ^ my tongue destroy me not.

Ver. 27. —• A. V. : Who shall set a watch before. ' seal of wisdom (o-iJipayrSa jravoCpyoK ; cf. Com.).
ienly (106 248. Co. add a;cj)w5i'a)s after iir' aiiTfitj by them (so 23.). * And that.

Chapter XXII.

Ver. 1. A filtliy stone. One that had been
used for filthy purposes. The point of compari-
Bon is not in the worthli'ssness of the stone, but in
the fact that to touch it would be pollution. The
following verse contains the same general idea.

Ver. 3. In begetting, i. e., in hamriij hegotten,
being the father of. The connection of thought is
obvious. Such slothfulness as had been just
spolcen of was the result of bad training, or rather
of the lack of proper training.

Ver. 4. The last:aas?rtion of , verse 8 is now
more fully supported and illustrated. Grotius
and Arnald, with our English version, improp-
erly construed KKT}povofxi\aeL like' the Hiphil in
Hebrew. It is literally : " will come into posses-
sion " of her husband. She would get a suitable
husband.

Ver. 5. The over-bold. Grotius: " Quce
omnia aiidet facere, qiue famani non veretur." She
is one who does not care for her reputation. Cf.,
Piov. ix. 13 ; xiii. 16.

Ver. 6. Ai-hy-qais means a narrative (see vi. 35,
ix. 15 ; 2 Mace. ii. 32, vi. 17) ; but here, as the
connection shows, is used in the sense of discourse
or instruction. The sense of the latter clause is
much the same, whether we read cro(p{a or <ro(pias.
In the latter case it would mean, " is the part of
wisdom."

Ver. 7. A potsherd, tarpotKov. The word is
used collectively for fragments of an earthen
vessel. — Waketh one ( e|e76iptu;' ; 248. Co., Koi
e^eyeipei), i. e., he has to do with one who will
feel no interest in what he has to present.

Ver. II. Worse than death. The thought
is, that while his life is a life of sin, when he is
dead he will cease to do harm.

Ver. 12. Seven days. Cf. Judith xvi. 24, and
Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 578 ff.

Ver. 13. 'Eyrivayfi^. This word is found no-
where else. It is derived from ivTivda-aeLV, with
the meaning to shake in or into; and by the Hel-
lenists, to cast away. Grotius translates by pro-
jectio, ejaculatio {spiiti being understood ) = wria
probrosa. We have rendered with Fritzsche and
Buiisen's Bibehcetk by slaver, which of course is
figuratively used for low and foolish words.

Ver. 14. What is heavier (^apvvSiia-eTai). It
is used in the second clause in the sense of bur-
densome, i. e., has in this verse both a literal and
a figurative meaning

Ver. 16. The word lixavTiccis, which meant a
binding with thongs, was also used (LXX.) for a
piece of timber used for binding a building to
gether, and doubtless a cross-beam or brace is
liere meant. Houses so constructed, as is well
known, are better able to withstand the shuck of
earthquakes than those built simjjly of stone or
brick. On earthquakes in the liast, cf. Van
Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 577, — Tremble at the
crisis, iv xaipip. At the nick q/'ft'me, namely, when
the stress comes.

Ver. 17. 'ETrl htttvolt^ ffvvia^ws. It is not very
easy to express the meaning of these words in Eng-
lish. The A. V. has transferred the Hebraism,
but without giving a clear sense. The words
mean much the same as what we express by " in-
telligent principles," i. e., principles of action that
are founded on observation, knowledge, and right
reason.

Ver. 18. Pales {xdpaKcs; xct\aK€s, small stones,
III. C. H. 55. al.). Not probably sticks set for
the support of vines, the Ka/xa^ of Homer, but
pales used for fortification. — On a fool's pur-
pose, ^ttI Siaifo'i^iJ.aTos (Motpod, etc. Others trans-
late : " So the timid heart of the fool holds out in his
resolution against no fear. But, if that were the
meaning, we might have expected to find a differ-
ent arrangement of the words in the sentence.

Ver. 19. Pricketh, viiaa(/^v. The rubbing,
exciting of the eyes seems to be referred to, as
the figurative meaning of the word in the next
member shows. Cf. Prov. xxx. 33, for a similar
comparison.

Ver. 21. 'Ettc^i/oSos, a turning back. A total
change in one's feelings were possible.

Vei-. 22. Treacherous wound, vXriyris So\ias.
Wounds which are given by the tongue through
a betrayal of coutideuce seem to be meant.

Ver. 23. Gain credit, iriaTiv Krriuat ; namely,
by being faithful and kind. Bretschneider would
change the verb to iro/ijirai ; but, as Pritzsche has
shown, in case that verb were used the form
should have been 7ro/ei or irolriaov. The sense ia
already clear enough. — Be heir with him in his
heritage. The word means to come into possession
of property, whether by inheritance or otherwise.
It is true that in the later Greek, .is in the New
Testament, the words KAripivoixos (one \vliu has a
KX-i]pQs), KKi^povo^ia, and K\T]povofj.4ai are used gen-
erally with reference to what is inherited ^ but
sometimes this meaning gives place to the moie
general one of possession, which here also might
be the exact thought intended. Cf. verse 4.
Both Fritzsche and liunsen's Bibelwerk call atten-
tion to the low moral plane on which these
maxims of the son of Sirach rest. Cf. our re-
marks in the Introd. on the same point.

Ver. 25. To protect (o-hreTrao-ai). To give shel-
ter to, as, for in.itance, when he is ileeiug from an
enemy. The stress which in the East is laid on
the due observance of the rules of hospitality is
well known.

Ver. 27. This verb has indeed the form of a
question ; still, it is more properly a prayer. The
name of God is omitted ; bnt it is clearly He who
is meant. — '2,(ppayiSa Tvavoopyov. The latter word
is variously rendered by commentators in this
passage. It means, in a good sense, shrewd, in-
genious, and it is probably used in that sense here ;
as something ^'(tet^ to the end sought, a fit, appropri-
ate, sufficient seal. Naturally, such a seal would
be wisdom, discretion.

,840 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chaptek XXIII.

1 O Lord, Father and Ruler of my ' life,
Leave me not to their counsel,^
Suffer me not to ^ fall by them.

2 O that One would ■* set scourges over my thought,*
And the discipline of wisdom over mine heart ;
That he would spare not " mine ignorances,

And pass not by my sins : '

3 Lest mine ignorances increase,
And my sins abound,*

And I fall before mine adversaries.
And mine enemy rejoice over me.°

4 O Lord, Father and God of my life.
Give me not lascivious eyes,^"

And ^^ turn away lust from me.-^

6 Let not bodily appetite and " lust of the flesh take hold of me ;
And give me not over to a shameless mind.-'*

7 Hear, 0 ye children, the discipline of the mouth ;
He that keepeth it shall not be ensnared. ^^

8 A sinner shall be taken through his lips,^^

Both a railer and a proud man shall stumble " thereby

9 Accustom not thy mouth to swearing.

And use not " thyself to the naming of the Holy One ;

10 For as a servant that is continually punished will ^^ not be without wales,™

So also '^^ he that sweareth and speaketh the Name ^ continually shall not be free
from sin.^*

11 A man that useth much swearing will be full of unrighteousness,'^
And the scourge ^ shall never depart from his house.

If he offend,^'' his sin is ^' upon him ;
And if he overlook it,'^ he sinneth twice as much ; ^
And if he swear in vain, he shall not be justified,*"
For *^ his house shall be full of calamities.

12 There is a way of speaking whose penalty is '^ death :
May it not be "* found in the heritage of Jacob.

For all these things will ** be far from the godly,
And they will ''' not wallow in *° sins.

13 Use not thy mouth to coarse filthiness,'^

Vera. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : Governor of all my whole (as 248. Co.). 2 counsels (/SouXjJ; cf. Com.). ' And (wai is found
in III. 106. 166. 167. 248. Co. ; Old Lat., nee) let me not (i.i)!;s). * Who will (cf . note at xxii. 27). ' thoughts (Siam^-
(ifltTOs). ^ they ppare {•^ecVwi'Tat) me not for. ' And it pass not by my sins (ou ^17 TrapjJ ra ofxapTi^fAara auTwc . The

text is doubtless coiTupt, and the first mistake was in making ipeiattivTau of the preceding line plural, and the second,
in writing here, aurwv for fxov. 1 restore, with Fritzsche, Eunsen's Bibelwerh, and other authorities). 8 abound to

my destruction (248. Co. add eis tTvvTpi^ijv). ° me (H. 106. 248. Co. add what appears in the A. V. as an additional

member. Whose hope is far from thy mercy).

Vers. 4-6. — 10 A. V. : a proud look (cf. Com.), " But. ^^ from thy servants always a haughty mind (marg.,

giant-Uke. Gr., Kal eniSvuiai' aTroarpei/zov aTr' e^lov ; 106. 248. Co. Clem, of Alex., with unimportant variations, Kat vt-
yai/TiiSi) 4'^x^^ (106. omits last two words) andarriaov (106. adds ravTa) fita TtacTos aTrb SoiiAcov (106., aTrb Tou 6o0\ou) <rov
etc., appearing in A, V., in addition to what has been already given as ver. 5 : Turn away from me vain hopes and
concupiscence, And thou shalt hold him up that is desirous always to serve thee). ^ the greediness of the belly (cf.
Com.) nor. ^^ not over me, thy servant (106. 248. Co. add rbi' olKeTrfv erou) into an impudent mind.

Vera. 7-10. — '£■ A. V. : never be taken in his lips (the last three words are joined to ver. 7 in 157. 248. Co. Old Lat.,
and they insert as part of ver. 8, €f rfj a<^poiTvir[i aVTou ; Old Lat., in vanUate .sua. The heading of this section in II. is
TraiSei'a (jTo^aros j Marg. of the A. V-, Discipline of tlie mouth). ^'^ The sinner shall be left in his foolishness (cf.

preceding note). ^^ the evil speaker (Aot'Sopos) and the proud shall fall {a-Kav5aJ^iiTSTj(rovTaL). is Neither use.

IB beaten (efera^dfxei'os. Lit., examined) shall. 20 a blue mark (^toAwjroy, the mark of a stripe^ a weal, allied to our

Word " maul '■). ^i omits also (Kat ; it is omitted by 23. 248. 254. Co. Old Lat.). 22 nameth God (oi'o^afwi').

^ faultless (ajri) afiaprCa^ .... KadapLcrdfj).

Vers. 11-13. — "A. V. : Shall be filled with iniquity (aVafu'as). ™ plague (nao-Ttf). 20 shall offend. 2' shall be.
ts acknowledge not /i?'5 5irt (uTTept'Srj). 20 maketh a double offence. ^^ innocent {maxg.^justijied. Gr., SitcaittiBr)-

trerai). ^^ But (yap). 32 word (X^^is) that is clothed about with (ai/TiTreptjSe^ATjjxeMj. Cf. Com. Fritzsche thinks
")QpD stood in the original, to be rendered, which is atoned/or). ^ God grant that it be not (a needless use of tha
name of God). " such things shall. » ghall. " in their. " to untempeiate swearing (airaiSeviria

ECCLESIA8TICUS. 841

For therein are sinful words.^

14 Remember thy^ father and thy mother,
When thou sitteat among great men,
Lest haply thou be forgetful' before them,
And through thy habit play the * fool,
And wish that thou hadst not been born.
And curse the day of thy nativity.

15 A man^ accustomed to opprobrious words

"Will not become disciplined * all the days of his Ufe.

16 Two sorts of men multiply sin,
And the third will bring down ' wrath :
A soul, hot as burning fire,

Will not * be quenched till it be consumed ;

A fornicator with blood relations

Will not * cease till the fire hath burned out.^'*

17 Every sort of ^^ bread is sweet to a whoremonger, '
He will not leave off till he is dead.^^

18 A man that breaketh wedlock saith in himself,^'

Who seeth me ? I am compassed about with darkness, and " the walls cover me ;
And nobody seeth me ; what should I-'* fear?
The Most High will not remember my sins.

19 And of men's eyes he is afraid ; ■''

And he perceiveth " not that the eyes of the Lord are ten thousand times brighter

than the sun,
Looking upon ^* all the ways of men,
And observing the secret places.-^'

20 The universe was known to him before it was made ; ^
So also after it was completed.^^

21 This man shall be punished in the streets of the city,
And where he suspected ^^ not he shall be taken.

22 Thus also a^' wife that leaveth her ^* husband.
And bringeth in an heir by another.^^

23 For first, she disobeyed ^^ the law of the Most High ;
And secondly, she trespassed ^ against her husband ; ^
And thirdly, she played ^ the whore in adultery.
And brought in *° children by another '^ man.

24 She shall be led °^ out into the congregation,
T^d calamity shall come upon '^ her children.

25 Her children shall not take root,

And her branches shall not bring forth '^ fruit.

26 She shall leave her memory to be cursed.
And her reproach shall not be blotted out.

27 And they that remain shall discern that there is '' nothing better than the fear

of the Lord,
And nothing ^° sweeter than to take heed unto the commandments of the Lord.'^

aiTVpeZ ; text, rec, with IT. airaiSeuo-tW aavpij ; 248. Co., aKoXaaia opKOV ; 65., aTratSevaCq opKOv). I is the word of

sin (Aoyo? — used coUectiTely — aiMaprla?). ^ thy {text. rec. omits o-ou. It is found in III. X. 106., and is adopted by
jFritzsche). 8 jje not (/i^Tror' tiriKaJSrt) forgetful. * so thou by thy custom become a.

Vera. 16-21. — 6 A. V. : The man that is. ^ never be reformed. ' bring (^7ra|et). ^ hot mind is as a burn-

ing fire. It will never. » in the body of his flesh Will never. ^^ tie hath kindled a fire. n All

13 die. 13 Saying thus in his heart. ^^ omits and. ^ need I to. ^^ Such a man only feareth the eyes of men.
" knoweth. ^ Beholding. l^ considering the mo.sf secret parts. ^o He knew all I/tm§-s ere ever iAey were

created. ^^ they were perfected he looked upon Ikem all (II. 243. Co. add Kadop^ ra TrafTa). 22 suspecteth.

Vers. 22-28. — =« A. V. ; shaU it go also with the. 24 iyg^ (airTijs is added by 155. 167. 248. Co. Old Lat.), 2e an-

other (marg. , a stranger. Codd. 23. 248. 253. Co. read oAXou, instead of aAXoTpt'ou). 28 hath disobeyed. 2t jiath

trespassed. ^s own husband. 2fl hath played. *o brought (of. ver. 22. Gr., napiariaa-a. See Com Fritzsche
adopts Kttt at the beginning from III. X. II. 23. 106. al. ; text. rec. omits). si another {cf. ver. 22). 82 brought.

83 inquisition shall be made of (eirt to. t^kvo. auTiis en-iu-KOTrrj eo-rat). 84 ghall bring forth {ola-ovtnv from III. X. 65.

106. 156. al. ; text, rec, Siuuovai) no. 8e know that there is. 80 that there is nothing. 87 Lord (II. 248. Co.

Old Lat. add what appears in the A. T, as ver. 28 : It is great glory to foUow the Lord, And to be received of him u
Long life).

342

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter XXHI.

Ver. 1. Their counsel. The reference is ob-
viouslj' to what immediately precedes, rwv xeiAetoy.

Ver. 2. Discipline of wisdom =^ discipline
that leads to wisdom. — Mine ignorances. Cf.
remarks on S.yyoiai at 1 Esd. yiii. 74. See also
li. 19 of the present book.

Ver. 3. The idea corresponds with that of the
Oriental proverb; "The passage of a rat is
DOthinp, hut it soon becomes a thoroughfare."
Or, better, the Latin as quoted by Grotius :
" Prinn'piis obslct ; sero jnedicinaparcttir cum mala
per lorigas invahiere moi-as."

Ver. 4. MeTiciipicri^hi' o<pOa\p.iiv. We have trans-
lated freely, witli Fritzsohe and Bunsen's Bibelwerk
(as also Luther, De Wette, and others, essen-
tially) by " lascivious eyes," believiug that some-
thing like nStt7 (lit., a lifting up) stood in the
original Hebrew for the first word. The prayer
naturally is meant in the sense ; " Let me not
have."

Ver. 6. Bodily appetite. So we have ren-
dered KoiKias ope^i^ as harmonizing best with the
context. And it is not appetite for food that is
partieularly meant, but rather lust, licentious de-
sire. It is more clearly designated in the follow-
ing phrase, lust of the flesh, (nivovaiaaij.6s, i. e.,
having sexual intercourse with any one ; and here,
as the context shows, unlawfully. — Shameless
mind. Sliameless in the sense that it gives free
rein to lust.

Ver. 7. Shall not be ensnared (namely, by
the mouth), oii fiij iiAif. The verb means be taken
prisoner, and the idea is, he shall never become
dependent as a slave upon it.

Ver. 8. In Cod. II. the division of members in
verse 8 is as follows : —

'Ef Tols x^'-^- KaTa\et4>9.
'AjxafiT. K. AotS. K. {)7rep^0.
^KavhaXitidYj. iv avTots.

KaTa\ei<pdi]a-erai is doubtless to be changed to
Kara\r)(peria(Tai. although the manuscript author-
ity for it is but slight (157.). The word in the
original was probably "TD- ^•

Vers. 9, 10. The injunction here, like that of
our Saviour in Matt. v. 34, is not directed against
judicial or solemn religious oaths, but profane
sweaiing. Cf. also Jas. v. 12, and Stud. u. Krit.,
IS.'ia, p.' 228. Profanity is followed by sins of
otlier sorts, as much as the beating of slaves is by
wales on the body.

Ver. 11. Swear in vain (5ia /c6)'i)s), i. e.,
without cause, rashly. Fritzsche would translate
falsely, but simply on the ground that thereby
tlie climax of the verse would be stronger.

Ver. 12. Ki^is avrnrepiffePAnfiivri Bavdrif), a
way of speaking whose penalty is death. Gro-
tius : " IJebrcei blasphemiaui von nominaut, sed
ant circumscribunt, aut per avrlfpcunv significant."
The second Greek word used by our aiithor is
rare. Gaah says it is nowhere else found, whicli
is a mistake. Friizsche has found it in the
Achilles of Tatius (v. 8), and in Hippocrates (ed.
by Foiisius, p. 760). Cf. Lev. xxiv. 15, 16.—
Heritage of Jacob = the land of Israel.

Ver. 13. 'AiraiSetiffC^ turvpii, coarse flithiness.
What is ill-bred, and in addition impure, is
meant. The author does not seem to regard this
as sin in itself, but only as leading to sin. Cf.
the words of our Lord at Matt. xii. 36, and of
Paul at Col. iii. 8.

Ver. 14. The object of this admonition seems
to be to prevent filthy, licentious words. By such
words they would bring dishonor on their parents.

— Thy habit (namely, of speaking low words)
.... and wish (as a consequence of what he had
thoughtlessly done).

Ver. 1.5. riaiSeuSp, here become disciplined, re-
fined. He would remain boorish and rough in his
manners.

Ver. 16. Commentators are not agreed as to
first class here meant. We have translated,
with Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk, the words
&pdpo}7ros ir6pi'0^ iv (rtii/xari (TapKhs aiirov as above,
believiug that in the Hebrew there stood for iv
criifi., etc., in£»3 "^b't^'S. Others (Gutmann)
render : " a man guilty of masturbation ; " others
(Luther, De Wette) : " has in his body no rest,"
joining the phrase to the following verb, iravcniTai).

— The fire hath burnt out, 'das &;/ eKKaia-ii Trip,
uamelv, the fire of/iassion.

Ver. 17. Cf. Prov. v. 15 ; ix. 17. The thought
is that it does not make any difference with such
a peison who or what the woman is. — Till he is
dead, eais hv re\evTria~ri. Others render : till he
s through, i. e., till he has satisfied his lust. This
s the second class : whoremongers in general.
The third class, which now follows, are adulterers.
Others, however, make all that has been hitherto
said under this category refer to one class, and
are therefore obliged to regard female adulterers
(verse 22) as forming a distinct class, in order to
make out the three.

Vers. 18-20. The author, or at least his trans-
lator, drops at the end of verse 18 the construc-
tion with which he began the section, and does
not take it up again till the beginning of verse
21, which contains the proper conclusion. —
Breaketh wedlock. Lit., passeth by his bed
namely, his marriage bed, in order to go to one
that is not allowed.

Ver. 2L In the streets. Where he runs
about to sate his lust. He will get into conflict
with some other person similarly inclined, or in
some other such way be found out and punished.
Ver. 22. Leaveth her husband. Is untrue
to him.

Ver. 23. Disobeyed, jjireferjirf Iv. This gram-
matical construction is said to be found only here.
— Brought in, i.e., into the world ; or, perhaps
bettei-, to the rest of the family. She h,as placed
them beside other children which properly belong
to herself and husband.

Ver. 24. Cf. Lev. xx. 10 ; Deut. xxii. 22.
Ver. 25. The reading oiaovcnv for Scitrouin,
which Fritzsche adopts, with the authorities above
given, presupposes that Sb3, rather than ^n3,
stood in the Hebrew text, ^

Veri 27. They that remain. Not simply her
children are meant, but all who knew her and her
sad end.

ECCLESIASTICTJS. 343

Chapteb XXIV.

1 Wisdom may praise ■" herself,
And glory ^ in the midst of her people.

2 In the congregation of the Most High may ' she open her mouth
And glory * hefore his power.

3 I came forth from ^ the mouth of the Most High,
And covered the earth as a mist.°

4 I dwelt in the heights,'

And my throne was on ' a cloudy pillar.

5 I alone compassed the arch of heaven,
And walked about in the depth of abysses.'

6 In the waves of the sea, and in all the earth.

And in every people and nation, I got a possession.^"

7 With all these I sought rest ;

And in whose inheritance should ■'^ I abide ?

8 Then ^^ the Creator of all thi-ngs gave me a commandment,
And he that made me caused my tabernacle to rest,

And said, Let thy dwelling be in Jacob,
And thine inheritance in Israel.

9 He created me from the beginning before the world,
And I shall never fail.

10 In the holy tabernacle I served before him ;
And so was I established in Sion.

11 Likewise in the beloved ^^ city he gave me rest.
And in Jerusalem was my power.

12 And I took root among an honored ^^ people.
In ■'^ the portion of the Lord, his inheritance.-'^

13 I shot upward like a cedar on ^' Libanus,

And as a cypress tree upon the mountains of Aermon.*'

14 I shot upward " like a palm tree on the sea shores,^"
And as a rose plant in Jericho,

And as '^^ a fair olive tree in a field ; ^^
And I shot upwai'd ^ as a plane tree.^*

15 I gave an odor ^^ like cinnamon and the aromatic '^ aspalathus.
And I dispersed ^^ a pleasant odor like the best myrrh,

As galbanum, and onyx, and sweet storax.

And as the fume of frankincense in the tabernacle.

16 As a terebinth I spread^' out my branches.

And my branches were ^ branches of glory ^ and grace.

17 As the vine brought I forth what was agreeable,^^
And my flowers,^^ the fruit of glory and riches.^^

Vers. 1-7. — The title of the following section in III. X. al. is troi^la.-; alveirt^ ; so also in 11., excepting the order.

A. V. : shall praise (better, may praise, or Let wiadoin praise. See Com.). 2 shall glory. 3 shall. * triumph
(same word as in second line, Kauxiio-erot, glory, vaunt herself). c came out of [e^rik&ov .... ano). ^ cloud

{bjilx^r)). ' high places (not clear. The heavens are meant). ^ is in. ^ walked {TT^pienaj-qao.) in the bottom of
the deep (ei' |3a9ei a.^\iinjiiiv). ^^ got a possession (so the Greek, eKryjo-a^iji'. But Fritzsche, with Gutmann and others,

properly suspects a false translation, supposing that ''n'^Dp stood in the original, for which eKTto-a should hare been

given. He accordingly renders, as does also Bunsen's Bifte/werfc, " I created." Ci.. Com.). n shall.

Vers. 8-15. — 12 ^^ y. : So. ^3 beloved (marg., holy, as 248. Co. Old Lat.). 1^ in an honourable. is Even in

18 Lord's inheritance. 1^ was exalted {aw^iiiBriv =z raised on high; 248. Co. leave off the prep.) .... in. i^ jjer.

mon (*Aep/iuic. This form of the word is also frequent in the LXX.). 1^ was exalted. 20 in Engaddi [ev aiyiaAois
248. Co., «» TaSSi, i. e., iv 'EyyoSi ; iv 'EyyiSoi!, 296. 3U8. ; ev TaioK, 263. ; Old Lat., in Cades. All are clearly correc
tions for the first). 21 As (Erltzsche receives /cai from III. X. 106. 155. 157. 254. 296. 303. i text. rec. omits)

^ pleasant (wpatw is prefixed by H. 248. Co.) field. 23 grew up {a.w^ui9-i)v). 24 tree by the water (the addition is
from 248. Co. Old Lat.). m a sweet smell (htriiriv. Codd. 23. 248. 253., with Co., omit it and the verb SiSuiKo.).

20 omits the aromatic (apco^aTtoi', which follows affjraAaflos. In 248. Co., instead of the last word is read tos irdKaQoi),
2' yielded (Ui&uKa).

Vers. 16-22. — 28 A. V. : turpentine tree I stretched (see Com.). ^^ are the. so iionour (So^tjs). 3' pleasant
eavour (x«ptt' 5 248. Co., euuSiW. Cf . Com.). 32 flowers are. ss honour (see ver. 16) and riches (As ver. 18 in tbo
A. V. there appears what has been added, with slight variations, by H. 248. Co. Old Lat, : 1 am the mother of fair love

344

THE APOCRYPHA.

19 Come unto me, ye that desire me,^
And fill yourselves with my fruits.

20 For the thought of me is '^ sweeter than honey,
And my possession than ' honeycomb.

21 They that eat me shall yet be hungry,
And they that drink me shall yet be thirsty.

22 He that obeyeth me shall not be ashamed,*
And they that work by ' me shall not sin."

23 All these things are true of the ' book of the covenant of the Most High God,
The' law which Moses commanded us

As ^ an heritage unto the congregations of Jacob.^"

25 It filleth with '^ wisdom, as Phison,

And as Tigris in the time of the new fruits.

26 It maketh insight ^^ abound like Euphrates,
And as .lordan in the time of the harvest.

27 It maketh instruction ^^ appear as the light,
As Geon " in the time of vintage.

28 The first man knew her not perfectly.
And so "^ shall the last not trace ^^ her out.

29 For her thought aboundeth more " than the sea,
And her purposes " than the great deep.

30 I also came out as a canal " from a river,
And as a conduit into a garden.

31 I said, I will water my garden,^"

And will water abundantly my garden bed.
And lo, my canal °^ became a river,
And my river became a sea.
82 I will yet make instruction ^'^ shine as the morning,
And will send forth her light afar off.

33 I will yet pour out teaching ^^ as prophecy,
And leave it to everlasting generations.^

34 Behold that I labored not "^ for myself only,
But for all them that seek her.^^

And fear, and knowledge, and holy hope ; I therefore hein^ eternal, am giTen to all my children Which are named of
him). 1 all ye that be desirous of me (X. Old Lat. add TravTe? after ^e). ^ my memorial is. * mine in-

heritance than the. ^ never be confounded {248. Co. add fitaTrai'Tds). ^ work by (epyafojuecoi kv. Pritzsche ren-

ders, make use of my service ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, gives himself trouble on my account. Cf. Com.). <> do amiss

(a^apTTjaouo-i).

Vers. 23-29. — '^ A. V. : are the (the words supplied seem needful to complete the sense). " Even the. « omits

us (Fritzsche receives ^fiti' from III. X. 55. 155. 248. 253. 254. Co.), and has For instead of As. ^^ Jacob (A. V., as Ter.
24, has an addition as follows : Taint not to be strong in the Lord ; That he may confirm you, cleave unto him : For
the Lord Almighty is God alone, And besides him there is no other Saviour. They come from H. 248. Co. Old Lat. with
Blight variations). ^^ He filleth all things with his (248. Co. insert iriivra. before and aurov after tvjs o-ot^tas). 12 ixq
.... the understanding to. ^3 Ue . . . . doctrine of knowledge (TraiSetav, to which 248. Co. add ycoio-ews) appear as

the light (cf. Com.). " And as Geon (so H. 248. 254. Co.). 1= No more. >» last find. " thoughts (Smi'iTjua ;

111. 65. 106. 253. 254. 296. 308., the plur. ; 248. Co., same with the article) are more (eirAijeuVeij). " Counsels (i povKri)
profounder.

Vers. 30-34. — ^^ A. V. : brook (marg., drain or ditcJi). 20 },est (248. Co. add rov apitrrov to ktjttoi') garden.

21 brook. 22 doctrine (TratSet'ai/). 23 doctrine i5iSai7KaXCav). 24 ^n ^ges forever (ets yevem altitvinv). 2e have

not laboured. 20 wisdom {aiiTrjv).

Chapiek XXIV.

Ver. 1. The future, alviaei, seems to stand for
the imperfect of the Hebrew, which may be reu-
dered by may, can, or will.

Ver. 2. Congregation of the Most High, i.e.,
the Israelitish ]ieo))le. Cf. verse 12. — Before
(ivavTi) his power. This may be another ex-
pres.'iiou for tlie temple, meaning the same as
" before tlie ark of tbe covenant," on which the
glory of the Lord was enthroned. Others trans-
late : before Ids host, namely, Israel or the heavenly
host.

Ver. 3. Cf. this verse and what follows with
Gen. i. 2, and Prov. viii.

Ver. 4. "Was on a cloudy pillar = was a
cloudy pillar ; i. e., it was in the heights of heaven.
So in Baruch (iii. 29) it is asked- concerning wis-
dom : " Who hath gone up into heaven, and taken
her, and brought her down from the clouds ? "
Cf. also Ps. Ixviii. 34 ; Ix.Nxix. 5, 6. The " cloudy
pillar" which led Israel in the wilderness cannot
well bo meant. The oriijinnl dwelling-place of
wisdom is under consideration. It is not till
afterwards (verse 8) that her earthly habitation
is mentioned.

Ver. 5. Depth of abysses. The bottom of

ECCLESIASTrCtJS.

346

the sea is meant, as antithetic to the heights of
heaven.

Ver. 6. I got a possession, '^KTijtrcifirii'. This
is generally regarded as a failure in translation.
The word TI"'Dp probably stood in the Hebrew,
as Gutmann and others suppose, and this is one
of its meanings. But the meaning here should
have been created, worked, iu order to bring it
into harmony with the common representation
that God first created wisdom, and that then it
was with him in the creation and orderly arrange-
ment of other things. CL Wisd. ix. 9.

Ver. 7, 8. Gutmann thinks it possible that
there is a reference here to the tradition found

also in the Talmud {Tr. O'ibv, fol. 2), that God
offered the Law to all the peoples of the earth in
order ; hut none were ready to accept it, except
Israel.

Ver. 9. From the beginning, before the
world, irph tov alcovos citt' apxTJs. Bretschneider
and Buusen's Bibehoerk suppose the last two
Greek words to be simply a gloss on the preced-
ing. Fritzsche, however, maintains that they are
original, and used for emphasis. Cf. the LXX.
at Micah v. 2 (a7r' apxn^ ^i THJ.epSjy aluvos), for a
similar collocation of words.

Ver. 10. In Sion, namely, in the temple on
Mount Sion.

Ver. 11. 'Was my power, i^ovcria. Here much
the same as rule, sway. The Law, which accord-
ing to this representation was the same as wis-
dom, bore sway in everything that concerned the
Jewish people.

Ver. 13. In the LXX. at Ps. xxix. 6, we have
also the same spelling of the word, Ai^avos. The
cedar is often used in the Old Testament as an
illustration. Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet., art. " Cedar."
— Mountains of Aermon. A mountain range
is meant. The plural (D"pb~in) is also found at
Ps. xlii. 6. The reading " Sion " (Syr. and Ar.,
followed by Bretschneider) for "Aermon" arose
out of the fact that this was another name of the
same mountaia ('!'S''t^, the elevated). Cf. Dent. iv.

48.

Ver. 14. On the sea-shores, ^c oi7m\orr. Bret-
schneider, De Wette, Bunsen's Bihel.werk, and
others adopt the reading at Engedi (cf. Text.
Notes). But it is likely that it arose from a
gloss. At lea.st,' it is far more likely that it was
an after-thought than the common reading. En-
gedi was situated on the western shore of the
Dead Sea, and was famous for its groves of
palms. — Rose plant, ipura ^loSov. Cf. Sol. Songs
ii. l,and Is. xxxvi., where alone in the English ver-
sion of the Old Testament canonical books this
flower is mentioned. The rose proper, however, is
probably not meant in these passages. And in the
present verse, as also at xxxix. 1-3, 1. 8, it is most
likely that the Oleander is referred to. Cf.
Furrer in Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v. — A plane
tree. This is a tree of the maple kind.

Ver. 15. Aromatic aspalathus. It was a
prickly shrub, yielding a fragrant oil. It is re-
ferred to by Theognis (1193), and as an instru-
ment of torture in Plato's Republic (616 a.). Cf.
also Pliny, Hist. Nat., xii. 24. — Galbanum.
This was one of the perfumes employed in the
preparation of the sacred incense. The word is
much the same in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin,
and it. is supposed that the same thing is meant
by it. Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet., s. u. — Onyx. It

was probably the operculum of a certain species
of shell-fish which was used for perfume. Cf.
XXX. 34, where it is mentioned as one of the in-
gredients of the sacred perfume. — Sweet storax,
cTTOKT^. It is the Hebrew riK:3 of Ex. xxx. 34.
The gum which exudes from the myrrh plant.
Pliny (xii. 35) says : " Sudant [i. e. myrrh-trees|
sponte priusquam incidantur stacten dictam cui
nulla praifertur." Others, however, think it to be
the finest kind of storax gum (Dioscor., i. 79).
But it is doubtful if the latter would have re-
ceived this name in Greek. Cf. Winer, Bib.
Realworterbuch, n. u.

Ver. 16. As a terebinth. It is probably the'
Hebrew H jM, oak. In Arabic it is called Butm.
According to Robinson : " There is said to flow
from incisions in the trunk a sort of transparent
balsam, constituting a very pure and fine species
of turpentine, with an agreeable odor like citron
or jessamine." He afterwards adds, however :
" In Palestine nothing seems to be known of this
product of the Butm I " Cf. Smith's Bib. Diet.,
s. V.

Ver. 17. What was agreeable, x'ipii'. This
seems a better rendering than that of our version,
although Grotius also has: " produxi vinum bene
olens," following the Old Latin, which has :
" suavitatem odoris." It was doubtless intended as
a paraphrase or explanation, but as such is mis-
leading

Ver. 21. The idea is beautiful, and not in
opposition to that of John iv. 14.

Ver. 22. "Work by me, ol ^pya^6^^vot ^v SfioC,
CIqatci, who avail themselves of my help. Cf . xiii.
4. The verb means to prosecute, realize, complete
something, a work; or, without an object, to be
active, to labor, to do business with, take trouble about.
So slpyia-aTo iv ainoh at Matt. xxv. 16.

Ver. 23. Congregations of Jacob. This is
possibly a reference to the various synagogues of
Israel scattered among different nations and in
different lands. Cf. Ps. Ixviii. 26.

Ver. 25. The law is meant. It gives a fullnetis
of wisdom, as Pison and Tigris a fullness of wa.
ter. Cf. Gen. ii. 11, 14. — The time of the new
fruits. The time when there was the greatest
abundance of water in March and .^pril.

Ver. 27. Appear as the light, eKcpalvwv as
(pa>9. Here, too, it is quite clear there has been a
failure in translation. It was to be expected that
along with the other rivers the Nile would be
mentioned, as it evidently was in the original.
The word there was most likely not ms, light,
but ~liW"|, river, by which name the Nile is
sometimes known in Scripture. Cf. Is. xxiii. 3 ;
Am. viii. 8. For this supposition the following
phrase furnishes good support. There is no xai
in the Greek before is Tridp. And it is a fact
that at the time of the vintage in September and
October the iVi7e stood at its highest point. Hence
it is clear that Geon, i. e., Gihon, is used here as
synonymous with the Nile. It is also so used in
Jer. ii. 18, in the LXX.

Ver. 29. Aboundeth (e'lrATjewfl?)) more than
the sea. The thoughts which flow out of it are
more numerous and more grand and ijnmeasur-
able than the sea.

Ver. 30. I, also. The writer, Jesus Sirach.
— ^As a canal. Such as was used for irriga-
tion.

346 THE APOCRYPHA.

Ver. 31. My garden. The word for garden
is here Krjwoy, while iu the previous verse it is
irapaSeitroy.

Ver. 33. As prophecy. Grotius says the
meaning is, with the certainty of prophecy ; Gaab,

., ith its impiration, enthusiasm ; Pritzsche, with its
fiiUness. Bishop Lowth made an attempt to re-
produce the present chapter in Hebrew ; and
Pritzsche has printed the result in his Commen-
tary, pp. 134-136.

Chapter XXV.

1 In three things I was beautified,

And stood up beautiful before the Lord ^ and men :
Unity ^ of brethren, and ^ love of neighbors,
And man and wife * that agree together.

2 But ' three sorts of men my soul hateth,
And I greatly detest ^ their life : '

A poor man that is proud, a rich man that is a liar,
An old adulterer wanting in understanding.'

3 If thou hast not gathered in " youth,
How canst thou find it ^° in thine age ?

4 O how comely a thing is judgment ^' for gray hairs,
And for old men ^^ to Jinow counsel !

5 0 how comely is the wisdom of old men.

And understanding and counsel to men of honor !

6 Much experience is the crown of old men.
And the fear of the Lord " is their glory.

7 Nine tilings I in mine heart pronounce '■* happy,
And the tenth I will utter with my tongue :

A man that hath joy of his children ;

And he that liveth to see the fall of enemies ;

8 Happy he ^^ that dwelleth with a wife of understanding,
And that slippeth not ^'^ with his tongue,

And that serveth not one unworthy of him ; "

9 Happy he that hath found prudence,^'
And that speaketh it in willing ears."

10 O how great is he that flndeth wisdom !

Yet is he not ^^ above him that feareth the Lord.

1 1 The fear of the Lord surpasseth everything ; ^'■

He that holdeth it fast, to whom -^ shall he be likened?^

13 Any -'' plague, but the plague of the heart.

And any wickedness, but the wickedness of a woman.

1 4 Any ^* affliction, but the affliction of ^'* them that hate me,

Vers. 1-4. — 'A. V. ; beautifQl (see Com.) both before God. ^ Ttje unity {ojaoi/ota ; 248. Co., ojadfoiar, and later

^lAtai/). ^ the. * A man and a wife (248. 253. Co. omit KaC before av^p). '> omits But (Se, as Athan., according

lo Holmes and Parsons). "> am greatly offended at (Trpocrwx^^o'a)- ' life (^w^, but here manner of life). 8 _A.nd

(II. 106. 248. Co. have KaC before ydpovja) an old adulterer (23. Old Lat. Syr. Ar., jjidpov. But the former is supported
by a passage from the Talmud) that doateth {eKarTovtJ.evoi' o-vvco-et). " hast gathered nothing in thy (248. Co. add o-ou
to veoTTjTi). 10 canst thou find (eilpoty ; eiipfji, 106. 248. 296. Co. Aid.) any Ihivg (wisdom is meant). ^i judgment

(KpLa-15. It is understood as a sentence pronounced upon others, by Wahl, Fritzsche, and Bunsen's Bibehvi^rk).
1- ancient men.

Vers. 6-9. — '3 A. V. : God. ^* There he nine things which I have judged in mine (III. X. II. oB. 106. 157. al. Co.

have jaov) heart to be. ^^ his enemy .... Well is him. n* hath not slipped (aor., but in the sense of the present).

^^ hath not served a man more unworthy than himself (araft'ti* aurou ; eauToi), III. 23. 55. 106. al. ; text, rec., olvtov).
18 Well is him .... prudence (<|)p6i^tni'. It seems to refer here to practical wisdom, quickness, keenness, and is rendered
by Fritzsche and Bunsen's Btbelwerk, Ktvgheit. Fritzsche supposes that a line has fallen out at this, reading as fol-
lows : " Happy he who has found a true friend." The Old Lat. has a ditferent form for ver. 9 ; beatus qui invenit
amiciim verum, et qui enarrat justitiam auri aiulienti. A. V. also, has in the margin, afriend, ioT prudence). l^ ho

that speaketh in the ears of them that will hear.

Vers. 10-12. — ^i' A. V. ; is there none (ovk etxriv). ^i But t^g loye {<^6^iyi ; ayajnjo-is he, 248. Co.) of the Lord passeth
all things [nav ; Trai/Ta, 106. 155. 157. 308,) for illumination (248. Co. add eis <^i<jTia'iu6i^). 22 holdeth it (Kparwf aiiToC),
whereto (marg., to whom). ^ likened (A. V. adds, as ver. 12, with H. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar., The fear of the

Lord is the beginning of his love : And faith is the beginning of cleaving unto him).

Vers. 13, 14. — 2» A. V. : ffife meany. •■'> And (/toii is found before ji-io-mi' in III. X. 65. 155.167.254.296.808.)

an> . ^ affliction from (eTraytuyiji/, usually visitation, calamity).

ECCLESIASTICUS.

347

And any revenge, but the revenge of enemies.

15 There is no head above the head ^ of a serpent,
And there is no wrath above the wrath of an enemy.

16 I would rather dwell together ^ with a lion and a dragon,
Than dwell ' with a wicked woman.

17 The wickedness of a woman changeth her appearance,*
And darkeneth her countenance like sackcloth.^

18 Her husband sitteth down ° among his neighbors,
And he heareth and sigheth ' bitterly.

19 Any wickedness is ' little to the wickedness of a woman ;
Let the portion of a sinner fall to " her.

20 A sandy ascent to the feet of an old man,^°
So is a wife full of words ■'^ to a quiet man.

21 Stumble not-'^ at the beauty of a woman,

And desire not a woman because of her beauty.''

22 If a woman '* maintain her husband,

There is strife, and impudence, and much shame.''

23 Low spirits, and a sad countenance,

And a wounded heart is a wicked woman.'^
She that doth not make happy her husband,"
Maheth weak hands and feeble knees.
, 24 Of the woman came the beginning of sin.
And through her we all die.

25 Give the water no passage,
Neither a wicked woman liberty.''

26 If she go not as thou leadest,"
Cut her off from thy flesh.^"

Vers. 15-17. — ^ A. V. : head {see Com.). 2 had rather dwell. ^ to keep hotiBe {hoiKricrai ; III. H. 23. 248. al.,
(TuvoiKjitrai). * face (opa<nv ; 157. 248. Co., Trpoo-WTrov). ^ Eackcloth {marg., like a bear ; text, rec, cra/cKoc, which

Frifczsche would reject for apKos, with III. X. 23. 55. 248. al. Co. ; Old Lat., tanquam ursus et quasi saccum ostendit ,
pee Corn ).

Vers. 18-25. — " A. V. : shall sit (ai'ttTrfo-eiTai. As we sometimes say, /ie5 hack, lies off, i. e., takes recreation).
' when he heareth it (see Com.) shall sigh (248. Co. add St' o-v-rfiv). s All wickedneap is but. " upon. 10 x^

(H. 248. Co. Old Lat. have cos) the climbing up a sandy way { acajSao-is aMM^Si?!) is ... . the aged (sing.). "^ words

(marg., scolding. Cf. Tiir. 3, is. 18). 12 Stumble not (7rpoo-7re'(T7j5, here in the sense of, " Be not carried away ").

13 her not for pleasure {yvvaiKo. tLrf eTrnro^^trjjs. Fritzscbe inserts Iv KaWet after the first word, with III. X. 55. 106.
155. al. Old Lat. In 248. Co. there are added to the verb the words ets rpviftrji'). 1* A woman, if she. J'' Is full of

anger (opyij, but by meton. put for that which it excites), impudency (obs.) .... reproach. i'' A wicked woman

abateth the courage, maketh a heavy countenance and a wounded heart. 1^ A xcoman that will not comfort (tJti^ ou

iLcLKapiel ; 248. Co., 7rapa*faAe'(r€t for last word) .... husband in distress (ei/ orei'wa'et, added by 248. Co.). is liberty

(n-appijo-tai', received by Fritzsehe from III. X. H. 23. 106. 248. al. Co. ; text, rec., e^ova-Cav) to gad abroad (248. Co. add
e^uSov ; Old Lat.,vejiia7n prodeumJi). 1^ wouldest have her {Kara x^ipa o-ou). 20 flesh (A. V., has an additional line
as follows : And give her a bill of divorce, and let her go (248. Co. add SiSov ko.1 ajroAvtroc)).

Chapter XXV.

Ver. 1. The author continues to speak in his
own person. The tctt, however, has become cor-
rupt, as the lack of connection in the thought
plainly shows. But it is not so easy to restore
the original readings. Eritzsche, adopting a con-
jecture of Apel, would read ripdcrBriv for apaiirBrii' ;
and for Ka\ ipearriy of the following line accepts
the suggestion of Arnald, that xal icTlv apaia be
eubstituied. The rendering would then be : Three
things please me. And are comely (see verse 5)
before the Lord and men. The thought has more
of a climax when under the term "brethren"
fellow countrymen are understood.

Ver. 2. A rich (man that is a) liar. In a
person who by his circumstances is raised above
Uie necessity of make-shifts to get along, lying
itiight seem less excusable than in a poor man. —
Wanting in understanding, fKaTTov/j.coi' iruj'eVei.
This is added as explaining the preceding sur-
prising thought, " an old man who is an adul-

terer ! " Gutmann has noticed that the Talmud
(Tr. D"'DD?, fol. 113) calls attention to these
three hateful things, and adds to them a fourth,
namely, "a trustee (Vorsteher) who without rea-
son proudly exalts himself over his congregation."
Ver. 7. Nine things, xmovo'fifiara. Supposi-
tions, thoughts; but here, subjects, classes of per-
sons. It is not clear, however, that our author
does mention so many classes, and it is natu-
rally suspected that something has been lost
from the text. The different classes spoken of
are distributed as follows : Two in verse 7, three
in verse 8, two in verse 9, one in verse 10,
and one, without doubt the tenth, in verse 11.
Fritzsehe conjectures that a clau.se may have
been lost after wKiirSriai in verse 8. (See Text.
Notes.) The ten could be made out, too. if in
verse 11 the reading aydirnois he adnpted fur
(l>6$os, with 248. Co. and onr English ver.^ion.
But this is obviously an after-thought. The

848

THE APOCRYPHA.

addition, moreover, found in the Syriac and Ar-
abic translations after verse 9, — "Happy is he
who is not cast down in poverty, And who in
misfortune does not lose courage," — does not
inspii'e confidence, since the text of these versions,
at this point, in other respects is confused and
incomplete.

Vcr. 15. No head above the head. We
have here indeed Ke<paA^ ; but it is doubtless
given as the translation of E'MI, which ought to
have been rendered hy poison, as not infrequently
in the Old Testament. Cf. Deut. xxxii. 33 ; Ps.
Ixix. 21 ; Jer. viii. 14 ; Lam. iii. 5, 19.

Ver. 17. Sackcloth, adKKoy, pW, a sack. A

dark-colored, coarse upper garment. The read-
ing &f,Kos i'D.'^), bear, seems, however, on some
accounts preferable, and is well supported. Cf.
Teict. Notes.

Ver. 18. He heareth. Whether it be of
hiippy or miserable homes, his own heart la
heavy, and relieves itself in sighs.

Ver. 22. The A. V. imputes the anger to the
woman. The Greek text, however, leaves it
indefinite to whom it is to be imputed.

Ver. 24. We all die. In that death is tha
consequence of sin, which she introduced into the
world. Cf. Rom. v. 12 ; 2 Cor. xi. 3; 1 Tim. ii.
14.

Chapter XXVI.

1 Blessed is the man that hath a good ^ wife,
And ^ the number of his days shall be double.

2 A capable wife " rejoiceth her husband, .
And he shall fulfill his years * in peace.

3 A good veife is a good portion ;

It ^ shall be given in the portion of them that fear the Lord.

4 The heart of a rich and also of a poor man is content,
At all times his countenance is cheerful.'

5 There be three things that mine heart feareth,
And over ' the fourth i humbly pray :

The slander of a city, and * the gathering together of an unruly multitude, and a

false accusation ;
All these are more distressing " than death.

6 A ^° grief of heart and sorrow is a woman that is jealous over another woman.
And a scourge of the tongue which communicateth with aU.

7 An evil wife is an unmatched yoke of oxen ; ■'^

He that layeth ■'^ hold of her is as one that graspeth ^' a scorpion.

8 A drunken woman ^* causeth great anger.
And she will not cover her •'^ shame.

9 The whoredom of a woman is in her bold eyes
-And in her eyelids recognized.^"

10 Keep watch over a headstrong daughter,

Lest having indulgence she use it against herself."

11 Guard against the seductions of a bold ^' eye,
And marvel not if it lead thee astray.^"

12 As a thirsty traveller will open his mouth,^"
And drink of every water near at hand,^^

So right before every peg ^^ will she sit down,
And open her quiver over against the ^ arrow.

Vera. 1-4. —1 A. v.: virtuous (dYa9Ji5. Ct. ver. 3). a For (km'). « virtuous woman (yur?) arjpefa. Cf. Kuthiil,
11 ; Prov. xii. 4, b^H ntrS). * The years of his life (248. Co. Old Lat. read TVis foiijs hefore airroC). c Which.

s Whether a man be rich or poor, if he have a good heart towards the Lord (n-\ou(riou Sk koX nr^^xo" i"^pSCai iyaSi) • 248.
Co. add Tpbs /tJpioi'), He shall at all times rejoice with a cheerful countenance (er jrarrt KaipiS TtpoVajiroi/ lAapdi/ ' 24s]
Co. ln.sert f^o^res before l\ap6v, and -yovpioo-ovo-ir after it. The reference is still to the man who has a good wife).

Vers. 6-8. — ' A. V. : for (eTri'). ' was sore afraid (irpotriiTrv eSeijSTjr. Codd. III. 65. 106. 166. 157 248 263 296

with Co. Old Lat., read i,f,op,ie,,v for the latter) .... omUs and. » worse (^<,x«1P<i- Cf. Com. on the whole passage)!
•11 t " " ^°''° '""«■' '•'°'" "/OKI) shaken to and fro i^a\ev6ixtvoy = driven hither and thither, i. e., because

ill-matched). 1= hath (/<pt^Tci^•). " though he held (6 ipcraif-tvoi. The article is omitted by III. H 55 'l06 248

2o4. Co.). " woman and a gadder abroad (248. Co. add Kttl penpi!). 1= her own (aiTijs).

Vers. 9-13. -»» A V. : may be known in her haughty looks and eyelids. " I£ thy daughter be shameless (see

Com.), keep her in straitly, Lest she abuse herself through overmuch liberty (see Com.). i« Watch over (see Com I an
'T*""!" u .u . '" ^^ '/""'""" "^'''"'* *"' '"' '^ frK^t^^eXii^). 20 She will open her mouth, as a thirsty traveller

when he hath found a fountain (248. Co, add e<,pi>v ^y^v after orV" i-'oifei ; Old Lat., ad fontem) n n.^j. /,„

22 By every hedge (marg., stake ; 6r., irao-<riXov). »3 against every {Ivai^i peXous).

ECCLESIASTICUS.

349

13 The grace of a wife delighteth her husband,
And her discretion fattens ^ his bones.

14 A silent ^ woman is a gift of the Lord ;

And there is nothing so much worth ° as a mind well instructed.

15 A shamefaced woman is grace upon grace,*
And a continent mind cannot be valued.'

16 The sun arising in the heights of the Lord,°

So ' the beauty of a good wife in the ordering of her house.

17 A light upon the holy candlestick beaming forth,'
So ^ beauty of face ■'° on a noble stature.-"-

18 Golden pillars upon a silver pediment,'^
So iibir feet upon firm soles.^*

28 Over two things my heart is grieved,
And over the third cometh anger upon me : "
A man of war that suffereth poverty.

And if '^ men of understanding are not set by,"
One " that returneth from righteousness to sin —
The Lord prepareth him " for the sword.

29 A merchant will " hardly keep himself from doing -wrong ;
And a huckster will ^' not be declared free ^ from sin.

Vera, 14-18. — * A. V. : will fat. * silent and loTing (H. 248. Co. add ical evvov^ ; Old Lat., sensata). » worth

(see Com,). ^ Rhamefast (obs. " Shamefaced was once shamefast, Bhamefacedness was shamefastness, like

steadfast and steadfastness ; but the ordinary manifestations of shame being by the face, hare brought it to its present
orthography,"} and faithful (an addition of 248. Co. Old Lat.) . . . . ts a double grace. b her (avr^s, added by 23.

248. 253. Co.) .... valued (oiiie itxri. orixfl/xbs ira? £^io?, there is not any worthy weighty i. e., to weigh it). « As the

sun when it ariseth (^Aio; afaTe'AAwf ) in the high heaven (marg., Gr., in the highest places o/the Lord), ' So is,

^ As the clear light is upon the holy candlestick {KvxvtK ettKafiKtov eiri \vxvla.i ayCas), ^ So w the. lo the faoe.

11 in ripe age (marg., in constant age ; see Com.), ^ As the golden pillars are upon the sockets of silver (am. patreia^
Apyvpa.^, The same in the dat. plur. in 248. Co, Old Lat.). ^ So are the fair feet with a constant heart (see Com,

For vers. 19-27, see next note).

Vers. 19-27. These verses, with slight variations, are an addition found in H. 248. Co. Syr. Ar. A. V. : —

19 My son, keep the flower of thine age sound ;
And give not thy strength to strangers.

20 When thou hast gotten a fruitful possession through all the field,
Sow it with thine own seed, trusting in the goodness of thy stock.

21 So thy raoe which thou leavest shall be magnified,
Having the confidence of their good descent.

22 A harlot shall be accounted as spittle :

But a married woman is a tower against death to her husband.

23 A wicked woman is given as a portion to a wicked man:
But a godly woman is given to him that feareth the Lord.

24 A dishonest wonian contemnetii shame :

Bat an honest woman will reverence Iter husband.
26 A shameless woman shall be counted as a dog ;
But she that is shamefast will fear the Lord.

26 A woman that honoureth her husband shall be judged wise of all ;

But she that dishonoureth him in her pride shall be counted ongodly of all,

27 A loud crying woman and a scold

Shall be sought out to drive away the enemies.
Vers. 28,29^ — " A. v.; TAer« 6e two fAi7i^5 rAae grieve my heart, And the third maketh me angry. « omitsil

17 ,^e2 one (Kat is found in Old Lat. Syr, Ar.), i^ such a one (aurj)'), ib gi^aU

M that are hot set by (see Com.).
'» freed.

Chapter XXVI.

Ver. 1 . Shall be double. As though doubled,
because not embittered by a comfortless home.
Cf. Piov. xxxi. 10.

Ver. 2. Cf. Prov. Sii. 4. TlK-npia. This -word
is often used in New Testament (jreek as synony-
mous with T€A€ty, to finish, conclude. As it respects

time, it le eguivaleiit to the Hebrew N7.Q. Cf.
Gen. xxix. 21 ; Xev. xii. 4.

Ver. 3. 'K-yadi) ia the rendering for 3it,
which allows considerable variety of meaning,
according to the connection.

Ver. 4. This Terse is closely connected with
the preceding in thought.

Ver. 5. Whence the A. V. derived the read-
ing i<po0'fi$riv is clear from the notes above. — I
h-umbly pray, irpoa-dtTrco iZ^Br\v, i. e., with my
face bowed to the earth. Others render : / pray
before (the Lord). — The slander of a city, etc.
There is great diversity of renderings. The (ireek
is : SiojSoA^j' TtoK^ois, KaX iKK\T)fflfi.v ^;^Apu, ifa\
Ka7a-^fva(x6v. Tlie first two words, at least, .seem
correctly rendered in the A. V., slander of a city ;
meaning, on the part of a city, its citizens. The
rendering of ^x'^o" by " unruly multitude," a
" mob," would also be allowable. Cf. Acts xxiv.
1,8; and Xen., Hist. Grceca, iv. 4, U. JFritzsche,
however, suspects that there has been a false
rendering on the part of the Greek translator,

350

THE APOCRYPHA.

nbb|7 being read instead of ^r\^ or nvni/.
He would therefore translate by " abuse of the
people." Ami it is not to be denied that this
sense is more suitable to the context. The word
KOT-ail/euir/iffc (= KaTa^evinv), in this form, is not
elsewhere found, though its meaning is clear.

Ver. 6. The fourth thing against which he
prayed for deliverance is now stated. — Jealoua,
Arr/^ilAos, a late and an infrequent word. It is used
in the sense of the Latin zelotypus, amulus. Cf.
xxxvii. 11. — Tlaffiv i-ntKoivuvovtja, which com-
munioateth with all, i. «., makes communication
of her suspicions respecting her husband to all.
This seems to be the sense, although some critics
give a different rendering. Bunsen's Bibelwerk,
*' And the scourge oftchose tongue hits all.^'

Ver. 8. 'Will not cover her shame. She
will live in open unchastity.

Ver. 9. Grotius comments : " Oculi elati et
mobiles palpebrce argnunt impvdicas."

Ver. 10. A headstrong (iSioTpfTTT^) daughter.
One is meant who cannot be easily persuaded to
restrain her inclinations on the presentation of
good reasons. — 'Eaur?? xP^<r7jTa(. Some suppose
self-abuse, onanism, is here refeiTcd to. But the
meaning seems rather to be that, if she have too
much indulgence, she will use it to her own detri-
ment.

Ver. 11. Bunsen's Bibelwerh^ with De Wette
and others, like our A. V., suppose that the ad-
monitions given still have reference to the un-
governable daughter ; but the peculiar language
employed is decidedly against it : oTriau . . . .
(pv\a^ai, guard against [going] after, or, if not, be
rot surprised if evil consequences follow. The
next verse describes more fully such a fallen
woman ; and we should not suppose that the

author would draw directly for any father such a
possible picture of his own daughter.

Ver. 13. Fatten Ma bones. Give them mar-
row, — a figurative expression common to the
Old Testament.

Ver. 14. ' PLvriWafiia. Cf. vi. 15.

Ver. 16. "HAios is without the article. There
being but one in our planetary system, it ap-
proaches the significance of a proper name. Cf.
Winer, p. 119.

Ver. 17. 'HAikIoi (rTaa-l/m- One point of com-
parison is in the light on the candlestick ; and it
would seem therefore that r]\mia should be taken
here in the sense of stature. So Linde, Gaab, De
Wette, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and Fritzsche. Gut-
mann translates as the A. V.

Ver. 18. Sreppois euo-rafloCs. This is the usual
reading. The words have made great difficulty.
Many critics (Gaab, De Wette, Bunsen's Bibel-
werk, and Fritzsche) accept the suggestion of
Grabe, to read for the first word irTipvais (then
cbaTiBiiois), So fair feet upon firm soles (lit., heels).
The Old Latin supports this conjecture : " super
ptantas stabilis muberis."

Ver. 28. Not set by, (ncvPaKiadaffiv. Skk^o-
Xov is dung, filth, refuse ; hence the verb means
to treat as filth.

Ver. 29. This verse obviously begin.s a new
section, and should have been the first of the fol-
lowing chapter. The A. V. has well rendered
the words e^-nopos and kc^tftjAos (IT., Ka/A7jXos!) by
merchant and huckster, respectively. The first
one means, literally, passenger, then one who trades
by sea or land, a wholesale dealer. The ki{t»)\os
(or a,yopaios) purchased his goods of the former,
and his business was more local, and on a much
smaller scale.

Chapter XXVIL

1 Many sin ^ for a small sum,''

And he that seeketh to increase it ' will turn his eye * away-

2 As a peg is driven * between the joinings of the stones,
So doth sin press in ^ between buying and selling.

3 Unless a man hold AimwZ/" diligently ' in the fear of the Lord,
His house shall soon be overthrown.

4 As when one sifteth with a sieve, the refuse remaineth,
So the filth of man in his thought.'

5 The furnace proveth the potter's vessels, *
So the trial of a man is in his discourse.'

6 Its fruit revealeth ^° if the tree have been dressed,"
So the utterance of the thought a man's heart.^^

7 Praise no man before thou hearest him speak.
For this is the trial of men.

8 If thou followest righteousness, thou shalt obtain he:i;,
And put her on, as a glorious long robe.

Vers. 1-4. —> A. V. : have Binned (aor.). 2 matter (see Com.). a lor abundance (see Com.). ,* his eyes

{'o^»t)Xii6v ; H. 248. Co. Old Lat. add oiroC). » nail sticketh fast (irayiio-fTOi iracr<r<iAos). 0 stick close (<Tw«\iPii<reToi
aixaprla. I adopt the BuggeBtion of Fritzsche that this verb is to be read instead of (rvt-Tpi/B^creTai of the MSS. Cf . xxxiv.
14 in the Greek text, where the former is found. The Old Lat. has here, moreover, angustiabitwr. Some critics how-
ever {De Wette, VVahl), would give to trvvrpifiriireTai. the reflexive sense, mill press itself in, which it will hardly bear).
' diligently (see Com.). • talk (I adopt the marginal leading. Ct. Com.}.

Vers. 5-10. — » A. V. : of man .... reasoning. m The fruit (6 Kapirbs avroO) declareth. u dressed (see Corn.).
" So is the utterance (\<iyoi ; 23. 248. 253. Co., Xoyicrjiot) of a conceit in the heart {KapSCas \ 248. Co. ex icaaSU) of man
Uee Com.). '

ECCLESIASTICtrS. 351

9 The birds will resort ^ unto their like,

So will truth return unto them that practice it.*

10 As the lion lieth in wait for the prey,

So sin for them that work unrighteousness.'

11 The discourse of a godly man is always wisdom,*
But the ^ fool changeth as the moon.

12 Among men of no understanding,^ observe the time,'
But be continually among men of understanding.

13 The discourse of fools is an abhorrence,*
And their sport is in the wantonness of sin.

14 The talk of him that sweareth much maketh the hair stand upright,
And their brawls make one stop his ears.

15 The strife of the proud is bloodshedding.
And their wrangling painful ' to the ear.

16 He who revealeth ■"* secrets loseth his credit,
And shall not find a friend *^ to his mind.

17 Love tht/ friend, and be faithful unto him ;
But if thou revealest ^^ his secrets.
Follow no more after him.

18 For as a man hath destroyed his enemy,"

So hast thou destroyed ** the love of thy neighbor.

19 And as thou lettest a bird go out of thy ^* hand,

So hast thou let thy neighbor go, and shalt not get " him again.

20 Follow not after him, for he keepeth himself " far off,
And hath escaped as a gazelle •'* out of the snare.

21 For a wound ^' may be bound up, and after reviling there maybe reconcilement;
But he that revealeth ™ secrets is without hope.

22 He that winketh with the eye deviseth °^ evil,
And no one will get rid of ^^ him.

23 When thou art present, he will speak sweetly.
And will admire thy words ;

But afterwards ^ he will alter his speech,"
And give thy words an offensive turn.''

24 I hate '* many things, but nothing like him,*'
And '^ the Lord will hate him.

25 He who ^ casteth a stone on high casteth it on his "' head,
And a deceitful stroke shall make wounds.

26 He who ^ diggeth a pit shall fall therein,

And he that setteth a trap shall be taken therein.

27 He that worketh mischief, it shall fall upon himself,*^
And he shall not know whence it cometh upon him.'^

28 Mockery and reproach are from the proud.

And '' vengeance, as a lion, shall lie in wait for him.°*

29 They that rejoice at the fall of the righteous shall be taken in the snare.
And anguish shall consume them before they die.

30 Malice and wrath, also ^ these are abominations,
And the sinful man shall have them.'°

Vers. 9, 10. — ^ A. V. : resort (fcaraAvcT-et = turn in to lodge). ^ practise in her (ipya^oixevovs aiin^v ; 248. Co. omit
avrriv) ^ iniquity (afiiKa ; 248. Co., Kajciav). f

Vers. 11-15. — * A. V. : witli wisdom {iroipCa ; 248. Co., ev troiftCt}). ^ a. '^ Jf thou be among the undiscreet

(eU fxetroi' aavveTtiiv). t time (see Com.). ^ is irksome {irftoffoxBitriia.). * revilings are grievous (see Com.).

Vers. 16-20. — i" A. V. : Whoso discoTereth. ^^ never find friend. ^^ bewrayest (same verb rendered " discover-
etb," i. e., " revealeth," in preceding verse). " enemy (see Cofn.). " lost (an-wAeo-af. The verb is a-trw\t<rev in

the preceding line) .... thy neighbour (toO ttAtjitiou ; rov irMia-lov, II. III. X. 23. 55. al.). ^'' As one that letteth a

bird go out of his {koX m 7reTeii/bi/ eK xetpos (Tov aTTe'Avo-as). '" get (5ijp«v(rcts, i. e., get by hunting). " Follow after
him no more, for he is too (aTretmi). ^^ He is as a roe (see Corn.) escaped.

Vers. 21-30. — i" A. V. : As for(oTt) a wound {text. Tec, Opavafta; for which Fritzsche reads Tpavjiia, with III. X. C.
23. 65. 248. al. Go. It is also the reading of II.) it. 20 bewrayeth (see ver. 17). 21 eyes worketh (TeKTaiVet).

'2 he that knoweth him will depart from (ovfitis avTov oTroor^irei ; H. 248. Co., o eiSiis airov airoirrritrerai). 23 at the
iast {Hortpotf). ^ writhe his mouth (fiiaerrpe't^ei to trrdjaa auToO. For last text. rec. has o-ov ; avrov. III. X. Co al.

I adopt the marg. reading of A. V.). 20 slander thy sayings (see.CoTW.). 26 have hated. " bim (see Com.).

" For. » Whoso. »> his own. » him. '' omits upon him. 83 But. " them (23. 248. Co. have

avTovf for avT6v). ^ even (kiu, also, i. o., in addition to what has been already mentioned). ^e them both.

§62

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter XXVII.

Ver. 1. 'ASia(p6pov. The same word is found
at vii. ] 8, and xlii. 5. The connection shows that
" a small amount of property " is meant. —
n\Tj6vvai, to increase his little. Cf. Prov. xxviii.
22, and 1 Tim. vi. 9. — 'Will turn his eye away.
Some understand yrom the poor; others, Jrom jus-
tice and honesty ; and still others, apparently
nearer the truth, /ronj God.

Ver. 3. KporVjo-j; Kari, (nrovS'tif. Fritzsche and
some others conjecture that the last two words
are a false translation for something; iu the He-
brew which stood for " wealth," and would ren-
der, therefore: "If one do not acquire property
in the fear of the Lord." This would certainly
correspond better with the context than the ordi-
nary rendering. But the writer may have left the
thought suggested by Fritzsche, or a similar one,
to be inferred from what he actually says ; " The
one who without reference to the fear of the Lord
(goes about the acquisition of property), His
house," etc.

Ver. 4. Ssiir/ia for atiiriids occurs only here. —
It is the refuse, not properly the chaff, but the
heavier stuff, dirt, that will not blow away. — In
his talk (A. V.). Better, in his thought, mind (Xoy-
t<rfi(f). It does not go away with the small talk.

Ver. 5. AiaAoyiiTyu^, (A. V.) reasoning. Better
here discourse. This shows what the man has in
him.

Viet. 6. fti4/)7iol' is tariously rendered, and
has in itself several meanings. Bretschneider
and Bunsen's Sihelwerk think of inoculation, graft-
ing; De Wette, Gutmann, and Gaab, on the cul-
tivation of the tree iu general. Fritzsche, going
back to the Hebrew nT27, supposes the quality
of the soil is referred to. Cf. Matt. xii. 33, "for
the tree is known by his fruit." — OStcos \6yo!
4y6vfi.il/iaTos KapSias avSpciwov. After \6yos, Wahl
would supply Kapw6s iuriv. This makes tolerably
good sense, but does not satisfy all the critics.
Fritzsche is inclined to, accept, for ivdv^iinaTos,
ifOviiriij.aTa, suggested bj'- Grotius, and supply
^K()>aiV6i. The meaning would then be : " So re-
veals the (spoken) word, the fruits of man's heart,"
i. e., his thoughts.

Ver. 8. The iroS^pT) was the talar, a gar-
ment reaching to the feet. Cf. the Apocalypse,
i. 13.

Ver. 10. The curse of sin is sin, and evet
more and greater sin. Cf. Pror. xiii. 21. — For
d-fiptti>, prey, in the first line, Cod. II. has Bipav.
Cf. Gen. iv. 7 ; Job xxxi. 9.

Ver. 11. Changeth as the moon. He saya
now this, now that. The thought is antithetic to
the " always wisdom " of the preceding clause.

Ver. 12. Observe the time, i. e., to go away.

Ver. 15. The word 5iaKoiS6pr)(ns, wrangling, is
said to be found nowhere else.

Ver. 18. Bretschneider, who is followed by
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, supposed that the Greek

translator read here ~1H, enemy, instead oiT|§j
prey, game, which stood in the Hebrew text. But
the common text gives a passable sense : " As
a man hath destroyed his enemy," i. e., totally
{ImdiXiafv), " So hast thou destroyed the love of
thy neighbor."

Ver. 20. As a gazelle {Sopxis). The animal
meant is what is more generally known as the
antelope. The Arabs hunt it with dogs. It is
still common in Palestine. Cf. art. " Gazelle," in
Riehm's Handworterbuch.

Ver. 22. Winketh, i.e., as is sometimes said
colloquially, " tips a wink." The man who, in-
stead of speaking out frankly his meaning, com-
municates it by winks and sly suggestions.

Ver. 23. Give thy words an offensive turn.
Lit., "And in {through, 4v) thy words will give
offense" {aKivSaKov; 248. Co., the plur.). The
last word may, however, be taken in its original
sense, and then the meaning would be : And
through thy words will lay a trap.

Ver. 24. I hate. The aorist, ifil(rri<ra, is used,
as so often, to express what is usual, and always
true. — Kal oiJX w/ioiwffo ain^. And I do not com-
pare anything with him, i. e., in hate, or, / hate
him worst of all.

Ver. 2.'>. A deceitful stroke = a stroke given
one in the back, from a place of concealment. It
makes trouble for him that gives it. There is an
old proverb with a similar sense: " For an honest
man half his wits is enough ; the whole is too
little for a knave ; " and another : " The fox ends
by getting into the furrier's shop."

Ver. 29. Consume them before they die =
before the common period appointed for a man's
life has elapsed, or up to the time of death.

CiaAPTEE XXVm.

1 He that revengeth shall find vengeance from the Lord,
And he will surely keep his sins ^ in rememhrance.

2 Forgive to thy neighbor an injustice,^

And then thy sins shall ' be forgiven when thou prayest.

3 One man holdeth fast anger ^ against another,
And doth he seek pardon ' from the Lord ?

4 He hath not mercy on a man " like himself,
And doth he plead on account of his own ' sins ?

Vere. 1-4. — i A. V. : sins (fittwmjptwv fiiairTtjpi'tret. Fritzsche gives this as the reading of III. X. 0. 68. Aid. AuffQBt,
It is also that of II. But this critic retains in his text, BiarripCiv Sianjp^o-ei. There is but little difference in the general

meaning). 2 Forgive thy the hurt (dSi'mjua ; it has the article iu 248. Co. The same omit o-ou after irATjin'oi')

Ihat he hath done unto thee. s go shall («:«l Tire) .... sins also. * beareth hatred (nrmipa opyiji-). » pardott

(lac-tv, healing). « sheweth no mercy (oCk ix"- e^«>!) to a man which m. ' nsk/orgiveness of (ielTat) his own.

ECCLBSIASTICUS. 353

5 He that is flesh keepeth resentment I *
Who will atone for * his sins ?

6 . Remember the end,' and let enmity cease ;

Eememher corruption and death, and abide in the commandments.

7 Remember the commandments, and cherish not resentment against thy * neighbor ;
Rememher the covenant of the Highest, and overlook a fault.'

8 Abstain from strife, and thou shalt diminish thy sinning ; '
For a furious man will kindle strife,

9 And '' a sinful man disquieteth friends,

And scattereth calumny * among them that be at peace.

10 As the material ' of the fire is, so it burneth ;
And as the subject of the strife is, so it burneth. '"
As a man's strength ^^ is, so is his wrath,

And according to his riches his anger riseth.

11 A hasty contention kindleth a fire.
And a hasty fighting ^'^ sheddeth blood.

12 If thou blow the spark, it shall burn,

If thou spit upon it, it shall be quenched ;
And both these come oijt of thy mouth.

13 Curse the whisperer and double-tongued,

For he hath ^' destroyed many that were at peace.

14 A backbiting ^* tongue hath unsettled ■'' many,
And driven them from nation to nation ;
And " strong cities hath it pulled down,
And overthrown houses " of great men.

15 A backbiting tongue hath cast out capable" women,
And deprived them of their labors.

16 He who giveth heed unto it shall find no " rest,
Nor shall he dwell in peace.

17 The stroke of the whip maketh marks ^ in the flesh.
But the stroke of the tongue breaketh the bones.

18 Many have fallen by the edge of the sword,
But not so many as have fallen by the tongue.

19 Happy is ^ he that is defended from it.

Who ^^ hath not experienced the fury thereof ; ^
Who hath not borne ^* the yoke thereof,
And hath not ^ been bound in her bands.

20 For the yoke thereof is a yoke of iron,
And the bands thereof are bands of brass.

21 The death thereof is an evU death.
And Hades ^° were better ^ than it.

22 It shall not get possession of the godly,^

And they shall not burn in ^ the flame thereof.

Vera. 6-9. — ^ A. V. : If he that is but flesh nourish hatred (avrbs &afi^ Siv SiaTT^pEi tiyptiv). * intreat for pardon of
(e^iXaa-cTat). 8 thy eud (ra effxara). * bear no malice to thy (jiiij fjirivia-Qi T<p n-Arjo-tW ; cf . ver. 5). 6 wink at

ignorance (see Com.), ^ thy sins (aftapnas, but obviously in the sense of sinning, one's own sinning). ' tymits

And (with 248. Co.). ^ maketh debate (^fi^oAci fiiajSoA^c . Fritzsche receives the former from 111. X. 65. al. Co. Old

Lat. ; text. rec. (with II.), e^i^tiAAei).

Vers. 10-12. — ^ A. V. : matter (see Com.). ^^ And the stronger they are which contend, the more they will be

inflamed (see Com.). ^ And (X. 63. 254. 296. have Kai) as ... . strength ( ? influence). ^ lighting (^axi, rendered
ver. 8, " strife ; " but it means here a strife that comes to blows and blood).

Vers, ia-17. — 12 A. V. : such have {text. rec. with II. plur. Eritzsche adopts the sing, from III. X. 65. 106. 155. 157.
807.). ^* backbiting (lit., " a third," but 248. Co., Siair^, as also in the following verse, with 157. At this point

the Rom. ed. of the LXX. (1587) has the following annotation in the margin : " In the margin of the Vatican Codex
(? II.) there is written, yAaKro-a Tpi-nj, T€Tp7jTnjp,e'nj." Nothing of this sort appears in the edition of this MS. by Cozza).
^ disquieted (not strong enough for ia-aAevtre here). ^'' omits And (as 65. 254.). ^^ the houses. " virtuous

(arSpeia? ; cf . xxvi. 2). i" Whoso hearkeneth . . . , shall never find. 20 And never dwell quietly .... marks

(^wXwn-as. Fritzsehe adopts fAuAAjn-a from III. X. C. 65. 106. al. ; Old Lat., livorem).

Vers. 18-22. — 21 A. V. ; Well is. '22 And. 2B passed through the venom thereof {St^\0€»' Iv tqI eujaw avTTJs,

" passed through in the midst," etc.). ?* drawn (eUicuffs, but better understood in the Occident if " borne " is used).
» Nor hath. 26 The grave. 27 better (AucrtTeX^s ; cf . Tob. iii. 6.). ^ Jmve rule oyer (/cpaTijcTj) them that fear
Ood (eiio-EjSur). 23 Neither shall they be burnt with (ei* . . . . ov Kaija-oi^ai).
23

354

THE APOCRYPHA.

23 They that ^ forsake the Lord shall fall into it,

And it shall burn among them,^ and not be quenched ;
It shall be sent upon them as a lion,
And destroy ^ them as a panther.?

24 Look that thou hedge thy possession about with thorns,
Bind ^ up thy silver and thy ^ gold,

25 And weigh thy words in a balance,^
And make a door and bar for thy mouth ;

26 Beware lest perchance thou slip ' by it,
And ' fall before him that lieth in wait.

Vers. 23-26. — i A. V. Such as (ol). * in them {iv aurots ^KKa^crerat ; cf. Com.). ^ deTonr {Kvfiaveirat).

* leopard (see Com.). ^ ^^rf biud. " omiis thy (as text. rec. and II. Fritzsche receives trow from X. C. H. 65.

106. al. Old Ijat.). ' weigh thy words in a balance (rots Xoyot? vov woirifrov ^vybi* koX trraStniv. In 248. Co. the two

words are written together, ^vyoa-TaOfLov . Both were used for the balance, the former standing for the beam^ and the
latter for the weight, and they are probably used in connection here for emphasis, " weigh carefully "J. * Beware

thou slide not [Trpotrexe ^^ttus oXiaBTJaji';). ^ Lest thou.

Chaptek XXVIII.

Vers. 1, 2. Cf. Ps. cxxx. 3 ; Matt. vi. 14, 15,
vii. 2, xviii. 35; Rom. xii. 19. On the difference
between the teaching of our book and that of our
Lord in the passages of the New Testament re-
ferred to, see Keerl, Die Apokryplwnfrage, p. 46. —
Shall be forgiven, \v64ii7ot>Tat. The verb means
to loosen, as opposed to Steiv, to hind. On its force
at Matt. xvi. 19, cf. the commentators, and
Cremei''s Lex., sub voce.

Ver. 7. Overlook a fault. rrdptSe iyvoiav. On
the latter word, cf. xxiii. 2, and 1 Esd. viii. 75.

Ver. 10. The members are misplaced in the
common text. That which is put at the end
should come immediately after the first, in order
to preserve the parallelism : "As the material of
the fire is, so it burneth; As the subject (o-repe-
atrw) of the strife is, so it burneth." It is prob-
able, as Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk agree,
that C"^'? stood in the original, in the sense of
" according to the subject ; " but the translator
mistook it for ^V5?, firmness, strength. Still,
with the latter meaning an intelligible sense is
possible. Cf. for the thought, Prov. xxvi. 20, 21.

Ver. 12. Come out of thy mouth, i, e., are
within thy easy control.

Ver. 13. KaTapaadat. The infinitive for the
imperative. Cf. Winer, p. 316.

Ver. 14. A backbiting (rp/rT)) tongue. The
A. V. brings out the sense correctly. " A third
tongue," according to Oriental usage, means a
tongue that makes discord, sows calumny. It is
thought by some that the author had the Samari-
tans in view, who are mentioned in Ez. iv. It is
more probable, however, if any particular case is
in view, that the intrigues of court are meant.
A parallel passage is quoted from the Talmud

(V3")5?, fol. 15). In the Orient one says : " The
third tongue, or the tongue between, slays three
persons, — the calumniator, the calumniated, and
him who listens." Cf. Gutmann, Com., in loc.

Ver. 19. Borne the yoke, Cf. Matt. xi. 29 '■
Spare rhv (xiyiii fiov. At Deut. xxi. 3 we have
the expression, " drawn in the yoke " ( vijJ3).
Cf. Van Lennep, Bible Lands, p. 76.

Ver. 21. Real death is preferable, he would
say, to such a death-in-life, such a civil and social
ostracism, as it causes.

Ver. 22. KpaTTjo-p, shall not get at, get power
over, and so dominate. The first thought is more
in place here : not even get possession of, much
less rule.

Ver. 23. Into it. The stinging, torturing fire
which a calumniating tongue kindles, is meant.
Cf. .Tas. iii. 6. — 'Ey avrots 4KKa-fi<r€rat. Cf. the
Hebrew and LXX. at Numb. xi. 1 : " The fire
of the Lord burnt among them, and consumed
them." — As a leopard {wdpSaXis). The Greek
word was used by the ancients for leopard, pan-
ther, and ounce. In Homer the word irivBTip is
also found, and 7r(ip5a\is is his usual way of spell-
ing the former word. On the panther (which is
here meant) and its habits, cf. Van Lennep, Bible
Lands, pp. 249-254. The word " leopard " is
never properly used of the "IDj of Scripture. It
was a word first introduced in the fourth century
to distinguish the African from the Asiatic " pan-
ther."

Ver. 24. The meaning seems to be : " If thou
wouldest not suffer irreparable loss, be watchful
over thy tongue : it needs guarding quite as much
as thy land, or thy silver and gold."

Chapter XXIX.

1 He that practiceth mercy ^ will lend unto his neighbor,

And he that supporteth with " his hand keepeth the commandments.

2 Lend to thy neighbor in time of his need,

And pay thou thy neighbor again in due season.

Tew. 1, 2.— 1 A. V. : is merciful (ttoiui' iKtos). ' etrengthenetli (see Com.).

ECCLESIASTICUS. 365

3 Keep thy ' word, and deal in good faith " with him,

And thou shalt always ' find the thing that is necessary for thee.

4 Many reckon what is lent as something found,*
And put them to trouble that help ^ them.

5 Till he get it," he will kiss one's hands,'

And for his neighbor's money he will speak humbly ; '
But when he should repay,' he wUl prolong the time,
And return woMs of grief,
And complain of the time.

6 If he be able," he shall hardly get back " half.
And he will count it as something found ; ■"'

But ^^ if not, he hath deprived him of his money,
And he hath gotten him an enemy without cause ; "
He payeth him with cursings and railings.
And for honor he wUl pay him disgrace.

7 Many therefore refuse because of such baseness,"
Fearing to be defrauded to no purpose.^'

8 Yet have thou patience with a man. in poor estate,
And delay not to shew him mercy.

9 Help a poor man " for the commandment's sake.

And turn him not away empty ^' because of his poverty.

10 Lose money for the sake of a brother and ^° friend.
And let it not rust under the ^^ stone to be lost.

11 Lay up thy treasure according to the commandments of the Most High,
And it shall bring thee more profit than the ^ gold.

12 Shut up alms in thy storehouses,

And it shall deliver thee from all ill-fortune.^^

13 It shall fight for thee against thine enemy ,^'
Better than a mighty shield and strong "^ spear.

14 A good man will be^* surety for his neighbor;
But he that is shameless wUl fail ^° him.

1 5 Forget not the favor ^ of thy surety,
For he gave himself ^' for thee.

16 A sinner will overthrow the fortune of ^ a surety,

17 And a man of "' unthankful mind will fail him that delivered."

18 Suretyship hath undone many of good estate.
And shaken '^ them as a wave of the sea ;
Mighty men hath it driven from their homes,"*
So that they wandered among foreign °* nations.

19 A sinner falleth ^ into suretyship,

And he that runneth after gain falleth into suits.*"

Vers. 3-5. — ^ A. V. : Keep (arepe'wff-oi' ^ makejirm, strong ; in the LXX. generally, confirm^ settle) thy (H. 248. Co
add o-ou). 2 faitlif ully. ^ always {ev iravrl Kaipu, at any and every time of need). * when a thing was lent them^
reckoned it to be found (is evpefia evStiicrav SdvtK). ^ helped. « hath received (A.a|3p). ' a man's (aurou z= the

lender's) hand. {Fritzsche adopts the plur. from in. X. 106. 155.) ^ submissly (obs.). » repay {koL iv jcaipu airo-
Siveio^).

Vers. 6-10. — 1° A. V. : prevail (I adopt the wo^ds in the margin. The Greek is, iav t»Txu<7Ti. It refers to the borrower).
11 receive (KotiureTai) the. i^ count as if he had found it (Aoyieirai avrb ws eilpe^ta). ^ omits But (fie). " cause
(II., with Aid., has ov before Siapeiv). i^ therefore {ofli/. It is adopted by Fritzsche from III. X. H. 55. 106. 155.

248. 254. Co. ; text. rec. omits) have refused to lend for other men^s ill dealing {^apii' itovtip'uk awetrrpe^av ; 55. 106. 157.
264. add X"P* i 248. Co., An-b toO avdpunrav). l^ defrauded (an-oo-TepTj^ijcat Stopeav ev\afiT}dr]iTav : 23. 55. 248. 253. Co.

add Se after the first word ; the second is omitted by 248. Co. as A. V.). i^ the poor (ire'iojTO?). i^ ojnits empty

(Kevov, as 23. 248. Co.). ^ thy money for thy (fita) brother and thy. 20 ^ (the art. is found in the Greek, referring
to some particular and much thought of stone, that stone. For twd^ru, 248. Co. OldLat. read KaraKpifi-r] aiiro. See Com.).

Vers. 11-16. — ^l A. V. : omits the. 22 affliction (KoKwo-ew? ; others, ill treatment). 23 enemies. 24 strong

(Fritzsche receives oAx^s from III. X. H. 23. 55. 106. 165. 157. 254. 296. 307. 308. ; text, rec, aAxiji. The former is also
the reading of II.). 25 ^n honest (dyaflcis) .... is (eyyv^o-eTot). 20 impudent .... forsake (I adopt the marg. read-
ing. Fritzache adopts eyKardKeiij/ei from 55. 106. 167. 248. 253. 254. Co.; III., ^cjcaToAet'i/^et ; text, rec., KaToAet'i/zet).
2^ friendship [\6.pi.TaM). 28 hath given his life (efi&jKe .... ttjc ^vxftv aurou).

Vers. 16-19. — 2s a. V. : good estate (ayafld) of his (248. Co., ayaffriv iyy\n\v avarpi^ei). 30 hg that is of an.

SI leave (see ver. 14) him in danger .... delivered him. ^2 shaked. 23 houses (an-(5Ki(re). S4 strange. ^5 ^
wicked man transgressing the commandments of the Lord (dj^iapTuAbs irapa^aiifaty ivroXa^ Kvptov, H. 248. Co. Old Lat.
Syr. Ar.) shall fall {tiiiretrtiiv ; III. 55. 106. al. Co., e/iireo-eirot). ^ undertaketh and followeth other men's business
for gain shall fall into suits (see Com,),

356

THE APOCRYPHA.

20 Help thy neighbor according to thy power,
And take heed to thyself that thou fall not.'

21 The chief thing for life is water, and bread,
And clothing, and a house to cover shame.

22 Better is the life of a poor man under a roof of beams,*
Than delicate fare in other men's houses.^

23 Be it little or much, hold thee contented.

And the reproach that thou art a stranger thou shalt not hear.*

24 It is ^ a miserable life to go from house to house ;

And ^ where thou art a stranger, thou canst not open thy mouth.''

25 Thou shalt entertain, and feast, and have no thanks ;
And besides,' thou shalt hear bitter words:

26 Come along, stranger, furnish^ a table,
And feed me if thou hast anything ^^ ready.

27 Give place, stranger, to an honorable man ; "

My brother cometh to be lodged, and Ihave need of mine house.

28 These things are grievous to a man having discernment : '^
Upbraiding about a dwelling, and the reproach of a creditor.-"

Ver. 20. — * A. V. : beware tliat thou thyseli fall not into the same.

Vers. 22-25. — 2 a. V. : man in a mean cottage (the literal rendering is better). ^ another man's house {er oAAo.

Tpi'ots). * That thou heat not the reproach of thy house (Fritzsche receiTes this member from 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr.

Ar. which is not found in the text, rec, adopting, however, the suggestion of Qrotius to read ito.poLKia.% for ouci<K ; Old
Lat.,i?erfgT/na£ionts. See Com.). t' For it is. c jTor. ' darest not open thy mouth »Fritzsche adopts irapoiK^-

ff€i9 and di'oi^ei? from III. X. 55. 106. 157. al. Co. ; text, rec, TTaponcqireL and ivotfet). * Moreover (koi irpbs eiri

TouTois. Such a collocation of words is found also in Aristoph., Plut., 1001).

Vers. 26-28. — ^ A. V. : thou stranger, and furnish. !<> o/that thou hast (ei rt ei/ tjJ \ii.pi). ^^ thou stranger ....
honourable rnan (see Com.). ^'^ man of understanding {dvBpiatrtf exom ^povyitriv. The first word is wanting in

248. Co. Fritzsche renders the last word by insight^ discernment; fiunsen's Bibelwerk , vi'ith. others, by " Gefutil,"
feelingf sensibility^ Old Lat., sensus, which Fritzsche says is not the meaning of the word "here or elsewhere").
« The upbraiding of house-room (eTriTiftijo-ts otKtas), and reproaching of the lender (Kat oi^tSKr^bs SaveiaroO).

Chapteb XXIX.

Ver. 1. 'O eViffxi^w, one who makes strong, sup-
ports. This is tlie meaning of the Hiphol of

Pin, for which this Greek word probably stands.
It refers to lending to the poor neighbor. Cf.
Deut. XV. 7, 8 ; Prov. xix. 17 ; Matt. v. 42.

Ver. 2. And pay thou ; namely, thou debtor,
thou that hast borrowed.

Ver. .3. The thing that is necessary. The
money that one needs to borrow will be forth-
coming, if one pay his debts promptly and keep
his promises.

Ver. 5. Return words of grief. Instead of
paying back the borrowed money, he will put on
a dolefxil countenance, and talk of misfortunes
and hard times. — 'AicijSias, without care, but
used here in the sense of grief, as also at Bar.
iii. 1.

Ver. 6. 'Eay Iffxvtrr}. If he (the debtor) have
the power, be able (to pay). — He, namely, the
other, the creditor. — But if not, namely, if the
debtor be not able to pay. This sudden change
of subject is not uncommon in Greek prose au-
thors. See .also Luke xix. 4 ; Mark ix. 20. Cf.
Winer, p. 632. — And he (the creditor) hath got-
ten him an enemy. — He (the debtor) payeth.

Ver. 8. It is supposed that the man is really
poor ; and not like him just mentioned, one who
pleads poverty to get rid of paying his just dues.
Cf. Matt, xviii. 26.

Ver. 10. The meaning is: "Eather lose thy
money by lending it to thy poor Israelitish brother,
than by hoarding it up in a miserly way to do no
one any good." — 'IwOiiTa, rust. Used in this
sense only in the language of the people, since

gold cannot properly rust. CI xii. 10, and Ep. of
Jer. 12, 24 ; Jas. v. 3, with Meyer's Com. on the
last passage.

Ver. 11. More profit than the gold. Be
more useful than the mere heaping up of money.
Cf. Luke xii. 33.

Ver. 12. Shut up alms. Money for benevolent
purposes (iKerifiotriyrii') .

Ver. 15. ^iraseXf, T^v ^vx^v avrov. ^^ Peritmlo
damni aut etiam servitutis semet opposuit, ut te liber-
aret." Grotius. The debtor who did not pay
could be sold with his wife and children into
servitude. Cf. Keil, Archdol., p. 726 ff.

Ver. 18. Mighty (Suraroiis), i. e., wealthy, and
so influential.

Ver. 19. A sinner {aiiapTai\6s) falleth into
suretyship. He does not become surety for an-
other as a matter of friendship or duty. He goes
into it rashly for the sake of gain, and so ruins
himself. There is no occasion for rejecting, with
Bretschneider and Bunsen's Bibelwerk, aiiapTai\6i
as a corruption ; or with De Wette to render :
" He becomes a sinner who falls into suretyship."
— Runneth after [jobs for the sake of] gain,
StuiKcat/ epyo^a^elas. The latter word means, a
contract for doing work. The verb in a secondary
sense signifies to do anything to make money ;
and that seems to be the thought here, with
special reference to advancing money in enter-
prises where great returns are expected. — PaUeth
into suits (fis Kpicreis), namely, suits at law, or,
perhaps better, into judgments. He will be con-
demned by the courts, and so have the reputation
of a bad or dangerous character in the commu-
nity.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

35T

Ver. 21. The chief thing (ipx^) = *^« «<<?#". as we
are more accustomed to aei,y. — ■ To cover shame.
This refers to the clothing, rather than to the
house. Cf. Phil. iv. 11. Grotius, Bretschn eider,
Fritzsche, and others receive, on the hasis of the
authorities above given, the additional words
found in the text as the second member of this
verse : " And the reproach," etc. Naturally, how-

ever, it will always be suspected that the sentence
was inserted by somebody to s:ipply the place of
a lost clause.

Ver. 27. 'ATrh Trfocdirov S(S|t)s means either
from before (to) a man of honor, or with Fritzsche
it may be referred to the dwelling, "Get out of
this splendor," i. c, this splendidly furnished
dwelling.

Chapter XXX.

10

11

12

13

14

He that loveth his son causeth him oft to feel the rod.
That he may have joy over his later life.^
He that disciplineth his son shall have joy in him,''
And shall rejoice in " him among Ms acquaintance.
He that teacheth his son maketh his enemy envious,*
And before his friends he shall rejoice in ^ him.
Though his father die, yet he is as though he were not dead,'
For he hath left one behind him that is like himself.
While he lived, he saw and rejoiced,^
And when he died he was not sorrowful :
He left behind him an avenger against his enemies,
And one that shall requite kindness to his friends.
He that indulgeth a ' son shall bind up his wounds.
And shall be inwardly * troubled at every cry.
A horse not broken becometh ■"• headstrong,
And a son left to himself will be willful.
Treat tenderly a ^^ child, and he shall make thee afraid.
Play with him, and he will bring thee to heaviness.
Laugh not with him, lest thou have sorrow with him,
And lest thou gnash thy teeth in the end.
Give him not ^^ liberty in his youth,
And wink ■" not at his follies."
Bow down his neck while in his youth,^^
And beat his sides ^° whOe he is a chUd,
Lest he become " stubborn, and be disobedient unto thee,
And thou have anguish of soul.^^
Discipline " thy son, and hold him to labor,''"
Lest his shameful ^^ behavior be an offense unto thee.^^

Better a poor man,^' sound and strong of constitution,^

Vers. 1-4. — * A. V. : Of liiin in the end (eir' eoxarup auTov. Fritzsclie reads eaxo-ruv, ■with X. 23. 55. 155. al. Co. ; tezt.
rec, dat. sing. ; Cod. II. also has etrxo-ritiv, by the first hand. The title of this section in II. III. X. al. is irepl TeKvoiv).

* chastiseth {jrat8evwi/J .... joy in him (marg., good by him ; Gr., ojojaeTai «jr' avrw ; 248. Co., e^</>pav^treTai eir* avT&)

* Of. * grieveth the enemy (n-apafi^Xtotret rov exBp6v). ^ Of. ^ dead (lit., " His father died, and it is as
though he died not *').

Vers. 5-9. — ^ A. V. ; rejoiced in him (248. Co. Old Lat. add ctt' avTcfl). » maketh too much of his {-nepLtlnixfav ; 248.
Co., Trepti/njx""- See Com.). ^ his bowels will be. ^'> becometh (eKjSatVei. So Fritzsche, with III. X. C. H. 28. 55.
106. 155. al. Co. ; text, rec, aTro^aCvet). " child left to bimself (vlbs oi/ei^evos, let loose) will be wilful {iKpaivei

irpooA^f. The latt«r word, used metaphorically, means, inclined to a thing, ready, and then, hasty, rash. Bunsen's
Bibelwerk, mutkwUlig). Cocker thy.

Vers. 11-13. — "A. V. : no. ^^ wink (n-apiS^js, look to one side, overlook). " follies {ayvoia.?, generally, igno-

rances, but here properly rendered. In the text. rec. there is some confusion in the text of vers. 11, 12, owing, it should
seem, to a fault of the transcriber. He omitted two lines, the last of ver. 11 and the first of ver. 12. They are wanting
in II. III. X. 0. 23. 55. 68. Fritzsche has followed H. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar. in restoring them. They are already
found in the A. V.). ^^ he is young {iv reirijTt, as in the previous line). i^ beat him on the sides {OKaa-ov to?

irAevpa? auTOu, pound, bruise his ribs ; Luther and Bunsen's Bihelwerk, make his back blue). " wax stubborn ((rKAijpvy-
9eCi). ^^ so bring sorrow to thine heart (eo-Tat o-ot oSuioj i/fux^5). ^^ Chastise (n-aiSevcroi'). 20 labour (epyao-at ec
a.vT^. Gaab, De Wette, take pains with him ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, let him serve thee. The A, V., however, seems to
have got the true sense). 21 lewd. 22 offence unto thee (avToO irpotricdi/rus, which Fritzsche adopts from III. X. C.
23. 55. 106. al. -Co. Old Lat. ; tezt. rec, trov irpovKotjtii. Bunsen's Bibelwerk renders, " Lest thou have vexation through
nis disgraoe ").

Vers. 14-18. — ^ A.V. : is the poor, being-. {The heading of this section in some authorities is irepi uyt'eia? ; in IT., as
in 55. 254. 'irepl -j3p(i>/^T(di<. Other H3S. place the title before ver. 16.) ^* oonstltutioiL (e^i= a permanent condition.

358

THE APOCRYPHA.

Than a rich man that is afflicted in his body.

15 Health and a good constitution are ^ above all gold,
And a strong body above infinite wealth.

16 There is no riches above a sound body,
And no joy above the joy of the heart.

17 Death is better than a bitter life,

And eternal rest than ^ continual sickness.

18 Delicacies poured out ^ upon a mouth shut up
Are as messes of food set * upon a grave.

19 What good doth an ^ offering unto an idol ?
For it can neither eat ^ nor smell ;

So is he that is afflicted ' of the Lord :

20 He seeth with his eyes and groaneth.

As an eunuch that embraceth a virgin and sigheth.

21 Give not way * to heaviness,

And afflict not thyself with thy reflections."

22 Gladness of heart is the life of a man,^°

And the joyfulness ^^ of a man prolongeth his days.

23 Love thyself,^^ and comfort thy heart,
Eemove sorrow far from thee ;

For sorrow hath killed ■'^ many,
And there is no profit therein.

24 Envy and wrath shorten the life.

And care " bringeth age before the time.
2.5 A liberal heart and one merry by good cheer
Will have care for its food.^^

habit. Cf following verse). ^ and good state of body are. 2 Or. (The words jcnl dvan-avo-ts a£w»'o$ Fritzsche,

with Bretschneider, receives from H. ; Old Lat., requles a.terna ; Syr. Ar., the ^ave ; text. rec. omits.) * delicatefl

poured. * messes of meat set {64fj.a.ra JSpu^artov).

Vers. 19-2j. — ^ A.V. : the. 0 ITor neither can it eat nor smell. ^ persecuted (marg., ajffiicted ; Gr,, ekSimkO'

f^evoi. Sickness is referred to). ^ over thy mind (riji' ^vxnv o-ov, i. e., thyself). ^ jn thine own counflel (see

Com.). ^^ The gladness of the ... of man. 11 (marg., exultation; Gr., aYoAAiajaa). '^ thine own soul (ttji'

•iruxiiv <rmi. See ver. 21. Codd. C. 23. 166. 263. 2S4. 307. 308. read in-ira for ayiTra. ; cf. xir. 16). " killed (I'ritzsche
adopts aTTwAeue^ from III. X. C. H. 106. 165. 157. 296. ; 248. Co. the same, and add «ai dircKTeivev ; text, rec, aTieKTetvev).
1^ carefulness. ^^' cheerful and good heart will have a care of his meat and diet (Aa/jnrpa — cf. xxxi. 23 — KapSia koX

ayaOii eni iSeap-affi Twc Ppto/iaTwi' ai/T^r e5rtfteA^<r€T(u. Thia verse is the twelfth of chap, xxxiii. of the Greek text. See
Com.).

Chaptee XXX.

Ver. 1. 'E^SeXex'*)''^*'- Here used exceptionally
in a transitive sense. AutoH refers to " .son," and
limits iffxartjDv, may rejoice over his later life.

Ver. 2. Rejoice in him. Cf. for a similar
construction Ps. xlix. 6 ; Prov. xxv. 14 ; Rom. v.
2. ■ — Among (his) acquaintance. Naturally, it
would not be in good taste to rejoice over him in
this sense among strangers or doubl^ful friends.

Ver. 3. Saw and rejoiced. Saw during his
life the son, and rejoiced in him as a well edu-
cated, dutiful son, and died in peace with the
assurance that he would go on as he had begun.

Ver. B. ' An avenger. Cf . art. " Cities of
Refuge," in Smith's Bib. Did.; and " Blutriiche,"
in Keil's Bib. Archdol., pp. 720, 734.

Ver. 7. Tlipi^ix'""' '^""^ "ff Tound about, and so
refresh, indulge, — Bind up hia wounds, produced
in brawls into which bis ungoverned passions had
led him. — Troubled at every cry, i. e., while his
wounds are dressed.

Vers. 9-12. One might suppose the advice
here given was for the treatment of slaves rather
than children, and it would even then be harsh.
The underlying idea is undoubtedly good, and
needful in oui' day, as well as in that of the
author of our book. But, in detail, it would be a
very unsafe principle to follow. The spirit that

rules in the inspired books of the Bible is quite
another one. Cf. Deut. xxxi. 12, 13; Prov.
xxiii. 15. It encourages no weak indulgence
(Prov. xiii. 24; xxii. 15; xxix. 15), but just as
little unsympathetic and unloving harshness
(Matt. xix. 1.3 ; Acts ii. 39 ; Eph. vi. 4 ; Col. iii.
21). An old Greek proverb is also worth con-
sidering : " He who is most severe against his
son in admonitions is harsh only in words ; in his
treatment he is a father. — To/xipui(ftv = to have
pain in the back teeth^ but here is equivalent to
^pvx^tv. The name yS^tpto^ was given to the
molar tooth.

Vei-. 14. Afflicted. The word fiefiaimyufiei/os
means, rather, scourged, beaten. But as the refer-
ence of the context is to sickness, the A. V. doubt-
less gives the true sense.

Ver. 17. Eternal rest, i. e., in the grave.
There is probably no reference to the promised
rest of the godly, and the passage itself, as will
be seen, is but poorly supported.

Ver. 18. Cf. remarks at Tobit iv. 17, on cer-
tain funeral customs.

Ver. 19. 'Ek5i(Bk((^«/os, aflioted. This verb
means to chase up, drive out, banish. The sense
here must be, punishes, or visits with chastisement,
affliction. Luther renders: "whom God makes

ECCLESIASTICUS.

359

sickli/. Sickness is held to be a chastisement also
at XNxviii. 15.

Ver. 21. In thine own counsel (A. V.), iy
0ov\fi <rou. This rendering is not clear. Bou\fl
might better be taken in the sense of deliberation,
reflection, and refer to that revolving of painful
thoughts in one's mind which is so characteristic
of certain temperaments.

Ver. 23. A. proportionate regard for one's
self is the highest duty. " The best, the most
Christian-like pity we can show is to have pity on
our own souls ; the best, the most acceptable sei'-
vice we can rendei' is to do j iistice and show mercy
to ourselves." Coleridge's Aids to Reflection. Be-
tween verse 24 of this chapter and xxxvi. 16, the
chapters and verses of the common Greek text

are in great disorder. And although this text is
supported by all the Greek MSS. with but one
exception (248.), it ig obviously incorrect, as the
want of connection in the thought sufficiently
proves. The Old translations, Arabic, Syriac,
and Old Latin, on the other hand, give a differ-
ent arrangement. And since the latter, as far as
age is concerned, have nearly or quite as much
weight as the former, they have been commonly
followed. In Fritzsche's judgment, only thought-
lessness and exegetical incapacity would lead any
one to decide in favor of the order of the Greek
MSS., since according to them some verses would
be wholly unexplainable, and without any proper
connection in the text. Happily, in this case, we
find our English text already on the right side.*

10

n

12

13

14

Chapter XXXI.

Sleeplessness for the sake of ^ riches consumeth the flesh,
And the care thereof driveth away ^ sleep.
Sleepless care ° will not let a man slumber,*
As a sore disease breaketh ^ sleep.

A rich man tireth himself out ^ in gathering riches together,
And when he resteth, he is sated with his delicacies.'
A poor man tireth himself out in a straitened life,
And when he resteth, he cometh to want.*
He that loveth gold shall not be justified,'
And he that followeth corruption shall be sated with it.^"
Gold hath been the ruin of many,-"^
And their destruction was before them.-'^
It is a stumbling-block ^' unto them that sacrifice unto it,
And every fool shall be taken therewith.
Blessed is a rich man who " is found without blemish.
And hath not gone after gold.
Who is he ? and we wUl call him blessed ;
For wonderful things hath he done among his people.
Who hath been tried thereby, and found perfect ?
Let it also be to his ^^ glory.
Who could transgress, and transgressed not ? "
Or do evil, and did it not ? "
His goods shall be assured,^*
And the congregation shall speak much of ^ his alms.

If thou sit at a bountiful table,
Be not greedy over '"' it,

And say not. There is really a great deal ^ on it.
Remember that a greedy ^ eye is an evU thing.
What ^^ is created more greedy ^ than an eye ?
Therefore it weepeth from every face.^
Stretch not thine ^^ hand whithersoever it looketh,

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. v. ; Watching for [aypvirvia,, followed by the gen.}. * driveth away (on^wrr^. For the form, cf.

Winer p. 73). ' watching care (lit., care of sleeplessness). * slumber (see Com,). « breaketh (see Com.).

3 The rich hath great labour (^Kon-too-e n-Aouo-tos). ^ filled with his delicates.

Vers. 4-8. * A. V. : The poor laboureth in his poor estate (eKojri'aae Trriaxo^ iv eXaTTticret piov) .... leaveth off (see

ver. 8) .... is still needy (efftSeijs yiceTat, I. e., comes to utter want). ^ justified (declared just ; he will be found

guilty of false dealing). '° have enough </i«reo/(see ver. 3). '' many (lit., many were given to (248. Co.,iSe9rt(rav)
fall on account of gold). " present (see Com.). " stumbling-block (see Com.). " is the rich that.

Vers. 10 11. — *^ A. V. : Then let him (koX eoroi). ^ might offend .... hath not offended (the verb is vapafiijvfu,
preceded in the first clause by efiuvaro). " done .... hath not done it. ^ established (see Com.). ^ declare
(eieSiiTy^irerai).

Vers. 12-15. — ^ A. V. : upon (marg., open not thy throat upon). ^^ There is much meal (iroXXa ye ra eir avrv]?)

" a wicked (ironjpoc, but its special sense is determined by the context). ^ And what. " wicked (see first mem-
ber). ^ upon every occasion (see Com.). ™ tlline {(rov is added in 248. Oo. Old Lat.).

360 THE APOCRYPHA.

And crowd not together with it ^ into the dish.

15 Judge of t/iy neighbor ^ by thyself,
And reflect over every matter.'

1 6 Eat, as ^ a man, what is ' set before thee,
And devour ^ not, lest thou be hated.

17 Leave off first, for manners'' sake,
And be not insatiable,* lest thou offend.

18 And if ' thou sittest among many,
Reach not thine hand out before them.^"

19 How satisfying is little " for a man well nurtured!
And he is not troubled for breath ■'^ upon his bed.

20 Sound sleep cometh of moderate eating ; ^"

* He riseth early, and his wits '^ are with him.
Wearisome sleeplessness, and cholera morbus,
And colic, are with an iosatiable ■"' man.

21 And if thou hast eaten too much,^°

Arise and go forth for a walk, and thou shalt get relief.*'

22 Mi/ son, hear me, and despise me not,

And at last ■'* thou shalt find my words true ; *°

In all thy woiks be active,*

So shall not any sickness ^ come upon ^ thee.

23 Him who is liberal with food,''^ men shall speak well of ; "
And the report of his liberality is true.'^

24 Ovei' him who is a niggard with food a ^* city shall murmur ;
And the report ^' of his niggardness is correct.^

25 Show not valiantness ^ in wine,
For wine hath destroyed many.

26 The furnace proveth the edge by dipping,

So doth wine hearts, by the strife of the proud.'"

27 Wine is as life to men, if it be drunk in its measure ; "^
What kind of a life is that which ''^ is without wine ?
And "" it was made to make men glad.

28 Wine druuk measurably and in season °* is gladness of heart, and joy of soul ; **

29 Wine drunken to excess is bitterness of soul,'°
With excitement and quarrelsomeness.''

30 Drunkenness increaseth the rashness '* of a fool tUl he ofEend ;
It diminisheth strength, and maketh '^ wounds besides.

31 Rebuke not thy neighbor at a wine party,*"
And treat him not slightingly *^ in his mirth.
Speak not to him a reproachful word,*"
And press not upon him with a demand.*''

Vers. 14, 15. — 1 A. V. : thrust it not with him (fiij tjwQKi^ov ai»T<5 iv TpvPKiif. Cf. Matt XZTi. 23). » nelgllbour

(see Com.). ^ be discreet in every point (cttI TravTi Trpay/xart Stavoou).

Vers. 16-18. — ^ A. V. : as it becometh. o those things which are (cf. Luke x. 8). « devour (see Com.). "i man-
ners' (n-atfietas). 8 unsatiable. c When (fcal el). lo first Qf ^n^

Vers. 19-24. — » A. V. : A very little i.5 sufBcient (<is Uafov .... to oAi'yoi'). " fetcheth not his wind short (marg.
And lieth not jiujjfiiig and blowing ; Gr., ovk ao-fliutatVet). i^ moderate eating (evrepw neTpita, moderate intestine or

bowel). " wits (see Com.). ^ But the pain of watching (ttoi/os aypvirvCa^ ; cf. ver. 1) and choler (xoAe'pas • 248. Co.
Old Lat., xoAe'pa) and pangs of the belly ((rrp6<^o?) .... unsatiable. w been forced to eat {e^iaaeTii ev eSeVfi.ao-ii' art

overpowered through food, i. e., hast eaten to surfeit). l^ Arise, go forth, vomit (see Com. Fritzsche reads juea-o-

TTopiav with 68. 106. 254. 307. Aid. ; text rec, fj-eaonupiav ; Old Lat., surge e medio, evome, etc. ; 248. Co. add to /lecroTropbii*
the word ejaeo-ov) .... have rest. ^ the last. '^ as I told thee. 20 quick (see Com.). 21 there no sickness.

22 unto. 2a w'hoso is .... of his meat. 24 of him. 25 good housekeeping will be believed (see Com.). 20 Siu

against him that is a niggard of his meat the whole. 27 testimonies (^ ixaprvpCa, as in ver. 23). 28 sitatl not be

doubted of (aKpi^,^?, exact, correct).

Vers. 25-31. — 2» A. V. : thy valiantness. '" the hearts of the proud by drunkenness (H. 248. Co. Old Lat. read

otvos iy KapSiif {KnpSias, H. ; Old Lat., corda) inepri^ivuiv if pJSji). '^ is as good as life to a man (Fritzsche adopt!

dat. plur. from III. X. 23. 55. 106. al. Co. Old Lat.) .... moderately (ex nirptf, 23. 55. 106. al. Co. instead of iiirpif
avTou). 32 jife is then to a man that. ^ For. 84 measurably drunk and in season. ws Bringetk gladness ot

the heart .... cheerfulness of the mind (ev<j)po(n/ri) yfivxfts). "■ But wine drunken with excess maketh .... the mind.
»' brawling and quarrelling (seeftm.). m rage («u|;i6i', but here in the sense of A^ot, rustoui). ss maketh

(npoiTitoiav, addeth la, besides). "> the wine (i7v)><roiru|>). " despise him not. " Give him no despiteful words.
<3 urging him to drink (ev aTrainjo-ei ; 248. Co., cf avaiTqvu avrov).

EGCLESIASTICUS.

361

Chapter XXXI. (xxxiv. o£ the Greek text).

Ver. 2. 'Attoit^o-ei, demand hack, or demand
urgently. This meaning is not here suitable ; and
the reading iirocTT^jo-ei, suggested by Bretsehneider
and adopted by Fritzsche, seems on the whole the
best among those proposed by critics. Cf . the LXX.
at Esther vi. 1 : 6 5i K^ptos i.Tv^O'rTjae rhv virvov.
— 'EKvfi\f/ei. The verb iicvfidiai means literally to
sleep off the effects of drunkenness; and, figura-
tively, to become sobered in an intellectual and
spiritual sense. Some (Gaab) would translate:
" and sleep sleepeth oft a severe sickness," {. e., it
prevents sickness by banishing care. But this
verb is always used intransitively. The words
i.ij><!>iTTiii>.a $apj are to be taken rather as nomina-
tive absolute, and the verb as a translation of
V"'i7'', will wake, i. e., be wakeful. The A. V.
gives the true sense. Cod. II., together with
C. 68. 296. 307. Aid., has virmv instead of the
nominative, i. «., understood the verb transi-
tively.

Ver. 3. When (he) resteth. Retires from
business, or ceases to strive after wealth.

Ver. 6. Karh xpiffaTrov alirav, before them.
On the path they went, so that they reached it afe
though it had been a goal.

Ver. 7. Stumbhng-blook, |i{\oc 7rpD(rK(J|H/xaTos.
A trap made from wood, for catching animals.
SoDereserand Gaab. Fritzsche, however, thinks
it means simply a block against which one stum-
bles. Cf. Rom. ix. 32, 33. Others still (Bret-
sehneider) think an idol image is meant.

Vers. 8, 9. Gone after. Run after, made it
the great object of pursuit, " hasteth to be rich."
Cf. Prov. xxviii. 22 ; Luke vi. 24.

Ver. 11. His goods (i.e., property) shall be
assured. He will be sure of having them, and of
having enough to give abundant alms, and such
too as were honestly obtained, to his poor neigh
bors.

Ver. 13. From every face, iirh iravThs irpoff-
liwov. So we translate, with Gaab and Fritzsche.
The meaning seems to be that tears are an evi-
dence of envy and greed, and are seen in all
eyes. Others (Bunsen's Bibelwerk) render: "on
every side ; " De Wette, Wahl : " down over
the entire face ; " others, ybr every cause, fm- every
kind of object, etc. Bretsehneider thinks the en-
tire clause, with the preceding one, was a later
addition, taken from Prov. xxiii. 6. Cf. Ecclus.
xiv. 10>

Ver. 14. 'With it. The eye. Do not reach
after a thing as soon as you see it, and so come
into conflict with others who possibly desire the
same thing.

Ver. 15. Judge of (thy) neighbor (t4 tov
T\i)<rlov), i. e., thy neighbor's matters, his wishes,
his likes and dislikes. Cf . Tob. iv. 15; Matt. vii.
12.

Ver. 16. Devour, Sio/tofftti. This word means
literally chew up, chew to pieces. The idea seems
to be : " Do not make a great affair of eat-
ing." Gaab suggests schnatzen, smack, as the
proper rendering. And Bunsen's Bibehverh, with
Fritzsche, translates : chew not with smacking.

Ver. 20. His wits (are) with him, r) \fivxh
atiTov /ter' aliTov. His spirit is with him ; he is
in good spirits.

Ver. 21. Arise and go forth for a walk,
hvd.(Tra ^iTOTToptov. Lit., arise going in the midst
(of the way, understood). Others (De Wette,
Bunseli's bibelwerk) render : Arise, withdraw thy-
self from the company. Wahl : " Surge media in
via versans," in the sense of. Arise at once.

Ver. 22. 'Ei'TpEX'^s, (T'nQ), quick, zealous, alert.
The Greek word means ready, skillful. The idea
is simply that activity of body and mind is a
good preventive of sickness.

Ver. 23. KaWovijs, excellence ; but here liber-
ality. — nio-T^, believable, true ; others (Gaab, Sun-
sen's Bibelwerk), lasting ; De Wette: certain. The
author would praise him that is liberal with his
food, and says that is really true of such an one
that he is a generous soul.

Ver. 26. By the strife of the proud, iy i^dxv
iiTiepritpavwv. In so far as he engages in it, or ab-
stains from it.

Ver. 29. 'Ei/ ^peditrfi^ Kal avTinT^/iaTt, with
excitement and OLuarrelsomeness. On the last
word cf . the Greek text at xxxv. 20, where alone,
in addition to the present passage, it is said to be
found. It means literally a falling against, and
here apparently resistance, i. e., readiness to resent
injuries real or supposed. Bunsen's Bibelwerk
renders freely : " If men fall into strife, and pitch
into one another." But 4v is to be taken here
rather in the sense of with, as denoting what ac-
companies excessive drinking, as the A. V. cor-
rectly renders.

Chapter XXXII.

1 If thou be made master at a feast,^ lift not thyself up,
Be ^ among them as one of them ; °

Take care of * them, and so sit down,

2 And having done ^ all thy office, take thy place,'
That thou mayest be merry for their sake,''

And receive a crown for the fine arrangements.' .

Vers. 1, 2. — ^ A. V. : the master of the feast. (The title of the present section, irept ^yovfhivtav, is wanting in II. III.
X. 55. 106. al.) 2 Bitt be. ^ the rest (e^ avrSiv). * take diligent care for {'j)p6vTtvw). " when thou hast done
[irotritTai). ° take thy place (ai'aire<r€ =fall back, recline, i. v., at table). ^ with them (see Com.) ^ thy well

erdering of the feast.

362 THE APOCRYPHA-

3 Speak, elder,^ for it becometh thee, with sound judgment,*
And hinder not music.

4 Do not keep up a chatter where one would hear,*
And show not thy * wisdom out of time.

5 A concert of music at ^ a banquet of wine
Is as a signet of carbuncle set in gold.'

6 As a signet of an emerald set in a work of gold.
So is the melody of music ' with sweet ° wine.

7 Speak, young man, if there be need of thee,
And yet scarcely twice if thou art asked.'

8 Let thy speech be sliort, much in little ; ^''

Be as one that knoweth and at the same time is silent."

9 If thou be among great men, make not thyself an equal ; **
And when another is speaking talk not much idly."

10 Before thunder goeth " lightning,

And before a shamefaced man -"^ shall go favor.^'

11 Rise up betimes, and be not the last.
Get" thee home without delay.-'*

12 There take thy pastime, and do what thou wilt ;
But ^° sin not by proud speech.

1 3 And for these things ^° bless him that made thee,
And hath replenished thee with his good things.

14 He that^^ feareth the Lord will receive^'' discipline ;
And they that rise early to seek him ^' shall find favor.

15 He that seeketh the law shall be filled "* therewith.
But ^ the hypocrite will be offended thereat.^'

16 They that fear the Lord shall find judgment,^
And shall kindle justice ^° as a light.

17 A sinful man turneth away from reproof,^
And '" findeth an excuse "^ according to his will.

18 A man of judgment doth not overlook the opinion of another,"*
But a proud man will not crouch from fear ; ^

And having acted by himself without judgment,^'

He will also be convinced of his want of consideration.

19 Do nothing without advice,'^

And when thou bast done it, thou shalt not repent."

20 Go not on a damaged road,*'

And thou shalt not stumble among *' stones.

21 Be not confident in a plain way,

Vers. 3-6 — ' A. V. : thnu that art the elder. ' but (248. Co. hare Si) with sound judgment llv ixpifieZ lm<rrijfi.ji.

Fritzsche, icitk exact knowledge. But does not the context require the reodering of the A. V., i. e., a Jine serue of what
the occasion demands ?) ^ Pour not out words where there is a musician (ottou aKpoafia. The latter word wa« ren-

dered by the A. V. as though the abstract stood for the concrete. See Com.). * forth. 8 in. 6 get in gold

(«7rl K6(r^Jna ^pvai2). ' melody of musick (jue'Aos ij.ov<tikCjv. Bunsen's Sibelwerk, " song and playing " ; Fritzsche

"harmonious music "). 8 pleasant (Ti5et).

Vers. 7-13. — ^ A. V. : scarcely when thou art twice asked ( fj.oKi'; SU Sav eTrepwrijOp?). 10 comprehending much in

few words (the sentence is needlessly burdened). " jet holdeth his tongue [afxa (nia-nSiv, i. e., can be silenti.

12 thyself equal with them. 13 ancient men are in place (hepov Ae'yovTos ; orrov yepovre^ (Xe'yoi/Tes, 248.), 248. Co. Old

Lat. Syr. Ar.) use not many words (fii) ttoXXol dSoXeVxei, ** do not gabble much ") " the thunder goeth (Kora-

anevSet, hastens). is ghamefast Twan. lo favour (see Com.). n .Bar get. l^ delay (see Com.). i" But (icai).
20 for these thing."! (cvri tovtois. others, besides).

Vers. 14-17. — ^i A. V. : Whoso. 22 receive his (aJioO is read after waiStiar by 248. Co. Old Lat.). » him early

(H. Old Lat. read ttoo? avrov after opdpl^ovTeq. Cf., on the last word, iv. 12). 24 filled (i. e., satisfied. Cf. ii. 16).

20 But (Kai). 2ft offended thereat ((r»fai'5aAi(r0^o-eTat er avToJ. Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and essentially Linde, "dem

gereicht es zum J'alle,'' " him brings it to his fall ''). 27 judgment (see Com.). =» justice (see Com.). 29 y^\\

not be reproved {iKK\ivei e\eyii6v). so But. 3i excuse (enjy/cpi^a, Bunsen's Bibelwerk^ " punishment '*).

Vers. 18-24. — ^2 a. V. : counsel will be considerate. (Fritzsche joins aWorpCov to this line, adopting the sugo-cstion
of Gaab, that it should be read for iAWTpio;, making this member read, 'Anjp 3ou\^! oi ji»| :rap(SD imvoripia iA.\oTpi'ov ).
M But (Kai) a strange and (see preceding note) proud man is not daunted (Kamirr^fei, crouch, cower down) with fear.
34 Even when of himself he hath done without counsel (ical jnera to Trotvjo-at ^er avrou avev jSooAt}?. Fritzsche adds on
the basis of the Old I^t., a line to complete the obviously imperfect sense : Kal rrj! aitpoavi^i aurou iKsyxBrjireTai ; Old
l&t., "et sub insectationibusarguetur." Ot. Com.). 3b advice (/3ovX%. Others, re/J«iio!t). ™ once done, repen(
not (see Com.). =7 in a way wherein thou mayest fall. ss stumble not (see ver. 19) among the.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

363

22 And ^ beware of thy children.

23 In every work ^ trust in thyself ; '

For this also is keeping * the commandments.

24 He that believeth the law taketh heed to the commandments ; *
And he that trusteth in the Lord " shall not want.'

Vers. 22-24. — i A. V : And (= "And so,-' or " Bren "). > thine own .... good work (248. 808. Co. add iya9<5).
' thy own soul. * this is the keeping of. » in the Lord (248. Co. Old Lat. read /cupi'ij) for viiJ.<f) commandment (»o
X. 23. 248. 263. 307. Co.). " in him (248. Co. Old Lat. read eji' auTij for Kvpi<f). ' faie never the worse (marg.,

ghall not be hurt. Gr., ovk e\aTTu0]^<rET(u),

Chapter XXXII. (xxxt. of the Greek text).

Ver. 1 . 'Hyov/iefuv. The symposiarch is clearly
meant. Cf. 2 Mace. ii. 27 ; John ii. 8.

Ver. 2. Ai' airovs, on their account, not with
them. They are at their ease and merry, and so
the master of the feast has accomplished his pur-
pose, has well discharged the duties of his office.

Ver. 4. 'AKp6ttii.a. Something to be heard,
like music or a speech, especially something that
is meant to entertain. Cf. Xen., Sympos., ii. 2 ;
Bier., i. 14. — And show not thy wisdom.
There is a time for everything, the author would
say. At a feast one should not discuss abstruse
and difficult subjects.

Ver. 10. Before a shamefaced man (aiVxui'-
TijpoS). The A. V. has given the correct meaning
to this word here. See xxvi. 15; xlii. 1. But
the point of the comparison is lost in rendering
X^pts in the next clause by " favor." It refers to
that which characterizes and makes manifest such
a man wherever he goes ; namely, modesty of be-
havior, inward and outward grace, propriety.

Ver. 11. Klse up betimes, i. e., from the
feast. — Delay not, nil (laBv/iei. It would seem
to agree better with the context, and gives its
original meaning to this word, to translate. " Be
not frivolous," i. e., " Do not go home shouting
and carousing," or, perhaps, " Do not remain be-
hind at the house of the friend to give yourself
up to revelry."

Ver. 15. Seeketh [foUoweth after] the law,
shall be filled therewith. He will find satisfac-
tion in it. Cf. ii. 16.

Ver. 15. Kplfxa. It is not easy to give a suit-
able rendering to this word and to the following,
5iicaicu/naTo. The first would seem to mean de-
cision, i. e., what is judged, and so a judgment in
this sense. The second word has also much the
same meaning. It is the result of the SiKaiovv,
and so a legal, just decision, statute of right.

Ver. 18. We have read here, with Fritzsche,
iWoTptov, joining it to the preceding clause, and
added a line to the verse to complete the obviously
imperfect thought, as noted above. The idea of
the lost clause must have been something similar
to this. Having acted thoughtlessly, he must
bear the penalty of the same.

Ver. 19. The rendering of the A. V., with
which Gaab and De Wette accord, "repent not,"
is grammatically Allowable, but does not agree
well with the context, — not alone with the pre-
ceding as amended, but with the following. When
two imperatives are thus connected, ttie second
often expresses the necessary result. Cf. Winer,
p. 311.

Ver. 23. Have a sufBcient degree of self-
confidence. Do not be without courage. This,
too, is a matter of commandment. Cf. 1 Sam. ir.
9.

Chapter XXXIH.

1 Theee shall no evil happen unto him that feareth the Lord,
But in temptation even again he will deliver him.^

2 A wise man hateth not the law,

But he that is a hypocrite therein is as a ship in a storm.

3 A man of understanding trusteth in the law,

And the law is as trustworthy for him, as an answer of the Urim.'

4 Prepare what to say, and so thou shalt be heard ;
Bind up instruction, and so ^ make answer.

5 The mind of a fool is ^ like a cartwheel.
And his thought ^ like a rolling axletree.

6 A stallion is ^ as a mocking friend.

He neigheth under every one that sitteth upon him.

7 Why doth one day excel another,

Vers. 1-6. — i A. V. : him {avTov is found only in 248. Co.). 2 ig faithful (Trurnls) unto him, aa an oracle (marg.,

03 the asking of Urim. SeeCom.), s ^nrf bind up instruction (<rvv8Tj(rov natSeCav. SeeCom.) and then (totc is added
by 55. 167. 248. 263. 254. Co. Old Lat. ; oiiiui, by X. H. 106. 307.). • heart (see Com.) of the foolish (jtaipou) is.

5 thoughts (6 5taAoyi(r^is) are. « stallion horse is (iirTros «« oxeiav = a horse for impregnating ; or, as others would
render " A lustful stud," i. «., a horse inclined to (eis) o\eiiuf).

364 THE APOCRYPHA.

When ^ all the light of every day in the year is from ^ the sun ?

8 By the knowledge of the Lord they were distinguished ;
And he made * seasons and feasts diverse/

9 Some of them ^ he made high days, and hallowed them,
And some of them * he made ordinary days.

10 And ' all men are from the ground,
And Adam was created of earth.

11 In great wisdom * the Lord made a difference among ' them,
And made their ways diverse.

12 Some of them " he blessed and exalted.

And some of them ^° he sanctified, and set near himself ;
Some of them " he cursed and brought low,
And turned them out of their place.^^

13 As the clay of the potter is in his hand,"
All its forms according to " his pleasure.

So mgn are ^^ in the hand of him that made them,"
To render to them according to his determination."

14 The good is over against the evil,-''
And life over ^* against death ;

So is the sinner over against the godly.™

15 And ^ so look upon all the works of the Most High,
And there are two and two, one over ^ against another.

16 And, as for me, I put forth sleepless effort as the last,**
And^* as one that glean eth ^^ after the grape-gatherers;
By the blessing of the Lord I overtook them,^^

And filled my winepress like a gatherer of grapes.

17 Consider that I labored not for myself only.
But for all them that seek learning.

18 Hear me, 0 ye great men of the people.
And give ear " ye rulers of the congregation.

19 Son *' and wife, brother and friend,

Give them not ''^ power over thee while thou livest,

And give not thy goods to another,

Lest it repent thee, and thou intreat for them.'"

20 As long as thou livest and hast breath in thee,
pjxchange not thy position with any.^^

21 For better it is that thy children should seek to °^ thee,
Than that thou shouldest look to the hands of thy sons."

22 In all thy works keep "* the preeminence.
Put not a stain upon'^ thine honor.

23 At the time when thou shalt end thy days.
And finish thy life, distribute the ^* inheritance.

Vers. 7-13. — ^ A. V. : When aa {Kat, but the sense is as given). * m of . * altered (I render as the same word is
tendered at Ter. 11). * omits diverse (see preceding note). ^ Some of them (aTr* avTiav) hath. 8 soTnt ....

them hath. ' And (xat consecutivum = And so). * much linowledge (ev irA^0et eTrtoT^junjs, probably for 2'")Sl

n)ODn, "Cf. Eccles. i. 18.). * hath divided them (fiiextopurev avrovs. I have rendered freely, in order to bring the

thought into harmony with the context). ^^ Some of them hath. ^^ Bui some of them hath. i^ turned out

.... places (248. 296. Co., the plur.). *3 ig, in the potter's hand (not according to the Greek). " To fashion it

(irocrat at 65ol avToO ; H., TrKatTan aino ; Old Lat., plasmare Utud et disponere. Cf . Rom. ix. 21) at. 15 man (so 248. Co.
Old Lat.) is. I" made him {aiiTov is read by 248. Co. Old Lat.). ^^ as liketh him best (Kara Titv Kpia-iv avrov).

Vers. 14, 15. — ^^ A. V. : Good is set against evil. i" omits over. 20 the godly against the sinner (bo 248. Co.

which also add what appears in A. V. as follows : " And (outws) the sinner against the godly *'). 21 oTnits And (as

307-). 22 omits omt.

Vers. 16-18. —23 A. V. : 1 awaked up last of all (see Com.). « omits And (Fritzsche adopts it from the Old Lat.).

26 gathereth (KaAaM.wfxefos. I adopt marg. reading). 20 profited {etjidafra). 2' hearken with your ears.

Vers. 18-23. — 28 A. V. : Give not thy son (I arrange the words as in the Greek) .... thy brother. 29 omits Give

them not (see previous note). 8" the same again. 81 Qive not thyself over to any {BeeCom.). 32 agg^ to (or

" need'"). ^ stand to their courtesy (marg., look to their hands. Gr., efijSXeTretv ci? x^^pa^ vttov crov). 3* keep to

thyself. 86 Leave (fiws) .... in. "o thine (the last two lines more literally would be : " In the day of the finish-
ing of the days of thy life, And at the time of death (reAeur^s) give over (6ia£os, which also means " distribute ") the
inheritance ").

ECCLESIASTICfS.

365

24 Fodder, and a stick,* and burdens, are for the ass ;
Bread, and correction,^ and work, for a servant.

25 If thou set thy servant to labor, thou shalt find rest ;
If ' thou let him go idle, he will * seek liberty.

26 A yoke and a collar do bow the neck,

So are tortures and torments for an evil servant.

27 Plunge him in * labor, that he be not idle,
For idleness teacheth much evU.

28 Set him to such * work as is fit for him ;

And ' if he be not obedient, put on more heavy ' fetters.

29 But ° be not excessive toward any ;
And without justice " do nothing.

30 K thou have a servant, let him be ■'^ as thyself,
Because thou hast bought him with blood.'^

31 If thou have a servant, treat ^' him as a brother,'*
For thou wilt bind him to thee as thy '* soul ;

If thou treat him ill,"^ and he start up and run away,"
Which way '° wUt thou seek '° him.

Vers. 24-29. — * A. V. : Fodder, a wand. * And bread, correction. » But if. * go idle (ares X"P« *"^

he shall. ** Send him to (eftjSoAe oiptoi'1. " him to. ^ omits And. * put on more heayy {pipuvov. Others

" make heavy ='). 9 But (sat). lo discretion (KptVews). " be unto thee (248. Co. add o-ot). 12 a price (marg.
in blood. See Com.). "entreat. " brother (Fi-itzache receives aSeA<^di' from III. X. C. H. 23. 55. 106. al. ; iea:*
rec, creavToc). ^^ hast need of him (eiriSe^o-rts avTi^. Fritzsche emends to en-LS^o-eic avrot^, suspecting a mistransla

tion. See Com.) as q/"thine own. w' entreat him evil. ^^ run from (Ace (in-apas iwofip^). " Which way (^v woi^
oSifi =z on what sort of a way^ i. e., o» vuhich way). " go to (needless) seek.

Chapter XXXIII. (xxxvi. l-16a, xxx. 25-40, of the Greek text).

Ver. 1. Even again. He will put him back
again into the condition he was in before he was
tried ; which is a better one, moreover, in so far
as he has been now proved, while nothing that is
really evil has happened to hiiiii.

Ver. 2. Ship in a storm. He is driven here
and there by bis impulses, having no fixed prin-
ciples to guide him.

Ver. 3. 'ns ipdrrnxa S-fihav. The reading
StiXuiv is doubtless coiTect, SiKaiay being an emen-
dation, which arose from a failure to understand
the sense. It stands for the so-called " Urim" of
the Jewish high-priest. The Hebrew word for it

was the plural of ""1^, light ; but it was rendeied
in the LXX. by S^Atoo-u (Ex. xxviii. 30 ; Ecclns.
xlr. ICr (and KJAoi) Nnntbi xxvii. 21 ; Dent, xxxiii.
8), and sometimes by participles of (parl^u (Ez.
ii. 63; Neb. vii. 65).

Ver. 4. liivSriaov has here the sense of collect,
assemble; and the force of the exhortation is.
Gather information, or gather up what thou
knowest, with consideration, and not till then
give answer.

Ver. 6. 2TrAa7x>'a, here the mind, that which
thinks. The fool's thoughts move in narrow
circles, are concerned with but few subjects.
Gfoethe says in Faust : —

" Von dem AUt-m wird mir so divmm,
Als gins* m:iT tin MuhlTod im Kopf herwm.''''

— A rolling {irTpi(f>iii.mi) axletree. The axle-
tree only seems to roll.

Ver. 6. The lustful steed has thought for noth-
ing but gratification ; so the man who mocks,
satirizes, shows his idiosyncrasy on every occa-
bIoti, without reference to circumstances.

Vers. 13-15. The philosophy of this writer ia,
to say the least, interesting. He makes human
destiny quite d^endent on the foreimlinatiou of

God, though not a blind foreordiuation. It is
one controlled by wisdom. But he says nothing
of human freedom, or the origin of evil. These
are problems which seem not to have disturbed
his mind very much ; or possibly they would
have disturbed it too much, and so he let them
rest. Still he shows, in other parts of his work,
that he did not believe that man is a mere ma-
chine under the guidance of a higher power. At
XV. 12-20, he plainly declares that he is to be held
responsible for his sins. Cf Rom. i.^. 15-21.

Ver. 16. Kayd) itrxaros Tiypvirvyjcra. Fritzsche
thus explains the somewhat abi'upt transhion at
this point, which also corresponds with the break
in the MSS. : " With the feeling that he had
just spoken something of importance, his position
m general comes into the author's mind ; namely,
that he, although a laggard, had not labored in
vain." He renders freely : " I then put forth
sleepless effort, as the last." Bunsen's Bibeliverk :
" I, I have awoke at last." As it seems to us,
effxaros is to be taken in the sen.se of the last, i. e.,
among writers on wisdom. Does he refer here to
Biblical writers also ? Probably not, but simply
to other uncanonical writers of his own and pre-
ceding times, with whom he does not hesitate to
compare himself favorably.

Ver. 20. Mil aWd^ris ^eavriv. The verb means
to change, make otherwise, and then to give in ex-
change. And the meaning here may be " exchange
not thyself," in the sense of " give not up thy posi-
tion " to another.

Ver. 21. There is a German proverb : " One
father is more willing to take care of six chil-
dren than six children of one father ; " and an-
other : " He who gives bread to his children, and
must then suffer want himself, strike him dead
with a club."

Vers. 24-28. The severity recommended in
these verses does not seem at all consistent with

THE APOCRYPHA.

what follows. Cf., on slavery in general in the
East, Van Lennep, Bihle Lands, p. 565 ff., and
the art. " Slave " in Smith's Bib. Diet.

Ver. 30. With blood {ivalnaTi), i.e., as some
siipiiose, at the risk of tliy own life in battle (he
being a prisoner taken in war) ; or, with thy blood
as his father by a concubine. Fritzsche, with
some others, however, takes the Hebrew word,
D'^, for which the Greek probably stood, in the
sense of pecunia, pretium. " Thou hast bought

him with what was precious ; treat him well.
One must feel, however, that this suggestion
would be somewhat at the expense of the author's
character. Bunsen's Bibelwerk renders : " For
without blood hast thou got him ! "

Ver. 31. The proper reading, judging from
the context, seems to be, according to Fritzsche's
emendation, iwtSiitreis abr6v, thou wilt hind him to
thee. The Greek text as it stands — and the
A. v., which properly translates it— would sup-
port an unwarrantable exaggeration of the truth.

Chaptek xxxrv.

1 The hopes of a man void of understanding are vain and false ;
And dreams lift up ^ fools.

2 He who ^ regardeth ' dreams

Is like him that catcheth at a shadow, and followeth after the wind.

3 The vision of dreams is this over against that,*
As ^ the likeness of a face over against a face.

4 From ° an unclean thing what will be clean ? '
And from a false thing ' what will be true? °

5 Divinations, and soothsayings, and dreams, are vain ;
And the heart fancieth, as a woman's heart in travail.

6 If they be not sent from the Most High as a " visitation,
Set not thy heart upon them.

7 For dreams have deceived many.

And they have failed that put their trust in them."

8 The law will be fulfilled without deception ; '^
And wisdom is fulfilled by a trustworthy mouth.^'

9 A man that is instructed ^* knoweth many things ;

And he that hath much experience will discourse intelligently."

10 He that hath no experience ^° knoweth little ;
But he that hath travelled is full of shrewdness."

1 1 When I travelled, I saw many things,
And I understand more than I can express.

12 I was ofttimes in danger of death,

And ^' I was delivered because of these things.

13 The spirit of those that fear the Lord shall live,
For their hope is in him that saveth them.

14 He who ^' f eareth the Lord shall be afraid of nothing and shall not be fainthearted,*
For he is his hope.

15 Blessed is the soul of him that feareth the Lord ;
On whom doth he rely ? ^^

And who is his support ? ^

16 The "^^ eyes of the Lord are upon them that love him :
A °* mighty protection and strong stay.

Vers. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : Lift up {ava-mtpovtrt-v :=Jlutter upward, 1. e., raise false expectations). * WhoBO. ' ivganl-
eth (marg., kath his mind upon. The verb (ejrc'xwi') is the same as at ver. IB, where we render rely uptm, and it might b«
BO rendered here). ^ is the resemblance of one tiling to another (Fritzsche receives /carcL toOto from X. 55. 106. al. Co.
(Old Lat., secundum hoc) ; text, rec, Kara toutov). ^ Even as. * Of. ' can be cleansed {KoBapia^iTtTax, prob-

ably a mistake for Ka^apeuo-et, "^nii."! having stood in the original, in the Greek translator should have rendered it as
Kal, instead of as Hithpael). ' that thing which is false. ° truth can come {a\y\9e\)rrei.. CI. preceding note).

Vers. 6-8. — ^^ A. V. : in thy (248. Co. add crou. See Com.). 'i have failed (k^i-nefrov =/ell out of, or downfrom,

and so lost) that put their trust in them (rather, built their hope on, cAn-i^ovres lir' avroTs). ^^ shall be found perfect

{see Com.) without lies (oveu i/*«uSous, without awakening delusive hopes). 13 ij perfection (see Cvm.) to a faithful

mouth (o-TonaTi uKTTy, dat. of instrument. Wisdom reaches its fulfillment, shows itself to be such, when uttered by
a mouth tliat can be trusted).

Vers 9-14. — ^*A. V. . that hath travelled (Tren-atSevfievos ; X. 23. 248. 307. Co. Tre-irKavrfnevos). " declare wisdom

ieKBt-rfyriiTeTat a-vvetTiv). '"(See Com.) i' prudence (TrafovpYiav). ^^ Yet. i» Whoso. 20 shall not feal

(oufiei' evXa^rjdrja-eTai. Fritzsche receives the former word from X. 23. 65. 106. al. Co. (CM Lat., niJvU trepidabit) ; text.
rec, oi) iir)) Nor be afraid (Kal ov tiri SetXtaoTj).

Vers. 16-17. — ^^ A. V. : To . . . , look. 22 strength ((m)pi-y^a ; another reading, avrurriipiytia). ^ For the

« H> is their.

ECCLESIASTIGUS.

367

A defence from heat,^ and a covering'' at midday,'

A preservation from stumbling, and a help from falling.

17 He raiseth up the soul, and lighteneth* the eyes;
He giveth health, life, and blessing.

18 Sacrificing what is wrongfully gotten, is an offering of mockery,*
And the mockeries of transgressors are ^ not accepted.

19 The Most High is not pleased with the offerings of the godless ; '
Neither is he propitiated ° for sin by the multitude of sacrifices.

20 He who ° bringeth an offering of the goods of the poor
Doelh as one that killeth the son before his father's eyes.

21 The bread of the needy is the life of the poor ; ^''
He that defraudeth him thereof " is a man of blood.

22 He that taketh away his neighbor's living slayeth him ;

And he that defraudeth the laborer of his hire is a bloodshedder.

23 When one buildeth, and another puUeth down,
What profit have they more than labors ? ^^

24 When one prayeth, and another curseth,
Whose voice will the Lord hear ?

25 He that washeth himself because of ^' a dead body, if he touch it again,
What availeth his washing ?

26 So " a man that fasteth for his sins.
And goeth again, and doeth the same :
Who will hear his prayer ?

Or what doth it profit that he humbled himself ? "

Vers. 16, 17. — A. V. ; i heat {see Com.). 2 cover. » from the sun at noon [Vit.^from the noon, midday).

^ Ughteneth,
Vers. 18-20. — ^ A.. V.: He that sacrificeth of a thing {Ovtria^iiiv — the translator probably read PtDT, when he

Bhould have read PD^^, i- e., took the person for the thing — e^ aSUov) .... his offering is ridiculous. <* gifts

Jmarg., the mockeries. In 248. Co. there was read fiwpij^ara for (xwic^jLiaTa) of unjust men {avofiav) are. ' wicked

(aa-c^uv). 8 pacified (e|i\a(rjeeTiu). 9 Whoso. 10 M their life (^tt)i] iTTwxwc). Ji Aim thereof (A. V. probably
read avrov after aTrotrr.pif , instead of avTi^v, i. e., made the pronoun refer to " bread," and not to "life " ; so 248. Co.).
Ver.i. 23-26. — ^2 a. V. : then but labour. ^8 after the touching of^airo ; not vffep, as at 1 Cor. xv. 29). " So M
it wit/L ^^ his humbling profit him.

Chapter XXXIV. (xxxi. of the Greek text).

Ver. 3. The vision of dreams {'6pa<ri! ivvir-
vloiv), or the dream-vision, or simply the vision, is
toCto KaTct toBto, this after that, or this over against
that. What is meant is shown by the following
clause. Visions are simply reflections of realities
as the face is reflected from a mirror. They are
not themselves realities. Cf. Is. xxix. 8.

Ver. 4. The reference is still to dreams, which
as unreal cannot be expected to lead to what is
real and true.

Ver. 6. As a visitation, t. e., in the time when
one is undergoing special discipline, when he is
suffering chastisement. It is possible, however,
to take h iirarKo-irfi here in a good sense. Cf.
Gen. XX. 3, xxxi. 10, xl. 8, xli. 16, 25 ; Numb,
xii. 6; 1 Kings iii. 5; Dan. ii. I, v. 12, vii. 1.
Great weight was attached to dreams in ancient
times, among all peoples. Those which come
towards moining weie regarded as particularly
important. The Jews in the later periods of their
history became quite superstitions in this respect.
Cf. Jos., Antiq., xvii. 6, § 4 ; Bell. Jud., iii. 8, § 3.

Ver. 8. SwTEAeio-eai for H^S, be fulfilled.
Cf. Gesenins' Lex., under the word, 1 (b). The
word TeAetaffts in the following clause must have
the same general meaning, also, in order to pre-
serve the parallelism.

Ver. 10. 'ZireipiBii might be taken, with

Fritzsche, in the sense of tempted, tried, proved,
i. e., here, by much intercourse with the world.

Ver. 11. Understand more than I can ex-
press. Lit., And more than my words is viy under-
standing, intelligence. Others render: "And the
multitude of things which have befallen me are
my intelligence; " i. e., have made me intelligent.

Ver. 12. Of these (things). Not, as it should
seem, his acquired intelligence, but what follows,
especially the arm of the Lord that is ever
stretched out to save those that fear Him.

Ver. 15. The answer to these questions is
found in the following verse.

Ver. 16. KatJo-ojvos. The east-wind (Q''^p)
is probably meant, which came from the steppes
of western Arabia, and was very sharp and vio-
lent (Gen. xli. 6 ; Job xxvii. 21 ; Is. xxvii. 8), as
well as very dry and burning, and hence often
quite injurious to vegetation.

Ver. 17. Llghteneth the eyes. Makes them
beam with joy. Cf. Ps. xxxiv. 5 ; Prov. xxix. 13.

Ver. 20. He wonld rob the poor of that which
is the support of their life, and so really robs
them of life, and that under circumstances espe-
cially aggravating.

Vers. 23-26. • The thought of the preceding
verses is carried forward. The poor man, and
he who robs him under a pretense of serving God,

QQg THE APOCRYPHA.

are workinc? against each other. The latter prays,
while the former curses, and a righteoua God is
more likely to hear the cnrses than the jjrayerg.
An external observance of the ceremonial law
cannot be of any help to one, if the moral law.

in letter and spirit, is willfully transgressed. The
25th verse was used in the early Christian church
in the controrersy respecting the baptism of her
eticSL

CHiPTBE XXXV.

1 He that keepetb the law bringeth many offerings,^

He that talseth heed to the commandment ofEereth a thank offering.

2 He that requiteth a good turn ofiereth fine flour,
And he that giveth alms sacrificeth praise.

3 To depart from wickedness is a thing pleasing to the Lord,
And to depart from ' unrighteousness is a propitiation.

4 Thou shalt not appear empty before the Lord,

5 For all these things are to be done because of the commandment.
6, The offering of a just man * maketh the altar fat.

And the sweet savor thereof is before the Most High.

7 The sacrifice of a just man is acceptable,

And the memorial thereof shall not ^ be forgotten.

8 Give the Lord his honor with a friendly " eye,
And diminish not the firstfruits of thine hands.

9 In all thi/ gifts show a cheerful countenance,
And dedicate ' t/nj tithes with gladness.

10 Give unto the Most High according as he hath given,*
And as thou hast gotten, give with a friendly ° eye.

11 For the Lord is recompenser,^"

And will give thee seven times as much.

12 Do not think to corrupt with gifts, for such he will not receive ;
And trust not to unrighteous sacrifices,

For the Lord is judge,

And with him is no respect of persons.

13 He will not accept any person against a poor man,
And " will hear the prayer of him that is wronged."

14 He will not overlook ^* the supplication of an orphan.
And a " widow, if she pour out her complaint.^*

15 Do not the tears run down the widow' s cheeks ?

And is not ^^ her cry against him that causeth them to fall ?

16 He that serveth acceptably shall be received,"
And his prayer shall reach unto the clouds.

17 The prayer of the humble passeth through " the clouds,
And till it come nigh,'° he will not be comforted.

And will not depart, till the Most High shall look upon him,*
And judge righteously,''^ and execute judgment.

18 And'''' the Lord will not be slack,

Neither will he be long suffering ^ towards them.

Vers. 1-6. — ^ A. V. ; brlBgeth offerings enough. {The word is n-Aeovafei, bTit means no more tfaair that the offerings
are abundant and rich.) ^ peace offering (at<in]ptou ^ 0v(ria fftoniptov, an offering for some blessing received,

especially deliverance from some evil). * forsake (same word is rendered " depart from " in the preceding member).
* the righteous {Sucatou). 6 never (oiiK).

Vers. 7-11. — "A.V. good (see Cffm.). ' dedicate (marg., 5c( apori; Gr., ayiWoi'). ^ enriched (A«e (KaTdLTip'^^'^'
flivTou). " cheerful (aya^u, as in ver 8). ^^ Lord recompenseth (ai/rnn-oSifiovt eo-ri).

Vers. 13-17. — *i A. V. : But. " the oppressed (i^SiktiiiacVov). '3 despise (uireptfi^). i^ the fatherless (&p0avou),
Nor the ((cai). ^^ when she poureth {iav eKxerj) out lur complaint (see Com.), i" is not (the force of the preceding
ovxt is to be brought along). i' the Lord shall be accepted with favour (see Com. ). is plerceth (6i^\0e). "* it

(others, " he ") come nigh (see Com.). ^^ behold (en-ttrMei/'Tp-ot. Bunsen's Bibdwerh, lookinto it ; Fritzsche, appear^
enter in).

Vers. 18-20. — "A. V. : To («ai, om. by 248. Co.) Judge righteously (text, rec, incniui ; 248. Co. Old. Lat., Sliiatov;.
fritzscbe receives Stmuoic from III. X. 66. 106. 165. ah). " For (icai). " the Mighty (24S> Co. add o vpaTauR after

ECCLESIA8TICUS.

369

Till he have smitten to fragments ^ the loins of the unmerciful,

And repaid vengeance to the heathen ;

Till he have taken away the minltitude of the proud,

And smitten to fragments ^ the sceptre of the unrighteous ;

19 Till he have repaid a ° man according to his deeds.
And ^ the works of men according to their devices;
Tin he have judged the cause of his people,

And made them to rejoice in his mercy.

20 Mercy is iseasonable in the time of his affliction,'
As clouds of rain in the time of drought.

avToU) be patient {fJ^axpodvpiritrp). ^ iu sunder (mri'Tpti/^, same rerb as in the third line following). > broken (see
preceding note). » rendered to every (translated " repaid," in preceding verse ; " recompenseth," Ter. 11 j ** requit-

eth,"Ter. 2). *.Ana.to. <> ot affliction (oiiTov is omitted by X. 248. Co. Old Lat. Syr. At.).

Chaptee XXXV. (xxxii. of the Greek text.)

Ver. 1. The meaning is that the observance
of the law is equivalent to the offering of many
sacrifices. To J^eep the commandments is to offer
a-tiiail'k-ofEenng. Cf. 1 Sam. xv. 22 ; Ps. li. 17,
19; Judith xvi. 16.

Ver. 2. Kequiteth a good turn [towards a
fellow-man] offereth fine flour. That is the same
as saying that he makes a " meat offering." —
Giveth alms, notiov iKeii^otT^vTjv. Shows a mer-
ciful spirit in his relations to his fellow-men,
practices beneficence. — Saorifioeth praise, 9u<ri-
dCav oiVeVeai, i. e., is a sacrificer of praise. The
participle is used as a substantive. Cf. Winer,
p. 353 f.

Vers. 4-6. The outward act of sacrifice was
not indeed the most important matter, but it was
important and needful. — Maketh the aitax fat.
The fatness would be a sign of the excellence and
abundance of the offerings.

Ver. 8. The friendly {i,ya9$} eye is spoken
of as distinguished from the niggardly one. Cf.
Prov. xxii. 9. Probably nnltt ^V^ stood in the
original, which is often found in the Talmud also
as an expression for generosity.

Ver. 9. Cf. 2 Cor. ix. 7: "Not grudgingly,
or of necessity : for God loveth a cheerful
giver."

Ver. 12. Aiiipoic6irfi. The word is found only
here and at 3 Mace. ir. 19, in Biblical Greek.
It means to bribe with gifts. Something like do not

think, or seek not, must be supplied, m in the
A. V.

Ver. 14. Her complaint, X.a\iiv. This Greek
word indicates that the petition was rich in words,
as does also the preceding verb, but without sug-
gesting thereby any depreciation of it.

Ver. 1 .5. Is not her cry against. Her cry for
help witnesses against him. It is not meant that
her prayer is itself an imprecation. Cf. Ex. xxii.
22, 23 ; Deut. xxiy. 17 ; Ps. Ixviii. 5 ; Prov. xxiii.
10, 11.

Ver. 16. 'Ev iv^oxla. is obviously to be con-
nected with the preceding word, Bepaviiuv, and
not with the following, as in the A. V.

Ver. 17. Come nigh, i. e., to God; until it
has reached God, or, in other words, until an
answer comes, he will not rest.

Vei-. 18. The verses 18-20, as well as the fol-
lowing prayer, xxxvi. 1-19 (xxxiii. 1—11, xxxvi.
11-17, of the Greek text), show that our book was
written in a time of great trouble.

Ver. 20. Mercy (i. e., here, as the context
Shows, the mercy of God) is seasonable (apaiov).
Jilting, delightful. In order to understand the
force and beauty of this illustration, one needs
to recall the fact that in Palestine the rain came
only after a long season of drought, and that it
brought with it, for the whole land, coolness,
health, verdure, and fruitfalness. The summer
begins at the end of April, and continues, with
ever-increasing heat, under clear, cloudless skies,
until October.

Chapteb xxxvi.

1 Have mercy upon us, O Lord God of all, and behold ' tti,

2 And fiend " thy fear upon all the nations.'

3 Lift up thy hand against the strange * nations,
And let them see ' thy power.

4 As thou wast sanctified " in us before them ;
So be thou magnified in ' them before us.

5 And let them know thee, as we also ' have known thee,
That there is no God but thee, O Lord.'

Vera 1-5. — '■ A. V. : behold (<iri|3^<ifnii', look down upon. The Vulg. has respite nos. The idea might, however, be :
Eiook down 'to see what is so strangely going on). ^ rsend (lit., cast .... upon, <«r^aAe). s nations that seek not
alter thee (248. Co. Old Lat. Syj. At. hane the addition). ' strange (=: foreign). < (ijenia-ai', oj^erunM.) °(See
Com.) ^ among (see Com.). ' omits also. > but only thou, 0 God.
24

370 THE APOCRYPHA.

6 Renew the ' signs, and repeat the ^ wonders ;
Glorify thy hand and thy right arm.'

7 Awaken * indignation, and pour out wrath ;
Take away the adversary,^ and destroy the enemy.

8 Make the time short, and " remember the oath,'
And let men speak fully of thy great deeds.*

9 Let him that would escape ° be consumed by a fire of indignation ; "
And let them perish ^' that do evil to thy ^ people.

10 Smite to fragments ^' the heads of the rulers of the enemy,"
That say, There is none but ourselves.^^

11 Gather all the tribes of Jacob together.

And let them inherit ^° as from the beginning.

12 O Lord, have mercy upon the people that is called by thy name,
And upon Israel, whom thou hast made like the " firstborn.

13 O be merciful unto ^* thy holy city,
Jerusalem, '° the place of thy rest.

14 Fill Sion that it may receive thy promises,""*
And thy people vrith thy glory.

15 Give testimony unto those that thou hast possessed from ° the beginning;
And fulfill the prophecies made ^ in thy name.

16 Reward them that wait for thee,

And thy prophets shall be found trustworthy.^

17 O Lord, hear the prayer of thy suppliants,^*
According to the blessing of Aaron over thy people,
That all who are ^ upon the earth may know

That thou art the Lord, the eternal God.

18 The belly consumeth all kinds of food,^°
Yet is one food ^'' better than another.

19 As the palate tasteth food from wild game,^
So a discerning heart ^ false speeches.

20 A froward heart causeth heaviness.

And '" a man of experience will recompense him.

21 A woman will receive any °^ man,

Yet is one daughter better than another.

22 The beauty of a woman cheereth the countenance.
And a man desireth nothing better."^

23 If there be kindness and gentleness on ^ her tongue,
Then is not her husband like other men.

24 He that getteth a wife beginneth ^* a possession,
A help meet for ^ himself, and a pillar of rest."

25 "Where no hedge is, there the possession is spoUed ;

And he that hath no wife will wander up and down sighing."

26 For ^° who will trust a thief well appointed,

Ver. 6. — 1 A. V. : Shew new (eyKaiVio-or). z make other strange (see Com.). s See Com. After this line H

248. Co. haye an addition which also appears in the A. V. as : " That they may set forth thy wondrous works " Cf
ver. 8.

Vers. 7-11. —* A. V. : Raise up (tyeipoi-, which is bettor rendered here as above). 5 (See Com.) o omits And.

' covenant (marg., oath. See Com.). . » them declaiB thy wonderful works (e«:6i7|yr|(r<£o-euo-a>' ra (leyoAeta o-ov ; 248!
Co., cKfitTry. <roi Ttt $avfida-ia trov). 9 that escapeth (see Com.). lo (See Com.) " {Jjit. ^Jind destruction.) " Qpi
press the (icaKoC^Tes . . . . (rov). " Smite in sunder (.tnivrpiijiov). " heathen (.Ix^nOiv ; 106. 157. Co. Syr. ieiiHv).

^ other bat v/e. '» And inherit thou them (see Com.). '

Vers. 12-17. — "A. V. : named thy (u/ioCoxTM ; 157. 248. Co. Syr. Ar., ui/oVao-at, with the accusative following).
" unto Jerusalem (properly joined to the next member). » omits Jerusalem. 20 gjon with thine unspeakable

oracles. Ola.rg., that it may magvify thine oracles. See Com.) "(«"•) ^" raise up prophets (marg., propAeries.

The common text hasn-po^ti/TeiM, but 248. Co., 7rpo((.7ira!. See Com.) thatAaue been. 2^ let .... be found faithful

(Fritzsche adopts efiTrKTrevfliio-oi/Tai from III. X. 65. 106. al. ; text, rec, iM'"o-Tev9i)™<ra>'). 2' servants (I adopt the marg.
reading. Or., I/te™./ : but III. X, 155. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar., oUtrOiv). 2» they which dweU (lit., And all ... . shall)!

Vers. 18-21. —2« A. v.: devoureth all meats. "meat. 28 diuerj kinds of venison (^pufjara e»pas). io dothi
heart of understanding. so But. 81 every (see Com.).

Vers. 22-26. —»2 A. V. : loveth nothing better (lit., " excelleth above every desire of a man "). s» kindness meek-
ness, and comfort (248. Co. Old Lat. add ital tao-is) in. »* beginneth (see Com.). M like unto (see Com.). ' ae rest
(text, ret., kva.z,a<,<rtu,v. Fritzsche adopts the gen. sing, from UI. X. tt lihri fat omnes. It is the reading of II )
" mourning (o-Tct'ofei). ^^ omits For.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

371

That skippeth ^ from city to city ?

So who will believe a man that hath no house,

And lodgeth wheresoever the night findeth ^ him ?

Ver. 26. — i A.V. : (FritzBche reoeiTes o^oAAofiev^ ^om HI- X. 23. 56. 167. al.j «iJoAXo/x<>'(i>, 106. 186. 248. , text. ne.
pi^oAAofiEi^). ^ taketli (see Com.), .

Chapter XXXVI. (xxxiii. l-Uo, and xxxvi. 166-31, of the Greek text).

Ver. 4. 'Hyiao-fljis = here, shown thyself as holy.
The sense is clear. The Israelites had been
brought into affliction on account of their sins,
iind so God here proved himself a holy God.
The writer remarks that in a similar way he
would manifest his power on the heathen before
the Israelites whom they had oppressed. — Meyo-
\vvdelris = here, show thyself great.

Ver. 6. The signs and wonders done in Egypt
are meant. — ' A-Wolaaon should probably have
been SivTffmnov (n3K'), So Grotius, Fritzsche,
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and others. — (Thy) hand
and (thy) right arm = the hand of thy right arm.

Ver. 7. Adversary, afriSiKoy. It meant, first,
the opposite party, whether plaintiff or defendant
in a suit ; then, any opponent, adversary.

Ver. 8. The oath {ipKi(rit.6s. Cf. Gen. xxiv.
41 ; Lev. v. 1 ; 1 Mace. vi. 62) made with the
Patriarchs is meant. The Hebrew word was
probably not ^''^3, but nbs. The former
word is always translated by 5ia9<)KTj in the LXX.,
except at Deut., ix. 15 {fiapripiav), and 1 Kings
xi. U (4vToK-fi).

Ver. 9. Him that would escape, d aw^iii^vos.
The rendering of the A. V., him that escapeth,
does not bring out the meaning with sufficient
clearness. The idea is that none should be per-
mitted to escape from among the enemy. Others,
however, find here a mistranslation; supposing
that for the Hebrew word meaning rebel, T^'VU.

the translator read T'nCP, fugitive. So Hitzig,
who is followed by Bunsen's Bibelwerk. — Kage
of the fire. There are various meanings given
to the words, iv opyf wupis, by different com-
mentators ; but they seem to refer to the con-
suming fire which might be expected to come
upon them in consequence of {the divine) indigna-
tion.

Ver. 11. The reading of the MSS., KaTfK\ripo-
vifjLriira, arose, it is likely, simply from the mis-
placement of this clause in the Greek text. It is
the last part of verse 16 of chapter xxxvi., andso
follows T}ypiTriiri(ra. Undoubtedly, with Fritzsche,
KaTaKKfipovi^iTiirov or KaTaKKr]pov6iaiaai is to be
read in its place.

Ver. 14. UKljiiov 'Siiiv di.pa.1 rk \6yti aov. The
A. V. seems to have been influenced by the Old
Latin : " Reple Sion inenarrabilibus verbis tuis et
gloria tua populum tuum." Fritzsche, Bunsen's
Bibelwerk, and others regard apai as intended for
a translation of SE75, one of whose meanings is
to take up and cany away, i. e., receive, appropri-
ate. The sense of the whole passage would then
be : " Fulfill to Zion the promi.ses that have been
made on her behalf." Cf. verses 4-7. Others
(De Wette) take apm in- the sense of extol, praise.
Others still : " Fill Zion (with readiness) to ac-
cept thy doctrines." Fiitzsche makes the re-
mark in his critical apparatus at this point that,
on the testimony of 'Tischendorf, II. has here the
reading apera\oyiat aov, and adds : " Sed hoc

guidem hie nulla modo locum habere potest." The
new edition of this MS. shows the statement of
Tischendorf to be a fact. The letters ai, however,
have been written over the €. It is probable that
Spe is but a wrong spelling for Spoi ; but possibly
the noun aperaXoyla (genitive, iperaXoylas) was
thought of.

Ver. 15. The author's meaning is not so easy
to find. The words KTlaij.a.al trov seem to refer to
the Israelites. They were the creatures of God in
the beginning, i. e., in very early times. Bunsen's
Bibdwerk translates; " Give a witness for thy deeds

in the early time. — "Eyeipop (CpH) TrpoipriTelas ^
fulfill the prophecies made in thy name." So
Grotius, Gaab, Bretschneider, Wahl, Fritzsche,
Bunsen's Bibelwerk. De Wette : " Awaken proph-
ecy in thy name." Cf. Jer. xxix. 15 ; 1 Mace,
iv. 46,ix. 27, xiv. 41. The latter rendering does
not so well harmonize with the thought of the
context.

Ver. 18. With this verse, it is evident, begins
a new section, which treats of various social rela-
tions and extends to xxxix. 11.

Ver. 1 9. TastetJi = testeth, i. e., knows how to
distinguish dishes made from wild game from
other dishes.

Ver. 20. A froward (ffTpeySA.^) heart =; by
metonymy a heart that is crooked in its ways.
The word is used with jraAafo/iara for tricks of
wrestling.

Ver. 21. A woman will receive {receive as
husband] any man. With the men there was
on the other hand, opportunity to choose among
women. This seems to be the meaning of the
verse, and it serves to show in what a sunken
condition woman was at this time, even among
the Jews. Cf., on the general subject. Van Len-
nep, Bible Lands, p. 539 ff.

Ver. 23. Other men. Lit., sons of men. He
is unlike them in the sense that he is superior to
them.

Ver. 24. Getteth, kt^iucvos. The idea of
buying is not excluded. — A wife. The context
shows that a good one is meant, such an one as
had been just described. — Beglnneth a posses-
sion. The Greek translator seems to have read
^TT, when he should have read ^Hj*- Still,
the Greek {hapx^Tui) may be correct; and, if so,
the A. V. has rendered it properly. The man
who has obtained a good wife has laid a founda-
tion for great prosperity. — Kar' auT(i;'^ corre-
sponds to him, i. e.. is fitted, meet for him.

Ver. 26. Well appointed, ev^iivcf (lit, well
girded), and so ready for anything. The word
(T<t>a\\6ixii>os would hardly be used of a thief, or
Oriental robber. Hence it is better to accept,
with Bretschneider, Fritzsche, and others, the
reading of most of the MSS., ktpaWo/iei/ai, springs
off, springs forth, or skippeth. Cf. the A. V., which
seems to have followed the Old Latin (exiliens).
— Hoatnav, nest, which is figuratively used for a
fixed dwelling-place. Cf. Prov. xxvii. 8. — 05
ikv 6\lito"p. Lit., where he may come late.

372 THE APOCBYPHA.

Chapter XXXVII.

X Eteet friend saith, I am a ^ friend also ;

But many a friend is ^ only a friend in name.

2 Is it not a grief " unto death,

When a companion and friend is turned to an enemj ? *

3 O wicked imagination,^ whence camest thou in
To cover the earth ^ with deceit ?

4 A comrade rejoiceth ' in the prosperity of a friend,'
And ' in the time of trouble will be against him ;

5 A comrade helpeth a ^^ friend for the belly's sake; "
In the presence of conflict he taketh the shield."

6 Forget not thy friend in thy mind,^^

And be not unmindful of him in thy riches.

7 Every counsellor extoUeth " counsel ;
But many a one ^^ counselleth for himself.

8 Beware of a counsellor,

And know before what need he hath,^"
For he wiU counsel for himself ;
Lest he cast the lot upon thee,

9 And say unto thee, Thy way is good ;

And afterward he stand on the other side, to see what shall befall thee.

10 Consult not with one that suspecteth thee ; "
And hide thi/ counsel from such as envy thee.

11 Neither consult with a woman touching her of whom she is jealoas;
Neither with a coward on " matters of war ;

Nor with a merchant concerning barter ; "

Nor with a buyer of selling ;

Nor with an envious man of thankfulness ;

Nor with an unmerciful man touching kindness ;

Nor with the slothful on ^ any work ;

Nor with a hired man of a household on ^^ finishing work;

Nor with an idle servant of much business :

Depend not on ^^ these in any matters of counsel.

12 But be continually with a godly man.

Whom thou knowest as keeping the commandments,'''

Whose mind is ^* according to thy mind.

And who '"' will sorrow with thee, if thou shalt miscarry."

13 And let the counsel of thine own heart stand.

For there is no man more faithful unto thee than it.

14 For a man's mind ^'' is sometimes'^* wont to tell him more
Than seven watchmen, that sit on high to keep watch.^

Vers. 1-3. — * A. V. : hie (Fritzsche strikes out aurw after et^iAfao-a, as wanting in III. X. and neaTly all the MS8.
It is, howcTer, found in II,). ^ There is a friend which is. ^ (Aujnj is followed by evt. It has generally been con-
sidered as a contracted form of evetrrt, Winer, however, holds that it is to be taken for the preposition ivi — iv, evC
with the accent thrown back — which, like Itti, irapa, etc., is used without etvai. Cf . Winer, pp. 80, 423 ; Buttmann,
p. 72). * enemy (lit., enmity ; III. 155. 254. al. however, exBpov). ^ imagination (evflu/xTj^ia. Fritzsche, thought.

Bunsen's Bibehverk, disposition. Probably H^Tp stood in the original, and had its had meaning of machination^
plot). » See Com.

Vers. 4-6. — ^ A. V. : There is a companion which (eratpos seems to be used in the sense of " comrade," and in con-
trast with *' friend ") rejoiceth. ^ friend (Fritzsche : " A companion of a friend rejoices in good cheer." Bunseu's
Bibelwerk; " The companion rejoices with the friend in prosperity "). ^ But. lo There is a companion which
helpeth (see Com.) his. " the belly (xopit* VfurTpAs). ^* And (H. Co. Old Lat. have Kai) taketh up the buckler
(AiJt/'eTai d(rjri5a) against the enemy (marg., in presence of the erumy. Gr., evavri iroAe'fiov ; 248. Co. Old Lat. read iroXe-
liLov. See Corn.). " mind (i/fuxiJi here better Aear/, or sou/).

Vers. 7-11. — " See Com. ib a. V. : there is some that. " (marg., what use thereis of him.) i^ (See Com.)

" in (Trepi, as also in the following cases). ^ exchange (jxeTo^oAias). 20 for. 21 a hireling for a year, of (see

Com.). 22 Hearken not unto (^ij ejrex« ^""O-

Vers. 12-19. — ^ A. V. : to keep the commandments of the Lord (the addition Is found in 248. Co. ; Old Lat., timorem
Dei). ^ (Lit., WhOf in his mind, etc.) *" omits who. *• miscarry (mra^irp?, stumble, trip, make a mistake).

" mind (^x^. Cf . ver. 6). " sometime. " sit aboTe in a high txiwer <eirl iitreufm Ko^qfurai (irl tnanrfit ; bat

ECCMiSIASTJCUS.

3T3

15 And above all this pray to the Most High,
That he will direct thy way in truth.

16 Let reflection he the beginning of^ every enterprise,
And counsel be before ^ every action.

17 As sign of a change of view four things appear ; °

18 Good * and evil, life and death ;

And * the tongue ruleth over them continually.

19 Many a one is clever as teacher of " many,
And yet is unprofitable to himself.

20 Many a one sheweth wisdom ' in words, and is hated ;
He shall be destitute of all food.'

21 For attractiveness ' is not given him from the Lord,
Because " he is deprived of all wisdom.

22 Many a one is wise for " himself,

And the fruits of his understanding are true in the moufh.**

23 A wise man instructeth his people,

And the fruits of his understanding are really true."*

24 A wise man shall be filled with blessing.

And all they that see him shall pronounce " him happy.

25 The days of the life of man may he numbered ; ^
But " the days of Israel are innumerable.

26 The " wise man shall attain to confidence ^' among his people.
And his name shall live forever.^"

27 My son, prove thy soul by thy life,''"

And see what is evU for it, and give not that unto it ;

28 For all things are not profitable for all men,
Neither hath every person ^^ pleasure in every thing.

29 Be not insatiable "^ in any delicacy,'''
Nor too greedy over food.^*

30 For excess of food ^ bringeth sickness,^'
And surfeiting leadeth to cholera morbus."

31 By surfeiting have many perished ;

But he that taketh heed prolongeth his life.

X. 248. Co. have the order of the A. V., and write the last two words together). ^ Let reason go before ^^ff)^ irtoH

<-^ ^pyov. A^o$. See Corel.). ^ counsel before. ^ The countenance is a sign of changing of the heart \i\va^ oA-

Aoiw<r€a)s Kap&la^ — C, adds Trpoauirrov ; 248. Co. substitute X*^P^^ TTpoatinrov — reatrafia fiefyrj avare^Xet. The last three
words are added in the A. V. to the following line. See Com.). * Four manner of things appear : good (see preced-

ing note). ^ But. ^ xhere is one that is wise (see Com.) and (feat is not found in III. X. C. H. 23. and

most MSS. ) teacheth.

Vers. 20-26. — ^ A. V. ; There is one that sheweth wisdom (see Cotti.). * food (marg., wisdom, as X. 23. 106. 157.

248. Co.). ^ grace (x^pts, but used in the sense of '* charm," " attractiTeness "). ^o (See Com.) ^i Another is
wise to. 12 of understanding are commendable (aLi'EToi, 248. Co. Old Lat) in (esri) his mouth. ^ fail not {tiiotoC.

See previous verse and Com.). " count. w (Lit., " The life of a man is in a number of days.") m (sat.)

" A (so H. 248. Co.). " inherit glory (248. Co. Old Lat. read Sdfai/ instead of irt'oriv). '» shall be perpetual &(Tf
rat — 248. C, effTat — ets Tov aXSiva.).

Vers. 27-31. — ™ A. V. : in thy life (see Com.). » goul (see Com.). « unsatiable. " dainty thing (rpv^),

M upon meats. ^^ meats (marg., variety of meats). ^ (Pritzsche adopts I'oo-o? from III. X. 23. 55. Tnidtisque atiis
libris.; text, rec, iroros.) " will turn into choler (e-yytei etas xo^^P*'** Cf. xxxi. 20).

Chapter XXXVII.

Ver. 3. Wicked imagmation, i. e., from being
a friend to become an enemj'. — > 'Whenoe comest
thou in to cover the earth. Lit., whence rollest thou
in (ivfKv\i(TBT\s) to cover the dry Land (r^v ^tipav).
The figure is that of a mighty flood which breaks
in upon land usually dry, bringing desolation in its
course. In the same manner comes the wicked
thought to dmde those living in peace and friend-
ship. The question whence it comes the author
proceeds to answer in the following verses. Self-
ishness is one cause. It rejoices with the friend
only when he is prosperons, or when something is
to be gained by it.

Ter. 4. The A. Y. joins (pt\tu with ^i' (Ixpfoaivr/,

It would be also grammatically allowable to join
it with irdipos, or with SjSeTai. The construction
of the next verse, however, would seem to favor
the rendering given.

Ver. 5. Helpeth a. friend, avfiirovet, takes
trouble for and with him, but only because he has
a common interest. This, too, leads him in the
presence of danjrer to seize his shield for his own
and his friend's defense. It is still, however, a
question of self-interest with him. Others under-
stand that he takes the shield only in self-defense,
and leaves his friend without protection.

Ver. 6. "A friend in need is a friend in deed."
" Is est amicus gui rejuvat^ ubi re eat opus."

374

THE APOCRYPHA.

Ver. 7. EitoUeth {i^alpei). We might have
expected a word meaning cjiveth here, and so
Tritzsche, Bunsen's Bibdwerk, and others trans-
late. It is po.=sible that the Greek word is a cor-
ruption. It will be noticed tliat the Old Latin
has prodit. Still, the pre.'ient text makes good
sense. "A man," the author would say, "natu-
rally extols his own business."

Ver. 8. For he vfill counsel for himself,
i. c, to his own advantage. This is parenthetic. —
Cast the lot upon thee. In other words, " Leave
thee to take thy chances," without the interest of
a real friend.

Ver. 10. "t-Ko0\eTroii€vov a-e = looketh vpon thee
askance, with an evil, jealous eye.

Ver. 11. (A. V.) hirehng for a year (iir^Telov,
as 55. 106. 248. 254. Co.). With the reading
d(p£CTiov (of the text, rec), the meaning would be
a household servant, a hired man of the house, i. e.,
one who has an assured position, and hence might
think that there was no reason for hurrying.

Ver. 13. Stand = 6e of worth, valid. \)o not
think it of little importance. Have a proper
self-respect. Do not lean too much on the coun-
sel of others. Counsel thyself.

Ver. 14. Seven watchmen. The number
seven is used, like three and five, as a round, or
so-called .sacred, number. Cf. 1 Sam. ii. 5 ; Prov.
xxvi. IC, 25 ; Jer. xv. 9.

Ver. 15. There is a fine German proverb,
which is sometimes inscribed on the fronts of
houses : " An Gottes Segen ist Alles gelegen."

Ver. 16. h6yos for \oyiaij.6s. Probably the
Hebrew word was n^tT*

Vers. 17, 18. Obviously, no period is to be
placed, as in the A. V., after xapSias, which seems
to be used in the sense of disposition, ruling pur-

pose. The idea of the verse is that according to
the heart so will good or evil show itself. Bun-
sen's Bibdwerk translates : " In consequence of a
changed disposition (Gesinnung), four things
arise." The author says, further, that it depends
on the tongue how far these signs may or may
not appear.

Ver. 19. There is one (A. V.), ((ttiv iyrip.
The meaning of this expression here and else-
where where it is used in our book would be
better brought out by " many a one."

Ver. 20. The meaning of (ro(pt(6/ifi'os is modi-
fied by if Xiyois. The man referred to is a
sophist who can use wise words, without being
himself wise and making his words tell even for
his own good.

Ver. 21. For .... because. The Greek
translator probably found in the Hebrew text
>T; . . . . ^T, an^ might have rendered the last
by Kal. Where two or more causal clauses fol-
low each other, this particle is repeated in the
sense of and because, or and. See Gesenius' Xear.,
sub voce.

Ver. 22. Is wise for himself. He uses his
wisdom only for his own benefit. The frnits of
such a man's understanding are true, real [-jriaToi),
M arifjiaros, upon the lips, in the mouth only, of
him that declares it. They are not really so.
The counterpart of such a man is described in the
foUowiug verse.

Ver. 27. Life, i. e., manner of living, experi-
ence, as good or bad, helpful or injurious. — Thy
soul (ttp.-!)- Thyself thy entire heing. Fritzsche
thinks the body, the physical nature simply, is
meant. But this limitation of the idea is first
made at vetse 28.

Chapter XXXVIII.

1 Honor, with reference to thy needs, a physician with the honor due unto him,*
For the Lord created ^ him.

2 For of the Most High cometh healing ;
And he shall receive a gift from ^ the king.

3 The skill of the physician shall lift up his head.

And in the sight of great men he shall be in admiration.

4 The Lord produceth ^ medicines out of the earth,
And a discreet man will not be averse to ^ them.

5 Was not the water made sweet with wood.
That the virtue ° thereof might be known ?

6 And he gave ' men skill,

That he " might be honored in his marvellous works ;

7 With them ^ doth he heal,!"

And taketh away one's sickness ; ^^

8 With them ''■^ doth the apothecary make a mixture ; "
And he is not through with his labors "

Before, from him, peace is abroad upon *^ the earth.

Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. V. : Honour a physician .... him for the usen wliich you may have of him > hath created

» honour of (InBtcad of Sd^a, 23. 248. 253. Co. read io^cv). ' hath created. » he that is wise dlpdwucs) will not

abhop (irpoo-ox^iei).

Vers. 5-8. — " Lit., .mingtk. ' A. V. : hath given. » hi (this rendering is the common one ; but it would an.

pear to be more in harmony with what follows to make " they," i. e., men, the subject of er«of(iff<r«ai : " that they
might honor themselves through his (God's) marvellous works ; " namely, remedies). » such. i» heal men (it is
the physician that is referred to). " their pains (rbv itSfov auTov, i. «., one's sickness ; aiiTuv is found in 55. lOfli

254. 296.). 12 Of such. " confection. " of his works there is no end (avrr.Xe,™ ; but Fritzsche receives ^vm
UaOn from III. X. 0. 23. 106. 157. al. Co. Old Lat. See Com.). « And from him is peace over all

ECCLESIASTICUS. 375

9 My son, in thy sickness be not negligent ;

But pray unto the Lord, and he will make thee whole.^

10 Leave off doing wrong," and order thine hands aright,
And cleanse thy heart from every sin."

11 Give a sweet savor, and a memorial of fine flour ;
And make a fat offering, as though about to die.*

12 And' give place to the physician, for the Lord created ° him ;
And ' let him not go from thee, for thou hast need of him.

13 There is a time when also ' in their hands there is success ; '

14 For they will ^'' also pray unto the Lord,

That he would prosper them in seeking to relieve and cure for life's sake.**

15 He that sinneth before his Maker,

Let him fall into the hands ^^ of the physician.

16 3fy son, let tears fall down over a dead person,**
And begin to lament as one suffering terribly ; "
And enshroud his body as suitable for him,*'
And neglect not his burial.

17 Weep bitterly, and make great moan,*°
And make " lamentation, as may befit him,*'
For *° a day or two, lest thou be evil spoken of ; '"
And then comfort thyself for thy heaviness ;

18 For of heaviness cometh death.

And heaviness of heart ^* boweth down the ^ strength.

19 In misfortune too, there abideth heaviness,"'

And the life of the poor weigheth upon ^ the heart.

20 Take no heaviness to heart,

Put it away as mindful of the end."'

21 Forget it not, for there is no returning ; "'

And ^ thou shalt not aid him,"' and shalt ^ hurt thyself.

22 Remember my lot,^" for thine also shall be so ;
Yesterday for me, and to-day for thee.

23 When the dead is at rest, let his remembrance rest,

And be comforted for him, when his spirit is departed from him.

24 The wisdom of a scribe '^ cometh by opportunity of leisure ;
And he that hath little '" business shall become wise.

25 How can he get wisdom that holdeth " the plough,
That'^ glorieth in the goad,^'

That driveth oxen, and is occupied in their labors,
And whose talk is of bullocks ? "

26 He giveth his mind to make furrows ;

And his sleepless care is " to give the kine fodder.

27 So every mason and master builder,"
That laboreth '" night and day ;
And they that cut and grave *" seals.

Vers. 9-15. ^ ta(reTai tre. ' A. V. : from sin (n-Xij/xjuMeiai', with a^opria? In the next line). ■ all wicked.

ness. « as not being (marg.,o.io rfead man. See Com.). « Then (itai). « hath created. ^ omits And.

' omits also {icai). » good success (see Com.). m shall. « That, which they give lor ease and remedy to pro-
long life (ttiiTOis oLvdiraviTiv koX lairiv xaptc e/a^ttUffCftis). ^ hand.

Vers. 16-20. —13 A. V. ; the dead. " as it thou hadst suffered great harm thyself. " then coyer (jrspioreiXov)

. . . according to the custom (Kara Se riiv npiinv airou). i" (See Com.) " use. " he is worthy. " And that.
'" (Lit., /or tke sake ofealumny, i. e., to escape blame.) 21 the heayiness of the heart. ■' breaketh (Katii/iei)-

» affliction also sorrow remaineth (see Com.). ''^ is the curse (lit., is against; for (cuTii, 65. 248. 254. Co. read narapa)
of. 2S Drive .... and remember the last end (firijtrflets to. eoxa-ra).

Vers. 21-23. » A. V. : turning again. " omiJs And. » do him good. »> but. 3° judgment (marg., (/le

sentence upon him. Fritasche reads jnov after icpt^a, instead of airou, with III. 23. 55. 106. 155. al. Co. Old Lat. See
Com.).

Vers. 24-27. '^ A. V. : learned man (ypajn^arews). '^ little (6 iXatro-oufiefos n-pafei aurou. Others, " who has no

business "). ^ holdeth (see Com.). s* And that (Fritzsche strikes out the icat, as wanting in III. X. 55. 106. 155. al.
Co.). S5 (See dm.) '" baUodkal,m!iTg. ," Or., o/the breed o/buUoeks." The Greek is, ei/ uiols Taiipiui/). ''is

diligent (see Ci?m.). as carpenter and workmaster (see Com.). '^ labouTethiStayeL, passes, spends. One of the

meanings of the word was also to manage, conduct business. But the meaning here seems to be that he spends the
night u the day). "> See Com.

:376 THE APOCEYPHA.

And he who is persevering in making manifold figures,*
Who ^ give themselves to make a lifelike picture,*
And whose sleepless care is * to finish a work.

28 So the smith ^ sitting by the anvil,

And tiring himself with the rough iron ; •
The smoke ' of the lire wasteth his flesh,
* And he fighteth with the heat of the furnace ;
The noise of the hammer deafens his ear,'
And his eyes are ° upon the pattern of the utensil ; **
He giveth his mind '^ to finish his work,^^
And his sleepless care is to polish it on completioix.'*

29 So ^* the potter sitting at his work,

And turning the wheel about with his feet,
Who is always anxious about ^ his work,
And maketh all his work by number ; "

30 He fashioneth the clay with his arm,
And maketh it pliable with his feet ; "
He applieth himself to glaze ^ it over ;

And his sleepless care is ^' to make clean the fomace.
81 All these trust to their hands,

And every one is wise in his work.

32 Without these shall not a city be inhabited ; ™

And men ^^ shall not dwell aljroad,^ nor go up and dovm ; **

33 They shall not be sought for in public counsel,
Nor sit high in the congregation ;

They shall not sit on the judge's ^* seat,

Nor understand the statutes of the covenant ; ^

They shall not bring to light instruction ^° and judgment ;

And they shall not be found where parables are spoken.

34 But they will maintain the world,^

And their prayer be for ^ the work of their craft.

Ver. 2T. — > A. V. are diligent to make great variety (see Com.). ' And. • counterfeit imagery (see Com.),

* watcli (see Ter. 26).

Vers. 28-30. — 'i A. V. : The amitli also (ovtms xiiA«e"s). « considering (see Com.) the iron work (apyij wiS^piji ;

iv epyta o-t5^pou, 248. Co. ; epyot' ffiSjjpou, III. 157. 307. ; Old Lat., considerans opus ftrri. ; X. 55. 106. 254. 296. 308. epya
aiSiipou). T vapour. ^ hammer and the anvU (the addition is found in H. and Co.) is ever in (see Com.) his ears.

» look still. ■" thing that he maketh (o-iceiiou!)- " setteth his mind (KopSiW airoO Suo-si. I render as the same la
rendered at ver. 26). '^ (plur., i. c, the vessels just spoken of.) "3 watcheth (see vers. 26, 21), . . .it perfectly

(see Com.). " So doth. i= alway carefully set at. w («ai evapMjiioj jri<ra i ipyaaia. airro;.) " boweth

doivn his strength before his feet (marg., lemperelh it loilA his/eet). w to lead ((7v>TeXJo-<u to xP'<^»'«, to complete

the smearijig). i^ he is diligent.

Vers. 31-34. —2° A. V. : cannot .... inhabited (or built). 21 they (not clear). 22 dwell where they wiU

(TrapoiKijo-ovtrii'). 23 (gee Com.) ^ judges' (so 248. Co.). M sentence of judgment (see Com.). 26 cannot

declare {iK<l>iio>oi) justice (Fritzsche adopts iraiSeiav from III. X. 23. 56. 166. al. Co. ; text, rec, autaioo-iinii/). 21 state
(248. Co. Syr. Ar., kt^hh; other authorities, uTiVfia. See Com.) of the world (aiivos). ™ oil their desire (aeiiiris)

is in.

Chaptek XXXVIII.

Ver. 1. The meaning is : It is a divine ar- Ver. 5. This illustration is taken from Ex xr
rangement that there should be physicians, and 23-25.

they are also very useful; hence, they should Ver. 6. By marveUous works are meant
receive corresponding appreciation and their fees works of healing through the use of divinelv an-
not be begrudged them. On the knowledge and pointed medicines under the direction of uhvii-
]]ractice of medicine in ancient times, cf. Eiehm's cians. "

HandwBrhnbuch and Winer, Bib. Realwbrterbuch, < Ver. 8. The thought is rhetorically exao-.^er
under " Arzneikunde." !ated, in order to represent the sudden effect of

Ver. 2. King. 1 hose who stand highest are medicine. —He is not through 1 e he is vcarcelr
not above the uecd of physicians; but through through. The word used for ono(/«carw "is uuoe-
presents they seek to win iheir favor and atten- , ifdj, one who boils salve, unguents =^ an unauenta
tion. Cf. the case of Joram, 2 Kings viU. 29, and rius. .v»c«iu

of Hezekiah, Is. xxxviii. 21.

Ver. 4. Produoeth medicines out of the
earth. He causes them to be produced by the
earth, in its plants and minerals.

Ver. 10. Ijeave off doing wrong, namelv, in
that particular form which was the occasion of
the sickness. — The expression, order (thine) hands
aright, make straight the Jiarids, eeaurav x"f"»

ECCLESIASTICUSi

377

though in itself peculiar, Tecalls the words, " Make
straight paths, for your feet." Cf. Heb. xii. 13,

Ver. 11, A memorial. That part of the
meat-offiering^ which was burnt is meant. — 'fit ju,)|
ujrdpxi'u- IJt., CM not being, i. e., as one given up,
and hence (as it might be supposed) inclined, to
make generous sacritice to the Lord.

Ver. 12. Give place to== make mam for, call
the physician. ,

Ver. 13. EboS^o, success. The power to heal
is meant, — a power given them of God, as the
following verse intimates.

Ver. 14. How painful to think that, on the
contrary, so many physicians in our day, instead
of praying for their patients and with them, are
bald materialiatsy, and disbelievers' in the efficacy
of prayer!

Ver. 15. He that siuneth, and as a conse-
quence is visited with disease as a punishment,
finds the good physician a good friend.

Ver. 16. Kara 5e t^v Kpltrtv = and as befitting,
according to the proprieties of the case,, as it may
be due to this particular individual, his former
rank and influence. For the last word, doubtless

10'32.'!2 stood in the Hebrew. — Neglect not.

T : •
Make it as imposing as might be expected.

Ver. 17. Make great moan. Lit., make hot
the wailing = shed scalding tears, — Lest ( thort) be
evil spoken of. What can, be thougjit, of the
morality of such admonitions as these, or the
molive that is made to support them 1 It is not
enough to say witli Fritzsche that the author is
" ice-cold," and sees everything from a cold,, intel-
lectual point of view. It is something worse : a
direct encouragement of hypocrisy for the sake of
appearances, and that in the most solemn scenes
and the most tender relations of life !

Ver. 19. We adopt with Fritzsche and others
the readings iirayaiyfi (from III. X. 106. 1.5.5. 157.
248. 296. 307. Co. Old Lat. ; text, rec, i-rraywyy)
arid irapaiueVei (with III. 23. 157. 248. 254. 296.
307. Co.; text, rec, irapa^alvei) , as original. The
former word is elsewhere (ii. 2), used by o.nr
author in the senseiof. affliction, misjortime. The
two members of this verse are to be considered as
parallel. As in misfortune, too, sorrow (that
preys upon the strength) remaineth, is. abiding,
so (xal) the life of the poor is against {KarJi, i.e.,
weigheth upon) the heart. This sense harmo-
nizes well with the context, both that which pre-
cedes and that which follows.

Ver. 20. Mindful of the end (ret Icrxara),
i c-., being mindful that it wiU hasten the time of
de;ith.

Ver. 2 1 . Forget it not, namely, death. — For
there ia no returning. There is " no discharge
in that war." Ecclea. viii. 8. — Not aid him.
The departed one.

Ver. 22. The dead man seems to be repre-
sented as speaking in this verse throughout. The
word Kplfui, judgment, sentence, i. e., with reference
to death, is more clearly expressed as in the
text,

Ver, 24. A scribe, ypa/inareas. This well-
known character is probably meant, and not
simply a learned man in general. — 'Ev siiKcuplcf
(rxo)^ris = '^^ favorable opportunity which leisure
affords. The, assertion in the last part of the
verse is to be taken with a grain of allowance.
Leisure is not the only necessity, if one would be
wise ; but, above all, a desire to study.

Ver. 25. Holdeth (KpaTui/) the plough, in the
sense of ruleth, guideth,. as the following clause

shows. — Grlorieth in the goad. XAt., glorieth in
the spear of a goad (i. e., which is a goad). Tho
remark is made playfully.

Ver. 26. 'kypwvia, is more than diligence. It
denotes a care that ia so great as. to deprive one
of sleep. The word occurs a number of times
in what immediately follows as a. sort of refrain
to the several ease^ mentioned.

Ver. 27. Tficrav (tDiP) might indeed have
the meaning carpenter ; but in connection with
what follows is perhaps better translated by
mason, and apx'r^KTuiv by head carpenter. Cf.
verse 32. — Cut and grave. Rather, engrave
cuttings, or simply engrave {y\6(pbi/T€S yhififiaTa).
And he who Is persevering (^ iirifx.ovii auroO) in
making manifold figures {iWoiaaai TrotKiXiav).
Lit., to change manifoldness. Grotius gives the
sense well : " varias formal in gemmam intra-
ducere." — Make a life-like picture (biiotSiffat
^aiypa<play).

Ver. 28. The smith generalljr does something
more than merely consider the iron in the rough
{KaraftauBdvaiv ip7(ji a-iS-fipcjj) : he works it. It
is probable that there is mistranslation ; V'J'^

having been read for V^, as might easily have
been the case, and I have rendered accordingly. — -
The words Kaivai rb oZs outoC do not make sense.
Some critics would emend by K»^,rubs, tickles, and
De Wette, deafen. The latter idea is probably
correct, though scarcely derivable from this word.
The Hebrew word for it would he W^H (cf.
Micah vii. 16), and it may have been found in
the form ti7~5n^, and mistaken for tC^^i^, mean-
ing to renew. Fritzsche agrees with Ewald and
Hitzig in finding a similar exchange of these two
words at Zeph. iii. 1 7 ; but this is doubtful. Cf.
Keil's Com., in loc. — The words ^!rl avvTe\elas
mean when it is complete, or on completion ; and
are not to he taken in an adverbial sense, as in
the A. V.

Vers. 29,30. "Cf. art. "Pottery" in Smith's
Bib. Diet. "The clay, when dug, was trodden
by men's feet, so as to form a paste, then placed
by the potter on the wheel beside which he sat,
and was shaped by him with his hands." — All
his work by number, ;'. c, he works by the job,
or has a definite task set before him.

Ver. 31. All these different classes are so busy
in their various special occupations that they
have no opportunity for acquiring much knowl-
edge outside their particuhir sphere. Still, the
importance of such physical labor is not to be
denied, nor too much depreciated,

Ver. 32. Men shall not dwell abroad. The
meaning is that the work of these artisans alone
gives occasion fur commercial activity at home and
abroad, and lies at the basis of much intellectual
and social progress. — Go up and down. Travel
here and there in pursuit of knowledge, or for
purposes of trade.

Ver. 33, EttI Sitppov SiKacrrov, on the judge's
seat. The person who is referred to is not strictly
the judge (/cpiTTjs) who pronounces sentence, but
one who executes Sikt), maintains law and equity.
He was more a juror than a judge. Gf. Liddell
and Scott's Lex. ; also Cremer, s. v. ; and espe-
cially Schmidt, Syn. der griech. Sprache, i., p
356 ff. — AtaSiiKriv Kplp.a.Tos. The Mosaic law, in
accordance with which decisions were made, seems
to be meant. Hence it might be rendered freely
by divine statutes, or statutes of the covenant

878

THE APOCRYPHA.

Creiner, however (Lex., s. v.), would render by
rule, or order of judgment. Cf. xlv. 17, where the
same expression occurs. In Cod. II. the whole
member, Kal diaST}KT]v .... Stavorid-furovTai, is en-
closed in brackets.

Ver. 34. Krlfffia alavos <mip(aov<ri. The first
two words seem to stand for the world. These
persons are the support of the world, of that

external order of things represented in it, in so
far as without them the higher physical and social
life of men would be impossible. — In the work
of (their) craft, iv ipycurla. Tf'xi"?J. This seems to
be the meaning, although the last word might be
taken in the sense of " art,' " handicraft" in gen-
eral. Their prayer is directed to the carrying
out of such works as have been spoken of.

Chapteb XXXIX.

10

11

12

But he that giveth his mind to the law of the Most High,
And meditateth thereon,^
"Will seek out the msdom of all the elders,''
And be occupied with ' prophecies.
He will keep the sayings of * renowned men,
And where subtile proverbs ^ are, he will have ingress.'
He will seek out the secrets of parables,'
And be occupied with enigmas of proverbs.'
He shall serve among great men.
And appear before princes ; °
He will travel through strange countries,
For he hath tried the good and the evil among men."
He will have it at heart to rise early to seek ^^ the Lord that made him,
And will pray before the Most High,
And will open his mouth in prayer.
And make supplication for his sins.

If ^^ the great Lord will,
He shall be filled with the spirit of understanding ;
He shall pour out wise sentences,-'^
And give thanks unto the Lord in " prayer.
He shall direct aright his counsel ^° and knowledge,
And in his secrets shall he meditate.
He shall show forth that which he hath learned,*"
And shall glory in the law of the covenant" of the Lord.
Many shall commend his understanding.
And to eternity he shall not pass away ; **
His memorial shall not depart,'*

And his name shall live from generation to generation.
Nations shall show forth his wisdom.
And the congregation shall publish '" his praise.
If he live,^' he shall leave a greater name than a thousand ;
And if he die,^^ he shall increase it.^^

I will still further relate what I have thought upon,''*
For '^ I am filled as the moon at the full.

Vers. 1-8. — 'A. V. : is occupied in the meditation (Aereo/ISiaroovfieVov). ' ancient (ipxemov). » in. < keep
{inivTr\fri<rti., as probable rendering of "ICt^ ; it might be rendered, with others, " regard ") the sajings {ivrmnv, re-
ceived by Fritzsche from III. X. 23. 55. 106. al. Co, ; text, rec, iitiyiaw. So perhaps, better " have regard to the dis-
course ") of the. ^ parables. » he will be there also ((rvrnireXeuVfrai. See Com., and cf. xxxvili. 83.). ' grave
sentences (irapoi^ioii/). 8 conversant in dark parables (kv aivtyfi-aa-t. Trapa/SoXwf ).

Vers. 4,6. —» riyov/i-eviav Fritz.«che receives from X. 23. 66. 106. al. Co.; text, rec, riyovfidvov. w See Com.

" A. V. : give his heart to resort early to (bpSpCtrat Trpoy).

Vers. 6-11.— >2 A. V. : When (eai/). « (W»i"« (roiias avTov, wordx of his whdom r= wife words.) " in his.

M direct (icarivSvi-ei) his counsel (others, will). w (iraiSeiai/ iiSao-icaXias avTov. Gaab and De Wette similarly to the
A. v., " his wisdom learned." But it would perhaps be better, with Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk to take the
words in the sense, " his wise leaching,"' or, " teaching, doctrine of his wisdom.") i7 (See Com.) is so long as

the world endureth it (not his understanding, but his name, himself) shall not be blotted out (on account of the
change of subject, I have changed the rendering of ef u^e^S^o-eTa. ). '» depart away. 20 declare. zi die (see

Com.). '"live. 'i' eixwoit'i a.inw. Probably for i^ r,'>3V or i^ ?IDi:.

Vers. 12-16. — " A. v. : Yet have I viore to say, wImIi I have thought upon ("Eti Jiavo^Sri, e-:Jiw<rO(""). » Fol

ECCLESIASTICUS. 379

13 Hearken unto me, ye holy sons,'

And. bud forth as a rose growing by a flowing stream ; '

14 And yield a pleasant odor ' as frankincense,
And bloom ^ as a lily ;

Diffuse a pleasant odor,^ and sing a song of praise,*
Bless the Lord for ' all his works.

15 Magnify his name,

And show forth his praise '

With songs of the ' lips, and with harps ;

And in praising speak thus : '"

16 All the works of the Lord are exceeding good,
And every command shall be executed in its " season.

17 And one may not say," What is this ? wherefore is this?"
For in its season shaH " all be sought out ;

At his commandment the waters stood as a heap,'*

And at the word of his mouth the receptacles of waters.**

18 At his commandment is done all that '° pleaseth him ;
And none can hinder, when he will save.

19 The works of all flesh are before him.
And nothing can be hid from his eyes.

20 He seeth from everlasting to everlasting ;
And there is nothing wonderful before him.

21 One may not " say, What is this ? wherefore is this ? "
For all things are made " for their use.™

22 His blessing covered the dry land ^' as a river,
And watered it as a flood :

23 Just so shall the heathen experience ^ his wrath.
As he turned ''^ the waters into saltness.^

24 As his ways are plain unto the holy.

So are they stumbling-blocks unto the wicked.^'

25 For the good are good things created from the beginning,
So evil things for sinners.

26 The principal of all needful things for ^^ man's life
Are water, and ^ fire, and ^ iron, and salt,

And " flour of wheat, and ^ honey, and ^ milk.
Blood ^^ of the grape, and oil, and clothing :

27 All these things are for good to the godly ;
So to the sinners they are turned into evil.

28 There are winds ^ that are created for punishment,"*
And °' in their fury lay on sore strokes ; °^

And " in the time of destruction they pour out their force,
And appease the wrath of him that made them.

29 Fire,'* and hail, and famine, and death,
All these are created for punishment ; '^

(leai, but 248. Co., ydp). ^ children. ^ the brook of the field (marg., rivers of water. The Greek ia iiri ptviinTTt

irypov. Fritzsche receiTes the last word from III. X. C. 23. 106. al. Go. ; text, rec, aypov). & give ye a sweet savour
(tviaSidtrare oirftiji'). * flourish (ai'S^o-aTe avOtn). * Send forth (Std5oT«) .... smell (ocrfi^i'). ^ song of praise

(aivetraTe |afia = praise a song, with respect to a song, i. e., sing a soog of praise. The peculiar Greek is due to the
Hebrew idiom]. ' in (eirt)- ^ (e^o/ioAoyijirao'ffe iv aivitreL aurov. The last three words are wanting in 248. Co. The
Greek means, " Praise, acknowledge him in his praise.^'} ^ the songs of your (I have^ changed to bring out more

clearly the distinction apparently intended between Tocal and instrumental music). lo him you shall say after this
manner.

' Vers. 16-21. — " A. V. : whatsoever he commandeth .... accomplished in due (auToi;). 12 none may say. ^ that
(touto, as'in the foregoing). 1* at time convenient they shall. ^^ (See Com. ) i" whatsoever. " A man need
not to (ovK effriv eiTreic, as at ver. 17). " that (see ver. 17). ^^ he hath made all things. 20 Fritzsche receives

Xpeiav from 66. 106. 155. al. Co. ; III. X. C. also agree in giving the sing. See Com.

Vers. 22-27. — " A. V. : dry land {^ripav). 22 go (ovtws, and refers to what precedes) .... inherit {K\ijpovotJii}<Tet,

but with the sense given). 23 hath turned. ^ (In the A. V. these two members are read in an inverse order, which
shows the course of thought far less clearly. In III. C. 106. 155. 157. 296. 307. 308. the second member, as we have
given it, stood at the close of ver. 24.) 25 wicked (ai'o/jiois, as antithetic to otri'oi; in the previous line). ^c princi-
pal things for the whole use of iapxT] TraoTjs xpf''<*5). ^7 omits and. ^a And the blood.

Vers. 28,29. — " A. V. : be spirits (see Com.). "> vengeance. =< Which. m sore strokes (lit., make strong

their scourges). s' omtfs And. " (i. c, lightning.) »■' were .... vengeance.

380

THE APOCRYPHA.

30 Teeth of wild beasts, and scorpions, and vipers,*
And the sword, punishing the godless^ to destruction.

31 They shall rejoice in his commandment,

And they shall be ready upon the earth, when need is ; •
And in their time,* they shall not transgress his word.

32 Therefore from the jjeginning I was resolved,'

And thought upon these things, and have left them in writing J

33 The ° works of the Lord are all ' good.

And he will supply * every needful thing in its ° season ;

34 And one may not^" say. This is worse than that;
For in time ^^ they shall all be approved."^^

35 And mow praise ^^ with the whole heart and mouth,
And bless the name of the Lord.

Vers. 30, 31. — ' A. V. : scorpions, serpents {I adopt the marg. reading, Gr,, ex^i^). ^ wicked. ' upon earth ....
(6LS x/3et'as. Cf. cts xp^tW, ver. 21. It might be rendered " to be used "" for use"). ^ when their time is come.

Vers. 32-35. — » etmjfix^' = «"" set fast, firm. » A. V. : All the (as C. 106. 248. 307. Co.). ' are (see pre-

ceding). 8 give (p(op,jyi)cre[). " due (see Ter. 16). ^^ So that a man cannot (see vers. 17, 21). " (w Kotp^.

Not in process of time, but at the right time.) ^ well approved. ^ therefore praise ye the Lord.

Chapter XXXIX.

Ver. 1. Occupied with prophecies, as being
the most important product of the aucient wis-
dom.

Ver. 2. Others (Wahl and Bunsen'.s Bibel-
iverk) render the second member of the verse, iy
FTpofpa7s napa^oKccv (Tvvei(r^\€V(reTai : And penetrate
into llie depth of (their) proverbs.

Ver. 4. For he hath tried [experienced] the
good and the evil among men. This is the
common rendering:; and the meaning is that,
ha\'ing great experience, he can travel without
trouble or danger. But Fritzsche thinks that
4neipa<re should be constructed as present, believ-
ing that this was the sense of the word in the
original. The context certainly favors this view.
'I'hc meaning would then be, that he travels about
and experiences good and evil, i. e., in order to
experience these, to learn what there is in the
world, whether good or bad.

Ver. 8. Law of the covenant, j-if/iiju SioflVli-
Cf. SiaBiiKriv Kpi/xaros in verse 33 of tlie preceding
chapter.

Ver. 1 It 'Eo;/ ^fjLfieivr} and iaif avatraitnjTai are
antithetic : 7/ he remain, i. e., alive — if he go
to rest, i. e., die. — KaTa\fl^ei means leave be-
hind, namely, as a memorial of himself, wherever
he may have been and his words and activity
have been known, and may appropriately be said
of a man while he is yet alive. There is no
occasion on aceount of this word, therefore, to
change the position of the other two verbs, ex-
changing the one for the other, as is done in the
A. V. and by some of the earlier commentators.

Ver. 13. For d.ypQv, vypov is doubtless to be
read. Cf . authorities above, and Ps. i. 3 ; Jer.
xvii. 8.

Ver. 17. Zr/Tije^o'EToi, shall be sought out,
and io found oat, be clear. Others give the mean-
ing, shall be asked, inquired for at the 7)roper time,
as something useful and desired. The last part

of the verse seems to refer, not to the passage of
the Red Sea by the Israelites (as some suppose),
but to the division of the waters described in Gen.
i. 6-10. The final clause would otherwise be diffi-
cult to understand. The receptacles of waters
stood, i. e., arose, came into existence.

Ver. 21. For (eii) their use, i. e., to be used.
They have some real end, though it be not at
first apparent.

Ver. 23, The fate of Sodom and Gomorrah
is apparently referred to. By turning the waters
to saltness the sources of fertility were destroyed.

Ver. 24. " The secret of the Lord is with them
that fear him."

Ver. 27. The same thought is found in Wisd.
xvi. 24. Cf. also the typical meaning of Ebal
and Gerizim in the historv of the Israelites, Deut.
xi. 29 ff., and Josh. viii. 30 ff.

Ver. 28. We understand nyti/xara here (with
Luther, Linde, Bretschneider, Dereser, De Wette,
Gutmann, Wahl, Fritzsche, and Bunscn's Bibel-
werk) to mean, not spirits, but winds, as the con-
text, grammatical usage, and the course of
thought throughout the present book, would ap-
pear to demand. The word in the original was
probably ~in^"l. The thought in the verses
that follow relates almost solely to evil results
arising from natural causes, which are said to be
used by the Almighty for punishment. The au-
thoi-'s views on angelology are but little developed
in the present book (cf. xvii. 17 ; xlv. 2 ; xlviii.
21 ) ; — too little, it should seem, to justify such a
pronounced dogmatical position as this would be,
if the word before us were to be understood as

relating to supernatural beings, good or bad.

There are vrinds ^ certain winds. — KoirdCetv
= (1 ) toKjrow tired or weary ; then (2) t« abate, to
lull. It is used by Herodotus (vii. 191) of the
lulling of the wind, and may have been suggested
to the Greek translator here by the context.

Chapter XL.

Great travail is created for every man.
And a heavy yoke is upon the sons of Adam,
From the day that they go out of their mother's womb,

ECCLESIASTICUS. 381

Till the day of their burial in ^ the mother of all things.

2 Their imagination of things to come, and the day of death,
TrOuile their thoughts, and cause fear of heart ; "

3 From him that sitteth on a throne of glory,"
Unto him that is humbled in earth and ashes ;

4 From him that weareth purple and a crown,
Unto him that is clothed in coarse linen : *

5 Wrath, and envy, and confusion,^ and unquietness,
And ° fear of death, and anger,' and strife ;

And in the time of rest upon his bed

The sleep of night changeth ' his knowledge.

6 A little time, as nothing, is he at ° rest,
And from that time on he is in dreams : ^''
As in a day of keeping watch,^'

He is troubled by ^^ the vision of his heart,
As if he were escaped out of a battle.

7 At the time of his rescue," he awaketh,
And marvelleth that his fear was nothing."

8 Such things happen unto all flesh, both man and " beast,
And sevenfold more unto " sinners :

9 Death, and bloodshed, and " strife, and sword,
Famine, and tribulation, and scourge ; ^*

10 These things are created for ^° the wicked.
And for their sakes came the flood.

11 All things that are of the earth shall turn to the earth again;
And that which is of the waters doth return into the sea.

12 All bribery and injustice shall be blotted out ;
But true dealing ^^ shall endure for ever.

13 The goods of the unjust stall be dried up like a river.

And shall die away like the reverberation of loud '^ thunder in rain.

14 In the opening of his hand one ^^ shall rejoice ;
So shall transgressors come to nought.

15 The children of the ungodly shall not bring forth many branches ;
And ^ unclean roots are "* upon a hard rock.

16 A bulrush on ^ every water and bank "^ of a river
Shall be pulled up before all grass. .

17 Bountifulness is as a blessed garden,"
And mercifulness endureth for ever.

Vers. 1,2. — > A. V. : that they return to (enl 7a4>v c*?* ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ words, Tve find in lU. C, eiriro^^ ; 167.,

cn-torpo^^;, 248. Co., eus en-Kjrpo^ijr^jttepas). ^ gge Com.

Vers. 3-7. — ^ Fritzsche receives kv&6^ov from III. X. C. H. 23. 55. jnuUisque libris; 248. Co., So^t;; ; ttxt. fee. (with
n.) ef Sdfj). 4 A. V. : with a linen frock. ^ envy, trouble (ropax^. The Kai before it is wanting in X. C. H. 248.
Co.). ^ omits And. ' (/ji^ri/xa, i. c, the cause of anger, lilie /tiji'is, a revengeful temper. Cod. 2W8. has p^ci(r/ia,

which is but a later form of the former ; 248. Co., niiii]iia, a copy ; 65. 155. 254., /iiji'i? ; text, rec, /xi^i'tapa, another
fprm of the first ; 0\Ci'La.t.,'irapers6veranf.) ^ ^y^ ^jgi^t sleep, do change (see Cbm.). i* or nothing '5 At;,

1" afterward {o,r' efceiVov) he is m his sleep (ev vttvots. He has no more unbroken sleep, but only naps. I render freely,
according to the sense, with Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk). ^^ (It means either '* a time when one is on Watch ; "
or, " When one in the day-time is on watch.") J* Troubled iu. i^ When all is safe (ef Koipi^ iruynifMvi). t* that
the ietx was nothing (e« ovUva ^6^w).

Vers. 8-11. — " \At.,from- man to. "> A. V. : And that is ... . more {irphs rnvra, i.e., besides) upon. " omits

and. 1^ Calamities (iirayiayaC. Fritzsche strikes it out as a gloss, although found in the best authorities. (1) He'

thinks that seven things were meant to be mentioned, and this word should have been inserted, if at all, at the begin-
ning or end of the list. (2) It is plural, while the other words are singular. (3) The formation of the sentence is
against k, it having no connective to join it to the other words. It may be added that it is a general word, and ob-
viously ineLudes the rest), famine, tribulation ((fv»'TptjufAd, perhaps here, ruin, desolation, such as is caused by war),
and the (I omit the article to liarmonize with the other words, aU of which are without it in the original) scourge.
^ for ihri, Fritzsche, wider, against).

Vers. 12-17. — ^ft a. V. : {koX wtWis). ^i vanish with noi.se like a great (ws fipovrij fityaX-i) ev uercjl cfiT^^crrt. The

verb means to sound forth, but the connection requires here the meaning die away. In Polybius (xxx. 4, 7), in fact,
it was used to refer to the prayers of the dying). ^^ While he openeth his hand be (I render as though the same

person were still referred to. The context, both the preceding and following, seems to require it. The misfortune, or
the close of life, which makes him open his hand, is a source of joy to those who have been subjects of his injustice.
For other renderings see Com.) 38 But are as. ^ omits are. ^ The weed (see Com.)grovnng upon. ** (plur.)
^ most ft^tful garden (marg., a gardtn that is blessed. See Cem.).

382

THE APOCRYPHA.

18 The life of a contented and a laborious man is sweet ; *
But ^ he that findeth a treasure is above them both.

19 Children and the building of a city continue a man's name ;
But a blameless wife is counted above them both.

20 Wine and music rejoice the heart ;

But the love of wisdom is above them both.

21 Flute and harp ^ make sweet melody ;
But a pleasant tongue is above them both.

22 Thine eye desireth grace ^ and beauty ;

But more than both the young green of the seed.°

23 A friend and companion meet opportunely ; °
But above both is a wife with her husband.

24 Brethren and help are against time of trouble ;
But alms deliver more than both.'

25 Gold and silver make the foot stand sure ;
But counsel * is esteemed above them both.

26 Riches and strength lift up the heart ;

But the fear of the Lord is above them both ;
There is no want in the fear of the Lord,
And with it one needeth ° not to seek help.

27 The fear of the Lord is a blessed '" garden,
And it ^^ covereth him above all glory.

28 My son, lead not a beggar's life ;
Better ^^ it is to die than to 'beg.

29 A man who looketh to another's table.
His life is not ^* to be counted for a life ;

He ^* polluteth himself with forbidden food ; ^^
But an intelligent and a well nurtured man ^° will beware thereof.
80 Begging is sweet in the mouth of the shameless ;
But in his heart there burneth " a fire.

Vers. 18-23. — ^ A. V. : To labour, and (Fritzsche adopts, with Grotius, a Kai before epydrov) to be content with that
a man hath, is a sweet life. 2 {^ai, as in the following verses.) 3 The pipe and the psaltery. * desireth

(probably for "TttH'', findeth pleasure in) favour {xa-piv, here charm, attractiveness, ^ace). ^ com while it is green

(xAoTjv <T7r6pou). c never meet amiss. ^ shall deliver (Fritzsche adopts pverai from III. X. C. 23. 106. al. ; text. rec.
(with II.), the future) .... them both. ^ (^ouAtj. Others render by prudence, or sagacity, which were possible, if

ny ^ stood in the original.) ^ And it needeth (for ev oivto after en-i^TjTTJaat, 248. Co. read ^ifrriaat eavrtij. It might

also be rendered, " seek help with it " ; its help would be given without seelting). ^^ fruitful. ^^ omits it (the

reference might be to the Lord. Fritzsche reads exdKvil/ev, in place of the plur. of the same, with III. X. 55. 106. 157.
al. Co.).

Vers. 28-30. — ^- A. V. : For better. " xhe life of him that dependeth on another man's table is not. ^* For he.
J3 other men's meat (cc eSeirfiaaiv oAAorptois, with strange, i. e., to the Jew, and so forbidden food). i'' a wise man
well nurtured. " belly there shall (see Com.) bum.

Chaptee XL.

Ver. 2. It is obvious that either the text of
this verse is corrupt, or that we have another
example of false rendering on the part of the
Greek translator. 'J'he second view, first advanced
by Bretschneider, has been adopted by Bunsen's
Bibeliverk and Fritzsche ; the latter conjecturing
that the Hebrew of the second member was "j~IS

2b in? Cn\-)ht»'n.n, "With their thought
is fear of heait." 'J'he other clause seem.s to be but
an intensification of the first : Their anxious exppc-
iation,car€ {^Trifoio. irpoaSoKlas] — VfJ-^P'^ TeAeuTTjj,
the day of death. 'VVhiit especially recommends
this view is that the parallelism of the verse is
thereby preserved. Do Wette renders: "Their
thoughts and the fear of their heart are the expecta-
tion of the future anil the day of death." Gut-
mann : " Their remembrance of that which stands

before them and the day of death excite their thoughts
and the fear of their hearts."

Ver. 5. 'AWoio'i yvwcriv aitrov, chaxLgeth hia
knowledge, i. e., brings him strange phantasies,
so that his mind is too much occupied for him to
fall asleep.

Ver. 14. 'Ev ti^ avoT^at avrhv x^'^P^s. A. V. ;
While he opnieth (his) hand, i. e., while the right-
eous openeth his hand in benefactions, and finds
therein his happiness, So shall ti'ansgressors (who
are not kind and generous to their fellow men)
come to nought. Bnnsen's Bibeiweric, believing
the text to be corrupt, gives quite a different
turn to the thought of the first clause : " If he
emigrate, the world rejoices " De Wette : " So
long as he opens his hand is he happy." Others :
" They are happy as long as they receive pres-
piifa " Rro^c<.^„lr>,Mol. . "^5 t;]jg godly, if God

Bretschneider :

ECCLESIASTICUS.

383

opens his hand to bestow greater benefits, is able
to rejoice."

Ver. 15. Unclean roots. Wicked, corrupt
ancestors are meant. They are as little produc-
tive as plants on a rock.

Ver. 16. "Ax". The IHS, sedge, bulrush, ia
clearly referred to.

Ver. 18. The text is coiTupt. Grotins' sug-
gestion to emend by the insertion of Kal between
airdpKovs and ipyarou is accepted by the best
recent critics. Bretschneider suspected that two

lines hnd fallen out. In the A. V. the original
order of the two words is reversed.

Ver. 27. Here, as above at verse 17, rapiiSetcos
is not a vegetable or flower garden, but is to be
taken rather in the sense of pleasure grounds,
park.

Ver. 30. The meaning is, that the beggar
uses sweet, moving words in order to induce per-
sons to give to him ; but his inward spirit is quite
another one. His ple.nding voice and attitude
are turned to angry gesticulations and complaints,
if his wish is not gratified.

Chapter XLI.

1 0 DEATH, how bitter is the remembrance of thee to a man that liveth peace-

fully ^ in his possessions,
Unto a man without distraction,^ and that hath prosperity in all things,
And who ' is yet strong * to receive food ! '

2 0 death, pleasant ' is thy sentence unto the needy, and unto him whose strength

faileth,
That is very old,' and is distracted about all things ; ^
And to him that despaireth,^ and hath lost patience !

3 Fear not the sentence of death,

Remember them that have been, before thee, and that come after ;
This '" is the sentence of the Lord over all flesh.

4 And vrhat dost thou refuse in the good pleasure " of the Most High ?
There is no inquisition in the grave,

Whether thou hast ^^ lived ten, or an hundred, or a thousand years.

5 The children of sinners are abominable children,

And they ^^ are conversant in the dwelling of the ungodly.

6 The inheritance of sinners' children shall perish.
And their posterity shall have a perpetual reproach.

7 Children " will complain of an ungodly father,
Because they will -"^ be reproached for his sake.

8 Woe be unto you, ungodly men,

Who ^^ have forsaken the law of the most high God ! "

9 And if you be born, you shall be born to a curse ;
And if you die, a curse shall be your portion.

] 0 All that is of earth shall return to earth : *'

So the ungodly shall go from a curse to destruction.

11 The mourning of men is about their bodies ; "
But the '"' ill name of sinners shall be blotted out.

1 2 Have regard to thy name,

For that shall continue with thee above a thousand great treasures of gold :

13 A good life hath hut few days ;

But ^^ a good name endureth for ever.

1 4 My children, keep discipline '^ in peace ;

But ^ wisdom that is hid, and a treasure that is not seen,
What profit is in them both ?

Vers. 1-4- — i A. V. : liveth at rest {etpiji/oiopri). = the (no art. aa in preceding) man that hath nothing to vex

Wm (see Com.). » Yea, unto him that. * able (i<rxi5otTt). « meat. 6 acceptable (koAov). ' now in the

last age (iirxaTiyTipij)). » vexed with all things (see ver. 1). » (See Com.) '» For (so H. 248. Co.) this. " why
art thou against (ti airavai'i^ ef) the pleasure. ^2 have.

Vers. 5-13. — 1' A. v.: they that (see Com.). " The children. » ghall. •« Which. " (An addition from
248. Co. appears here in the A. V. : For if you increase it shall be to your destruction.) ^8 are of the .... turn

(aTreAeiwrat) .... again. i" (See Com.) ^ an (the antithesis is more strongly marked by the def. article).

•1 B^t^KlU).

Ver. 14.—" II<u<ei<u'. The context might be thought to require here " instrttction." See Com. "• A. V. :
Vor (ie, omitted by H. 248. Co.).

384

THE APOCRYPHA.

15 A man that hideth his foolishness is better
Than a man that hideth his wisdom.

16 Therefore be ashamed over what I mention,^

For it is not good to be ashamed for everything ; *
Neither is everything with truth approved by all.'

17 Be ashamed of whoredom before father and mother ;
And of a lie before a prince and a mighty man ;

18 Of an offense before a judge and ruler ;

And of transgression * before a congregation and people ;
Of unjust dealing before thy partner and friend ;

19 And of theft before the people^ where thou sojournest ;
And in regard to ' the truth of God and his covenant ;
And to lean with thine elbow upon the food ; '

Of being treated contemptuously respecting giving and receiving ; *

20 And of silence before them that salute thee ;
To ° look upon a harlot ;

21 And to turn away thy face from thy kinsman ;
To " take away a portion and '^ a gift ;

And ^'' to gaze upon a married woman ; ^'

22 To be overbusy with one's '* maid,
And stand not near ^' her bed ;

Of ^° upbraiding speeches before friends ;
And after thou hast given, upbraid not ;

23 Of repeating that which thou hast heard ; "
And of revealing of secrets :

24 And so ■" shalt thou be truly shamefaced,"
And find favor with every man.''"

Ver. 16. — 1 A. V. : sbamefaat according to my word {the context shows that he lefers in ^t tw pr^fiarC fiov to what
follows). 2 retain all sbamefastness (lit., " to preeexTe every (kind of) shame "). ' it altogether approved in every
thing {iTiivTa naaiv iv irCaTeL evSoKifieirai).

Vers. 18-24. — ^ A. V. : Of iniquity (avo^tay, transgression of the law), 5 in regard of the place (by meton., the

place — TiiTTOv — is mentioned for those who occupy it, as frequently now). o And (Fritzsche strikes out Kai, with H.
248. Co.) in regard of (.«ee Co-m.). ' meat. * And (III. C. 66. 106. al. have teat) of scorning (crKOpaxia-ftou) to

give and take (A^V/ecus «ai Soa-tw). » And to (so III. C. 106. 166. 167. 296. 307.). w Or to. " or. ■' Or («oi is
omitted by III. 0. 254.). ^^ another man's wife (yufaiKos i/Tracfipou). ^* Or to be over busy (the A. V. took the

preposition in n-epiepyeios in an intensive sense. It might, perhaps, be better used as meaning around^ about) with his
(treauToii. So Fritzsche, from conjecture ; text,Tec., a.vT<M\ 66. 157. 253. 295. 308., aurrjs). ^'^ eome (in-itrrij!) not near.
18 Or of. 1^ Or (248. Co. have (cai) of iterating and speaking again that which thou hast heard (otto ieuTepwo-ews nol

X6you aK0t)9. The construction is peculiar. Perhaps leat is for toO. Fritasche, however, claims that the former is
genuine. In that case the sentence means ; *' Of repeating and [even] of repeating reports ''). ^ So. " shame-
fast 20 before all men.

Chaptek XLL

Ver. 1. 'ATrfpimda-Tui. To this word, at 1 Cor.
vii. 35, is given the meaning without distraction.
Cf. Wisd. xvi. U. — Is yet strong to receive
food. He is still in a condition to enjoy all the
good things of this life, as the sickly man is not.

Ver. 2. 'AveiffowTt. Fritzsche, differing from
most commentators, gives to this word here the
meaning of refractory, sticbborn, intractable, whicli
certainly is etymologically correct, and is not out
of harmony with the context.

Ver. 4. The pleasure, determination of God
respecting the time of his death is meant. —
'EKeyfihs C'^TJs- Lit., refuting, reproving of life.
The idea seems to he that there will be no blame
attached to a person with respect to the length of
time he has lived, whether it be long or short.

Ver. 5. The second member of the verse gives
the reason for what is said in the first. Gutmann
renders as the A. V.

Ver. 11. About their bodies, namely, the
death of the same. ^ Others (Bunsen's Bibelwerk)
render : "Jhr their relatives." Bretschneider,

Gaab, and De Wette : " The suffering of men is in
their bodies, i.e., ia external, not deep.

Ver. 12. A good name is a more certain treas-
ure than gold and silver. Cf. Prov. xxii. 1 ; Ec.
vii. 1.

Ver. 13. (But) few days. Lit., a (definite)
number of days.

Ver. 14. Keep \observe, act upon\ discipline
(rtaiZflav). Probably, here, instruction, indoctrina-
tion in the principles of true wisdom, is meant. —
In peace. In a calm, undisturbed course of life.
The last half of this verse and the whole of the
1 5th is put in brackets by Bunsen's Bibelwerk, as
a later addition. Luther also omits them. Still,
they do not seem out of place, and are retained
by Fritzsche on the ground that they bear the
character of a current proverb ; and the first part,
at least, is in good harmony with the context.

Ver. 16. The last part of the verse is nsed
illustratively. It is not fitting to bo asham«4
under all circumstances, jnat as it is OQt fitting to
approve of everything.

ECCLESIASTICtJS.

885

Ver. 17. And what of God ? A different spirit
ruled in the 51st Psalm: "Against thee, thee
only, have I sinned, and done this evil in thy
eight," etc. Cf. also the conduct of Joseph :
Gen. xxxix. 7 ff.

Ver. 19. With what triviality and apparent
bluntness of conscience this author associates
moral offenses of the most heinous charactel: with
mere transgressions of the rules of social eti-
qiaetu, As though tH^jr w6l-e ef the same impor-

tance ! — And in regard to the truth af God.
This may be a later addition ; or at this point the
author happens to think that stealing is also a
moral offense and expressly forbidden. Grotius
and some others (Fritzsche) would read XijflTjs,
"forgetf Illness," for &\7i9elas.

Ver. 21. Take away a portion and a gift»
This relates to what has just been said, — the
treatment of relatives. — Gaze upon. Karavo-
■liaeas is nsed in a bad sense, of gazing lostfuUy.

Chapter XLII.

10

11

12
13

Of these things be not thou ashamed,
And accept not the^ person to sin thereby :
Of the law of the Most High, and his covenant,
And of a verdict that justifieth ^ the ungodly ;
Of conversation with a partner and with travelers,*
And of giving over * the heritage of friends ;
Of exactness of balance and weights.
And ' of getting much or little ;
Of gains in barter and commerce,"
And ' of much correction of children.
And to make the side of an evil servant to bleed.
A seal is ' good, where an evil wife is,
And locking up,° where many hands are.
Let what thou deliverest up be by J" number and weight,
And put all in writing that thou givest out, or receivest in.
Be not ashamed to correct ^^ the unwise and foolish.
And the extremely " aged that contendeth with the young : "
And so " shalt thou be truly instructed,^^
And approved of every one living.^^

The father is wakeful " for a " daughter when no man knoweth,
And the care of her taketh away sleep :
When she is young, lest she pass away the flower of her age ;
And being married, lest she should be hated ;
In her virginity, lest she should be defiled.
And gotten with child in her father's house ;
Living with a " husband, lest she should be untrue,*
And being ^ married, lest she should be barren.
Keep a sure watch over a headstrong ^^ daughter,
Lest she make thee a laughing-stock to thine enemies,
A ^ byword in the city, and a reproach among the people,
And make thee ashamed among a great ^ multitude.

Look not at any one in fine clothes,^^
And sit not in the midst of women ;
For from garments cometh the ™ moth.
And from woman, woman's wickedness.^'

Vers. 1-4. — ' A. V. ; no. ' judgment to justify (see Com.]. ' reckoning with thy partners (X. C. H. Old lat.
plur. • marg., 0/ Va.j partners' speech. See Com.) and travellers. » Or of the gift of (see Com.). ^ » Or.

Veti. 5-8. — » A. V. : And of merchants' indifferent selling (Fritzsche retains the reading aSta.^6po«, though III. X
C 155 157. 807. Co. have iia^fov. The Kai before efHropioi/ is omitted by III. X. C. 23. lOg. 166. al. Co. Cf. Com.).
1 omits And ' Sore lieeping is. » shut up. »» Deliver aU things in (248. Co. omit o before 7rapoii«<i«).

n inform (marg., rehulce. Gr., TraiSstas, in the sense of set right, correct). i^ extreme. '= those that are young

(marg., that is accused of/ormcation. Codd. 253. 307. read irepl jrofvela^ for ;rptps yiovs. See Com.). » Thus («ai).

i» learned i.irtjnuScvinei'K, in the sense of instructed, well nurtured). i« all men living. ^

Vers 9-11. — " A. v. : waketh. "the. i» jl/irf having a (/xeri ivSpin oSo-a. Codd. X. 65. 248. 263. 296. prefix /cm).
'0 misbehave herself (n-apaPs, turn asilte to another man). " when she is (see ver. 6). » shameless (cf . ixvi. 10).
B And a. » before the («v TrX^Sei iroAAii/. Cod. 108. omits the first two words).

Vers. 12-14. »-«> A. v.: Behold not(Mil(iPA.tite)evMJ body's beauty (emiWU!.. See Com.). "a. " ttoM

386

THE APOCRYPHA.

14 Better is a man's churlishness than a woman's coquetry ; *
Even a woman who ^ bringeth shame and reproach.'

15 I will now make mention of ■* the works of the Lord,
And speak fully of what ^ I have seen ;

Through ^ the words of the Lord, arose '' his works.

16 The sun that giveth light looketh down * upon all things,
And the work thereof is full of the glory of the Lord.

17 The Lord hath not given power ° to the saints to set forth fully " all his marvel-

lous works,
Which the Almighty Lord established,^'
That whatsoever is might be established in '^ his glory.

18 He searoheth '^ out the deep, and the heart.
And considereth their subtile plans ; "

For the Highest '^ knoweth all that is known,*°
And he looketh into the signs of the times."

19 He announce th " the things that are past, and to " come,
And revealeth the steps of hidden things.

20 No thought escapeth him.

And not one ^° word is hidden from him.

21 He ^' garnished the great °^ works of his wisdom,
And he is ^ from everlasting to everlasting ;

He hath neither increased nor grown less,^
And he hath no need of any counsellor.
2-2 Oh how desiralile are all his works !
And as flowers to look upon.^^

23 All these things live and remain for ever for all uses,
And they are all obedient.

24 All things are in pairs, one over- against ^° another ;
And he made " nothing that passeth away.^'

25 One thing establisheth the good of another ;

And who can be sated ^' with beholding his glory ?

women wickedness (Aid. omits yuvaiKos at the end). l is the churlishness (marg., wickedness. Gr., novrfpia, but

clearly to be taken in a sense which shall make it antithetic to the following ayadon-otdf) .... than a courteous
woman (see Com.). ^ A woman, I say, which. 3 Lit., unto reproach.

Vers. 16-17. — * A. V. ; remember. 5 declare the things that. « In. ' are. » looketh (iire/3Afi(<e, followed

by Kara.. But Fritzsche would join Kara irav with the preceding ^tuTifajf ). » given power (^i-CTroiTjo-e : (1) to make in

put^ into ; (2) to produce, create, in ; (3) to produce, cause, which seems to be its use here). it> declare. u firmly

settled (same word as in following line). 12 for (ei/J.

Vers. 18-19. — "A. v.: seeketh. " crafty deyioes (7raKoupyii(ja<n>', ./Sue, mice, stijffe/i/ajii). « the Lord (marg.,
the Highest. Fritzsche receives vi|/i0to5 from III. X. C. 106. 165. al. ; text, rec, iciipior). i» may be known (eKrjo-n/ •

X. ((Tvi'iSTicriJ') 0. 66. 156. 264. 296. 307., truxei'Siiiriv). 1' beholdeth (eve'/SAsfev) the signs of the world (aiicot. See

Cowl.). '^ declareth. '^ for to. 20 Neither any.

Vers. 21-26. — " A. V. : He hath (aor.). 22 excellent (jieyaAeZa). zs (The A. V. adopted the reading ot ecrri, with
III. C. 65. 106. 156. 157. 248. 264. 296. 307. Co. Old Lat. ; X. 23. 263., ii ; text, rec, Sws, which is adopted by Fritzsche.
See Com.) »' !7ii(o him may nothing be added, neither can he be diminished. » that a man may see even to a

spark {texi rec, ils (nrii-e^po! ; H., m trmvOiipM ; X. C. 56. 248. 296. Co., e'uij <nriv9tipo!. I adopt Fritzsche's emendation
and read m dvOij. See Com.). 26 things are double .... one against. 27 hath made, 28 unperfect (see Com )
2» shall be filled.

Chaptee XLII.

Ver. 2. Verdict that justifieth the ungodly,
KplfjLaTos BtKaLbiiTa.1 rhf cicrejS^. That is, when the
uDfjodly has the right of a matter. Luther,
whom Bunsen's Bibelwerk follows, renders the
last word by gotlly, i. c, reads eitrc^TJ. Fritzsche

suggests that UEC~! may have stood in the orig-
inal, and been meant,in the sense of one not an
Israelite, ivofioi.

Ver. 3. ITepl \6yov Kott^ojvov Kal 6^onr6pwv.
The sense is not very clear, and commentators
differ greatly in their renderings. The meaning
reckoning, which is given to xiyos in the A. V.,
however, can hardly be justified. It would seem
to mean here, as usual, word, speech, conversation,

and the whole member may be translated, " 0/
conversation with a partner and {fellow) travelers;
or, perhaps, Of conversation about a partner and trav-
elers. — Ko! TTEpl S6<r€u:s KXriiiOvoiilas erafpaiv. The
A. V. appears to give the right sense : "Of the
gift [giving over] of the heritage of [i. e., that be-
longs to] friends. 'Eralpav miglit well have the
moi'e specific meaning here of fellow-heir. Or
KXnpovojxla might be taken in a more general
sense of possession, property, n^PJ (cf. Ps. ii.
8 ; Prov. xx. 21 ) ; and the phrase would then read,
Of the pecuniary assistance of friends.

^Ver. 5. Xlfpi ctSta<p6pou TrpaLtrews Kal 4ixir6puv,
Lit., Of the want of difference of selling and ofmer

ECCLESIASTICUS.

387

chants. Wahl would drop xal, and render, " Of
equable selling by merchants." Retaining the pres-
ent text, however, unimpaired, and taking i in
li.Sia<p6pov for 4 intensive (cf. vii. 18 ; xxvii.) and
inTr6pav iu tlie sense of commerce ("inD), the ab-
stract for the concrete, we could render : Of
gains in barter and commerce, i. e., whether in a
retail or a wholesale business,

Ver. 6. A seal, acppayis. See Com. at Bel
and the Dragon, verse 11.

Ver. 8. Heie the previous construction is
taken up again, which was changed iu verses 6
and 7, and Be not ashamed is to be supplied at
the beginning, as is done in the A. V. — That
contendeth with the young. Others (Bret-
schneider, Wahl, De Wette, Bunsen's Bibelwerk)
render : who are to be reckoned [still] among the
■young, i. e., because they have still their baser
passions and weaknesses. But cf. Fritzsche's
Com., ad he, who maintains that we might have
expected a different Greek text if this idea had
been found in the original.

Ver. 9. Pass away the flower of her age.
Lit., lose her bloom ^irapaK/idffji), namely, before she
has made a suitable match.

Ver. 12. 'Ev KaWet. Most suppose that physi-
cal beauty is referred to. But the context is de-
cidedly against it. Cf. verse 13. The meaning
is. Do not honor a person simply on account of
his clothes. Cf. Jas. ii. 2, 3.

Ver. 14. By an oyafloiroiis yvvli is doubtless meant
a woman who does well for the sake of show, one
that would mislead : and I have therefore translated

by "coquetry." The adjective means practicing
good, acting rightly (1 Pet. ii. 1.")). It was also
used by astrologers in speaking of favorable con-
stellations. Iu the sense employed in the present
passage it is only found in the later writers.

Ver. 15. Through the words [commands] of
the Lord (arose) his works. Cf. Gen. i. 3 ff . ;
Ps. xxxiii. 9; Ecclus. xliii. 5, 10.

Ver. 18. liooketh into the signs of the times
(els <ri)ixtiov alSivos). ^rifiuov is to be taken iu a
collective sense, and is properly rendered in the
A. V. by the plural. AiwTOshere, however, seems
to have the meaning of course of time, the future.
It is but another way of saying that he knows
what is coming.

Ver. 21. The A. V. (as Bretschneider, De
Wette, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk) properly makes
God the subject throughout. j"ritzsche, on the
other hand, would make the works of God the
subject of the second and third clauses. Such
a change of subject would be unnatural, and is
not at all required by the context. See Text.
Notes.

Ver. 22. SiripO'fip corresponds to the Hebrew
vii:''? (Is. i. 31 ; cf. Ezek. i. 7), and the trans-
lator probably read it instead of jliS? (cf. Gen.

xl. 10), plural of n?53 flower.

Ver. 24. 'EKKeiTvov, to die, of the text, rec, I
read for iKKeTiroy (55. 106. 157. al. Co.; X. 23.,
ivXflwgv, iWnrov, III.), to be left behind, to be im-
perfect, incomplete.

Chaptee xliii.

1 The pride of the height, the clear firmament;
The arch ' of heaven, a glorious sight ! ^

2 The sun when it appeareth proclaimeth him ; °

At its rising a marvellous creation, a * work of the Most High 1

3 At its noon ^ it dryeth up the land,'
And who can abide the heat ' thereof ?

4 One bloweth a furnace in * works of heat —

The ° sun burneth the mountains three times more ;

It breatheth out '"' fiery vapors,

And sending forth its ^^ beams, it dazzleth ^ the eyes.

5 Great is the Lord who ^^ made it ;

And at his commandment it speedeth its course."

6 And the moon, amidst all, appeareth '^ in her season
As an indication of ^* times, and a sign for " the world."

7 From the moon is the sign of feasts,
A light that waneth from the full."

Vers. 1-5. — ^ A. V. : beauty (etfios ; lit.,/orm). ^ ^^'^ glorious shew (opd/ioiTt 56fijs. I render freely). * declaring
at his rising (the last three words are better joined to what follows). * instrument (see Com.), the. b At noon

{avrov is found after ij.e<n]ij.ppia). " parcbeth the country [ava^rjpali'ei x'^P'^^)- ' burning heat (simply Kavnarot.
Cf. vers. 21, 22). ^ A man blowing {^vaiov ; ^iv^dtrautv, II. C. Old Lat., and X. by the first hand. These are weighty
authorities ; but it is not natural to suppose that if this had been the original reading it would have been changed to
Avffiav, while the reverse might easily have been true. In Bunsen's Bibelwerk, ko^ivoi- is made the subject : " Der
Ofen erhitzet glUhende Arbeiten -') a furnace is in. ° But the. w breathing out {Fritzsche adopts the reading

SK^utroii' from III. X. C. 106. 157. al. Co. ; iea:^. rec, eft(^u(7-wv. See Com.). "bright. " dimmeth. ^3 that.

" runneth hastily (KaTeoTreua-e n-opttai'. For the former, 23. 157. 248. Co. read KaTeTraucre).

Vers. 6, 7. — ^ A. V. : He made the moon also to serve (it followed 24S. Co. : Kal o-eAiji^i/ eiroiijo-er ets ardtriv els,
Grabe also suggested that for ev irairtv of the text. rec. there should be read iv irrderet, and for avdSet^tv the nom. of the
same. I have rendered on the supposition that by kv irainv the peculiar circumstances of the moon as moving about,
waxing and waning amidst clouds and winds, and the other heavenly bodies are referred to). ** For a declaration of.
"of. « (See Com.) " decreaseth in Aer perfection (see Com.).

THE APOCRYPHA.

8 The month is called after her name,
She waxeth wonderfully in changing; *
A signal for the armies on high,^
Shining in the firmament of heaven.

9 The beauty of heaven is ' the glory of the stars,

An ornament giving light in the heights * of the Lord.

10 At the commandment of the Holy One they stand as determined.
And faint not ° in their watches.

11 Look upon the rainbow,' and praise him that made it ;
Very beautiful it is in the brightness thereof.

12 It compasseth the heaven about with a glorious cirde —
The * hands of the Most High stretched it out.'

13 By his commandment the snow maketh haste,"
And the lightnings of his judgment go swiftly."

14 Through this '^ the treasure chambers " are opened,
And clouds fly forth like birds.^*

15 By his great "power he maketh the clouds strong,**
And the hailstones are broken small."

16 The voice of his thunder maketh the earth tremble,"
And " at his appearing " the mountains are shaken.

17 At ^ his will the south wind bloweth.

And the storm from the north,^i and the whirlwind.

As birds flying down ^ he scattereth the snow,

And the falling down thereof is as the lighting of grasshoppers ;

18 The eye marvelleth at the beauty of its whiteness,^
And the heart is astonished at its moisture.^*

19 The hoar frost also as salt he poureth on the earth,
And being congealed, it becometh sharp points.'^

20 The ^* cold north wind bloweth.
And the water is congealed into ice ; ^

It abideth upon every collection ^* of water.

And the water putteth on as it were ™ a breast-plate.

21 It consumeth mountains,'" and burneth pastures,"
And destroyeth *^ the grass as fire.

22 A speedy restoration for all is a mist : "
A dew coming refresheth from the heat.^

23 According to his plan he brought to a rest the deep,"
And planted islands therein.*'

Ver. 8. — ^ A. V. : increasing . . . . /jcr changing. ^ Beingaxi instrument of the armies aboTe {see Com.). The word
cKXafi^riDi', in the following line, would geem to support our rendering. Linde renders a-Ktvot by tagerxelt, camp

tent : Gaab by croion, Heb., v^ v^. which, aa he thinks, might haye such a figurative meaning. Cf. thei verb v^3

• T ' - T

This yiew has much to recommend it, supposing that the translator overlooked for some reason the final ^■

Vers. 9-15. — ^ A. V. ; omits is. * highest j'^ace.':. ^ will stand iu their order (Kara icpiit-a). ^ never faint.

' raf'nbow (one of the meanings of t6^ov is " rainbow "). * And the. ^ have bended {Ito.w^ra.v) it. ^^ he

maketh the snow lo fall apace (see Com.). i^ sendeth swiftly .... of hie judgment. is (5iA toCto, i. e., to Kpiixa.
Others, " Therefore.") ^^ treasures (the depositories of rain, hail, snow, etc., are meant). i* as fowls (see ver. 17).
15 firm {tcrx^o-e i-et^e'Aas, makes the clouds strong^ namely, to do the work required of them. Bunseu-s Bibelwerk renders
by makes thick. Cf. Com..). ^^ See Com.

Vers. 16-19. ^^^ A. V. : The first member of ver. 16, as it appears in our text, is the first of ver. 17 in the A. V.,
which follows the text. rec. Iritzsche, with Bretschneider, adopts the former order from 23. 106. 157. 248. 263. Co. :
*' The voice of the thunder maketh the earth to tremble." For wfiti^tre, C. 23. 106. 167. 307. 308. Aid. read utvfij&ifrcv .
18 omits And. i^ eight. 20 ^njj at (this disarrangement of the connectives was caused by the interchange of the
members of vers. 16 and 17, as above noted). ^l go doth the northern storm. ^^ omits down (Kafliwrajuiei'o).

23 the whiteness thereof. 24 tije raining of it (see Tom.). 25 ijeth on the top of sharp stakes (marg.,ii 15 as the point
of sharp stakes. It might be points 0/ thorns^ i. e., as thorns. Cf. Com.).

Vers, 20-23. ~- 2" A. V. : ^Vhen the. 27 (Lit., " ice is congealed from water.") 28 gathering together ((rvcaywyijv).
*o clotheth the water aa with (to i/fiwp, more prop, the subject). 80 it devoureth the mountains {see Com.). si the
wilderness (see Com.). 82 consumeth {lit.,gu€nc/tc.«, but used in the sense of destroys viterly), 83 present remedy
of ... . mist coming speedily. 34 coming after beat (koluowi'oc, i. «., the east wind) refresheth. 85 jjy his counsel

(Aoyifffw?) he appeaseth {eKiTrocei/) the deep [a^vavov. Codd. 56. 156., with Co., have the nom.). 89 planteth {e</niTeu-
ff-ef) islands therein (ei^ avr^. After these words 56. 254. Old Lat. i%ad 6 icupLo? before injcrovs ; lH. 0. read the last two
words thus : avTijcitjaovc, and II. X., av-rnvd = avrqi/ 'Xi\aQvi \ Codd. 106. 156. 157. SOS. Old Lat. fbom God. S. Germ.

ECCLESIASTIC as.

389

24 They that sail the * sea tell of the danger thereof,
And we marvel at what we hear with our ears ; "

25 And there are the * strange and wondrous works,

Variety of every kind of living things ; a creation of whales.*

26 By him it hath a successful issue,'
Aid by his word all things consist.

27 "We may speak much, and reach him not ; °
And to sum up,' he .is all.*

28 How shall we be able to glorify ' him f
For he is great above all his works.

29 The Lord is terrible and very great,
And marvellous is his power.

30 In glorifying " the Lord exalt him as much as you can ;
For even yet higher will he be ; ^^

And in exalting ^^ him, put forth all your strength.
Tire not ; for you cannot reach him.^'

31 Who hath seen him, and can relate it ? "
And who can magnify him as he is ?

32 Many hidden things are greater " than these ;
For we have seen but a few of his works.

33 For the Lord made ^' all things ;
And to the godly he gave ^^ wisdom.

15, aaiTTtv miptos. The true reading is doubtless tliat first given, and the altematiTe one of the leading uncials mw
due to a failure in transcription, which once started was not easily corrected).

Vers. 24-26. — ' A. V. : on the. ^ when we hear it ... .we marvel thereat. 3 j-gr therein be. * all hinds Kff

beasts and whales created. ^ the end of them hath prosperous success (see Com.).

Vers. 27-30. — 6 a, v. : yet come short (ou /at) €<^cKufAeda). ' Wherefore in sum {trvvre^ia Xd-ywi/. Lit., *' The end of
vords," i. €., " All in one word,*' or, " In fine, to sum up "). s (Ijt., " the all is he.") o magnify (see ver. 30).
ift When you glorify. " yet will he far exceed. 12 when you. exalt. 13 And be not weary (the sense seems to

he, that they were not to cease as though they had already done enough. They were to praise untiringly) for you caa
never go far enough.

Vera. 31-33. — ^* A. V. ; that he might tell us. w There are yet hid greater thinss than these be. J8 hath made.
" hath he given (fjiuite ; SiiiaKev, III. 168. 296. 307. 308.).

Chapter XLIII.

Ver. 1. Fritzsche would place no comma after
0i{/avi, but make it with the preceding word the
Bubject of " is " understood. " The pride of the
light is the clear firmament." According to the
usual construction, the verse is made dependent
on the preceding his glory, namely, The pride of the
height, etc.

Ver. 2. The construction of this verse depends
upon that of the preceding. If construed accord-
ing to Fritzsche's suggestion, which has much to
recommend it, a comma must be placed after
Sio77e'AA.»i'. The sun, when it appeareth, proclaim-
eth, i. e., Him,, God. — At its rising a marvel-
lous creation, a work of the Moat High. — The
word rendered inst:}-ument in the A. V., a-Kevos (cf.
verse 8), is evidently the translation of ''73,
ant/thing prepared, made ; hence here, as best suit-
ing the context, work, creation.

Ver. 4. Ka^iivov tpvirStv iv ipyots Kavfiaros. Lit.,
A furnace, one bloweth it in works of [requiring]
heat. The meaning is. Consider the furnace
whose heat is inten.sified by the bellows of him
that works metals bv means of fire. — It breatheth
out [iKpvtr&y; or kindles, ifupvauv) fiery vapors,
8. e., whichever word is adopted, the meaning is,
lights up the vapoi-s, makes them fiery in appear-
ance. Thfi former reading, as will be observed,
is better supported.

VeK. 6v Thfi Jewish year was, and still is,
based on the phases of the moon ; so also their

calendar of festivals. — ^nfiuov mZvos (Ch'iV).
Fritzsche, with Gaab and others, would translate
by sign of the future. Cf. xlii. 18. Bunsen's
Bibelwerk and others, as the A. V. The Hebrew
word given above, of which atdy is made the
usual representative in the LXX., is not wholly
synonymous with it. The former meant primarily
an unlimited time, past or future, and only sec-
ondarily a definite (future) time, whose limits
must be ascertained from the context ; the latter
denotes either a definite space of time, or the
(infinite) course of time, in general both future
and past, according to the context. Cf. Cremer's
Lex., s. V.

Ver. 7. Eirl iTvvTe\etas. The common rendering
is, until it disappears. So Bunsen's Bibelwerk,
" bis zum Verschwinden ; " and Bretschneider, " us-
que non amplius apparent." But literally it is,
upon completion, i. e., obviously, after it has become
full.

Ver. 8. The word for month in Hebrew is ITT;,
which comes from H'^"', moon. — Sicevos irape/j,-
0o\a>v iv 2i(/€i. The transliition of the A. V. is
scarcely intelligible. On aKtvos, cf. verse 2, above.
It must be allowed here some latitude of meaning.
Fritzsche, with Grotius, employs it in the para-
phrastic sense of signal flame, by means of which
armies were guided. The starry hosts of heaven
would be thus represented as taJuug the changes of

890

THE APOCRYPHA.

the moon as their sijrnal, and to govern their move-
ments by them. The idea harmonizes well with
the context, as well as with the limited knowledge
of astronomv at that time.

Ver. 9. A ]ieriod should be placed at the close
of verse 8. A new subject, the stars, is taken up
in the following verse.

Ver. 13. KaTeo-TTcuo-t x'^""' ""' Taxl5''ei currpa-
iras KpifiaTOS avToii. This difficult passage prob-
ably arose fiom a mistake of the Greek tran.dator.
The "Almighty " could hardly be made the sub-
ject of the first verb, as in the A. V., on account
of the limiting words, at his command. Bret-
schneider would make Kar^a-irevae intransitive,
change x'^''" *" X*'M«. ^""l regard the latter as
subject of Tax<Jye^ ■ " teii'pestas ar.cekrat et eadem
crebra evdltit fulqura pcei}(ir\im Dei." But a sim-
pler and more natural explanation would seem to
be, with Fritzsche, to suppose that the translator
falsely gave to the verbs ^L^a and V^ ^ transitive
force.

Ver. 1 .'5. The idea is, seemingly, that the hail
coming down from heaven in masses is made
small by the mighty clouds which the Almighty
has prepared for that end. The employment of
iffx'ie"' in a transitive sense, here, stands perhaps
alone.

Ver. 17. The point of comparison in the first
clause is in the multitude of flakes ; in the sec-
ond, in the gradual manner in which they settle
upon and cover the earth. ,

Ver. 18. 'EttI tou v^tov oyr^s, at its'moisture,
i. e., the amount of moisture which it contains
while looking so white and soft. The word for
rain (uctoC) is used probably on account of its
being the most significant term for moisture.

Ver. 19. S/toAiijrtuc &Kpa, sharp points. Most
critics make this refer to icicles (Gaab, Wahl) ;

but it is questionable whether this is the meaning,
since frost {vaxvi)), hoar-frost, rime, is the thing
spoken of. The word aKdXoji means anything
pointed ; and the plural of T[£Z7 or "I'D, a thorn,
mav have stood in the original.

Ver. 21. There is a change of subject. The
cold north-wind, with its fearful effects, suggested
the still more terrible effects of the east-wind.
That this is meant seems clear from the following
verse. — "Wilderness (A. V.) (rpTjyuoi'), more prop-
erly here pastures (n31li.)> downs (Ps. Ixv. 13 ;
Jer. ix. 10, xxiii. 10), which dry up readily in the
heat.

Ver. 25. Creation of whales, ktiVu KriTi>">
{KTT](ns KT-nvwii, III. X. C, and the latter also 254.
307.). The latter word is derived from x"". "id
in composition had the meaning of abyss, deep,
which meaning would give here a more natural
sense. 'j"'Sri, which might mean any sea-monster,
probably stood in the original, however. (Cf.
Is. xliii. 20; Jer. xiv. 6; Lam. iv. 3; Ezek.
xxix. 3.)

Ver. 26. EioS/a riXos airoi. The sea voyage
seems still to be under consideration. It is suc-
cessful with respect to the object sought in such a
voyage. Or, on account of what follows, it might
be thought that avrov refers to the world in gen-
eral, about which the author has been discoursing,
and that he would now say : " By Him its end is
successful," i. e., it accomplishes the purpose for
which it was made. Fritzsche renders : " Through
Him Cometh prosperity for all."

Ver. 33. Cf. Job xxvi. U: " Lo, these are
parts of his ways ; but how little a portion is
heard of Him f but the thunder of his power who
can understand % "

Chapter XLIV.

1 Let us now praise famous men,
And our fathers by descent.^

2 The Lord wrought great glory,^
Showed his greatness * from the beginning.

3 There were those who bore * rule in their kingdoms,
And ^ men renowned for their power ;

Who gave counsel in their discernment,^
And uttered ' prophecies ;

4 Leaders of the people in counsels and in discernment,'
Teachers of the people, wise in words in their instruction.'

5 There were those that '" found out musical harmonies,'^
And set forth poetic compositions ^^ in writing ;

6 Rich men furnished with ability,^*
Living peacefully ^* in their habitations :

Vera. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : that begat us (ttJ -yeceo-ei, i. e., fathers of the Jewish race). ^ hath wrought (cicTio-er} great

glory (ttoAAt)!' 6&^av) by them (It. 55. 248. Co. add ev aiiTot?). 3 Through (there is no verb, but by zeugma this force

may be given to the preceding one. In 55. 106. 155. 157. 248. 253. 296. Co. and X., by a corrector, instead of ^leyaAw-
trvvriv, the dat. is read, ixs in A. V.) his great power. ^ Such as did bear. '^ omits And. o Giving counsel

OovAeuTai, Fritzsche, with 296. 308. ; ^ouAevoi'Tes, 55. 106. 155. 157. 248. 254. Co. ; text, rec, povKevtrovTai) by their
ur.'lerstanding {eu (rvviaei aurtoi/). ' declaring. « by their counsels, And by their knowledge (I join icat (rvviireL to

what goes before) of learning (ypa/x/xarei?. This is Fritzsche's emendation ; text, rec, ypanfiaTeia?) meet for the people
(Aooi). The couimou text is doubtless the result of a mistranslation, and 1 follow Fritzsche and Bunsen's Bibelwerk in
the rendering given). " Wise and eloquent in their instructions ((roi^ol Ao'yot iv iratSeic^ avrtttv. The second word

should probably have been written as accusative. So 308. ; III., ^i' Adyois).

Vers. 5, 6. — ^^ A. V. ; Such as. " tunes. 12 recited (Stifyoufiei'ot, but here in the sense of made known, tet forth)
Ferses (marg., ditties.) ^ (See Com.) 1* peaceably.

ECCLESIASTICUS. 391

7 All these were honored in their generations,
And were the glory of their times.*

8 Some of them left ^ a name behind them,
So that their praises are much rehearsed.'

9 And some ^ have no memorial,

And perished,^ as though they had never been,

And became* as though they had never been bom ;

And so ' their children after them.
.0 But these were merciful * men,

Whose righteous deeds were not ° forgotten.
.1 With their seed shall remain prosperity,*"

An inheritance shall be to their descendants.**
.2 Their seed standeth fast ia the covenants.

And their children for their sakes.
.3 Their seed shall remain for ever,

And their glory shall not be blotted out.
14 Their bodies were *^ buried in peace.

And ** their name liveth for generations.*^
L5 The people will tell of their wisdom,

Ajid the congregation will show forth their *' praise.
L6 Enoch pleased well *^ the Lord, and was translated.

An *' example of repentance to the generations.*'

17 Noah was found perfect and righteous ;

In the time of wrath he became a propitiation ; *°
Therefore was he left as a remnant unto the earth,
When the '" flood came.

18 Everlasting covenants were ^* made with him.
That all flesh should not perish again by a flood.''^

19 Abraham was a great father of a multitude of nations,**
And ^^ in glory was there found ^ none like unto him,

20 Who kept the law of the Most High,
And was in covenant with him ;

He established the covenant in his flesh ;

And when he was proved, he was found faithful.

21 Therefore he assured him ^' by an oath.
That hs would bless the nations in his seed,

That he would multiply him as the dust of the earth,

And exalt his seed as the stars.

And cause them to inherit from sea to sea.

And from the river unto the utmost part of the land.

22 And ■•" with Isaac did he confirm in like manner,^ for Abraham, his father's sake^
The blessing of all men and the covenant,

23 And made it rest upon the head of Jacob.
He acknowledged ^' him in his blessings,'"
And gave him an heritage,'*

And divided his portions ;

Among the twelve tribes did he part them.

Ver. 7. — ^ Lit., " a boasting in tlieir days."

Vers. 8-15. — - A. V. : There be ... . tiiat hare left. 8 Tbiat their praises miglit be reported. * some tliere be

wbicli. 0 Wlio are (Ktti in-uXoi/To) perished. ^ are become. ' omits 50. * (See Com.) * rigliteousness

(plur.) hatli not been. ^o continually remain a good inheritance (fita/xei'et ayajSri). ^^ And their children are within
the covenant (the common text joins KXrjpovofiCa to ayaBij. I adopt Pritzsche's emendations — connecting it with what
follows, and transferring er Tats fito^ijKais, which is usually joined to the next member, to the first line of ver. 12, and
dividing that verse into two members instead of mailing one of it, as in the A. V. : " Their seed standeth fast, and their
children for their sakes "). 12 bodies (Fritzscbe reads o-uftaTa, instead of sing., with III. X. 55. 108. 155. al. Co.) are.
13 But. " for evermore (elj yei^eai ; 248. Co. 014 Lat., tit vei/eai/ Kai yevcav). 15 m. 106. 157. 248. 296. 308. Co. Old
Lat. read avruv ; text rec. is without it.

Vers. 16-18. — ^ A. V. : omits well. " Being an. ^^ all generations (rats yeveais). ^ was taken in exchange
for the world (see Com.). 20 (106. 155. 157. 248. Co. have the article.) 21 ^n everlasting covenant (5ta0rJKai atwi-ot)
was. 22 should perish no more by the flood. '

Vers. 19-23. — 2= A. V. : many people (r\^Bovti$yai'). " omits And. S" omits found (evpe'er)). 20 assured him
[iffnjtrevavTifft^adeit sureuntohim., SwTev^2^). , . ", omits \pd (ao 106)^ ^ establish (eanjo-ei'), likewise (ovtws).

892

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapiek XLIV.

Ver. 2. This is a, general thought, uttered
with respect to tlie subject of these great men.
The Loid had shown His greatness in making
them great.

Ver. 6. lo-xiii (Ci-i or ,')n) refers appar-
ently to wfahJi, property^ possessions. So Luther,
Grotius, Bretschueidei', Gaab, Bunsen's Bibelwerk,
and Fritzsche ; but Gutmann and De Wette agree
with the A. V.

Ver. 10. 'AiiSpes i\eovs, merciful men, i. e.,
generally speaking, pious men, since that was the
way in which piety showed itself.

Ver. 16. Example of repentance. It is not

necessarily implied that Noah had teen a great
sinner at one time. He might be an example for
sinners to lead them to repentance, w^ithout that.
Of. Geifjer, Urschrift, p. 197 ; and Gfrorer, Vr-
chrisienthum, li. 39, 40, 41.

Ver. 17. The meaning is that Noah was a
" propitiation " {avTiWayiia, lit., exchange or sell-
ins price) in the sense that in him the Almighty
was so far propitiated as not to destroy the whole
race.

Ver. 21. Prom sea to sea. From the Bed
Sea to the Mediterranean, and from the Eu-
phrates to the farthest point to which the Israel-
itish possessions reached toward the West.

Chaptee XLV.

1 And he brought out of him a pious ' man,
Who ^ found favor iti the sight of all flesh,
Moses,^ beloved of God and men,

Whose memory is blessed.''

2 He made him like to the glorious saints,'

And magnified him, so that Ms enemies stood in fear of him.*

3 By his words he caused the wonders to cease ;
He ° made him glorious in the sight of kings.
He ' gave him commandments ' for his people.
And showed him some ' of his glory.

4 He sanctified him '° in his faithfulness and meekness,
And chose him out of all men.

5 He made him to hear his voice,

And brought him into the dark cloud,^^
And gave him commandments face to " face.
The '^ law of life and knowledge,
That he might teach Jacob his covenant,"
And Israel his ordinances.-'^

6 He exalted Aaron, a holy man " like unto him,
His " brother, of the tribe of Levi.

7 An everlasting covenant he made with him.
And gave him the priesthood of " the people ;
He beautified '* him with comely ornaments,
And clothed him with a robe ™ of glory.

8 He put upon him perfect glory,"

And strengthened him ^^ with rich garments,
With breeches, and ^^ a long robe, and the ephod,

9 And he compassed him with pomegranates,
And with many golden ^ bells round about,
That as he went there might be a sound,

And a noise made that might be heard in the temple,
As a reminder '■'* to the children of his people ;

Vers. 1-5. - 1 A. V. : merciful (see xHt. 10). ' Which. ' Been Moses (In II. MuS™ berfns a. new line)

•memonal.... blessed (see Co™.). » (See Com.) « And he (so 248. Co.). ' .Ind s 1°" °°L„ "'i

(i«T.Uar<,) 'pari (,he gen. without a prep.). « (" sa„<,tifled " in the sense of " set apart " Fritlsehe adopts

avriy from X. H. 66. 106. 157. 243. 263. 254. Co. ; <«(. rec. omits.) i. (See Com.) « beforeAi, (JrT «E^1
the. "covenants (sing.). ■= judgments (<pi|„«Ta). Before A« («„.). ■» £«fl

Vers. 6-9. - le Others, "as being holy " i. e., like him In holiness. " A. V. : Eten his i« amn„,r (™^ «»>.

out a prep.). " (See Com.) =o (Fritzsche adopts „p..rToX^, from X. 66. 106. 156. al Co' for .ttoaT of^tif ^7,^
It is also the reading of 11.) .MSeeCo^.) « With. » (Cod. II., in addition to m rti^vl'&U^

««Wi oBBtHuy to tta« Kom. ed. Mul rritawh.', tMit.) m I'm a memorial (iot cC) ^ ^

ECCtBSIASTICTJS. S93

10 With a holy garment, with gold, and blue siVc,^ and purple, a ^ work of the em-

broiderer ;

11 With a breastplate of judgment and with Urim and Thummim,' with twisted

scarlet, a * wprk pf the weaver ; *
With precious stones graven like seals,' in a setting of ' gold, a « work of the

jeweler ; *
With a writing engraved for a memorial aaeordiug to " the number of the tribes

of Israel.
1% Jf^ s«< a crown of gold upon the mitre,
Whereon ^^ was engraved Holiness,
An ornament of honor, a costly ^ work,
A desire " of the eyes was his adornment."

13 Before him there were no such beautiful things ; ^
A stranger put them not on forever, only his sons,'*
And his posterity " perpetually.

14 ; Hia burnt sacrifices were offered up,"

Day by day ^ twice continually.

15 Moses consecrated him,^

And anointed him with holy oil ;

It became ^^ unto him an '^^ everlasting covenant,

And to his seed, so long as the heavens remain,^

That he ''* should minister unto him, and ^ execute the office of the priesthood.

And bless his ^' people in his "' name.

16 He chose him out ol aU men living
To offer sacrifices to the Lord,

Incense, and a sweet savor, for a memorial ™
To make reconciliation for thy ^ people.

17 He gave unto him in ^ his commandments
Authority °' in the statutes of judgments,'*
That he should teach Jacob the testimonies.
And inform '' Israel in his law.

18 Strangers ** conspired together against him,
And were envious of* him in the wDderness,

The '° men that were of Dathan's and Abiron's side,
And the assembly ''' of Core, with fury and wrath.

19 This the Lord saw, and it displeased him.

And in his furious wrath '' were they consumed ;

He did wonders upon " them, to consume them with the fiery flame.**

20 And ** he made Aaron still *'^ more honorable.
And gave him an heritage ;

He ^' divided unto him " the firstfruits of the increase ;

Vers. 10, U. — > Cf. yi. 29 ; xl. 4, " purple." Authorities differ as to the color meant by v(ueiV9o5. Virgil, St. ir.
183, makes it not only iron-colored, but also sky-blue and snow-white, Cf. Liddell and Scott's Lax., s. v. ^ A. V. :

the. * (See Com.) * the. " the cunning workman (rexfiTTjs = ZiK-TT. Cf. Ex. xxri. 1, 31). • (See

Com.) ^ AndRet m {ivSi<rei). "the. ^ (\t6avpyov. It meant n stone Tnojon, silso a ^cuJj^for ; but here doubt-

less used in the sense of engraver in atone.] " after.

Vers. 12-14. — ^l A. V. ; Wherein. i? (lirx^oSj as at ver. 8, "rich." But Fritzsche thinks *"y ptood In the original
Iq the sense of ^Zor^.) ^ The desires. " goodly anrf beautiful (KoirjLtouVex'a wpata. Fvitzsche, tiolde Lieblich^

kelten, tender delights ; Bunsen's Bibelwerk, litblichgeschmilckt, delightfully ornamented. In the mean time, it is notice-
able that Cod. II., with III. X. Old Lat., joins the latter word to the following line. The sense would then be as abore
given). IS none such (see preceding note). ^^ Neither did ever any stranger put them on (I join cms aXwvot to this
line in harmony with II. III. X. contrary to the Rom. ed. and Fritzsche's text), But only his children. i^ children's
children (^Koi/a). ^8 xheir (so X. 23. 248. Co.) sacrifices shall be wholly consumed (I render according to the sense,
though freely). i^ every day {Koff rtfiefiav).

Vers. 15-18. — ^ See Com. 2t a. V. : This was appointed (iyevriSri). " by an. " should remain (lit., in tlie

days of heaven). » lAev (cf. ver. 16). m (ofia icoi = icai). ^s the (avTov is omitted by 248. Co.). " (Codd. 11.

III. X. omit aiiToi!). 2" (See Qjwi.) !« his (so Old Lat.). » omifs in (so X. 106. 167. 248. 263. 254. Co. Aid.).

31 And authority (see preceding note). ** (ei' fiiaffijKai? Kpifiaratv. See Co7n.) ^ inform (or enlighten, t^rtVou ;

^okijo-ai, 23. 253, Aid.) 2* (See Com.) 35 maligned (efijAiocrai'). '^ Even the. av congregation.

Vers. 19-22. — »» A. V. : wrathful indignation (ey ivinf opyi'- Cf . ver. 18). »> (ev is supiplied before aitoU by 106.
15.7. 248. 263. Co,) «" {tv mipl </>Xliygs. Only 65. 254-, if ^Myl irvpis), " But. « omits still IvixnreeriKey ....

UiaHi, *> AtuL « (:Frit«sch« ■da»t«<>urw()roinUI.X.23. fifi.lD6kaL Ce. OldLat. {(Hraunu*«f thai«ct. »«.)

894

THE APOCETPHA.

Especially ^ he prepared bread in abundance ;

21 For they eat'-' the sacrifices of the Lord,
Which he gave both ' unto him and his seed.

22 Howbeit in the land of the people he had no inheritance,
Neither had he a?ty portion among the people ;

For the Lord himself is thy portion and ■* inheritance.

23 And ^ the third in glory is Phinees, son ° of Eleazar,
Because he had zeal in the fear of the Lord,

And he stood firm in the good inclination of his heart ' when the people turned •

back,
And made reconciliation for Israel.

24 Therefore was there a covenant of peace made with him,

That he should be the chief of the sanctuary ° and of his people.

And that he and his posterity

Should have the dignity of the priesthood for ever.

25 And as ^° the covenant made with David son of JessK,*' of the tribe of Juda was,'*
That the inheritance of the king should be from son to son '° alone ,

So the inheritance of Aaron should also be unto his seed.

26 God give you ^* wisdom in your heart
To judge his people in righteousness,
That their good things be not abolished,

-' And that their glory be to their generations.''^

• {«!/ ffpu)Tonr ; irpwToi?, III. 155. 253. Aid. Others reuder, " from the first fruits." SeeCom.) * eat q/". Vomits

both (re Kac. The toriner is omitted by X. H. 248. Co.). * his (248. Co.) .... and (icai is wanting in H. X. and

Rom. ed.).

Vers. 23-26. — = A. V. : omits And. « the son. ' stood up {crrrivai is adopted by Fritzsche from III. 106. 165.

167. 248. Co., instead of trr^erai of text. rec. and II.) with good courage of heart (see Com.). 6 were turned.

" (See Com.) lo According to (it seems to have read Kara Sta^iJK^v, with Grotius and others. The common text is

KoX fitoS. We may either supply cTrnt or eo-njo-ei'). u Jesse. « omits was. 13 to his posterity (vtoi) e^ v'lov).

^* (i. c, the high priest.) ii» may endure for ever (els -yercac oiiTwc).

Chapter XLV.

Ver. 1. Blessed. h\t.,inblessincjs (Iv ^tiXaylai?).
His memory is perpetuated by posterity along
with blessings upon ijim.

Ver. 2. Glorious saints, 8<(|7; ayiav. Lit.,
glory of the holy ones. Some (Lutlier, De Wette,
Gutmann, Buiisen's Bibelwerk) suppose that the
patriarchs are meant; others (Fritzsche, with
Linde, Wahl, and the majority), the priests; and
still others, the nngels. Cf. Ex. xxxiv. 29 ff. —
'El' tp6pots ix^paii'. The meaning is either that
he made him great, so that his enemies were afraid
of him (A. v.), or. as Fritzsche suppose.s, throiujh
the fear of his enemies. The latter interpretation
is to he preferred grammatically.

Ver. S. The wonders = those of the magi-
cians in Egypt. Cf. Ex. vii. 8-12; viii. 29 ff. ;
ix. 33 ; X. 19.

Ver. 5. r>'(J(()oi' is a latef form for SyStpov, dark-
ness. Here, as in the LXX. at Ex. xx. 21, it
stands for V\;~1X), thick clouds. Cf. op<f>v6s, ob-
scure, dark.

Ver. 7. 'E;iiaKcipio-6>' = ~it?'K"'. But it seems
likely, as Fritzsche supposes, that it was read by
mistake for ITS*, girded him.

Ver. 8. ^vvT^X^iav Ko.vxh^o-'ros. Wah] I'enders,
with the A. V., perfect glory, jierfectio gloriationis ;
Bretschneider, summa splenduris et ornatvs. But for
the latter Greek word there probably stood in the
Hebrew text mWCn (cf. chap. xxi. ver. 11), that
is ornament, beauty, with a reference to the high-
priestly robes, which are afterwards mentioned.
Of. 1. 11; Is. lii. 1 ; and the LXX. at 1 Chron.
xxix. 11. — 'EffTtpfWeK. This Greek word has

the sense of confirm, settle, in the LXX., but prob-
ably is given here as the translation of p-^r',
which at Is. xxii. 21, with a double accusative,
has the meaning of gird about, put on. Cf., how-
ever, the A. V. at that place.

Ver. 9. Pomegranates. They were made of
cotton of several colors, and golden threads were
interwoven. Cf. Text. Notes. — 'With many
golden bells. According to Jewish authorities,
the bells were seventy-two in number ; but by
Clement of Alexandria they are said to have been
three hundred and sixty. Cf. Ex. xxviii. 33-35,
where a different reason is given for the bells.

Ver. 10. A holy garment, namely, the ephod,
which is here further described. — noiK(A.ToS, em-
broiderer. The Hebrew was doubtless ap'~l,
plumarius, one who decks with colors, i. e., sews on
colored strip. The Spanish recamare and Italian
ncamar, to embroider with the needle, are allied to
this word. — Breastplate ( Aoyef^, oracle, or
speahng-place) of judgment. The breastplate of
the high priest, suspended from his neck, was
provided with twelve precious stones, and in some
mystei-ious way the will of God was communi-
cated through it. — AtiAoii aX-r^eiUs. Wliat is
known as the Urim and Thummim is meant, and
we have so translated. Cf. art. in Smith's Bib.
Diet., sub voce, and remarks in Com. at 1 Esd. v. 40.

Ver. 11. Graven (y\i^,iaTos, 23. 248. Co., da-
tive plural) like seals. Cf. Ex. xxviii. n, "like
the engravings of a signet; " also, Ecclus. xxxviii.
27.

Ver. 12. ^Ti(pavov. The accusative is used as
being the object of the verb in verse 9, here under-

KC(3LESIASTieUS.

395

Btood. Cf., on the meaning of the verse, Ex.
xxviii. 36, 37. — 'E/CTtSirw/ta a^payl^os ayniff^aros,
Lit., an engraving in relief of a seal of holiness, i. e.,
the plate which the high priest wore on his brow
had engraved npon it, like the letters of a seal
ring, " Holiness " (to the Lord). Eritzsche would
end verse 12 with epyov iaxios, and connect what
follows witli- the 13th verse, supplying are they,
i. e., these garments : A desire of the eyes are they,
etc. But cf. Text. Notes.

Ver. 13. "Ea>s aiwvos. Here, in a\l past times,
never. Others, connecting these words with the
previous line, would supply and shall not be, thus
making them refer to the future.

Ver. 1.5. Consecrated him. Lit., filed the
hands. Cf. the LXX. at Jndg. xvii. 5, 12, where
TThripovi' is also used in the description of this
ceremony. On the ceremony itself, see Smith's
Bit). Diet., art. " Priest."

Ver. 16. For a memorial, or for a burnt offer-
ing. That part of the meat-offering which was
liurnt seems to be meant. Cf. xxxviii. 11.

Ver. 17. ''EStoKiV out^ 4y 4vTo\ais avrov, i^ov-
aUv iv SiaeiiKois KpifitiTiiii/. Gaab would strike
out the comma after alirov, and render : " He
gave him in His commandments Power (or. Along
with His commandments gave He him Power) in the

law according to which right is spoken." DeWette
renders: "Be gave him, according to His com-
mandments. Power over the ordinances of right."
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, omitting the preposition :
"He intrusted to him His commandments, Power
over the ordinances of right." Eritzsche thinks
that the first half of the verse would correspond
better with the second, if rendered : " He granted
to him in His commandments, That he should
have power over the covenants of the law."

Ver. 18. Cf. Numb. xvi. 3 ff. ; xxvi. 9. The
naming of the family of Korah, etc., " strangers,"
does not seem in place, and the conjecture of
Fritzsche that the author read CnT instead of
D^"TT, presumptuous, is worthy of consideration.

Ver. 20. 'Ev irpiirois, before all, first of all,
especially. To bread as the most necessary thing
is given this particular prominence.

Ver. 23. Lit., in goodness of inclination [irpo-
Ovfitas), i. e., in good inclination, disposition.

Ver. 24. TlpoimiTiiv {TrpocrTaTfiv is adopted by
Fritzsche from 106. 157. 254.) 07(011'. The latter
word, as the connection would lead us to suppose,
probably refers to the priests, and not to the tem-
ple. So Drusius, Liade, De Wette, Fritzsche,
and others.

3
4
5

Chapter XL VI.

Jesus son of 'Nave ^ was migMy ^ in war,'
And was the successor of Moses in prophecies ;
"Who was, according to his name,*
Great in saving His elect,^

To take vengeance on " enemies that rose up against them,
That he might set Israel in their inheritance.'
How was he glorified, when he lifted * up his hands,
And drew out " his sword against the cities !
Who before him so made a stand ? ^^
For " the Lord himself brought his enemies unto him.^
Did not the sun go back by his means ?
And did not one day become ^' two ?
He called upon the most high Euler,J*
When the enemy " pressed upon him on every side,
And the great Lord heard him : ^°
6 Hailstones of mighty power

He hurled down upon the hostile nation,"

And in the descent ^^ he destroyed them that resisted,

That the nations might know all his armament,"

That he fought ^ in the sight of the Lord ;

For ^1 he followed the Mighty One.

Vers. 1-4. — i A. V. : the (so X. 248. Co.) son of Naue. » valiant (/(paTiiiiJ!. In Homer, as epithet ol Motpa, sleri},
raUtlas). ' the wars {text rec, iv nok4iioii. Fritzsche receives the dat. sing, from III. X. C. 106. 156. 157. 248. Co.
Old Lat.). • Who according to his name was made great (I connect ^e>s with the followmg line, in harmony with

Fritzsche's text). » For the {Ul) saving of the elect of God (ai-ToB, i. e., God's). « And taking vengeance of the.
' (EritzBche adopts KaraK\r,povoi^ricT, from III. X. 55. 155. 157. 248. 254. Co. ; text, rec, K\7tpoyoriTr,). "How great

glory gat he, when he did lift. » stretched out (Fritzsche adopts if tK iKrei.i'at, from III. X. 55. 106. 155. 15i. 248.

253. Co. ; text, rec., t, «.xe„aO. '» stood to it. " For (probably for ^3 , and to be rendered here when).

" (See Com.) ^^ was not .... as long as (irpbs Sifo).

Vers. 5-8. — » A. V.; Lord [Swaai^i; with Kupio; in the second line following). " enemies (see Com.).

>»,(Fritzsche receives avroS from III. X. 55. 106. al. Co. Old Lat. ; text, rec, avrii-). " And with hailstones . . . . made
the battle to fall violently (see Com.) upon the nations (4,r' IS-os ; 248. Co., Im fflv,). ^ the descent of Seth'ton (e.-
KaraSiffn. See Cam. ). » all their strength (-^ovottKUv airoB. Fritzsche receives the latter from IH. H. 55. 106. 166.
157. 253. 254. Old Lat. ; text. rec.. with II., airrS,v. See Com.). » Because (3tO he fought (lit., An battle wm).

'1 .ind (xol yap).

396 THE APOCETPHA.

7 In the time of Moses also he acted piously,*
He and Caleb son of Jephonne,'

In that they withstood the enemy,'
Withheld ' the people from sin,
And appeased the wicked murmuring.

8 And of six hundred thousand people on foot, they two were preserved,
To bring them into the heritage,

Into ^ the land that floweth with mUk and honey.

9 The Lord gave strength also unto Caleb,
And it ^ remained with him unto old ' age ;
So that he went up against the hill country,'
And his seed maintained the possession,'

10 That all the children '^° of Israel might see
That it is good to follow the Lord.

11 And the ^' judges, every one by his name : "
As many hearts as ^^ went not a whoring,

And as many as turned not away " from the Lord :
Let their memory be blessed.^^

12 Let their bones revive again from their grave,"

And let their name renew itself in their honored sons I "

13 Beloved of his Lord was Samuel,

A prophet of the Lord, he established a kingdom,"
And anointed princes over his people.

14 By the law of the Lord he judged the congregation,
And the Lord had respect unto Jacob.

15 By his faithfulness he was proved a ^^ prophet,

And by his words ''" he was known as trustworthy seer.^*

16 He called also ^^ upon the mighty Lord,'''

When his enemies pressed upon him on every side,^
When he offered a ^ sucking lamb.

17 And the Lord thundered from heaven.

And with a great reverberation ^ made his voice to be heard.

18 And he destroyed the rulers of the Tyrians,^
And all the princes of the Philistines.

19 And before the time of his eternal ^ sleep he made protestations in the sight of

the Lord and his '° anointed,
I have not taken any man's goods, so much as a shoe ; "*
And no man did accuse him.

20 And after he fell asleep '^ he prophesied,"
And showed the king his end,

And lifted ^' up his voice from the earth in prophecy,
To blot out the transgression'* of the people.

Vers. 7, 8. — 1 A. V. : did a work o/mercy. ^ the eon of Jephunne. ' congregation (efoyrt i^Bpoi ; ivavriov

(23., exai'TO iKK\Ti<rw, 23. 248. 268. Co. Cf . Numb. xiii. 30 i sir. 6-10). • And vrithheld. » Even unto (eis as ia

preceding line).

Vers. 9, 10. — "J A. V. : Which. ' his (not In the Greek) old. « entered upon (ijn^ijviu. I render, with

Bretschneider, De Wette, Fritzsche, and Bunsen'e Bibehverk) the high places (to — so III. X. C. H. 66. al. Co. vi/ros

TT)9 T^Js). ^ obtained i£ (Kare(r;^e)yor an heritage. '* Lit., jotw.

Vers. 11, 12. — 'i A. V. : concerning the. ^^ (n. agrees with X. Aid. in reading iKoim^ tw) by name. '3 whose

heart went. '* Nor departed (koX oo-ot ouic aTreaTpa^Tja-av). 15 (j^it., in blessings.) ^ flourish {ava9aXoi) out of their
place (toitou, in the sense of bnrial place. Cf. Matt, xxviii. 6 ; Mark XTi. 6). i' the name of them that were honoured
&e ( I connect i^io^ao-^eVoif with €(/•' vtots, with Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerlc,a.ni others. But the sentence is awk-
wardly constructed, and it seems likely that the original is not correctly rendered) continued (a^^iKaraAAaaaiiuei^v)
upon their children. ,

Vers. 13-15. — 18 A. V. : Samuel, the prophet of the Lord, beloTed of his Lord, Established a kingdom. " found a
true (^jtpt/Saffflrj =:M)a.i exactly known ; here authenticated as, proved a). ^ word (so 23. 65. 248. 253. 296. Co.) ^ to
be faithful in vision (niorbs opoo-cws).

Vers. 16-20. — -^ A. V. : omits also («ai). » Lord (see Tiii. 1). » (Cf . ver. 6, is the same Greek except that

here stands ex^p""! hutoC ; there, caTov ix^poiis.) ^ the. ^ noise (%cj) ; ^poorj;, H. 248. Co.). " (See Com. and
Introduction to present book, pp. 276, 277.) ^ his long (ffpb icatpoi) icoi)>^<reus aiunos. Of. John xi. 11 f.). "> (not

in the Greek of lert. rec, but added by 248. Co.) «» (Lit., Goods, even to shoes, I have not taken Irom any flesh.)

81 bis death (iirwlirai. It is an interesting fact that death U at this period represented as a sleep. Cf . the second pre-
vious note). 32 (Fritzsche receives, from III. X.C. 66.al.,€;r(>oijiTrevir«'; leK. r«., irpo«.J>^T«t)<re.) M lift
** wickedness [ivojiiav ^ transgression of the law),

BCCLESIASTICUS.

397

Chaptbr XL VI.

Ver. 2. Lifted up his hands. Not in prayer,
bat hostilely. — 'EKxeirai is doubtless the correct
reading, here in the sense of draw out ; Old Latin,
jaclando.

Ver. 3. Toils yh.p iroKe/xiovs Kijpios airhi in-fija-
ytv. This text is apparently correct. The mean-
ing, however, is not so clear. Taking the words
in their natural signification, the rendering would
be : " The Lord himself led up the enemy ; " i. e..
He led them up to battle, not as their defender,
but for their overthrow. Bunsen's Bibelwerk
renders : " For the Lord himself defeg,ted the enemy."
Others : " When (8t€ for ''2) he waged the wars of
the Lord" (iroX^nouj Kvpiov, H. 248. Co.).

Ver, 4. The matter is not correctly repre-
sented. It is not said in Joshua x. 12, 13, that
the sun went back, but only that it stood still.

Ver. 5. 'When the enemy pressed upon
him. Grammatically and historically, it would
be more natural to make aiirSy the subject ( When
he pressed upon the enemy, etc. Cf. Josh, x, 11),
although the other rendering is not positively in-
correct.

Ver. 6. Tritzsche and others would read, with
the Old Latin, -roKiiuov for Tr6\€fjiov, and thereby
is able to give to the verb which precedes the
meaning which, in other cases, it always has in
the LXX. — 'Ev Karaffdirei. Not in their falling
or descending, but in the descent, i. e., of Beth-
horou, or in the (narrow) pass,, {^i. Herod., i. 186,

vii. 223 ; and, for the historical fact, Josh. x. 11.
— All his armament. The reason given for this
display of divine power was that the nations mi^^ht
know all Joshua's armament, namely, his means
for carrying on war against them. If, tbe reading
avriv is retained, it would refer to the Israelites.
Ver. 7. 'Eiroiri<7€v ?Aeoj, manifested piety, acted
piously. Tbe latter Greek word in the LXX. is

the usual translation of TDn. Cf. also xlv. 1.

Ver. 12 Kevive again from their grave.
Be held in remembrance on their own account ;
or, let them revive in their descendants. Herz-
feld discovers here a reference to the resurrection.
" Sirach's belief in the resurrection is proved
also from xlvi. 12, xlix. 11, whei'e he in a figure,
supposedly borrowed from Ezek. xxxvii., says first
of the Judges, then of the Prophets, ' Let their
bones revive again from their grave.' The fact
that this expression is twice used goes to show
that it was then a common formula." Geschichte,
ii. 35. But cf. our Introd-, under " Doctrinal
Teaching."

Ver. 18. Rulers of the Tyrlana (Tvpiav).
Inasmuch as history knows nothing of hostilities
between the Jews and Tyrians, it is thought by
Fritzsche and others that the Greek translator
had in his text D"'"!!?, and read D"''1!J> Tyrians,
when he should have read D^'HS, enemies.

Chaptdk XLVII.

1 And aitet Mtn * rose up Nathan to prophesy ^ in the time of David.

2- As the fat is separated ' from the peace offering,
So David from the sons * of Israel.

3 He played * with lions as with kids,
And with hears as with lambs.'

4 Slew he not a giant, when he was young,'

And did he not take away reproach from the people,
When he lifted up his hand with the stone in the sling,
And struck down ' the boasting of Goliath ?

5 For he called tipon the Lord Most High,"

6 And he gave strength to " his right hand
To slay thai mighty warrior.

To exalt •" the horn of his people.

6 ^0 the people honored him for ^ ten thousands.

And praised him because of " the blessings of the Lord,
In that he " gave him a crown of glory.

7 For he utterly destroyed ^^ the enemy " on every side,
And brought to nought " the Philistines his adversaries,
Broke their horn in pieces " unto this day.

Vers. 1-4. — ^ iue™ tovtov, II. III. X. 23. 68. 106. al. Aid. Syr. Ar. ; text rec, jterA toSto. ^ vpix^ninv ; 248. Co.

■ Hi Lat. Syr. Ar., 6 7rpoi()^T7|s. ' A.V.: ia the fat taken away. * was D. choien out of the children. " (eirotfw

\s received by Fritzsohe from X. 23. 55. al. It is also the reading ol II., by a second hand ; text rec, eiraurev ; 248. 234.
Co., iirejei-mcrev.) ' (Lit., Icrnibs of sheep.) ' yet Imt young. ' beat down [Kara^aMlv . Codd. X. 0. 1B6.,

KaTifia\ev).

Vers. 5-8. — » A. V. : the most high Lord. «> him strength in. " And set up (see ver. 11). ^ with. is (n
(lit., but not clear). "(See Com.) .to omi« utterly (the verb is ef«Tpn/(e = r«46erf out). >« enemies. "(See
Com.) '» And brake .... in sunder.

3

398 THE APOCRYPHA.

8 In all his works lie thanked * the Holy One ;
To the Most High he sang with all his heart in words of glory,'
And loved him that made him.

9 He set singers also before the altar,
And ^ their voices make sweet melodies,^
And daily they ^ sing praises in their songs.'

10 He beautified (heir feasts,

And set in order perfectly ' the solemn times,'

In that they praise ° his holy name,

And make ^° the temple resound from morning on."

11 The Lord ''^ took away his sins,
And exalted his horn for ever ;

He gave him a covenant respecting kings,"
And a throne of glory in Israel.

12 After him rose up a wise ^* son,
And through him '^ he dwelt at large.

13 Solomon '" reigned in a peaceful time ; "

For whom ^* God made it quiet round about,"
That he might build a house in his name,
And prepare his sanctuary for ever.

14 How wise wast thou in thy youth,

And, as a river,^° filled with understanding I

15 Thy soul covered the earth,^-'

And thou fllledst it with enigmatical proverbs.^'

16 Thy name went far unto the islands ;
And for ^^ thy peace thou wast beloved.

] 7 The countries marvelled at thee for thy songs,

And proverbs, and parables, and interpretations.^

18 In °^ the name of the Lord God,
Who ™ is called God ^ of Israel,
Thou didst gather gold as tin,
And didst multiply silver as lead.^°

19 Thou didst bow thy loins unto women.

And by thy body thou wast brought into subjection."

20 Thou didst stain thy honor,
And pollute thy seed,

So that thou broughtest wrath upon thy children.
And I am grieved ^° for thy folly :

21 That "^ the kingdom was divided,^^

And out of Ephraim came the ruler of a ^ rebellious kingdom.

22 But the Lord will not cease from ^* his mercy,

Ver. 8. — ^ A. V. : praised. ^ Holy (A. Y. separates the lines falsely. 'Y^itrrt^ ia the heginnisg of a new line)

One most high with words {prj^iim ; C. H., prifxaia) of glory ; With his whole heart he sujig songs.

Vers. 9-11. — ^ A. V. : That by. * theij might make sweet melody {ical ef i7xoijs — so II. III. X. C. 23. ' text. rec.

fixov — avrCiu yKvKaivfLv fie^fi. Fritzsche adopts yAuKaivfti' from 111. X. C. 106. 157. al. Co It is also the reading of
II. Text, rer.^ ykvKaCveL. Fritzsche makes David the subject, and renders " makes .... resound ■ '). c omits they.

^ (Fritzsche and others adopt this line from 248. Co. on the ground that the construction of sentences i. t. the usual
number of members in the parallelism, demands it.) ^ omits perfectly (see Cojn. The marg. of the A. V. also suff-

gests our rendering). • adds until the end. " That they might praise. lo that. " might sound from

morning (dTrb irpiuias). " (Cod. II., by a second hand, " Christ I ") " of kings {^aa-iMai/ ; 248. Co., /Sao-iXcia;

which the A. V. notices in the margin).

Vers. 12-19. — " iintTTrjtiwv . ^6 A. V. : for his sake (St* avrov). ic (In the Greek, " Salomon," except III.

X. H.) IT peaceable time, and was honoured (the addition appears in H. 248. Co.). 18 poj. (fp^. j x, U. 248.

Co. Aid. have ws). ^^ God made all ... . about him (248. Co. add avTov). 20 flood (TToToi/ntl?. ' See Com.).

2' whole earth (II. 248. Co. add Traaav). 22 dark parables. 23 (^„, in the peace which he desired and produced.)

2* (Following the order of the Greek; For songs, and proverbs, and parables. And for interpretations the countries mar-
velled at thee. Cod. II. reads, by the first hand, epixTjvia for epjaTjvei'a.) 2C By. 2(i Which. 27 the Lord God.
28 (Fritzsche receives p.6\i^ov from III. X. 23. 66. al. It is also the reading of II. ; text, rec, fioKi^iov ; ii.6\\ifiov Ibl.
248. Co.) 20 {Others : " Gavest power over thy body." So Fritzsche, who tliinka that the Hebrew would have been
properly rendered by ^^ovaiav eSwKas.)

Vers. 20-22. — so ji^ y. : wast grieved (KaTfvvy7}v ; 106. 248. Co., Karawyrivox ; Old Lat., incitari. Of. Com.). 3i gg.
32 (Lit., became twofold.) as ruled a (apfat, with fiaen^euw aireiSri as subject ; but better rendered as above The

translator probably mistook the original word). 3^ never leave off.

ECCLESIASTICUS.

399

And will not blot out any of his works ; ^

Neither will he destroy'' the posterity of his elect,'

And the seed of him that loveth him he will not take away.

And * he gave a remnant unto Jacob,

And out of him a root unto David.

23 And Solomon rested ' with his fathers,'

And of his. seed he left behind him Roboam, the foolishness of the people,'' and

one that had no understanding,
Who turned away the people through his counsel ;
Also Jeroboam son * of Nabat,
Who caused Israel to sin.
And allowed to ° Ephraim the way of sin.

24 And their sins were multiplied exceedingly,

So that ■'° they were removed ^^ out of their ■'^ land.

25 And ^' they sought out all wickedness.
Till punishment " came upon them.

Ver. 22. — ' A. V. : Neither sliaU any .... periah (Fritzache receiTea Sta^^etpp from III. 23. 55. 106. al. Old Lat. ;
text, rec, BuaifiQapt)}. 2 aboliah. » (Fritzache receivea avroo after eK^eicTou from X. 55. 68. 106. 155. al. It ia alao
fouudinll.; iea:(. rec. omits.) * Wherefore.

Vers. 23-25. — 6 A. V. : Thus rested Solomon (Cod. X., Co., %oKott.tav ; see ver. 13). « (Fritzache receives aurou

after Trarepiav from III. X. 55. 106. al. It ia also found in II.) ^ B. Bven the foolishness of the people (see Com.).

8 There was also J. the son (to' be constirued aa accus. after /careXtn-e). f" shewed ieSotKe). 1** That. " driven

(ojrooT^<rat). ^^ the (auTwi' is omitted in II. 248. Co.). ^^ For. " the rengeance.

Chapter XLVII.

Vei'. 1. ' It is surprising that nothing either
good or bad is said of Nathan, further than to
introduce him as one of the lino of prophets. It
may have been from fear lest some shadow might
fall on the splendor of David, whose career is
next noticed. ' ' -

Ver. 2. SaiTTiptov. This was the so-called
" thank offering," or " peace offering." Its cere-
monial is described in Leviticus, chap. iii. Of the
flesh, the breast and right shoulder were given to
the priest; the rest, excepting the fat (which was
burned), belonged to the person making the sacri-
fice.

Ver. 6. Ten thousands. This has reference
to the words : " Saul hath slain, his thousands,
and David his ten thousands. See 1 Sam.xviii. 7.
— 'Ef T(f (pfpeaBai, m that He [the LordJ gave.
The verb might also be construed in the middle
voice, with the people as subject.

Ver. 7. 'E(ouSeiia<re means he liqhtly esteemed,
despised. But, as the context requires a stronger
expression, it is likely that the translator falsely
read W3 for D^3 ; or thijt the latter word had
in someinstanceS the same meaning as the former.
Cf. Prbv. xxvii. 7 ; where, in fact, it has this
figurative meaning. See also Judith xvi. 17,
where, as Fritzsche thinks, the same failure in
translation is made.

Ver. 10. 'Eit(io-/tr)(re might also mean adorn,
which would, bring it into harmony with the first
clause. — The words yuf'xp' <rvvTf\flcis are better
rendered unto completeness, completely, perfectly, —
a rendering which the margin of the A. V. also
indicates. .

Ver. 11. Covenant respecting kings, t. c, the
covenant promise that the royal line should con-
tinue in his descendants. Cf. 2 Sam. vii. 16.

Ver. 12. 'Ev irKaTvir/j.$. Lit., in a wide place.
He was no more full of care for this and that.
He gave up all to the management of his wise
Boni

Ver. 14. 'as rroro^iiiis. There probably stood
in the original "I'f^'^S, which in that case should
have been rendered by as S woTaiJi6s, since the
overflowings of the Nile are probably meant. Cf.

xxiv. 25, xxxix. 22 : Amos viii. 8 (^W3 nnbfl)-
* ' ^ T T : T :'

Ver. 18. As tin, Kao-airepov. Some falsely
suppose that' by this word not tin is meant, but
pewter; Latin, stannum. It is spoken of fre-
quently in the Iliad as an ornament of armor
and chariots. It was simply melted and cast upon
them. The Sanskrit name is kastira, and it is
probable that the Phoenicians first got the name
with the metal from the islands on the coasts of
India.

Ver. 20. Kal Kareviynv. It seems best, with
Fritzsche, to place a period before the above
words, and to regard them as a direct address of
the author. This gives three members to the
twenty-first, as to the twentieth, verse.

Ver. 22. A. remnant unto jaoob (namely, to
the people of Israel). This remnant was the king-
dom of Judah. — Out of liim [Solomon] a root
I llehoboamj unto David.

Ver. 23. And of his seed, etc. The Greek
text at this point makes no intelligible sense.
Hence, Bretschneider, Fritzsche, and others are
naturally of the opinion, as well from this fact
as from the arrangement of clauses, that the
Greek translator did not render the original cor-
rectly. Fritzsche supposes that there stood in the
Hebrew: Sh: ]t2V VI^G {And he left behind
him)fi-om the seed of Amman A fool (and one that
had no understanding, R. ). Possibly, however, the
Hebrew may have contained the name of Reho-
boam's mother: And he left behind him of the
seed of Naamah (rTpVa), etc. — " Israel " and
" Ephraim " are designations of the ten tribes,
in distinction from the tribe of Judah.

400 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter XLVIII.

1 And Elias rose up a prophet like ^ fire,
And his word burnt like a torch ; '

2 Who " brought a famine * upon them,

And by his zeal he diminished their number.

3 By the word of the Lord he shut up heaven,'
And so ° three times brought down fire.

4 O Elias, how wast thou made glorious ' in thy wondrous deeds I
And who is like thee that he may glory ! '

5 Who didst raise up a dead man from death,

And from Hades,*' by the word of the Most High;

6 Who broughtest kings down ^° to destruction.
And honorable mm from their bed ;

7 Who heardest the rebuke on " Sinai,

And on Horeb the sentence of punishment ; ^

8 Who anointedst kings for retribution,^'
And prophets as his successors ; "

9 Who wast taken up in a whirlwind of fire,
In a chariot with '^ fiery horses ;

10 Who wast written of in reproofs for special times,"
To pacify wrath before its outbreak,"

To turn the heart of the father to the son,^'
And to restore the tribes of Jacob.

11 Blessed are they that see " thee, and are adorned with * love;
For we also shall surely be alive.^'

12 Elias it was, who disappeared in ^' a whirlwind ;
And Elisaee ^' was filled with his spirit.

And '* whilst he lived, he wavered before no ^ prince,
Neither could any bring him into subjection.

13 No matter was tt)o great for him ; ^^
And in ^ death his body prophesied.

14 He did also ^' wonders in his life,

And in ™ death were his works marvelous.

15 For all this the people repented not,
Neither departed they from their sins.

Till they were carried as spoil out ^ of their land,
And were scattered in '^ all the earth.
And °^ there remained a small people.
And a ruler in the house of David ;

16 Of whom some did what was pleasing,'*
And some multiplied sins.

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. V. : Then stood up {xat ivflcmj) Elias the prophet as. ^ lamp (XofiTra? = "7**57. Cf. Gen. XT. 17)
* He (os). * sore {248. Co. have iirxvp^v) famine. " the heaven (marg., made heaven to hold vp. Acoordmg to

present usage, it should \>Q " heaven " or " the heaveuB "). ^ And (Fritzsche receives Kai from H. 65. 248. 263. Co.

Old Lat. and 106. by a second hand ; text. rec. omits) also {ovtus. It is dotted in X., and omitted in H. 248. 263. Co. Old
Lat. Cf. Com.).

Vers. 4-7. — ^ A. V. : honoured (hardly strong enough for eSo^i(r6Ti? here). » who may glory lifee Tmto thee (ris

ofjLotd? aoL Kavxatrdai.). ^ his soul (H. 248. 263. Co. add ^x^^) from the place of the dead (marg., grave). ^^ omits

down (the force of Kara in the verb), ^ rebuke of the Lord (H. 248. 253. Co. add Kvpiov) in. 12 in Horeb {XupriP)

the judgment of vengeance (ftpiVaTot e«5tK>j(7eus).

Vers. 8-11. — i" A. V. : to take revenge (els a.vTaiT6Koiia). 1* to succeed after him (marg., thee. See Com.).

'c And in of. ^^ ordained for (I adopt the marginal rendering. See Com.) .... in their times. i' the wrath

of the Lord's judgment (II. 248. Co. add Kpicretus Kvplov after hpyijv. See Com.) before it break forth into fury. w And
(Fritzsche strikes out Kai, with III. X. 106. 165. 157. 248. 296. Co.) to turn the heart of the father unto the son.
"» saw (see Com.). 2f slept in (I adopt marginal rendering. See Com.). 21 ^e shall surely live (see Com.).

Vers. 12-16. — ^^ A. V. : was covered with {e&K€itd(T0ij, but in the sense of was enshrouded, disappeared). 28 Eliseus.
'.4 omits And- "5 ^q^ uot moved with the presence of any (sing. ; 248. Co., on-b apxtlj-Twy). zo No word could over-
come him. 27 after Aw (see Com.). ^ omits &lso. 29 at his (248. Co add aiiTou). bo their (Fritzsche receives
avTuiv from X. H. 56. 106. 165. al. Co. Old Lat.) .... spoiled and carried out {eirpovonevBijiTav, were ravaged, plundered ;
248- Co., TTpoevoij.ev9ri(rav. The Greek presupposes that IDt^D stood in the original ; but probably it was 12&^-
The A. V. has included both ideas, and perhaps it is best so translated, as above). si scattered through (III. X. 106.
167. 248. 263. Co. read BieaKopiritrdritTav ; text, rec., eirKopTricr^iTav). ^2 Yet. ^ that which was pleasing (rb apeoroi')
to God.

ECCLE8IASTICUS.

401

17 Ezekias fortified his city,

And brought the Gihon into their midst ; *
He digged through ^ the hard rock with iron,
And built wells for water.'

18 In his time Sennacherim ^ came up ;

Aiad he dispatched Rapsaces ; ' and he departed,'
And lifted ' up his hand against Sion,
And boasted proudly in his insolence.^

19 Then trembled their hearts and hands,
And they were in pain, as those ° in travail.

20 And '" they called upon the Lord who is ^^ merciful,
Stretching out ^^ their hands towards him ;

And quickly *' the Holy One heard them out of heaven,
And delivered them by the hand of Esaias."

21 He smote the host of the Assyrians,
And his angel destroyed them.

22 For Ezekias did ^^ the thing that pleased the Lord,
And was strong in " the ways of David his father,
As Esaias " the prophet.

Who was great and trustworthy " in his visions,'" had commanded hint.

23 In his time the sun went backward,
And he lengthened the king's life.

24 He saw by an excellent spirit ^ the last things,^^
And he comforted them that mourned in Sion.
He showed what should be ^^ for ever,

And the secret things before they took place.^

Vers. 17-20. — » A, V. : in water (avroiy tov Tiay ; III. 55. 106. 155. al. Co. Old Lat. Syr. Ar., avi^s vStap. See Com.)
into the midst thereof. 2 ojnits through (the Terb o/juo-o-bi has also this meaning, to dig through, I, e., maTce a canal

through). 2 made wells (Kp^rof ) for waters. * Sennacherib. 5 And sent (xat ajTeWetAe) Eabsaces.

" omits and he departed (leal kirfntev \ 248. Co. connect these words with x^tpa avroO, omitting /cat cTr^pe, but probably
by mistake. Fritzsche adopts x"pa from III. 55. 106. 155. 248. 254. Co. Old Lat. ; text, rec, with II. X., 17 x^^P)-
' lift. " omits in his insolence (er — Fritzsche adopts it from H. 106. 155. 157. Co. -~vir€fiT]4>avlA, which are found

after the verb e/ieyoAauxijirei'). ^ women {al). ^^ But, ^ which is. " And stretched out (exn-eTacrazTes).

" immediately (raxu ; ra^vs, H. j 248. Co. omit). ^* ministry (xeipO of Esay.

Vers. 21-24.— ."A. V. : had done. ^ iev£(rxo<rei', in the sense of heldjirmly to.) " As (lit., which) Esay.

" faithful. w Tision (to be understood, however, collectively). 20 (Lit., a great spirit, i. e., the divine Spirit, and
it might be rendered, in high inspiration.) 21 what should come to pass at the last (see Com.}^ ^ pome to pass (rd
iiTofAeva). 23 \a(i secret things or ever they came (Trplv ri napayevetrdai aiird).

Chaptbk XLVIII.

Ver. 3. And so. In the same manner as he
had closed (lit., held back, hviax^v) heaven, namely,
by the wordofthe Lord. OSras is omitted in some
of the MSS., apparently because its force was not
nnderstood.

Ver. 5. See, at 1 Kings xvii. 17-24, the ac-
count of the raising of the lad at Sarepta.

Ver. 6. Honorable (men) from their bed.
He brought them from their bed into destruction.
Thp case of Ahaziah is probably meant. See
2 ICiags i. 4, 16.

Ver. 7. See 1 Kings xix. 7-19.

Ver. 8. The kings referred to are Hazael and
Jehu. — And prophets. There was but one
prophet meant, Elisha, and the plural is used in
order to keep the thought somewhat vague and
general. See Winer, p. 175. — His successors.
The author, inadvertently as it would seem, leaves
the seooud person for the third.

Ver. 10. The verses 10-12 and the first part
of the 13th were regarded by Bretschneider,
whom Bunsen's Bibetwerk here follows, as an
addition by a later hand, founded on Mai. iv. 5, 6.
Cf. also Is. xlix. 6; Matt. xvii. 10, 11 ; Mark ix.
26

11, 12; Luke i. 17. That the verses are founded
on the passage in Malachi may, however, be
granted, without our being compelled to accept,
at the same time, the theory that they are a later
addition. Much depends on the way in which
they are interpreted. — 'O KaTaypa(peU ^v i\iyp.o7s
eh Kaipois, Who wast written of (or enrolled, regis-
tered) in reproofs for special times. The propheti-
cal utterances of Malachi concerning Elijah are
evidently intended. — KoTrdaat opy^v irpo dvfj.ov. To
pacify wrath before its outbreak, i. e., before it
becomes flii/xos, the active principle of anger.

Ver. 11. Blessed (are) they that see thee (01
Uovres o-e). The Hebrew was probably ^^y'lH,
and should obviously have been rendered by
at dpojvTes ce, who see thee, or shall see thee,.
namely, when he thus came. — Kal ol 4v ayaTTt](ret
KeKO(rfiLriii.eiiot, and are adorned with love. The
reading KeKoiii.nii-^voi found in 155. 248. 253. 254.
296. Co., and adopted by the A. V., is an evident
correction based on the doctrine of the resurrec-
tion, which it was supposed the author ought
to teach. — Kal yiip 7ifie7s faip (■ri<r6iJ.eSa, For we,

402

THE APOCRYPHA.

also, shall surely be aUve. This passage has
caused great difficulty ; but the author seems in
it simjily to express the confident hope that they
should live to see the happy day spoken of.

Ver. 13. His body prophesied. Bunsen's
Bibelwerk and others think, if the common text is
followed, the author made a mistake, imputing
the incident related of Elijah (2 Chron. xxi. 12f.j
to Elisha. But it is far more probable that what
is said of Elisha at 2 Kings xiii. 21, is meant,
where the body of a dead man placed in the
prophet's gra\e revived. Still, the phraseology is
peculiar. Some (Grotius) would take iirpoipTiTevae
in the sense of showed prophetic (i. e., miraculous)
power. Eritzsche conjectures that here, too, the
Greek translator is in error, having read 1733n,
which the author hnd written as though it were
S33n; The latter said, according to this view,
that in death the body of Elisha ivas touched,
leaving to he supplied by the memory what the
result was. The former theory, however, appears
to us to be quite as worthy of acceptance. It is
simply meant that Elisha, even after death, con-
tinued to exercise prophetic (i. e., supernatural)

power, in that a miracle was performed by his
dead body. The following verse supports this
view.

Ver. 17. AvTuv rhv rdy. The pronoun refers
to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. The A. V.
adopted the reading al/rris SSaip, which is sup-
ported by the authorities above given. The MSS.
55. and 254. have avTav iiSaip ; and H., ouTiji rhi/
vTjcep. Fiitzsche's conjecture that linj-flN, the
Gihon, stood in the original (cf. 1 Kings i. 33),
which the translator put in the form found in the
text, seems probable. In 2 Chron. xxxii. 30 (cf.
2 Kings XX. 20) it is said that Hezekiah also
stopped the upper source or issue of the " water-
course of Gihon." From this river, then, the
water was taken for Jerusalem, and it was done
in the early part of this king's reign, and so is
properly mentioned by our author at the begin-
ning of his account of the acts of Hezekiah.

Ver. 24. "EirxaTa = r^lCS, which meana
properly the last or extreme part ; hence, here, the
end of time, the last things. Cf. Gen. xlix. 1 ; 2
Kings XX. 17, 18.

Chaptee xlix.

1 The remembrance of Josias is like the composition of the perfume,*
Prepared by the labor of the apothecary ; ^

It is sweet as honey in every mouth,^
And as music at a bantjuet of wine.

2 He was prospered * in the conversion of the people,
And took away the abominations of transgression.'

3 He directed his heart unto the Lord ;

In ° the time of transgressors he maintained godliness.'

4 All, except David and Ezekias and Josias, went widely astray,'
For they forsook the law of the Most High ;

The " kings of Judah disappeared ; ^^

5 For they delivered up ^^ their power unto others,
And their glory to a foreign ^^ nation.

6 They burnt the chosen city of the sanctuary,

And made her " streets desolate, according to the prophecy of Jeremias ;

7 For they treated him ill,^*

And he was sanctified as a prophet in the ^' womb :
That he might root out, and afflict, and destroy ;
That in like manner he might build "^ and plant.

8 Ezekiel " saw the glorious vision.

Which he showed " him upon the chariot of the cherubim ; "

9 For he made mention of the enemy in ^ rain,

Vers. 1-3 — i Or excellent, perfumed, incense. Seo Com. 2 A. V. : That is made {text, rec, inKnaaiitvov.

FritzRche adopts the gen. Irom X. ; 248. Co., the dat.) by the art (epyoi ; III, 155. IpyoKJ of the apothecary (see Com.)'.
' all mouths. < behaved himself uprightly (I adopt the marginal reading. The Greek is jtarFuflui;*,, but probably

as rendering for PI^'biTI in an intransitive sense). <■ iniquity (ira^iVi). o And in. ' the ungodly Uv6iLav)

he cstjiblisbed the worship of God (/caTt(rxv(re ttjc evai^eiav. See Com.).

Vers.4-7.-« A. v.: weredefective (seo Com.). « Mven the. '» failed (efAi»-or. I render with Luther

Dcresor, Fntzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and others. If failure in keeping the law was meant, we should have expeeted

KareAiTToi/, as just before. Of. also following, which is falsely rendered in the A. V,). ii Therefore he gave (ISoiicai/

yap; 155. and Co., by a corrector, IJ«,«; 248. Co. omit yip). 12 strange. " the (see Com ). " entreated him

f J'V"; !}' t ''""' ■'■'".,'""'='' '° """ member). « Who nevertheless was a prophet sanctiSed iu hi, mother^,.

w And that he ... . build up also.

Vers. 8-10. -"A v.: It «.« Ezekiel who (this rendering is based on the traditional reading 'Ui^K.^k S,, instead of
ItfeKi^Ao!. The latter form of the %vord is found in Josephus, and though not to have been expected here is to be
adopted m preference to the other abnormal construction). " was shewed (miia^cv, namely Godl « „h.™him<,
» enemies under the figure of the (see Com.). j , v, u,. caerumma

ECCLESIASTICUS. 403

And did good unto ' them that went aright.''

He comforted also Jacob,'

And delivered them by an * assured hope.

10 And the twelve prophets,

Let their bones revive again from their grave.'

1 1 How shall we magnify Zorobabel ?

He also ^ was as a signet on the right hand ;

12 So tpas Jesus son ' of Josedec,
Who in their time builded the house,
And set up the * holy temple to the Lord,
Which was prepared for everlasting glory.

13 And great is the memory of Neemias,'

Who raised up for us the walls that were fallen,
And set up gates with bolts,"
And raised up our dwellings.^^

14 Upon ^^ the earth was not one ■'' created like Enoch ;
For he was taken up ^* from the earth.

15 Neither was there a man born like unto Joseph,

A governor' of his ^' brethren, a stay of the people ;
And they cared for his bones.^^

16 Sem and Seth were in great honor " among men ;

And Adam was ^* above every living thing in the creation.

Vera. 9, 10. — i A. V. : directed (marg., did good {unto). Gr., ayaduKrai ; H. 106. 157. 248. 253. Co., KartopSwo-e ; Gro-
tiufl suggests rtydSuia-e, suspecting a mistranslation). 2 right. 3 For tliey comforted J. (the plur. is found in III.

H. 66. 165. 263. 264. Old Lat. and in all but 253., together with 106. 157., yip instead of Se). « omils s.n {fee Com.).

B And of the twelve prophets let the memorial be blessed (so 248. Co.), And let ... . flourish again out of their place
(see xlvi. 12).

Vers. 11-13. — "^ A. V. : Even he. - ^ the son. 8 a (see following line, " The house." The well-known temple

at Jerusalem is meant ; text. rec. has KtUv ; Fritzsche receives vaov from III. 55. 106. al. Co. Old Lat.). o among the
elect (so H. 248. Co.) was N. (Cod. II. agrees with X. Aid. in reading vdiiovtrtv), Whose renown is great. lo set up

the gates and the bars. ^^ ruins again (rd otKOTreSa ijfiiav. Lit., the sites of our houses. A secondary meaning

was houses).

Vers. 1^16. — " A. V. : But upon. ^^ no fnan. " omits up. 15 (Not in the Greek.) ^^ Whose bones were
regarded of the Lord (iirtiTKeiTrifxoj/ \ H. 248. Co., En-ea-Ke'in} vtto Kvplov), ^^ (^So^ao-^crav.) ^ so was Adam

Chapter XLIX.

Ver. 1. ^ivBeirii' Bv/uiftaTos. The first word,
compound, is to be understood in the sense of
good, excellent. In the original probably stood

"C";Ml3n rf^bpb, perfumed incense. Cf. Ex.
XXV. 6, xxxi. U, in the Hebrew and Greek. —
Apothecary (/lupsij/oO). Cf. xxxviii. 8.

Ver. 2. Was prospered, KareuduvOrj. This
Greek word is probably given as the rendering of
n'^bljn, with the meaning given. Cf. Dan. vi.
28, and Ez. v. 8, in the Hebrew and Greek. —
In the conversion of the people, iv ewKTrpoipfi
\aov. This word occurs only once in the New
Testament in the present sense, namely, at Acts

the common one. Eritzsche, however, would
translate, in closer harmony with verse 7, on ac-
count of Jeremiah, i. e., so far as he was misused.
This was the ground of the punishment visited
upon the city of Jerusalem.

Ver. 9. Made mention of, ^/ic^crfli?. The
Hebrew was doubtless ~13T, which is also ren-
dered in the LXX. by 4iri/i.ydofj.at, at Jer. xx. 9. —
'E:' 6fjL$p(f}. Among the many attempts to explain
this difiicult passage, that of Eritzsclie — who
thinks that the translator made a mistake in the
original word, taking D7.T.3 for D?T2, in anger
— seems the most deserving; of credit. The pas-

XV. 3. Cf., however, Ecclus. xviii. 21. [sage would then read : Ezekiet thought of {or mad

Ver. 3. KarliTxvae t^v eiaeffeiai', held fast, or i mention of) his enemy in anger, i. e., predicted in
remained firm in, maintained piety. Others would j indignation their overthrow. Still, the A. V.
render, Ae marfe piety sironjr, i. e., caused it to win i ujay not, after all, be incorrect in sense. At
influence and power. The Hebrew was doubtless Ezekiel xxxviii 22, we read ; " And I will plead
Vt^ or p-Tn i against him with pestilence and with blood ; and

Ver. 4. 'ul-n^ixiK.ta. i^K-ni^utiX-noa.. Were I ^^iU rain upon him, and upon his bands, and
defective (A. vTis not strong enough ; better, ^P°° '•'« "^"^ people that «re with h,m, an over-
,„ ,, *, , 'J ; , ° T •? !,,.„,; „„ flowing rain, and great hailstones, hre, and brim-

greatlii erred, went widelii astray, l^it., erred an "" " , ' ^ -I'V i, . n

' mi, u £ .... I f I. „i stone. 1 he LXX., however, unexpectedlv uses

error. The verb means, first, (o mate a /a/se )!0(e =»'"'"=■ , ,, »• S -in, i i-

• „ . T> 1 I, -J • li 11 „tf„ ^■„^ ,n here ueros (Latin, pluvia), the word tor common
an mnsic. Bretschneider lustly calls attention to,' ." ■ \ c ■ a /f *• ■ i \

the fact that there were other relatively good
kings : *' Omisisse auctor videtur Josaphatum et
Jousum." Cf. 1 Kings xxii. 41-44 ; 2 Kings xii.
2, 3.

Ver. 6. 'Ey x^'p' 'l^pep.lov. The rendering of
the A. v., according to the prophecy of Jeremiah, is

rain, instead of &i^0pos (Latin, imhtr) as in our
passage." The last two members of the lOth
verse, as it would seem from the context, properly
belonp here at the close of the 9th. bo Bret-
schneider and Fritzsche. They were probably at
first misplaced by a copyist.

404 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chaptee L.

1 Simon the high priest, son ^ of Onias it was/
Who in his life repaired = the house,*

And in his days fortified ° the temple.

2 And by him was built from the foundation to double the height,
The high supporting wall " about the temple ;

3 In his days a water receiver was molten
From copper, in compass like the laver.''

4 He took care * of his people that they ° should not fall,
And fortified the city against besieging.

6 How glorious he was ^^ in the midst of " the people,
When he came out from behind the vail ! ^^

6 As '" the morning star in the midst " of a cloud ; "
As ^'^ the moon at the full ; "

7 As the sun shining upon the temple of the Most High ;
And as the rainbow ^* giving light in the bright clouds ; "

8 As ^ the flower of roses in spring ; ^^
As lilies by a fountain of water ; ^^

As a shoot ^^ of the frankincense tree in the days ^ of summer ;

9 As fire and incense in the censer ;
As ^ a vessel of beaten gold

Set ^'^ with all kinds of ^' precious stones ;

10 As an ^ olive tree putting ^ forth fruit ;

And as a cypress tree lifting itself into '" the clouds.

11 When he took "^ the robe of honor,

And was clothed with the perfection of glory,'^

When he went up to the holy altar,

He made the fore court of the temple glorious.^

12 But ^ when he took the portions out of the priests' hands.
And he ^^ stood by the hearth ^^ of the altar,

A garland of brethren round about him,"
He was °' as a young cedar on *' Libanus ;
And as palm trees '" compassed they him round about.

13 And " all the sons of Aaron were *^ in their glory.

And offerings for *^ the Lord were " in their hands, before all the congregation of
Israel.

Vers. 1-3. ^' A. V. : The {aa 248. Oo.) son. ^ omiVs it was. ^ {hit,, stitched underneath, patcltcd up.) * house
ugain. ^ (See Com.) ^ foundation the double height, The high fortress of the wall (seeCoTW.). 7 cistern to

recelTe water {ajroSox^tov — IXI. X. al., the plur. I follow Ftitzgche — iSaTwf ), being in compass as the sea {daXatrcrris,
but obviously the laver of the temple is referred to), was coTered with plates of brass (eAaro/i^flTj .... ;^aAKos. Tlio
former, a conjecture of Friczsche ; MSS., ri\aTrw9ri. On the latter, see Com. Some MSS. have AaKKos).

Vers. 4-7. — ^ See Com. " A. V. : the temple that it. lo was he honoured {iSo^d<Tdri. Some MSS. have the

second person). ii (More probably " as he turned towards " See Com.) ^2 in ;„5 coming out of the sanctuary

{mais., Gt., the house ofthe veil. The Holiest of All was meant). ^^ He was as. ^^ {iv fj.ei7ta, in arift? Cf., how-
ever. Is. xiv. 14.) « (plur. X. 23. 106. 167. 248. Co.) w j^nd as. " (Llt.,>;i of days; H. 248. Co. Old Lat.,
full of her days.) '8 rainbow (cf. xliii. 11). '^ Lit., dojtds of glory.

Vers. 8-11. — ^o a. V. : And as. 2X the spring of the year (lit., in the days of the new, fruits being understood).

22 the rivers of waters (ejr' i^6&ti>v. Codd. III. X. 28., and many others, have for the latter the dat. sing., which
Fritzache adopts. Cf. Is. xli. 18). 23 And as the branches {^Katnos. See Com.). Z4 time (the literal rendering is
better). ^ And us. 23 get (/ceKoa-fATj/xe'coi/. So Fritzsche renders. Others, arforne^/). '^'^ manner of [b'in»\AeA is

contained in iravTi)- ^8 And as a fair (cuTrpeTnis is added io H. 248. Co. Cf . xxiv. 14). 29 hudding ^he verb is

ivaflaAXu), to shoot up again; and trans., to cause to flourish, bloom, again). so which groweth up to (vtlfovjae'ioi).

Bi put on (ii/aAa/.t^dveii/). 22 ( jt refers to the splendor of his official robes. Cf. xlv. 8, " perfect glory.") 83 gar-
ment of holiness honourable (TreptjSoATji' aYia(r/n(iTO?. The A. V. is clearly incorrect in its rendering).

Vers. 12, 13. — '< A. V. : omits But {U). =» He himself. ™ (This Greek word is sometimes used to lender 33

T»

thx upper surface (of an altar), and !33")^, rim, border of the same). ^t Compassed with his {(rri^avot a8e\^uv altet
KVKX66ev dvT6i). iJdt II. X. Aid., " He was the crown of his brethren .... about ").,.. about. 88 omits He was

83 in. ^'^ (Lit., trunks of palms, which are noted for their straightness and beauty.) 41 So were, *2 omits were-
•* the oblations {tipoai^opa., Cf . yer. 14, where the A. V. renders by " offering ") of. w tymits were.

ECCLESIASTICUS. 405

14 And having finished * the service at the altars,^

That he might adorn the offering of the Most High, Ahaighty,

15 He stretched out his hand to the cup,

And poured out ' of the blood of the grape !

He poured it * out at the foot of the altar,

A sweetsmelling savor unto the Most High, King of all.

16 Then shouted the sons of Aaron ;

They sounded with trumpets of beaten metal,'
They " made a great noise to be heard.
For a remembrance before the Most High.

17 Then all the people together hasted,

And fell down to the earth upon their faces

To worship their Lord,

The Almighty God, Most High.'

18 The singers also sang praises with their voices,
In the spacious temple was ' made sweet melody.

19 And the people besought the tord Most' High,
By prayer before him that is merciful,

TiU the glorious worship ^^ of the Lord was ended.
And they had finished his service.

20 Then he went down, and lifted up his hands

Over the whole congregation of the sons " of Israel,
To give the blessing of the Lord with his lips,
And to rejoice in his name.

21 And they bowed themselves down to worship the second time^
That they might receive the ^^ blessing from the Most High.

22 And now " bless ye the God of all,"
Who '^ doeth wondrous things everj where.
Who prospereth ^' our days from the womb,
And dealeth with us according to his mercy.

23 May " he grant us '^ joyfulness of heart,

And that peace may be in our days in Israel as in time past."

24 May his mercy be continually ™ with us,
And may he redeem us in ^^ his time.

25 Two nations my soul ^^ abhorreth.
And the third is no nation :

26 They that sit upon the mountain of Sier, the Philistines,'*
And the ^ foolish people that dwell in Sichem.^

27 I,^^ Jesus, son of Sirach ^ of Jerusalem

Have ^^ written in this book sagacious and intelligent doctrine,^
Who out of his heart poured forth wisdom.

28 Blessed is he who shall employ himself with ™ these things,
And he that layeth them up in his heart shall become wise ;

Vera. 14, 15. — i A. V. : fimsMng tlie service {<rvvTe\€Laif K^LTovpyStv. The former word may be construed adverbially,
as in tile A. V. ; but Pritzsclie supposes that it represented the direct object in the original). " altar (III. H. 68. 248.
Aid. Co. Old Lat. have the sing.). 3 poured {ea-jreiaeF, i. e., made a libation, poured a drink offering). * omits it.

Vers. 16-20! — » A. V. : .4ni sounded the silver trumpets (marg. , trumpets beaten forth with the hammer), o And.

^ The Lord God Almighty, the most Eigh. ^ with great variety of sounds was there («i/ n-Aecffru oUw ; 106. 157.

248. Co. have ^xv)- ** t^^ most. ^^ solemnity (kdit/xos. The art. is prefixed in X. 65. 248. 254. Co. The word is

generally rendered by " worship." But this is an extraordinary rendering for Koir/ios, and it is likely that something
Wood in the original meaning glory, honor which the Greek word might well represent). " children.

Vera. 21-24. ^^i^ A. V. : a. i* Now therefore. " (Fritzsche receives irafTwr from III. X. al. for irayre^

of text, rec.) is Which only (248. Co. add fi6ifov). ^^ Which exalteth {rbv vipovvra, but in the sense given.

Tbe A. V. is not clear). " omits May. " (Cod. II., with III., 155. Aid. read vji'" ; hut cf. context.) i» for

ever (see Com. The rendering of the A. V. does not agree with the context, " in our days for ever," and ia not
grammatically exact). so xhat /te would confirm (ejuDrnrreuffat. Cf. Com.) his mercy. 21 deliver (Avrpwo-aa-flw)

uaat.

Vers.25-29. — 22 a. y.; 'jyiere be two manner of tiB.tAoaawhithtaj'heaxt. ^ Samaria (see Com.), And they that

dwell among the Fhilistines (so H. 248. Co.). 21 that (fritzsche receives the article from III. X. 65. al.). 25 (0r._
SiKifiois, from Sutc'iua.) =» omits I. 27 the son of S. (Cod. II. agrees with III. 65. 106. 155. 157. al. in adding

^tiifap). S8 hath (Co. 014 tat., tliird per. sing.). ™ the instruction of understanding and knowledge. so is A«

406

THE APOCRYPHA.

29 For if he do them, he shall be strong to all things;
For the light of the Lord leadeth him.^

that shall be exercised in. ^ Lit.

godly. Blessed be the Lord for ever.

"his trace is the light of the Lord.''
Amen, Amen. So H. 65. 248. 264. Co.

A. V. adds, Who giveth wisdom to tlie

Chapter L.

Ver. 1. For remarks on the high priest Simon,
see Introduction, pp. 278, 279. — Son of Onias.
The name " Onias " does not occur until a late
period in Jewish history. Its origin is doubtful.
±'ive hi^h priests, at different times, bore the
title. Cf. article " Onias " in Smith's Bib. Did.

— Fortified, eo'repe'ttjtre ; Heb., p'^H ; which might
be used also in the sense of renewed, restored.

Ver. 2. 'AvdXrintxu. It means, first, any ele-
vated structure ; then, that which is used for repair-
ing ; and in the filural, walls for underpropping.
It is used in the LXX., at 2 Chron. xxxii. 5, for
the fortification "Millo" on one side of the
temple mountain. Here it might perhaps be
best trsLnalnted foundation, or supporting wall. De
Wette, followed by Bunseti's Bibelwerk, renders
the last member (in the first most are agreed) :
" The high, supporting wall of the temple circuit."
Linde and Dcreser : " The high citadel which
surrounded the temple." Gutmann : " To the
wall which surrounded the sanctuary." Herz-
feld : "In a higli supporting structure of the
circle about the. temple." Fritzsche, both mem-
bers : " And by him was carried up, to double the
height of the surrounding wall. The height of the
wall of the sanctuary."

Ver. 3. We read with Fritzsche for Ti\aTTti$-n,
whidi makes no sense, i\aToft.-h6i), Heb., D"55n,
hewn, hammered out, or freely mohen. — From cop-
per, in compass like the laVer. Some would con-
nect x'tA.Kiij with the preceding member. In his
days ivas molten a water receicer from copper, in
compjass like tlie luver, i. e., the so-called " bi'azen
sea." On x'^^tiis. cf remarks at 1 Esd. viii. 57.

Ver. 4. ^poyTl(€iv, according to Graetz, corre-
sponds, not as Fritzsche supposes to the Hebrew
. 2lf'n, but to tr-l-J. Cf. Geschichle d- Volkes Is.,
ii.. 2 Theil, p. 237. It might then mean : He
souijht for his people, etc. ; or, also, the meaning
above given.

Ver. 5. ''E.v weptaTpo^pfi. The people were
accustomed on festival occasions to march around
the temple ; and that, as it seems probable, is
what is here referred to. So Ewald, Fritzsche,
and Bunsen's Bibelwerk. Gaab and Walil : " when
he turned toivards the people." The rendering of
the A. V. is the common one ; but it gives an
unusual meaning to irtpio-Tpo(()^.

Ver. 8. Frankincense tree, Xi^dmv. Some
commentators translate by Lebanon, and under-
stand the reference in " shoot of Lebanon " to the
young cedars. But this view does not harmonize
•0 well with the context. The frankincense tree

{arbor Ihuris) was not indeed a native of Pales-
tine. The Hebrews imported the product from
Arabia. — In summer, i. e., when incisions were
made in the bark, and the aroma was conse-
quently most observable.

Ver. 14. Altars. The altar of burnt offering
and the altar of incense are meant.

Ver. 15. noiu/Saa-iAer, King of all. This word
is found nowhere else in the LXX.

Ver. 16. 'EAoTaii. Lit., hammered, beaten out.
It is possibly used here in the sense oi finely made,
of skilled workmanship. So Fritzsche. — For a
remembrance, i. e., that the Most High might be
mindful of the people.

Ver. 23. Kara tos tj^jl^ocls tqv aiwvos. Lit.,
according to the days of the ^on. It might be ren-
dered, as in time past, i. e., in the whole previous
period of Jewish history; or, in the far past.

Ver. 24. 'E^uTrio-TeCtrai. The Hebrew was prob-
ably ITpS"], one of whose meanings is abide, be
enduring, permanent, which seems to be more ap-
propriate here. It is used of a covenant at Ps.
Ixxxix. 28. The rendering would then be as
above. — AvrpwcrdirOai. The Terb signifies, liter-
ally, to bring forward a ransom, the active being
used of the person who receives it. Hence the
derived sense is, to release on receipt of a ransom ;
and in the middle voice, to release by the payment
of a ransom. Cf. Cremer, Lex., s. v. Here, ap-
parently, a political, and not a spiritual, redemp-
tion is meant.

Ver. 26. The Old Latin, against the testi-
mony of all the Greek MSS., gives for " moun-
tain of Samaria " " mount Seir," " in Monte Seir,"
which is clearly the correct reading, since the
third clause — "the foolish people that dwell at
Sichem " — refers to the Samaritans. The Syriac
and Arabic versions support the Old Latin, 'i'heir
rendering corresponds to '^113, mountain country,^
which was used as a designation of a district in
the Edomite inountaius Cf. Jos., Anliq., ii, 1,
§ 2; iii. 2, § 1. Accordingly, the three peoples
meant are the Edomites, Phiiistines, and Samari-
tans. The reason why the Samaritans are called
" 110 people " is perhaps because they were of
mixed origin, and " foolish " because of their
idolatry and wickedness in general ; or, possibly,
in allusion to the old name of Sichem, " Moreh."
— Sichem. The later Neapolis and the present
Nabulus. It was here that our Saviour had the
interesting conversation with the Samaritan wo-
man at the well. See John iv. 3 ff. The form
given to the Greek word here (see Text. Notes) is
occasionally found in the LXX. elsewhere.

Chapter LI.

I -WILL thank thee, O Lord and King,
And praise thee, O God my Saviour ;

ECCLESIASTICUS. 407

I do giye thanks ^ unto thy name ;

2 For thou wast ^ my defender and helper,
And didst deliver ^ my body from destruction,
And from the snare of a ^ slanderous tongue.
From: lips that practice deception ; '

And wast ^ my helper against mine adversaries ; '

3 And didst deliver ^ me, according to the multitude of thy mercies and thy " name,
From the teeth of those ^^ ready to devour me,^^

Out ^'^ of the hand '^ of such as sought after my life,
From ^* the: many '^ afflictions which I had :

4 From suffocating fire ^^ on every side,

And from the midst of the fire which I kindled not ;

5 From the depth of the pit of Hades,"
And ■'* from an unclean tongue,
And from lying words to the king.

From the slander of an unrighteous tongue."

6 My soul drew near unto ^ death.

And ^^ my life was near to. Hades ^ beneath.

7 They compassed me on every side,
And there was none to help ; ^

I looked for succor from men.
And ^* there was none.

8 And I thought of ^^ thy mercy, O Lord,
And of thy acts from of old,^*

That thou deliveredst ^ such as waited ^' for thee.
And savedst ^" them out of the hand ^ of the enemy ."^

9 And I lifted '^ up my supplication from^ the earth,
And prayed for deliverance from death.

10 I called upon the Lord, my Father and ^ Lord,
That he would not leave me in the days of affliction,'^
In '^ the time of the proud, when there was no help.

11 I will praise thy name continually,
And will sing praise with thanksgiving :
Yea ^^ my prayer was heard ;

12 For thou savedst me from destruction,
And deliveredst me from the evil time ;

Therefore will I give thanks to thee,'* and praise thee,
And bless the name of the ^ Lord.

13 When I was yet young, before *° I went abroad,"
I sought ^^ wisdom openly in my prayer.

14 I prayed for her before the temple.
And will seek her out even to the end.

15 In her bloom my heart delighted as in the ripening grape ; ^'
Through her " my foot went the right way,

Vers. 1, 2. — I A. V. : praise (cf . first line). " art ( rye'i/ov. Some past danger is referred to). = hast preserved

{eXuTpuo-io. C£. Ter. 3). * the. ' And from the lips that lorge lies (see Com.). " hast been. ' Lit.,

those who stood by me, but to be taken in a hostile sense ; 248. Co. have ivSeo-niKiiTcoi/ for irapeo-njitiTioi'. Tritzsche
strikes out the (xot before jSoij^os, as wanting in III. X. 55. al.

Vers. 3-5. — s A. V. : hast delivered. » greatness of thy. 1° teeth (marg. , the gnashing, which is literal. Prob-
ably ^it Ppvxo'^""' wonld have better rendered the original. Cf. Matt. viii. 12) of them lliat were. " (Lit., ready for
prey.) '2 And out. " hands. " And from. « manifold (:rAeiw<ui/). >" the choking of Are (for irupd? of
the /ea:<. rec, Fritzsche adopts rrupSj from III. X. 106. 155. 157. Aid. It is found in the LXX. only in theApoc).
>' belly of Hell. " omits And. "» words, By an accusation (Fritzsohe adopts the gen. from III. X. 23. 55. al. ;

text. Tec., Sia^oKv) to the king from an unrighteous tongue.

Vers. 6-10. — » A. V. : even unto. 2' omits And (so 254.). ^2 the HeU. ™ no man to help me. " the

succour of men, but. 26 Then thought I upon. "> upon thy acts of eld (ris iir' aioii-os). " How thou deliver-
est. M wait. '» savest. so hands. »' enemies {text, rec., ievHv ; III. X. 55. 106. 165. 157. 248. al. Co., exOp'oy,
which Fritzschc adopts). '2 Then (icai') lifted I. » (Eritzsche adopts aTro from III. X. 65. 106. 156. al. ; text, rec.,
eiri.) M the rather of my (see Com.). S5 m?/ trouble (9Ai>eu!. Cf. ver. 3). '' Andia.

Vers. U, 12. — »' A. V. : And »o (marg., Becaiuie ; xai). ^ omits to thee (adopted from III. X. 23. 55. 106. 155. 157
253. 254.). s» thy name, 0 (so 55. 248. 254. Co.).

Vers. 13-18. — " A. V. : or ever. ■" (See Com.) » desired (cf. ver. 14). " Even from the flower till the

grape was ripe Hath my heart delighted in her (see Com.). « omUs Through her, i. «., joined w avrg to the preceding

^08 THE APOCRYPHA.

From my youth up sought I after ^ her.

16 I bowed" down mine ear a little while,'' and received her,
And found for myself much instruction."

17 I had prosperity by her :*

I will ^ ascribe the glory unto him that gave ' me wisdom.

18 For I purposed to act according to ' her,
And earnestly I followed the * good ;
And so I shall not be ashamed.^

19 My soul wrestled for " her,

And into the practice of the law I inquired closely ; "
I stretched forth my hands to the heaven above,
And bewailed the errors caused by ignorance " of her.

20 I directed my soul unto her,
And I found her in pureness ;

I got understanding 1" with her from the beginning,
Therefore shall I not be forsaken.

21 And my heart was moved to seek her out ; "
Therefore I got ^^ a good possession.

22 The Lord gave me a tongue as " my reward,
And I will praise him therewith.

23 Draw near unto me, you uninstructed,"
And dwell in the house of instruction,^'

24 Since you are in want in these things,"
And ™ your souls are very thirsty.

25 I open my mouth, and say,^^

Buy her for yourselves without money ;

26 Put your neck under the yoke,

And let your soul receive instruction.
She is hard at hand to find.

27 Behold with your eyes, that I labored a little while,""
And found for myself ^ much rest.

28 Get instruction ^* with a great sum of silver,''^
And you shall ^^ get much gold in "' her.

29 Let your soul rejoice in his mercy,
And be not ashamed in ^' his praise.

80 Work your work before the time,^'

And in his time he will give you your reward.

member). i (Lit., traced.) ^ omi/.T while (oAt'-yov). 8 gat much learning. * profited therein (irpOftOTTTj ryeVeri
aot Iv a.vT^. The first word means progress, improvement, but the rendering given better suits the context. Bunsen's
£t6^iH'erfc, with Fritzsche, Get/e/Aen). ^ Therefore. viiW.\. 8 gJTeth. ' do a/ier (better as rendered, or yrocf ice

htr, Tov TToiTJo-ai aiiTTjv). ^ that which is. ^ So shall I not be confounded {aioxovdSi).

Vers. 19-22. — ^o A. V. : hath wrestled with (3 Dn^D). ^^ my doings I was exact (Fritzsche writes v6ij.ov after

noLrnreL, from conjecture, and it is adopted by Bunsen's Bibelwerk; text, rec, supported by II. and X., Xifiov ; III. 106.
165. 157. 264. offer jllov. The word SiriKpip<a<rdfjiT]y means, ] inquired closely into, and so, further, to have an accurate
hnovjledge of a. thing). ^2 f^y ignorances (better either as given, or transgressions against). ^ have had my heart
joined (I adopt marg. rendering. See Com.). i* My heart was troubled in seeking her. ib have I gotten,

i** hath given . , . .for.

Vers. 23-80. — i' A, V. ; unlearned (cf. ver. 26). ^8 learning. i" Wherefore are you slow, and what say you of
these things (the addition is found in 248. Co. Old Lat.). 20 Seeing. 21 j opened .... said. 22 jiow that I have
had but little labour. 23 have gotten unto me. 24 Qgt (^eratrxcTe, lit., have part in) learning. 2b money

(cf . following : apyvpi'ou — xpvaoy). 20 omits you shall (it is often the force of the second of two imperatives con-

nected by koi). 27 by. ^^ ot(,ev,i. e.^ in praising, to praise). 29 betimes (irpb Koapov).

Chapter LI.

The heading of this chapter in the MSS., —
Prayer of Jesus Son of Sirach, like all the other
headings of sections in the present book, is doubt-
less a later addition. Still, it would appear from
the contents that the chapter itself was originally
written in Hebrew by the author of the present
book, and translated into Greek by the same
person who translated the remainder of the work.

It is, however, out of place in its present position ;
and Fritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and others
think it must have originally stood before verses
27-29 of chapter 1., which bring the book to a
proper conclusion. It is not now possible to de-
cide whether this wrong position arose from an
error of later times, or was occasioned by the fact
that the author really composed it last, and if

ECCLESIASTICUS.

409

was not known where he intended it should be

Ver. 2. 'Epya^ofiefav yfievSos, practice decep-
tion (-ip.t» r\WV). Cf. Jer. vi. 13 ; viii. 10 :
"dealeth falsely" (A. V.).

Ver. 5. An unclean tongue is the tongue of
the calumniator. — Boo-iAei is to be connected
with i|/cv5oS;, and this and the following phrase
joined to verse 5th, _/rom lying words to the king.
He seems to have been misrepresented before the
liing of Egypt, and so to have been brought! ipto
great danger.

Ver. lU. The father of my Lord (A. V.),
Trar4pa Kupiov fiov. The latter words were in an-
cient times generally referred to Jesus Christ,
and by some critics in modern times (Hengsten-
berg, Stier). It is hardly possible, however, ihat
this could have been meant. Grotius and Linde
regarded Kvpiov as an addition by a Christian
hand. Still, the MSS. authorities are unanimous
in supporting the passage. And it is likely that
}Jwta<fh»eider, Eritzsche, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and
othprs,- are right in conjecturing that an error
lies in the Greek translation. It is likely the

Original had ''3TH1 *3S, my father and Lord.
The translator may have considered that the first
word was in the construct state, and translated

the second as my Lord ; or if ''^^S^ 3S stood in

the original, he may have connected the 1 of the
second word with the first, reading it B,a jodh.

Ver. 13. Grammatically speaking, it would be
correct to translate -rrplf tj vAamiBrivai /le before I
wandered, i. e., wandered in a moral sense. This
thought does not, however, so well harmonize

with the context as the one given in the A. V.
Cf. also xxxiv. 9.

Ver. 1 ,5. This verse has given a great deal of
trouble to commentators. Much depends upon
the punctuation. The semicolon, it appears,
should be stricken out after <rTai|)uA^s, and a new
line begin with iy out^. After ^J ivBous, auTrjs is
to be supplied. It was probably omitted by the
translator through oversight. The word irepKtSfw
means to turn dark, and was usually employed to
indicate the ripening of grapes ^nd olives.

Ver. 19. •Wrestled for hesr. The difficulties
in the way of obtaining wisdom are here figura-
tively represented.

Ver. 20. For fier' ainav, I read with Eritzsche
(following III. 23. .55. 248. al. Co. Old Lat.)
/uer' avrris. KapSiay is to be taken in the sense
of understanding : " With her [in her company]
from the beginning got I understanding." — Wot be
forsaken, namely, by wisdom.

Ver. 21. 'ETapvix^T}, was moved^ was in unrest,
Cf. XXX. 7.

Ver. 24. The A. V. follows the Old Latin
(with 248. Co.) : " Quid adhuc retardatis 1 et quid
dicitis in his ? " "tarepeTrf is here used in the
sense of to be behindhand, have want. — 'Ev tovtois,
in these things, things that relate to culture.

Ver. 25. Without money. It was then cus-
tomary among the Jews to give instruction as a
gratuity. — The Syriac, which the Arabic essen-
tially follows, gives as a conclusion of the book :
'' Benedictus Deus in seculum et laudabile nomen
ejus in generationem generationum." And in the
Syriac follows the words ; " I<'inis Sapientim filii
Asiro viginti capita continentis. Deo vera gloria in
secula.

THE BOOK OF BARUCH.

INTRODUCTION.

The more important questions demanding consideration in an introduction to the Book of
Baruch are the following : its extant text ; its standing in tlie church ; its unity ; whether
Baruch, the companion and amanuensis of the prophet Jeremiah, or any contemporary 'of his,
was the probable author of any part of it ; if not, by whom it was written, in what language,
and in what time and place ; its general characteristics, and value theological and critical.

The Extant Texts.

Many have supposed that the Book of Baruch was originally written, either as a whole or
in part, in the Hebrew language. The oldest texts in which it at present exists, however,
are the Greek, Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, Coptic, and Armenian, of which the last
six are doubtless translations from the first. The most important modern contribution to the
critical study and establishment of the Greek text was its publication in the Holmes and Par-
sons' edition of the LXX. together with the readings of the three uncial and twenty-two
cursive manuscripts. To these are to be added the readings of the Vatican codex in the
form in which it lies before us in the Roman edition of the LXX., which was made the
basis of that of Holmes and Parsons. The other uncials used in the critical apparatus of
the Oxford edition were Codex Alexandrinus (TIT.), Marchalianus (XII.), Venetus (23.).
The readings of III., however, are more fully and accurately given in Tischendorf's edition
of the LXX. (5th ed., 1876). Fritzsche, also, has furnished valuable additional critical
matter in his work already referred to.

In the opinion of this scholar, the above mentioned manuscripts may be divided into two
distinct classes. To the first belong the cursives, 22, 48. 51. 231. 62. 96. These gener-
ally agree together, and sometimes with no support from any of the others. Of the remain-
ing nineteen, those which as a rule agree more often with the first class than the second, are,
26. 36. 40. 198. 229. The second class, having Cod. III. at its head, includes the cursives,
33. 70. 86. 87. 88. 90. 91. 228. 233. 239. They are not as fully in unison as the manuscripts
of the first class, while 111. not infrequently has peculiarities shared by none of its associates.
Tliese two classes of codices are probably but two different recensions of the same original,
and when they harmonize furnish the best evidence at present available of what the book
was, in its earliest Greek form. The uncials Marchalianus (XII.), and Venetus (23.), with
the cursive 106. contain a mixed text, and are of inferior value. In general, it may be said
that the received Greek text is a good one. The readings from the manuscripts, and citations
from the fathers which seriously affect the sense are not numerous.

Kneucker remark.-s, on the basis of a comparison of variations (p. 97), that " although the
original text of the Greek translation lies before us in a perfectly pure state in no single
manuscript, yet it can in all cases — perhaps four places excepted — be safely recognized and
restored from the Codex Vaticanus, with the help of 'other MSS., of which five are quite
enough. III. XII 22. 233. 239."

The Latin, Syriac, and Arabic translations of the Book of Baruch are, for critical pur-
poses, of minor importance, being apparently based on a later composite text. The Latin
exists in two recensions, neither of which is from the hand of Jerome. He distinctly states,

THE BOOK OF BAEUCH. 411

(Prol. m Jer.,ad Euseh.) : Libellum autem Baruch et i,.vS,^lypa<poy epistolam Jeremix ne-

quaquam censm disserendum. And again (Pra/. m Jer.) : Librum autem Baruch prm-

te,-mmmus The relative value o£ these two Latin versions cannot with certainty be deter-
'",'" , "o Z ■ ""'^ '■^'^^"^'^ '"'° tlie Vulgate agrees more closely with the Greek. The other,
which Sabatier, who edited its second issue {Blbliorum Sacrorum Latince Versiones Antiquce,
vol. ii.),_ th.nks represents the Itala in its earliest form, Fritzsche supposes to be only a
free Latinized revision of the former, some Greek text havino- been also consulted.'

Besides the Syriac translation of Baruch, published in the Paris and in Walton's Poly^ot,
also by Paul de Lagarde, Libri V. T. ApocrypU Syriace, Lipsia, 1861), there is a second,
based on Origen's Hexapla, to be found among the manuscripts of the Ambrosian library at
Milan, which professes to have been made by Paul of Tela, a monophysite bishop of the
seventh century. The first part of the MS., containing Baruch, Lamentations, and the Epistle
of Jeremiah, was published with notes in 1861, by Dr. Antonio Maria Ceriani (Tom. L, Fas-
cic. i. of the Monumenta Sacra et Profana). Other parts have since appeared. In Eichhorn's
Repertoriumfur Biblische u. Morgenldnd. Literatur " (Part III., pp. 166-212), may be found a
full description, from Bruns and from De Rossi, of this valuable codex. The Arabic version
of Baruch follows the Greek quite literally, and in some places exhibits a remarkable simi-
larity to Codex Alexandrinus. Kneucker notes (p. 178) seventy-two places where it goes
with this rather than the Vatican Codex.^

Canonical Standing.

^ As inight be inferred from the well-known thoughtless habits of most of the earlier Chris-
tian writers in the matter of indiscriminate quotations from the books alike of the Hebrew
and so-called Alexandrian canon, as well as from the supposed close connection of the work

before us by virtue of its position in the Septuagint, its form, and its author, with the proph-
ecy of Jeremiah, the Book of Baruch received no little attention from the early church.
In both Cod. II. and III. it is found between the Prophecy and the Lamentations of Jere-
miah as a quasi appendix of the former. Indeed, Irenaus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertul-
lian, and even Athanasius, cite passages from it which they impute to Jeremiah himself,
showing at once the ground of the estimation in which it was held, and how utterly without
critical research and accuracy such citations were in those times ordinarily made. One
writer, Didymus of Alexandria (f c. A. D. 395), distinctly states that the prophecy of Jere-
miah and Baruch form but one book (Pl0\os ■yhp iiia a/^ipoTepaiy iariv), and quotes the latter as
the work of Jeremiah, " or Baruch." What added to the confusion, moreover, was the fact
that Barnch was then, as now, regarded as the actual author of the historical appendix to the
Book of Jeremiah (chap. Hi.). We are not on this account, however, to infer with Cosin
{Scholast. Hist, of the Canon, -pip. 72, 312), that the early fathers meant to include in their
numerous references to Baruch only what he had done in connsction with the prophecy of
Jeremiah.

A misunderstanding is indeed evident. And it was doubtless for this reason that some
of the earlier lists of the Old Testament Scriptures, which otherwise discriminated somewhat
Carefully between canonical and uncanonical books, reckoned Baruch among the former. It
IS not given this place, however, in the important catalogues of Melito of Sardis, Gregory of
^lazianzus, Epiphanius, nor in that of Origen, although it is asserted by some that the last
meant to include it in the Book of Jeremiah (cf. versus, Oehler, Herzog's Real-Encyk., vii.
258) ; nor was it recognized as canonical by Jerome, nor apparently by Augustine. Eusebius,
while reverently quoting it after the manner of his time, still adhered theoretically to the
distinction between the Hebrew canon and the books of the LXX. with its accretions. It is
an interesting and suggestive fact that by far the greater number of the early citations from
the Book of Baruch are of the single passage, iii. 36-38, which, especially after the rise of
Arianifem, on account of the false meaning that was commonly given to it, was regarded as a
proof text of great importance. A similar e.xample of what a single striking passage, once
put in circulation, may do towards giving currency and credit to a book in other respects
quite unremarkable, may be found in the Greek Ezra, whose description of Truth (iv. 38-40)

* Cf., for a fuller characterization of tlie Latin text, Kneucker, pp. 141-163.

2 On the characteristics of the Ethiopic, Coptic, and Armenian versions, of. idem, pp. 180-189,

412 THE APOCETPHA.

went the rounds of tbe early Christian writers with apparently no anxious balancing of the
question whether it were the production of an inspired or uninspired pen.

At the councils of Hippo (a. d. 393) and of Carthage (a. d. 397), where decrees were
made determining the list of canonical Scriptures, and in both of which councils the influence
of Augustine was predominant, nothing whatever is said of the Book of Baruch, whether
from design or because it was tacitly considered as a constituent part of the prophecy of
Jeremiah, it is now impossible to say. In the religious discussions of the Middle Ages,
wiien the question of the canon was treated with comparative indifference, we find John of
Damascus (f 754), with the inconsistency of not a few other writers, quoting Baruch as
" divine Scripture," while transcribing, almost literally, a list of the canonical writings ac-
cording to Epiphanius, who, as we have said, acknowledged the books of the Hebrew Scrip-
tures alone as of primary rank. In a list of "the Sixty Books," the name sometimes given
to the Bible in the Eastern church, the Book of Baruch does not appear. But in the Stich-
ometry of Nicephorus (f A. D. 599), in which the Biblical writings are arranged in three
classes, it is placed in the first class, among those which, with this exception, belong to the
Hebrew canon alone.

In the first edition of Wyclif's version the entire Apocrypha of the Old Testament was
included. It was prefaced, however, by the clearly expressed judgment of Jerome that in
this part of the Bible, i. e., in the Old Testament, the Hebrew canon is alone of Divine
autliority. In the subsequent recension of this work by Purvey, a special prologue is given, in
which it is said : " Also the book of Baruc and the pistle of Jeremye ben not of the autorite
of the bible anentis Ebreyes." In the sixteenth century two great leaders of thought in the
matter before us, Cardinal Ximenes of the Romish church, seconded by Cajetan, and Erasmus
were virtually agreed in drawing a distinct line of demarcation between the books usually
regarded as canonical and the apocryphal. Luther wrote : " Of very little worth is the Book
of Baruch, whoever the worthy Baruch may be." CEcolampadius, perhaps on the whole the
best representative of the Swiss reformers, says : "We do not despise Judith, Tobit, Baruch
.... but we do not allow them divine authority." Subsequent to the Council of Trent,
(1546 -|-) which, as is well known, dogmatically and peremptorily — though not without op-
position — decided the matter before us for one branch of the church, and, as it may be said,
opened the eyes of others to the real question at issue, opinions here have almost univer-
sally followed the line of ecclesiastical division as Romish, or non-Romish. Among Protes-
tant writers, besides Conrad Pellicanus {Com., vol. v., p. 196) the learned but eccentric William
Whiston {A Dissertation to Prove the Apocryphal Book of Baruch Canonical), and Moulinie
{Notice sur les Livres de I' A. T.), are mentioned as the only important exceptions to this rule.

In the interesting history of the English translations of the Bible from Wyclif through the
several versions of Tyndale, the Bishop's Bible, down to that of King James, there has been
really but one judgment touching the Old Testament Apocrypha. Miles Coverdale did
indeed, in the first edition of his version, avowedly made from the Vulgate, include Baruch
among the prophets, with the remark : " Unto these also belongeth Baruc, whom we haue
set amoge the prophetes next vnto Jeremy, because he was his scrybe and in his tyme."
(Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 283.) But in the second edition, issued a few yeaj-s later, he
seems to have taken a second thought, and we find the book placed after Tobit, among the
Apocrypha proper.

Unity of the Book.

It would be obvious, even from a casual inspection, that the book before us has not, at
least in its external form, a logical unity. We have first, after a brief introduction (i. 1-15),
what purports to be a letter of Baruch sent from Babylon to the Israelites still remaining in
Palestine (i. 15-ii. 35), closing with a prayer (iii. 1-8), which is put into the mouths of" the
Jews scattered in different lands. Then follows (iii. 9-iv. 7) a panegyric on Wisdom, to-
gether with a closely connected lament of Jerusalem (iv. 8-29) over her banished children.
And finally (iv. 30-v. 9) an address to this bereaved city, in which she is assured of the
joyous return of her exiled ones. The question we next have to consider then is, were
these separate parts of the book the work of a single author. A supposition to the contrary
will surprise no one who reflects that it was no uncommon thing among the later Jewish
writers, especially in Alexandria, to look upon works of all kinds in circulation among them

THE BOOK or ^AUUCH. 413

as still open to alterations, corrections, conti-actions, and enlargements, according to the indi-
vidual judgment of the person into whose hands they might fall. Grotius {Annotat., p. 237)
While unwilling to concede the authorship of Baruch, was one of the first to suggest such an
explanation for the historical difficulties of the book so named. Dertlioldt (Ein/eit, p. 1762-
176G), entering into the discussion more fully, was of tlie opinion that the prayer (iii. 1-8)
could not have: the same author as the part known as the "letter of Baruch " (i. 15-ii. 35),
amd that the. closing portion (iii. 9- v. 9), judging from its contents, had a different orio-in
from either of the other two. °

Among later writers by whom this view of Bcrtholdt is in substance, and for different
reasons accepted, «ave in the matter of dividinsr the short prayer (iii. 1-8) from the foregoing
portion, are Ewald (Proph. d. Allen B., p. 255), Fritzsche, Ruetschi (Herzos's Real- Encj/k., sil
voce), Schurer (in the second edition of the same work), and Westcott (Smith's Bible Diet., art.
" Baruch "), though not Kei\ (Einieil., p. 730), nor with confidence, Dc Wette (Einleit., p.
601). The reasons given by Bertholdt in support of his opinion taken in connection with
other facts touching the book, hereafter to be considered, seem to us reasonably conclusive.
The;^' are, (H) the greater purity and gracefulness of language and style in the second part.

(2) It has more originality, and shows less dependence on the canonical books of Scripture.

(3) It contains marked evidences of Alexandrian culture which do not appear in the former,
namely, in making wisdom (v aocpia), its principal theme; in its acquaintance with the The-
ogonies and Geogonies of the Grecian mythical philosophy (ot ixvdo\iyot, iii. 23, 26) ; in seem-
ing not to regard Jerusalem as the middle point of the national unity; in calling, like Philo,
the universe "the house of God," which is never done by the canonical writers of the Bible;
in applying to God the epithet, 6 alAvios; in the manner that Chaanan and Theman are
spoken of (cf. versus, Diihne, Geschichl. Darslell., ii. 150 ff., and Kneucker, p. 23 f.). To these
reasons of Bertholdt, which collectively cannot but be allowed great wi-ight, whatever may
be thought of the force of certain of them individually, may be addeii the author's concep-
tion of demons (iv. 7), which is peculiarly Alexandrian, and the fact that the introduction
(i. 1-15) cannot properly be made to apply to both the (irst and second sections of the book.
Of the effort of Kneucker to show that the whole book was written in Hebrew, Schiirer says
(Theolof/ische Lileraturzeilung, 1879, No. 14, col. 327): "I can, however, after careful exami-
nation, hold none of the instances [of a mistranslation] cited as sufficient to prove the matter;
must rather now, as before, with Fritzsche, regard the more flowing Greek diction of the sec-
tion iii. 9-v. 9 as proof that here Greek was the original. Let one compare simply such an
arrangement of words as occurs at iv. 9, ri]i> iwtXSaiaav vu'lv opyiiv vofvi toS fleoD (similarly, iv.
25). A single sentence of this sort more than outweighs all those of Kneucker, and I scarcely
believe that anything of the sort could be shown in the LXX. A principal reason against
his opinion Kneucker himself has especially emphasized, namely, the great difference in
style in the two parts of the book (cf. Kneucker, p. 76 £f.). On that account Kneucker sup-
poses that the second half comes from another translator than the first. But is not that
highly improbable? If, in fact, the whole was already at hand in Hebrew, then would the
translation of the little book have doubtless also come from one hand."

Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that the efforts of Welte (Einleit,, p. 140
ft.), to prove that the contents of the Book of Baruch reveal throughout a natural inward
connection have not been successful even in convincing all of his own ecclesiastical associates.
Eeusch (^Einleit., p. 53) feels obliged, although as he would have it understood without preju-
dice to the authorship of Baruch, to regard the Work as made up of distinct compositions,
written at different periods, and finally collected and united together as one whole. And
this theory will be accepted by the majority of unprejudiced minds, in the absence of more
definite proofs, as having by far the greater weight of probability on its side. See for fur-
ther remarks in the same direction, Kneucker (pp. 8-20), who finds the original part of th«
work, to which the others were afterwards added, in i. 1, 2a [8], 3, iii. 9-v. 9.

Author, Time, and Place of Composition.

Was Baruch, the companion and amanuensis of Jeremiah, or any contemporary of his, the
probable author of any part of the book before us? If due weight be allowed to the conclu-
sions already reached, then it is evident without further discussion, that neither Baruch nor
any writer of hi» time eould have composed (Sfe second of the two parts into which the book

414 THE AFOCETPHA.

bearing his name is commonly divided. 'Whetlier there is ground for predicating the same of
the first part also, is the question now before us. According to Jabn (Einleit., iv. 859) and
Ackcrman (editor of the later editions of Jahn's Introduction), it is to be doubted whether
the Barueh spoken of in the opening verses of the first chapter meant to identify himself with
the well-known companion of Jeremiah, since he nowhere definitely calls himself such. But
this doubt is entertained by no other Biblical critics of note. That such a claim, Iiowever, is
without foundation in fact, can be made clear, we think, from considerations furnished by
the composition itself.

It is said, for instance (i. 1), that the book was written by Barueh at Babylon. But we
know from the prophecy of Jeremiah (xliii. 3, 6 f.), that after the destruction of Jerusalem
Barueh was forced to go with the prophet to Egypt, and the theory that he remained there,
at least, until after the death of Jeremiah, seems not only on its face most probable, but has
the support of general tradition (cf. Winer, Eealworterh., under " Jeremia "). As it regards
the question of his going subsequently to Babylon, it is represented by some traditions that
he did so, and that he died there in tlie twelfth year after the destruction of Jerusalem. But
according to others, equally credible, he spent the remainder of his days in Egypt. We have
therefore, no positive information to set over against the admitted facts recorded in the Book
of Jeremiah. The theory that Barueh went to Babylon after the death of Jeremiah is con-
trary to the representations of both the Apocalypae of Barueh (x. 21) according to which he
remained in Jerusalem, and of the Ethiopic work entitled, The Rest of the Words of Barueh.
See Stud. u. Kritik., 1877, ii. p. 318 ff. Moreover, the tradition that Barueh ever went to
Babylon probably arose from a misunderstanding. In its favor are quoted a passage from
the Talmud and from a work of the rabbi Abraham Zaccuth O'^DnV, fol. vi.). The latter,
however, simply says that in the twelfth year after the destruction of Jerusalem " Barueh liad
received the tradition from Jeremiah." But as this work, as well as the Talmud, states that
this same Barueh was prophesying along with Daniel, Haggai, and Zechariah in the second
year of Darius, and that he died in tlie seventli year of that king's reign, i. e., seventy-five
years after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (!), its value as a witness can-
not be regarded as very high (see Gutmann, Einleit., p. 124). It is true that a brother of
Barueh, one Seraiah (Jer. li. 59), was despatched by Jeremiah with a message to Babylon at
about the time our book purports to liave been written, and this might easily have given rise
to the tradition that Barueh himself was there.

But further, if Barueh was himself at Babylon, how is it possible that he could have been
there at the time stated, whether we understand it to be in the fifth year of Zedekiah, or in
the fifth year after Jerusalem's overthrow? In either case Jeremiah must have been still
alive, and no doubt continued to enjoy to the end the companionship of his faithful scribe.
It is said too, that the book was read in the presence of Jechonias, of the king's sons, the
nobles, the elders, and of all the people who dwelt by the river Sud (i. 3, 4). Now, in addi-
tion to the insuperable diflieulties in the way of the supposition that any such gathering of the
persons mentioned would, at this time, have been permitted — for that it is represented as a
gathering is obvious, notwithstanding the efforts of Welte and Reusch to disprove it — there
is the acknowledged fact that Jeclionias was held at this time as a prisoner, and we are nowhere
informed of any alleviation of the rigors of his imprisonment until the accession of Evil-Mero-
dach to the throne (2 Kings xxv. 27), more than twenty years after the destruction of Jeru-
salem.

Again, if the date of the composition is fixed at a period just after the carrying away of
Jechonias to Babylon, then it is not true tliat Jerusalem had already been burnt as the author
implies; if after the destruction of the city by Nebuchadnezzar, then it is not true that the
eullus of the temple was still kept up, as is equally implied. It is moreover stated (ver. 8)
that silver vessels for religious uses were sent from Babylon to Jerusalem at the same time
with the Book of Barueh, and that they were the same which Zedekiah had prepared (as is
supposed after the golden vessels of the temple had been removed with Jechonias to Babylon.
Cf. 2 Kings xxiv. 13). That Zedekiah caused such vessels to be prepared (see 2 Chron.
xii. 9, 10), is indeed possible, although the circumstance, important as it micht be considered
is recorded in no canonical book of the Bible. But why should they be required in Jerusalem
if the temple was no longer standing? Or once deported to Babylon is it credible that during
the lifetime of Nebuchadnezzar it was allowed to carry them back? Besides it had been ex-
pressly represented in the prophecy of Jeremiah that it was both vain and wicked to hope

THE BOOK OF BARUCH. 415

that the furniture of the temple would be so soon restored : " Hearken not to the words of
your prophets that prophecy unto you, saying, Behohl the vessels of the Lord's House shall
now shortly be brought again from Babylon; for they prophesy a lie unto you " (xxvii. 16;
Cf. xxviii. 3; xxix. 4f). In fact, this statement as well as what is said of the "priest
Joacim " (ver. 7), whose name in such a connection does not elsewhere occur until the time
of Ezra (Joseph., Anliq.. xi. 5, § 1), force us to think of a much later period than the one
assumed as the date of the present book.

The insufficiency of the common explanations of this series of difficulties to satisfy even
Eoman Catholic writers is shown in the entirely original theory contributed by an Italian
scliolar, Tincenzi (Sessio quarta Cone. Triil. vindicala, Third Piirt). He thinks that the
fifty-second chapter of Jeremiah, which more properly belongs to the Books of the Kings,
was placed in the former position simply as a historical introduction to the following Book
of Baruch; that it was not until Jechonias had been released by Evil-Merodach that Baruch
read his book before him, and this occurred, according to Vincenzi, not after the death of
Nebuchadnezzar, but during the interval of his mysterious malady (Dan. iv.), Evil-Merodach
then holding the reins of government. That Baltazar is spoken of as the successor [?] of
Nebuchadnezzar (i. 12), he thinks to be a confirmation of this view. And he supposes fur-
ther that the book referred to (i. 1) as having been read before Jechonias was not our Book
of Baruch, but the preceding prophecies of Jeremiah which the former had transcribed in the
fifth year after the destruclion of Jerusalem, but not till long afterwards read to the captive
king. While this theory is in some respects ingenious, it fails to cover the entire ground
of the difficulties, and is itself open to fatal objections.

The words olroi oi A0701, etc., for instance, would hardly have been selected as an open-
ing for our book if the preceding Book of Jeremiah had been referred to. By this theory,
too, the period between the composition of the book and its being read before Jechonias would
be quite too long. And, worst of all, while seeking to explain historical difficulties impossible
historical data are relied on. It is incredible that the reign of Evil-Merodach fell at the
time supposed, for the following reasons : (1) There is no evidence that Nebuchadnezzar
ceased to be regarded as virtual sovereign during the continuance of his malady, but the
reverse (Dan. iv. 3G. Cf. Com. of Keil, and Hitzig, ad loc.') From the dream itself, through
which the coming of this affliction was made known to the king before its occurrence (Dau.
iv. 20-26), it was also intimated that it would be of a temporary character. It is very un-
likely, therefore, that the Babylonians took steps touching a successor, which would have
involved them in serious difficulties subsequently. The queen could well enough have con-
tinued to carry on the government in the name of her consort. Again, from 2 Kings xxv.
27, we learn that Jechonias was not released from imprisonment until after thirty-seven
years, and that it took place in the year that Evil-Merodach began to reign. But as he was
taken prisoner in the seventh year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign (2 Kings xxiv.), and that
kincr, according to Biblical as well as profane history (Berosus, cited by Joseph., Contra
Apion, I. 20) reigned forty-three years, it is evident that the beginning of Evil-Merodach's
sovereignty could not have been before the close of the former's life. And further, from all
that history informs us of Evil-Merodach, we learn that he reigned but two years, and was
then killed in a conspiracy. But, if Nebuchadnezzar alludes to his madness in the inscrip-
tion which he made (it is indeed generally doubted), the interval of its continuance must
have been longer than the time allotted to Evil-Merodach's reign. He there says : " For
four years (?).... the seat of my kingdom .... did not rejoice my heart." (See Rawlin
son. Ancient Man., iii. 79; but cf. Rodwell's rendering in Records of the Past, vol. v.) The
" seven times " spoken of in Dan. iv. 16 do not necessarily mean years.

And now if, in addition to these unexplained historical inconsistencies and contradictions
of the opening verses of our book, which it would be as uncritical as unjust to ascribe to the
pen that was employed on the prophecies of Jeremiah, or to that of any contemporary of his,
the general contents of the work are noted, nothing would seem to be wanting to prove that
the so-called Book of Baruch has absolutely n.o claim to be considered genuine. We observe
evervwhere unmistakable signs of the absence of the true spirit of prophecy, which is never-
theless obviously striven for and counterfeited. The favorable opinion expressed by Herz-
feld (i. 317 f.), to the effect that in all its parts the book is worthy to be placed by the side
of the best productions of the period of the Exile, is as astounding as some of his explana-
'jons of its discrepancies (see Fritzsche, p. 170). From beginning to end, the part now

416 THE APOCRYPHA.

under consideration (i.-iii. 8) with the exception of the unfortunate introduction just noticed,
has scarcely an original thought. It is substantially made up of reminiscences more or less
clear, or quotations more or less direct from the various books of the canonical Scriptures,
csjiecially Jeremiah and Daniel, Nehemiah, Isaiah, and Deuteronomy. This is not the
manner of a genuine prophet. Cf. i. 3-14 with Jer. xxvi. 32; i. 15-ii. 29, with Dan. ix.
7-19; ii. 21 with Jer. xxvii. 11, 12; ii. 29 with Deut. xxviii. 62 fE. For numerous other ,
instances, see Kneucker (p. 30), who freely concedes the dependence of this portion of the
book on the older canonical Scriptures, while maintaining the comparative independence of
the remainder.

If then, on these grounds, we cannot ascribe the work to Baruch, by whom was it written,
in what language, and in what time and place? We have already given reasons for the
opinion that the book, as an original work, was not the production of a single author. But
can the time and occasion of its assuming its present form be even approximately fixed? If
so, we may then approach the remaining questions before us with more hope of reaching
satisfactory conclusions. The fact that the extant text, not only in general, but in certain
very marked particulars, closely corresponds with the Alexandrian version of the prophecy
of Jeremiah, has been noticed by all the leading critics, although they are by no means
agreed in their methods oE accounting for it. In fact, there are found words and construc-
tions in Baruch some of which are nowhere else met with, and others very seldom, except in
the translation of Jeremiah by the LXX. (Cf., e. g., i. 9, ii. 25, with Jer. xxxii. 36, xxiv.
1 ; and the use of such words as i8o5if», ixama. for /ioraa, hromoKi], xapfio<rvi'n, yavplafm, Seir^toTTjs.)
From this remarkable similarity, it is but reasonable to infer a close connection between
the works themselves in their origin, as it respects their present Greek form. Some scholars,
arguing from insufficient premises, hold that this resernbliince is due simply to the fact that
the translator of Baruch used the Alexandrian recension of the Hebrew text (Movers, " De
utriuxque recensionit vaticiniorum Jeremioe," etc., p. 6). But by far the greater number of
critics maintain that either the translator of Baruch — supposing for the time being that it is,
at least in part, a translation — was well acquainted with the Alexandrian version of Jere-
miah, or that both books were translated by the same person. Amongst others who support
the latter of these two alternatives are Ewald, Hitzig (Die Psalmen, ii. p. 119),^ Dillmann,
Ruetschi, and Fritzsche, and on the whole it seems to be the more tenable. Moreover, judging
from the character of the Greek in all parts of the book, the entire work, and not simply the
first section, passed through this translator's hands. To suppose, however, with Fritzsche,
that he was the author of the second portion (iii. 9 ff.), seems to us to be taking a step too
far. The similarity of style might be accounted for on the supposition of a common revision.
That it is a Hellenistic production of Alexandrian origin, we have, indeed, already shown to
be probable. And we are now called upon to consider whether this is also true of the re-
maining portion (i.-iii. 8).

The arguments adduced in favor of a Hebrew original are, for the most part, those which
xre common in similar cases; namely, that obvious Hebraisms occur throughout the work, and
that, here and there, the translator betrays his character by failing with his Greek to render
the supposed Hebrew correctly. It is thought, moreover, that the fact that in the Syriac
Hexaplar text of the codex at Milan the translation of Theodotion is cited, bears in the same
direction. Among the decided Hebraisms of the book are mentioned the Kai at the begin-
ning; such expressions as Ka\e7v iv uxrl tij/os (i. 3), Tspl aiiaprias (L 10), (parlaei tous 0(j>ea\fiOvs
(i. 12), and KaXelf iv x"P^ ■^"">s (ii. 20); the employment of epydadat, supposably for 121? ;
the purely Semitic use of the demonstrative to complement the relative (ov . . . . 4ice7, ii. 4, 13,
29; iii. 8) ; such a phrase as iisrivi^fpa aSr-n (i. 15, 20), which it is thought can be easily
explained only when regarded as a translation of the Hebrew 'n-''Tl ci^S." Amono- the
difficult passages ascribed to an unskillful translation (for example, Surn^Tas for ~l2Dr3, i. 9;
ivOpuTTos for ttJ^H, everij one, ii. 3; fiiti^ais for li?2n, multitude, ii. 29 ; 8ti fornr^'N, which, iv.
15; a7r<idrTo\'i) = -i^-:!, instead of ~I37, ii. 25, etc.), undoubtedly some might be better ex-
plained on other grounds. The use of Theodotion's translation of Baruch by the Milan
Codex, if it can be shown to be a fact, has little bearing on the question before us; since that

1 Later ho adopted the former of these two Tiews, haTing come to the opinion that the work was written after * p.
70.
' Of., for many similar eiamples, Kneucker, p. 26.

THE BOOK OF BABUCH. 417

translation can only be regarded, in general, as a free working over of the LXX. But it
Bhould seem that this supposed dependence on Theodotion shows itself largely in the pas-
sages taken from the book of Daniel, which, as is well known, circulated in the Christian
church in his translation, rather than in that of the LXX. But even in this book it is
affirmed that the Milan Codex sometimes follows the latter instead of the former, while
elsewhere the deviations are still more marked (cf. Keil, Einleit., p. 753; Eiehhorn, Ein-
leit., p. 380). And further, admitting the strong Hebraistic coloring which this part of
the book has received, a theory which explained it by supposing that it was written in
the Greek language by a Hellenist thoroughly versed in the literature of the Old Tes-
tament, could be regarded neither as absurd or extravagant. In^fact, Grotius, Buddeus,
Bertholdt, Eiehhorn, Havernick, Koldeke, and Keil hold this opinion respecting the entire
book.

Still, this cannot be regarded as a satisfactory settlement of the question. It is not simply
a matter of Hebraisms, which are very largely found in works confessedly of Greek origin,
but of how they are handled. Do those Hebraisms, in some instances, so far affect the
character of the Greek as to render it less Greek than Hebrew, notwithstanding evident
efforts to conform to the grammatical rules of the former? Do words and expressions occur
in the first section of our book which it seems impossible to reconcile with the spirit and
genius of the Greek language, or to impute to the influence of the Septuagint? Then, the
balance of probability must be in favor of a, Hebrew original; since in a work first written in
Greek, although by a Hellenist versed in the Old Testament Scriptures and abounding in
Hebraisms, the decided stamp and character of the work as Greek would never be likely to
sink wholly out of sight. The web would still remain the same, whatever the woof might be
(cf. Fritzsche, Einleit., p. 171). Now, among the examples of Hebraisms in our work which
are cited above, there are some — like the frequent use of the demonstrative with the
relative, the phrase " as at this day," and the employment of the words airorrToAri (ii. 25) and
fiilL^nciS (ii. 29) — that are of such a decided stamp that it is diflicult to explain them in
harmony with the theory of a Greek original. To refer any part of them to the use of the
Alexandrian version of the prophecy of Jeremiah would, of course, be allowable only in case
one does not hold that both books had the same translator. And, in addition to these rea-
sons, there is another which has attracted less attention among critics than it seems to
deserve. Tt was professedly written for use in public religious assemblies (in the temple ?)
at Jerusalem. " And ye shall read this book which we have sent unto you, to make confes-
sion in the house of the Lord, upon the feasts and solemn days " (i. 14). With such a pur-
pose, could any writer as early as the latest date which can be reasonably assigned to our
work have ventured to employ any other language than the Hebrew? Judas Maccabaeus
in the hour of battle prays and sings psalms in Hebrew (tj? irtnpitf <S>uv^), and not in Greek
(•2 Mace. xii. 37; cf. Havernick, Einleit, i. 248). And we know from many other sources
that long after the Hebrew ceased to be the spoken language of the masses of the people, it
continue'd to be employed by the learned, and, in connection with the use of the original
Scriptures, could never have wholly ceased to be the medium of worship in the temple and
synagogues. . ,

If then we accept, as on the whole most probable, the conclusion that the entire worK
passed through the same hands that were employed on the Alexandrian version of Jeremiah,
and that this'translator found the former portion (i.-iii. 8) already existing m Hebrew, are
there any grounds on which a decision can be reached respecting the time and place of com-
position? °With regard to time, it is evident that since it cannot be ascribed to Baruch or
any contemporary of his, it must have had its origin in a comparatively late period, after the
spirit of true prophecy had already departed^from Israel, and yet when the condition of the
people was such as to call for admonitions and consolations similar to those needed in the sad
days of the Babvlonian captivity. Ewald, therefore, with apparently good reasons {Geschichte
d. Volk. Is., iv.'266, and Prophet, d. Alt. Bund., iii. 252 ff.), places the first part of the book
in the Persian period, when, on the occasion of revolt against their oppressors, the Baby-
lonian Jews did not share in the struggles or the hopes of their brethren at Jerusalem. The
contents of the composition certainlv agree well with this theory (see u. 21, ff. et passim).
The second portion is undoubtedly the product of a later age; but there is nothing save its
ivident connection with the Alexandrian version of Jeremiah, and its Alexandrian coloring
throughout, to enable us to fix more definitely its authorship or date.
27

418 THE APOCRYPHA.

The present volume was already in press before the learned and valuable work of Kneucker
on Baruch came into our hands. After a careful examination of the same, we find no suffi-
cient reason for modifying essentially the positions here taken. This author, following the
lead of Hitzig, to whom his work is dedicated (see also Schiirer in Herzog's lieal-Encyk.,
2te Aufl., s. V.) maintains that the entire work, though not from one author, originated after
the destruction of Rome by Titus ; further, that the authors of both parts were Pharisees,
and belonged to the Jewish community in Rome. Without attempting to reproduce here
the historical combinations and reasoning of Kneucker's book, by which he iirrives at the
conclusions given, we must content ourselves with a few remarks in opposition to those conclu-
sions. And, first, admitting the fragmentary character of the book, and at the same time insist-
ing that it cannot all have appeared originally in Hebrew, it seems to us very unlikely that it
would have been put into its present form at the time stated. This kind of literary activity
was es])ecially characteristic of the first two or three centuries before Christ, not to say
peculiar to it. Again, the fact of the very early or wide-spread knowledge of the Book of
Baruch among Christian writers, its reception into the LXX. version, and the high rank
which it took as compared with other books of its class, are decidedly against the supposition
that it originated at the time stated, with a Jew in Rome, where a flourishing Christian church
was early organized. As elsevthere noticed, Irenasus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian all
cite it as a work of Jeremiah, and in Codd. II. and III. it is found between the Prophecy and
Lamentations as a sort of appendix to the former. Still further, it is not so easy on this theory
to explain why any part of the work should have appeared in the Hebrew language, or
to account for the point of view of the writer throughout in the panegyric on Wisdom (iii.
9; iv. 7), and especially in the lament of Jerusalem (iv. 8-29). It is not the spirit one might
expect in a, Jew at this time in the great metropolis of the world, nor the lauguage of one
looking toward Jerusalem from Rome. See especially iv. 13, 36 ; v. 5. How easily one may
be misled into extravagant theories by laying too much stress upon simple historical coin-
cidences and analogies Kneucker himself well illustrates (p. 48) when he refers Bar. iii.
16, 17, — " Where are the princes of the heathen. And such as ruled the beasts upon the
earth ; They that had their pastime with the fowls of the air," etc., — to the dedication of the
Colosseum by Titus, where " abgerichtete Vogel kiiinpften." Another instance of the same
sort (noted by Schiirer, as above, col. 326) occurs at p. 53, where he professes to find in
Bar. iv. 34, 35 a prophetic reflex of the three great calamities in the ti)ne of Titus: the
eruption of Vesuvius, the fire in the city of Rome, and the pestilence. Schiirer adds: "He
who reads the passages will lie astounded at the ingenuity here practiced. And these are
only examples of the method followed also by the author in other places. Protest, however,
cannot be made too often or too loud against this viciousness of our modern criticism, which
is inclined to discover in the most general phrases the most special relations, and to o-ive
quite exact information about matters of which one knows nothino-."

Characteristics, and Value Theological and Critical.

Of the fact that the Book of Baruch is almost entirely wanting in originality, as well as
that it furnishes no evidence of genuine prophetic inspiration, we have already spoken. Its
best thoui^hts are those which have been culled from the canonical writings of the Old Testa-
ment. Quotations or reminiscences from the Pentateuch are made to serve side by side with
those from works like Daniel and Nehcmiah, that did not originate till after the time when
oiu- book purports to have been written. The unskillful combinations and unexplainable
anachronisms of the original portions, however, show that the writer acted wisely in confin-
ing himself in the main to compilation.

On account of its lack of ori-inality, too, the work has fewer of the peculiarities of form
and doctrine which distinguish other apocryphal works. Its theory of morals is that of the
Proverbs of Solomon (iii. 9; iv. 23). The virtues which it inculcates relate to the life that
now is (ii. 17, 18). Its teaching concerning demonology (iv. 6, 35) is the same which o-ives
so strong a coloring to the Alexandrian version, and noticeably shows itself far too fully de-
veloped for the earlier part of the Kxile (cf. Bretschneider, Systemnt. DarstelL, Einleit., p 36)
In its allusion to the pr^iycrs of the dead Israelites (iii. 4), explain it as we will, one' cannot
but see the adumbration of the unbiblical teachings of Tobit (iv. 10) and of the Second Book
of Maccabees (xii. 39-46).

THE BOOK OF BAEUCH. 419

With respect to its Greek, the book has scarcely any peculiarities which it does not share
■with the Alexandrian version of Jeremiah. The words iiu6o\6yos (iii. 23), and f!</)\))<"»
(iii. 8), do not occur elsewhere in the LXX. Difficulties in grammatical construction are
generally referable to a corrupt text, or unsuccessful efforts to accommodate the Greek to the
Hebrew thought.

BARUCH.

Chaptke I.

1 AifD these are the words of the book, which Baruch son ^ of Nerias, son ^ of

2 MaasEeas,^ son ^ of Sedecias, son of Asadias, son ^ of Chelcias, wrote in Babylon, in
the fifth year, on " the seventh day of the month, at the time when '' the Chaldseans

3 took Jerusalem and burnt it with fire. And Baruch read ^ the words of this book
in the hearing of Jechonias, son of Joacim ^ king of Juda, and in the hearing ' of

4 all the people that came to hear the book, and in the hearing of the mighty men,* and
of the kings' sons, and in the hearing of the elders, and- in the hearing * of all the
people, from the lowest unto the highest,^" even of all tliem that dwelt at Babylon,

5 by the river Sud." And ^^ they wept, and ^^ fasted, and prayed " before the Lord.
6, 7 They made also a collection of money, according to every man's power ; and they

sent it ^^ to Jerusalem unto Joacim " the high priest, son ■" of Chelcias, son of Salom,
and to the priests, and to all the people who " were found with him at Jerusalem,

8 at the time " when he received the vessels of the house of the Lord, that were car-
ried out of the temple, to return them into the land of Juda, the tenth day of the
month Sivan,'^" namely, silver vessels, which Sedecias son ^^ of Josias king of Juda

9 had made, after that Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon had carried away Jechonias,
and the princes, and the captives, and the mighty men, and the people of the land,

10 from Jerusalem, and brought them '^'^ unto Babylon. And they said. Behold, we
have sent you money : and so buy "^ for money burnt offerings, and sin offerings, and
incense ; and prepare ye meat offerings,-* and offer upon the altar of the Lord our

11 God; and pray for the life of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, and for the life of

12 Baltasar-* his son, that their days may be upon earth as the days of heaven. And
the Lord will give us strength, and lighten our eyes, and we shall live under the
shadow of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, and under the shadow of Baltasar ^

13 his son, and we shall serve them many days, and find favor in their sight. Pray
for us also unto the Lord our God, for we have sinned against the Lord our God ;

Vers. 1-2. — ^ A. V. ; the son. 2 Maasias. 8 and in (Fritzsche drops the ec before e^Si^irf, with III. 22. 36. and

add^, in order to bring the verse into harmony with rer. 8, Siouai' after ^tjvos). * what time as {ei^ t<^ KaipiS iZ).

Vers. 3-7. — c A. V. : did read. « J., the son of Joachim. ^ gars (€v wcrt, but so also in the following cases,

and I render as above, for the paice of uniformity). ^ nobles ISvparMV. Cf. ver. 9). 9 omits in the hearing.

10 (aiJTwv is supplied by III. 33. 49. al. The phrase would be literally, " from little unto great.") ii (Ewald would

read with the Syr., in Babylon and on tkejiver Sud, " for where Babylon lay did not need to be more particularly de-
Bcribed.") ^^ whereupon (wai). ^^ o??j)7.v and. ^* {rivxofTO. ^luTg., vowed vows. Codd. III. Xll. 33. 70. 87.

91. 198. 228. Co. Aid. add eOxds ; al., euxatc. It was probably due to what follows.) lo (Ewald would supply avvoc

after aTrefjTeiAai/.) i"* .Joachim {cf. Ver. 3). ^^ the son. ^^ which.

Vers. 8-12. — "' A. V. : same time. 20 (The reading adopted by Fritzsche from '* most of the MSS ■' ^Lovav is also
the reading of IT. ; text, rec, StiouiA.) " the son. 22 (por avroi', III. XII. 33. 70. 87. 88. 90. 91. 198. 239. Co. read
avT0U5.) 23 to buy you. 24 manna (Fritzsche adopts fi.o.vaii from 22. 33. 36. al. Cod. II. supports the text. rec.

Iiaffa. cf- .ler. xvii. 26, xli. 5, in Tischendorf s text of the LXX. where the latter form is found. The marg. of the
A. V. has, " Gr. corruptly for vxincka, that is a meat ojferins,^^ which is doubtless correct. There is the same mistake
made in the passages cited from Jer. In the Pentateuch, on the other hand, the Ileb., HH^tt is rendered in the
VXX. by evaia). 23 Balthasar.

BAEUCii.

421

14 and Tin to this day the fury of the Lord and his wrath * is not turned from us. And
ye shall read this book which we have sent unto you in order ^ to make it known »

15 in the house of the Lord, upon the feasts * and solemn days. And ye shall say,

To the Lord our God belongeth righteousness, but unto us confusion ^ of faces, as

16 at « this day : unto the men' of Juda, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and to
our kings, and to our princes, and to our priests, and to our prophets, and to our

17, 18 fathers; who* have sinned before the Lord, and disobeyed him, and have not
hearkened unto the voice of the Lord our God, to walk in the commandments of the

19 Lord ° that he gave before our eyes.^" Since the day that the Lord brought our
fathers " out of the land of Egypt, even ^^ unto this day,^^ we have been disobedient
unto the Lord our God, and we have been negligent that we have not heard " his

20 voice. And so " the evils cleaved unto us, and the curse, which the Lord appointed by
Moses his servant at the time that he brought our fathers out of the land of Egypt,

21 to give us a land that floweth with milk and honey, as at ^^ this day. And we
hearkened not" unto the voice of the Lord our God, according unto " all the words

22 of the prophets, whom he sent unto us ; and we walked, every man, according to the
thought of his ^^ wicked heart, to serve other ^^ gods, and to do evil in the sight of
the Lord our God.

Vers. 14-18. — * Cf . Ecclus. xlviii. 10 for the distinction between Bvijlo^ and opy^. ^ A,Y.' omits in order.

* oonfession (with Fritzsche, I connect e$ayopevariu with an-eoretAa^ev, and not with avayviiia-E(r6e). * (ec rjiJ.epa

ioprrji: ; for the second word III. XII. 26. al. have the plnr. ; see Com. on the following.) r> the confusion. tit

is come to pas.K 7 them (ay^pwirw, which is to be understood dietributively, " every man '•). 8 for we {wv.

Fritzsoho thinks av6' may have fallen out before it. See Com.). « omits of the Lord (Xil. 23. 26. 33. 49. 70. 86, 87. 90.
91. 228. 233. 239. Co. Aid. write aiiTov for Kupwv). ^* us openly (Kara irpoa-tnTrov iip-iai'. Cf. Add. to Esth. i. 18, and the
present book at ii. 14. 19).

Vers. 19-22. — " A. V. : forefathers i* omi/s even (xcii is omitted in 22. 26. 106.). "^ present day. " in not
hearing. i^ Wherefore (xai). ic tike as it is to see (ws). i^ Nevertheless we have not hearkened. ^8 (t. e., in
sense, notwithstanding). i** but every man followed the imaginations (c** oiavoiti) of his own. 20 strange.

Chapter I.

Ver. 1. In Cod. II. the Book of Baruch is
divided into nine chapters or sections, which are
severally distinguished by letters of the Greek
alphabet. The first division is at i. 14, and the
others as follows : ii. 11 ,■ iii. 1 ; iii. 9 ; iii. 24 ; iv.
fi\ V. 19; V. 30. — Ewald thinks it is evident,
even from the manner in which the book opens,
thnt it was intended to be attached to tlie Proph-
ecy of Jeremiah, "since no independeut writing
could thus begin." See Profih. d. Alt. Bundes,
iii., p. 2.52. — The genealogy of Baruch is nowhere
else so fully given. Of. Jer. xxxii. 12 ; xxxvii. 3.
— There is difference of opinion on the question
how much words of the book should be made to
include. Reuseh says, the whole work before us
to chap. V. 9 : Fritzsche, only the prayer, verse
15 f£. ; above all, not iii. 9 f£.

Vers. 2, 3. The Chaldseans took Jerusalem on
ibe' ninth day of the fourth month, and burnt it
on. the tenth day of the fifth month. See Jer.
xxxix. 2 ; Hi. 6, 12, 13. How, then, is the verse
before U!j to be explained? Ewald translates:
" before the time the Chaldeans," etc., reading
irpi} ToS Kaipov. Jahn and Bertholdt, on the other
hand, tran.slate : "q/ler the time the Chaldeans,"
«tc. Both theories are simple conjectures. De
Wette would change cVei into /xriyi. The pas-
sage is probably either corrupted (as might also
be inferred from the fact thut the name of the
month is not giyen), or the writer has made a mis-
take. It is an interesting, coincidence, however,
thiit the Romans did actually take and burn Rome
Wi thp (ifth year of, the war and on the seventh
day of the mpnth. But there are other difficul-
ieis thiui the matter of dates to be accounted for.
According to 2 Kings xxv. 27, Jechonias remained
'iH imjaiaoam^t until Evil Meisodadi ascended the

throne ; and from Jer. xliii. 3, 6, ff., we learn that
Baruch, after the destruction of Jerusalem, ac-
companied Jeremiah to Egypt. That he went to
Babylon after the death of Jeremiah, as some
traditions affirm, is indeed possible; but, accord-
ing to other traditions equally worthy of belief,
he died in Egypt. The theory, moreover, that
Baruch afterwards returned to Babylon is con-
trary to the representation of the Apocali/pse of
Baruch (x. 21), ,is well as of the Ethiopic work,
The Rest of the Words of Baruch. See iutfod.

Ver. 3. Lit., who came to the hook. Cf. Add.
to Esth. iv. 5 : "I heard my fathers* book ; "
and the Book of Enoch xiv. 24: "Come ....
to my holy words."

Ver. 4. The river Sud. This river cannot
with certainty be identified. Some have thought
it another name for the Euphrates (Calmet) ;
others, that it is a branch stream between the
Euphrates and the Tigris, where a certain city,
2o6iTa, stood (Grotius). Probably it was a local
name for some canal or arm of the EnjDhrates

Ver, 6, KaOa. (Cod. II. agrees with III. XII.
23. al. in this form, rather than KaSo) kKaarov
^Slivaro r) x«'p- '^'^'^ LXX. has at Bent. xvi. I",
etcatTTOs Kara Suyafxii/ Toiv x^^P^^ ufj-unf. Cf. also
Lev. V. 7.

Ver. 7. Joacim is distinguished from the other
priests as though he were high priest. But no
high priest of this name appears until a later
period. Cf. Judith iv. 6, xv. 8; Jos., Antiq., xi.
5, § 1. When the Chaldseans took Jerusalem,
Seraiah was high priest. Jer. Iii. 24. licusch
thinks Joacim simply represented the high priest
in Jerusalem after the latter had been carried
away to Babylon,

Ver. 8, The person referred to is Baruch. If

422

THE APOCRYPHA.

niijjht be inferred from this verse that the temple
still stood. See also, Lielow, veises 10, 14 ; ii. 16.
We find nowhei-e any confirmation of the extraor-
dinary statements here made; and, indeed, that
any pait of the furniture of the temple was car-
I'ied back to Jerusalem during the lifetime of
Nabuchodonosor is well-nijfh incredible. It was
Solomon who had vessels made for the temple.
Cf. 1 Kings xiv. 26 ; 2 Kings .xxiv. 1.3. The pas-
sage, moreover, seems to conflict with Jer. xxvii.
16 f. ; xxviii. 3; xxix. 4 f. Kneucker (p. 212 f.)
reads for "Sedecias" '' Joacim " (cf. Jer. xxii.
18; xxvi. 1; xxvii. 1; xxxvi. 9), while holding
that, " historically considered, the entire saga of
this 8th verse amounts to nothing."

Ver. 9. And tlie captives. The writer is
supposed by some to have been guilty at this
point of a failure in translation, and to have been
led into it by the rendering of the Septuagint at
Jer. xxiv. 1, which the present passage closely
follows. But the Hebrew word "IJDD, rendered
by the LXX. in Jeremiah Sea/idrvs, has a kindred
signification in Ps. cxlii. 7 {prison] ; Is. xxiv. 22
(fortress) ; xlii. 7 (fitters). The captives may
have been hostages of high rank, in which case
the word would not be out of place in the con-
nection.

Ver. 10. Kal irepl afiaprlas, i. e., for sin offer-
ings. Cf. 2 Mace. ii. 11.

Ver. U. Pray for the life of Nabuchodono-
sor. See 1 Esd. vi. 31, where in a similar way
prayer is desired for Darius and his children.
Cf. also Jer. xxix. 7 ; 1 Mace. vii. 33 ; Jos.,
Antiq., xii. 2, § 6. — Ballasar, or as elsewhere
spelled "Belshazzar," is here called the son of
Nabuchodonosor, as in Dan. v. 2. It may in
Biblical language mean no more than that he was
a grandson, or descendant. Kawlinson has made
it tolerably clear that Nabuchodono.sor was the
grandfather of Baltazar on the mother's side,
bee Smith's Bib. Vict., ait. "Belshazzar." But
it is an evident anachronism to associate him with
Nabuchodonosor in this way, as he was put to
death by Cyrus near the end of the seventy years
of exile. Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. "Of.

Ver. 14. 'Eiayopeiaai. The meaning given

this word by the A. V. would be allowable as a
derived one. Cf. the LXX. at Ez. x. 1, Neh. ix.
3, where it is similarly used in the sense of making
confession. Kneucker also renders by als bekennt-
niss, as a confission. — 'Ey ruiepaisxaipov. Fritzsehe
would make xatpov synonymous with topr^s of
the preceding clause. But it is more likely that
the word was intentionally used for the sabbaths,
and to distinguish them from the other days
mentioned. 'This view is confirmed by another
apocryphal work, the so-called First Letter of the
Writer Baruch, which was undoubtedly based on
the present book, and which in the Latin transla-
tion reads : " Et feeder is majorum vestrorum, solen-
nitatum atque sabbathorum ne ohliviscamini." Cf.
Fabricius, Cod. Pseudep. Vet., etc., ii. 153 ; also,
Ewald, Proph. d. Alt. Bundes, iii. 203.

Veis. 15-18. Cf. Dan. ix. 7-10, of which this
passage is nearly a literal reprodnction. — Been
disobedient unto, iiTret0ii<Tafiev, with the dative.
A peculiar construction (this verb being usually
followed by rpSs in this sense), and, according to
Fritzsehe, found only here. See verse 19. In
verse 1 8, TropdfaBat is also followed by the dative,
without a preposition (cf. LXX. at 2 Kings xvii,
8), where we should have expected 4y. — 'H/xuy,
&i>. Some take av for avS' &v, because. So the
A. V. But it is more likely that it was put unskill-
fully in the genitive by attraction with i)nSiv.

Ver. 19. 'H^uffla (^p.fv, 22. 36. 48. 51. 62. 88.
96. 198. 231.). In two passages in the New Testa-
ment this form is supported by good MSS., —
Matt, xxiii. 30 ; Acts xxvii. 37. Winer (p. 80)
remarks, however, that it does not appear in any
good writer. Tregelles and Tischendorf adopt
it also at Eph. ii. 3. Cf. Buttmann, p. 50. —
'Ecrxe8iafo;n€i'. This word occurs nowhere else in
the LXX. In a, transitive sense it means, to
do a thing ojffhand ; intransitive, to be negligent.
Kneucker renders by getrolzt, defied.

Ver. 20. The phrase, as at this day, is to be
connected with the first part of the verse : " Evils
cleaved unto us," etc., " as at this day." Kneucker
suspects here (as at iii. 4) a mistranslation, and
renders the verb by ergoss sich iiber, was poured
out over.

Chapter n.

1 And so ^ the Lord made ^ good his word, which he pronounced against » ns, and
against our judges that judged Israel, and against our kings, and against our princes,

2 and against the men * of Israel and Juda, in that he has brought ^ upon us great
evils, so that it was not done elsewhere under the whole heaven, as it was done ' in

3 Jerusalem, according to the things that were written in the law of Moses : that we
should eat, every one '' the flesh of his son," and every one ' the flesh of his dauo-hter "

4 And he" delivered them to Se in subjection to all the kingdoms that are' round
about us, a '^ reproach and a i" desolation among all the peoples that are round

Vers. 1-8. — i A. V. : Therefore (itai consecutivum ; cf . i. 20). 2 hath made. » {int. Ileb., bi? » cf Jer xrl

W.) ' (»J«P""ov = "every man " ; cf. i. 15.) » to bring (infln. with toC j lit., 50 that, but in senie, inthat; et
Winer,p. Ai4f. The 4. V. makes it dependent on {AiXTjo-ti/; but it is to be connected with Imjo-.).

07711^5 every one. ^^ o^q daughter.
- " A. V. : Moreover be hath. » to be lu a.

» tmiu a (Fritzsehe adopta tU before ajSaTay from m.

BAEUCH. 428

5 about us, where the Lord scattered them.^ And they ^ were cast down, and not
exalted,' because we sinned * against the Lord our God, in that we hearkened not '
tmto his voice.

6 To the Lord our God appertaineth righteousness ; but unto us and to our fathers

7 confusion of faces, as at ^ this day. All ' these evils came * upon us, which the

8 Lord pronounced' against us. And we prayed not'" before the Lord, that we

9 might turn " every one from the purposes ^^" of his wicked heart. And so ^'^ the
Lord watched over us for evils," and the Lord brought them " upon us ; for the

10 Lord is righteous in " all his works which he commanded " us. And we hearkened
not '^ unto his voice, to walk in the commandments of the Lord, that he gave be-
ll fore our eyes.'' And now, O Lord God of Israel, that hast brought thy people out
of the land of Egypt with a mighty hand, and with signs, and with wonders, and
with great power, and with a high arm,'" and hast gotten ^^ thyself a name, as it is ^

12 this day, O Lord our God, we have sinned, we have done ungodly, we have dealt

13 unrighteously ^^ in all thine ordinances. Let now ^^ thy wrath turn from us ; for we

14 are a ^^ few left among the heathen, where thou hast scattered us. Hear our
prayer,^" O Lord, and our petition,^'' and deliver us for thine own sake, and give us

15 favor in the sight of them who carried us away : ^ that all the earth may know that
thou art the Lord our God, because ^ Israel and his race is called '" by thy name.

16 0 Lord, look down from thy holy house, and consider us ; incline '^ thine ear, O

17 Lord, and hear.'^ Open O Lord ^ thine eyes, and behold ; for the dead in their ^
graves, whose spirit has been ^ taken from their bodies, will not give unto the Lord

18 glory and righteousness ; '^ but the soul that is greatly vexed, that ^^ goeth stooping
and feeble, and the eyes that fail, and the hungry soul, will give thee glory *' and

19 righteousness, O Lord. For *' we do not make our humble supplication *" before

20 thee, O Lord our God, for the righteousness of our fathers, and of our kings. For
thou hast sent out thy wrath and indignation upon us, as thou hast spoken by thy

21 servants the prophets, saying,^' Thus saith the Lord, Bow down your shoulder "
to serve the king of Babylon ; so ^^ shall ye remain in the land that I gave unto

22 your fathers. And ** if ye will not hear the voice of the Lord, to serve the king of

23 Babylon, I will cause to cease from*^ the cities of Juda, and from ^' Jerusalem, the
voice of mirth, and the voice of joy, the voice of the bridegroom, and the voice of

24 the bride ; and the whole land shall be desolate of inhabitants. And we hearkened
not unto thy voice, to serve the king of Babylon ; and thou hast *' made good the

XII. 26. multisgue I.) i people round about, where (Fritzsche receives ^^toy after kvk\u from III. 26. and " many

MSS." ; it is omitted by II. witli the text, rec.) the Lord hath scattered them (lit., tkem there. A common Hebraism).
• Thus we («ai tyeirijerjo-nf ; 22. 36. 43. 62. 96. 198. 229. 231., the Ist per. plur.). = (Marg., " Gr., were beneath and

not above." Cf. Deut. xxviii. 13.) * have sinned. ^ and have not been obedient (,rpos to ^ij oKovsiv). '^ open

Bhame as appeareth (cf . i. 15, where the Greek is the same).

Vers. 7-10. — ' A. V. ; For all. ^ plagues are come {^\6€v). " hath pronounced (see Com.), lo Yet ((cat)

have we not prayed. " (Meaning either, *' prayed not to the Lord /or deliverance, because we turned " ; or, " we

prayed not to the Lord and made no promise to turn." Fritzsche, on the contrary, would give the verb a transitive
sense :*' that he — God — turn every one. Cf. i. 13.) 12 imaginations (not clear. It 'oxea.us thoughts, purposes).

13 IVherefore (jcat ; cf. ver. 1). ^^ evil (lit., "watched over evils" i. e., " to execute them. Cf. Jer. i. 12, where it is

said that he will watch over (A. V., hasten) his word " to perform it.'= The A. V. renders at Jer. xliv. 27, as here).
>3 hath brought i7. 1^ (r. <■., with respect to.) 1^ hath commanded. w yet we have not hearliened. "hath
set before us (cf . i. 18, and below, ver. 28).

Vers. 11-15. — 20 ^, y. : hand, and high arm (I have followed the order of the Greek in placing this phrase after the
word " power ■'). 21 (Lit., made.) " appearelli. 23 (cf. King.s viii. 47, which our author seems to follow.)

2* omits now (J^. It is received by Fritzsche from III. 23. 26. 33. al. ; text. rec. omits). 25 Out a. 20 prayers.

2^ petitions. 2a which have led us away (a,rocKt(rarTa,c). 2« (others — De Wette, Bunsen's Bihelwerk, and some

MSS., 22. 36. 43. 51. 63. 96. 231., which place a naii before Sri —would make this on coordinate with the preceding. This
would make a smoother sentence without detracting from the strength of the idea.) so posterity (ycVos) is called (for
IwiKXriBii of the text. rec. III. XII. 83. 49. 70. 90. 91. 106. Aid. read i^iKiKXtirac).

Vers. 16-20. — si x. V. : bow down (/cAii-or. Fritzsche rejects the nai before it, with III. XII. 23. 26. S3, al. It is not
in II.). S3 to jiear us. ss omits 0 Lord (Fritzsche adopts mJpit from III. XII. 26. 33. al. It is supported also by II.).
8* that are in ihe. so gouls (marg., " Gr.,.'!p/rj/ or ///e ") are. so will give . . . . neither praise (5o^a^) nor righteous-
ness (fiiKaiujua. Grotius, justijication, i. e., approbation of his decrees; Schleusner, due praise; De Wette, wliat
belongs to him, his ri^ht ; Fritzsche, proper recognition ; ReuBch, as A. V. The meaning seems to be that they will not
ascribe to him, in praise, the glory and righteousness that belong to his nature and characterize all his dealings).
" greatly vexed (see Com.) \ which. ss praise. =» Therefore. " See Com. « Fritzsche receives Keyuiv

from III. XII. 22. 26. 33. and many others.

Vers. 21-24. — *2 A. V. : shoulders. " (xai connecting an imperative with a preceding imperative.) ** But.

*5 out of. *i from without (e^udcc. Probably the idea is taken from Jer. vii. 34, where the Heb. is properly rendered
in the LXX. by " from the streets of Jerusalem ; but at lliv. 6, 9, 17, as here, by liioiev "I.). « But we would not

hearken . . . ..therefore hast thou. .

424

THE APOCaiTPHA.

words that thon spakest by thy servants the prophets, that ^ the bones of our kings,

25 and the bones of our fathers, should be taken out of their graves.^ And lo, they
have been cast out ** to the heat of the day, and to the frost * of the night, and

26 they died by bitter trials ^ by famine, and by sword, and by pestilence." And the
house which is called by thy name ' hast thou laid waste, as at * this day, for the

27 wickedness of the house of Israel and the house of Juda. And " O Lord our God,
thou hast dealt with us according to ^° all thy goodness,-'^ and according to all that

28 great mercy of thine, as thou spakest by thy servant Moses in the day when thou

29 didst command him to write thy law before the children ■'^ of Israel, saying, If ye
do not ^^ hear my voice, surely this very great multitude " shall be turned into a

50 small number among the nations, where I will scatter them. For I know *■' that
they will ^^ not hear me, because it is a stifEnecked people ; and " in the land of

51 their captivities they shall come to ■'* themselves, and shall know that I am the Lord
82 their God ; and '^ I will give them a heart, and ears that ^^ hear ; and they shall

33 praise me in the land of their captivity, and think upon my name, and return from their
stiff neck,^'' and from their wicked deeds ; ^^ for they shall remember the way of their

34 fathei-s, who ''^ sinned before the Lord. And I will bring them again into the land
which I promised with an oath ^* unto their fathers, Abraham, and ^^ Isaac, and
Jacob, and they shall be lords of it ; and I will increase them, and they shall not

35 be diminished. And I will establish ^° an everlasting covenant with them to be ^
their God, and they sliall be my people ; and I will no more drive my people of Israel
out of the land that I have given them.

Ver. 24. — 1 A V. : vamehj, that. ^ places (tottov ; cf. Eccliis. xlTi. 12 ; xlix. 10).

Vers. 25-29. — " A. V. : are cast out (see Com.). 4 (gee Com.) c died (not especially those whose bones have

Just been spoken of, but the inhabitants of .lerusalem in general) in great miseries (ec ttovoi? Trd^polc). ® (SeeC^m.)

^ (liunsen's Bibetwerk, " where thy name is called upon.") 8 \^\tX waste, as it (e^i^tcas, set, placed, brought to the

state) is to be seen. » omils And. "after. '^ {imeUeiiv trov.) '^ (Ut., sons.) >= will not. "See

Com.

Vers. 30-35. — '° A. V. : knew. lo would. ^^ but. '8 remember (I adopt the marg. rendering. The Greek is,
■ sjn<TTpetl/ovtTLv eirl Kap&iav avTu}v). 10 for. 20 to. ^1 (Marg., iacfc; Gr., ciirov, and not as just above, Tpax>?Ao?.

Still the sense is the same.) 22 (Cod. II. agrees with III. XII. 22. 26. in writing TrpayfxaTuiv.) 23 which. ^ (Lit.,
xokidi I swore.) ^ omits zni. ^'^ mahe {(rT^aiu, .':et up ot establish). ^ Inf. with toO. lAt., so tliat J arrt.

Chapter II.

Vers. 1, 2. Cf. Dan. ix. 12, 13, from which the
sentiment was taken.

Ver. 3. Cf. Lev. xxvi. 29 ; Deut. xxviii. 53 ;
Jer. xix. 9 ; and .Joseph., .hid. Bell., vi. 3, § 4.

Ver. 4. Els H^arop. Ewald would translate the
substantive liy asUmishmcnt, Hch. n?l P', instead
of desolation. Cf. also Jer. xlii, 18, where the A. V.
renders this \vord by ** astoni..-hment," although
the I, XX. translate.s, as here, by &ffaTov. This is
one uf the versis which Kneueker ascribes to a
Christian hand. Cf. iii. 37.

Ver, 7, Cf. verses 7-17, with Dan. ix. 13-18.
■ — A e'AaAr/o'e Kvpios 4(p^ rjfxai iravra to. Kana TavTa
ft ■fl^Oei' iip' rjixas. The construction is difficult.
Some MSS. strike out the second S: xii. 26. 33,
36. 49. 62. al,, with Co, and Aid. Others read, in
place of the first one, SkSti : 22. 36. 48. 51. 96.
231, The latter, as will be seen, is slightly sup-
ported. And the former seems, in other respects,
tlie least objectionable and simpler, and is adopted
by Fritzsche, Probably the second fi came into
the text through a failure in tianscription, from
Tavra.

Ver. 11. Cf, Deut. xxvi. 8 ; Jer. xvi, 21.

Ver, 14, Upoa^nvx^ "al Serjcris. These words
are often found thus combined. Cf. I's. Ixxxvi.
6; Dan. ix. 17, wbiTc the latter is rendered in
the A. V. by " supplication,"

Ver. 16. Thine holy house. By general
usage this would refer to the temple at Jerusalem,
but probably refers to heaven. Cf. Beat. xxvi.
i5, which offers a direct paralleL

Ver. 18. 'H ^vxh V ^vwov/xevr) ^-ni rh /.teyiBos.
The latter expression, used adverbially in the
A, V, as modifying Xviron/j.ei'ri, is variously ex-
plained. Kwald would read for cirl rh, khI t6.
De AVette, with tlie Old Latin, Brentano, Dereser,
and others, ivould limit /xeyeBos by some such
word as "misfortune" or " evil," and translate:
" But tho.se who are troubled over the greatness
of the misfortune." Fritzsche also suspects a
corrupt text, and suggests the Hebrew word
n^ij, aixtiaAaiaia, i. c, captivity, as possibly ly-
ing at the basis of the original Greek translation.
This is adopted by Bun sen's Bibehcerk. Kneueker
asrees with Reusch that the passage is derived
from Deut. xxviii. 65, and renders ^ '^it>xh V
XvTovixivT) by "the trembling heart" (referring to
the LXX. at Ezek. xvi. 43, Is. xxxii. 11, for a
.similar rendering into Greek of the Hebrew word
^? J. With respect to the remaining phrase, he
suggests that the translator read bn'SH when he

should have read b^nn, and renders, and the
foot that goelh, etc.

Ver. 19. Kara^aAAo^e^ -rlv txtov. Fritzsche
receives rinSiv after the last word from XII 22
23. 26. 33., muUisijne I. It is not in II. "Suppli-
cation is an unusual meaning for l\fos It is
rather the Latin misericordia. Fritzsche and
Bunsen s Bibelwerk would translate • " For thy
mercy ascribe we not to," etc. Ewald, Reusch,
Kneueker, and others, towever, agree virtnaUy.

BAEUCH.

425

with the A. V., regarding cAeoi as intended, to
represent the Hebrew nanri. See Jer. xxxvi.
7, xxxvii. 20, xxxviii. 26, where eAeos is used for
tliis word in the LXX.

Ver. 21. 'E-n-l riiv yrjy. This preposition does
not govern the accusative with verbs of rest ; but
the idea of motion precedes that of rest in the
present verb* as in Matt. xix. 28. The Codd.
XII. 23. 26. 33. 49. 70. 86. al. Co. Aid. have the
genitive.

Ver. 23. Kneucker renders by " in the streets"
(of Jerusalem), believing that the translator mis-
understood his text. Cf . Gesenius, under ^^, § 2.

Ver. 25. Ewald supposes that some such words
as " from their graves," have been lost from the
text after "cast out." See Jer. viii. 12. —
na7eTrfs signifies eithery/'os/ or c0/<i. — 'AttoittoA^,
translated pest, means rather exik, and was so
rendered by most of the older commentators. It
derives its meaning here from the LXX., which
in the parallel passage (Jer. xxxii. 36) employs it
to translate the Hebrew word "13?.! which means
pest, plac/ue. This peculiar meaning for the Greek
word seems to have arisen as follows : To send the
pest was rendered often in the LXX. by awo-
(rreWeiv BivaTov ; and so in the LXX. and also
here the pest itself vfas entitled the thing sent,
^TroffToA^.

Ver. 29. Surely thie very great multitude
(margin, this great sioarm). The A. V. so ren-
ders €1 ^Tiv 7) ^6ii^t](TiS r] fieydKTj rj woW^ auTfj.
For ei fi-iiv, 49. 51. 9a 231. Co. Aid. read ^ i^-fiy.
C'f., Heb. vi. 14. Fritzsche adopts the latter as
alone admissible For fi fi.eya\ri ri iroAAV), III.
23. and thirteen cursive MSS., with Syriac and
Arabic, read t) lay. Kcil ri ir. The Vulgate
leaves ^ ttoAA^ out. — Bii^;87;in«. This word,
which does not appear elsewhere in the LXX.,
means any buzzing, humming sound, as of bees
or a multitude of people. The verb Po/j.&e'ii' is
noticeably employed by the LXX. at Jer. xxxi.
35 (roar), xlviii. 36 {sound}, to render nQH,
which is allied to the English hum and the Ger-
man hummen. — Come to themselves. Lit., re-
turn to their hearts, namely, their former good
hearts, inclinations. It is saying, in other words,
that they will repent. It is different Greek that
is used at Luke xv. 17 : ets kavr}iv Se 4\6djv €?irg.

Ver. 31. A heart. Some codd. add to KapSiav
the word a-vver'fiv, and are followed by the Syriac
and Old Latin (Luther) ; but it is clearly a gloss
taken from Jer. xxiv. 7.

Ver. 33. Betum from their stiff neck (mar-
gin, iati). The figure is mixed, From the dis-
position which is symbolized by a stiff neck they
might turn away.

Chaptek in.

1 0 Lord Almiglity, God of Israel, a ^ soul in anguish, and a " troubled spirit,

2 crieth unto thee. Hear, O Loi-d, and have mercy ; ' because we have sinned before
3, 4 thee. For thou reignest * for ever, and we perish for ever.° O Lord Almighty,

God * of Israel, hear now the prayer ' of the dead of Israel,^ and of their sons who '
sinned before thee, who hearkened not ^'' unto the voice of thee their God ; " and so

5 these evils cleaved ^^ unto us. Remember not the iniquities of our fathers ; ^^ but re-

6 member " thy hand '"* and thy name at ^^ this time. For thou art the Lord our

7 God, and thee, 0 Lord, will we praise. Since " for this cause thou hast put thy
fear in our heart, and dost permit us to " call upon thy name. And we will'" praise
thee in our captivity ; for we have put away from our heart ^^ all the iniquity of

8 our fathers, that sinned before thee. Behold, we are ^^ this day in our captivity,
where thou hast scattered us, for a reproach and a curse, and an indebtedness,
according to all the iniquities of our fathers, who ^ departed from the Lord our
God.

10

Hear, Israel, the commandments of life ;
Give ear to understand wisdom. ^^
Why is 2= it, Israel, why is it ^° that thou ar|||^ the ^ enemies' land ;

v™ 1 4 - 1 A V • the 2 anguish, the. ' mercy, tor thou art merciful : and have pity upon us (the addition
is found in'ni. withnine cursives and all the old versions, except that only the first and the Old Lat., read cA.^^<.v
for W Cod XII. adds in the margin, St. B.os ^A^^u.. after «Jp.e). <■ endurest (see Com.). » ntterly (same word
a! th^rendered" forever " in the same verse). « tkou God. ' prayers. • Israehtes. » '^^-f f e° "!»«'>
ha!e > « and not hearkened. " (For ... e.ov, XJl. 62. al. read .vpio. 6. ; III. om.ts <rov ; 26. 33. 36. al. «vpcov

ToUe ) " for the which cause these plagues cleave. » „ , j

Ver 6-3 - " A. V. : forefathers. » think upon (cf. preceding line). -^ power. - no«, at. "And.

"helr'ts, to the intent that «,« should (for .a.1 i^..aXM.., III. XII. and sixteen eurs.ves, with Co., read to„ ...,

;i^cT;rrp.nrtr;.V.°-7h.for;e may he given to'...««, on Which ...^^^^^^^^^^^^
denends) i° omits we will. '" called to mind (i^earp^^a^.i/ ano K^pS.as. For the last two words 111. All^-d.

26 86 49 70 86 88 90. 91. 106. 223. 233. Co. Aid. and II. from the second hand, have eri «apS.W. Cf ver. 30 of chap
26. 86. 49. '^"^•^^^^""J^; ^ _ _ ^^^ ^^, ^ t„ be subject, to payments ii. .., to God. They were guilty, and this guilt

•^i:st\r« CI.'c. Jol vt?-12. - A. V. ■. now happeneth. - omits why is it (so IH. XH. 23. 26. 83

al. (lourtUn ourBives in all) Co. Aid., but it is apparently a correction). tluM.

426 THE APOCETPHA.

. 16

That thou hast become ^ old in a strange land,= that thou art defiled with the

dead,

11 That thou art counted with them in Hades ?

12 Thou hast forsaken the fountain of wisdom.

13 If * thou hadst walked in the way of God,

Thou shouldest have dwelled in peace for ever.' ^

14 Learn where is wisdom,'' where is strength, where is understanding :
That ihou mayest know also * where is length of days," and life,
"Where is the light of the eyes, and peace.

15 Who hath found out her place ?

And who hath entered" into her treasures ?

16 Where are the princes of the heathen?"
And such as ruled the beasts upon the earth ;

17 They that had their pastime with the fowls of the air ;
And thf'y that hoarded up silver

And gold, wherein men trust.

And there is ^^ no end of their getting ? ^^

18 For ^^ they sought wealth, and were full of care ; '
And yet there is no finding of their labors. ^^

19 They are vanished and gone down to Hades,"
And others have ^' come up in their stead.

20 Later ones ^^ have seen the ^^ light, and dwelt upon the earth;
But the way of knowledge have they not known,

21 Nor understood the paths thereof ;
Their sons have not laid hold of it,
They '"■ were far off from her ''■'^ way.

22 It hath not been heard of in Chanaan,^'
Neither hath it been seen in Thajman.^*

23 The sons of Agar also,^"" that seek understanding upon the''' earth,
The merchants of Merran and of Thfeman,^'

And the mythologists,^* and they that search out the understanding : '^
None of these ''" have known the way of wisdom,
Nor remembered ^^ her paths.

24 O Israel, how great is the house of God !
And how large ''- the place of his possession !

25 Great, and it hath no end ; ^^
High, and immeasurable ! ^^

26 There arose '^ the giants famous '* from the beginning,
That were of great stature, expert ^' in war.

27 These *' did not the Lord choose.

Neither gave he the way of knowledge unto them ;

28 And '° they were destroyed, because they had not wisdom,*"
They perished ^^ through their foolishness.''^

29 Who hath gone up into heaven, and taken her,

Vers. 10-14. — ^ A. V. : art waxen. 2 country {the word was rendered " land " in the preceding member).

s that go r!o\cn into the grave. ^^br if. c Fritzsche receives xpovov after alojva from HI. XII. and eighteen

cursives, Aid. " See ver. 1. ^ tnjfeo-is. ^ a^a. ^ See Com.

Vers. 15-19. — '" A. V. : Or . . . . come. " heathen become. ^2 made. " (Cf. Com.) " (Ten cursives and
all the old versions, with Theodoret, omit on, but it appears to be genuine.) ^3 that wrought in silver (to apyvptov

Te^TaifovTes. The language is figurative. The A. V. followed the Vulgate) . ... so careful. i" And whose worlds

are unsearchable (the false rendering above misled). ^^ the grave. ^3 are.

Vers. 20-23. — ^'•' A. V. ; Young men (he speaks chronologically). ^o ojjjUs the. ^^ thereof, nor laid hold of it

(I connect with the following) .... Their children were far off (see preceding note). 22 t[iat {avTfi<; is to be read with
26. 289. al. Syr., instead of avTwv. So I'ritzsche and Ileusch). 23 Canaan. 24 Xheman. ^^^ Agai-enes (for ot re,

III. XII. 36. 49. al. read oi^Te. Fritzscbe tbinlcs that perhaps it should be emended to on. Reusch dissents. The text,
rec. read otre). ^o wisdom {uvveatv ; " understanding'' at ver. 14, and below) upon. ^~ Theman. 28 The

authors of fables (see Com.). 2u searchers out of understanding. ^o (^_ y. gives the sense. Lit., But they

have not.) '^^ Or remember.

Vers. 24-80. —22 A. V. ; how large (lit., long. Codd. 22. 36. 48. al. read eifiijKTjs) is. ss and hath none end.

B-> unmeasurable. ^^ were. "" (ol is repeated here by HI. XII. 22. and seventeen other cursives, Co. Aid. Old Lat.
Ar., and is adopted by Reusch.) a' 50 great .... an4 so expert. ^ Those (toutovs). so But. " tkey liad no
wisdom (see ver. 9). *^ And perished. *2 own foolishness.

BARTJCH.

427

And brought her down from the clouds ?

30 "Who hath gone ^ over the sea, and found her,
And will bring her for pure ^ gold ?

31 No man knoweth her way,
Nor thinketh of her path.

32 But he that knoweth all things knoweth her,
He ' hath found her out by * his understanding ;
He that prepared the earth for evermore
Hath filled it with fourfooted creatures ; '

33 He that sendeth forth the " light, and it goeth,
Calleth it,' and it obeyeth him with fear.'

34 And ' the stars shined in their watches, and rejoiced ;
He called them, and they said, Here are we ;
With joy they gave light for '^ him that made them.

35 This is our God,

There shall none other be accounted of in comparison with ^ him.

36 He found out all the way of knowledge.
And gave it unto Jacob his servant.
And to Israel his beloved.'^

37 Afterward did it show itself upon the " earth,
And held converse ^* with men.

Ver. 30. — * Lit., gone throv^h, i. e., tlie waves. 2 nt., choice.

Vers. 83-37. — ^A..y.'.And. * with. 5 beasts (kttji'wi'). " om?f5 the (see Coin.). ^ it again. ^ {rpijitf.)
9 omits And. ^** When he calleth them, they say, Here we be ; And so with cheerfulness they shewed light unto.

" And there .... comparison of. ^ hath found .... hath given .... (Lit., beloved by him. The prep, iiir U

omitted by III. 22. 23. 33. al. while XII. has it only in the margin.) 1* he shew himself upon (see Com.}. " con-
versed (lit., lived together with, or amon^).

Chapter III.

Ver. 1. KfKpaye. The perfect used as pres-
ent. Cf. Winer, p. 271.

Ver. 3. 2^ xad'lj^evos Thv aluva, Kal ^/*6(s aKo\-
Xifievot rbv aiava. For thou relgneat [an en-
throned] forever, and we peristi forever. This
is the literal meaning. Wuhl's Clavls would give
to the latter verb the negative sense of ov ^wvt^s.
Theodoretand others render by TrptfcKaipoi, transi-
tory. 'J'hey would seek thus to escape from the
difficultit'S apparently contained in the passage
when taken in its literal sense. But if the
" we " here had been supposed to refer to the
Jewish nation, no such eva.«ion of the proper
meaning of the verb would probably have lieen
attempted : " For thou reignest forever, and we
[the nation in exile) perish forever," i. e., unless
liod should interpo.-e for their help. And this
thought offers a proper basis for the cue that fol-
lows. The use of the middle voice of the present
verb in the New Testament as referring to the
eternal doom of man, has no support in cla,ssical
usage. Homer used it of death in battle See
Cremcr's Lex., at the word. In Dent. iv. 26, it is
held oat as a threat against Israel that they
should utterly peiish from off the land if they be-
came idolatrous. On the use of i.Tr6\Xviu in the
LXX., see Girdlestone, pp. 430-434.

Ver. 4. Hear the prayer of the dead of Is-
rael. Is this to be taken literally, or figuratively ?
Most commentators say figuratively, and suppose
that by "dead of Israel" those who are virtually
dead by being in exile are meant. But a more
natural interpretation, and one quite admissible,
would be to suppose that the prayers of the few
pious Israelites who once lived and prayed, but
were now dead along with the many that sinned,
are intended. So Kneucker, who says that the

words correspond to 01 TcflrijitifTes iv t$ 0187; at ii.
17. On this supposition the phrase, "and of
their' sons," as referring to the sacredness of the
divine covenant (Ex. xx. 6 ; I Kings viii. 25-53)
would have peculiar significance ; for that the
added clause, " who sinned before thee," does
not refer to the sins of the children, but those of
the fathers, is evident from tlie form of the verb,
from atiTui/ immediately f(~llowing, and from
verses 5 and 8, where the sins of the fathers are
alone mentioned.

Ver. 7. This verse is closely connected in
thought with the preceding. The translation,
" to the intent," etc., is based on the reading, tou
for Kai. Cf. Text. Notes.

Ver. 8. ''O^K'n(Tiv, an owing, a debt, like uip\T\iia.
The word is found only here in the LXX., and
elsewhere but seldom. Kneucker renders, " and
for an astonishment," holding that the transla-
tor made a mistake in the Hebrew word.

Ver. 9. With this verse we enter upon the
second and quite distinit part of the book of
Baruch. See Introd. The commandments of life
are those that lead to true life.

Ver. 10. Ti on. 'Effxi is to be supplied. Cf.
Winer, p. 585 ; and Meyer's Com., at Mark i. 16,
Acts V. 4. — Defiled with the dead, i. e., along
with, the dead, as the dead, and not (as some inter-
pret), bi/ contact with the dead, which would have
little force here.

Ver. 12. Fountain of wisdom, irrjyV t?*
iro<l>ias. God himself or his commandments may
be supposed to be meant. See iv. 1. In the 9th
and 14th verses the A. V. has rendered (pp6vri(ns
by wisdom, and in verse 23 it has given the same
translation to aivsa^is. These words, with ffofta,
are not always to be distinguished in sense in

428

THE APOCRYPHA.

these books. It may be said in general, however,
that iTo(pla is tlie iioble.st word, and is never used
by itself in Scripture, except as applied to God
or to good men. The word (pp6vr)(TK refers more
to the skillful adaptation of means to ends, and is
perliaps, generally, best rendered by the English
word " prudence." The word commonly em-
ployed in the LSX. as corresponding to the
Hebrew ]''3, to separate, distinguish, perceive,
know, is o-ucecris ; but sometimes it gives place to
47ri(rTVfj.T] or <pp6vrj(ris.

Ver. 14. Length of days. Properly distin-
guished here from "life." See Deut. xxx. 20,
and verse 9 of the present chapter.

Ver. IG. Such as ruled the beasts. Nebu-
chadnezzar is so spoken of by Daniel (ii. 38 ; cf.
Jer. x.xvii. 6, xxviii. 14). Kneucker, with his
theory of the orif;in of the work, naturally gives
the words a more general significance.

Ver. 17. K-rria-fas, gettiiuf. 'J'his word means
both arquisition and possession. The former mean-
ing suits I he connection well; but the latter is
more common in the LXX.

Ver. 18. There is no finding of their la-
bors. U'his clause has given great trouble to
critics. Ewald thinks that it may be an inexact
translation of S!i^ ]''S1 : And there is no suffi-
ciency/, i. e., satisfaction, in their works. Gaab
ti-anslates i^iiptai^ by crgrunden, searching out,
fathoming, as does the A. V. So also Reusch.
In Is. x'l. 28, this Greek word is used by the
LXX. to translate "'"r. But the above transla-
tion, which is also that of Fritzsche, is quite ad-
missible, and seems best to agree vi'ith the context.

Ver. 19. An answer is given to the question
contiiincd in verse 16. The intervening verses
explain who are meant by the " princes of the
nations." Some commentators are of the opinion
th:it this passage, verges 16-21, was meant to refer
to the diffc'ieut dynasties which, one after the
other, held sway over Palestine ; and Bertholdt is
of the opiiiiou that this part of the book, at least,
could not h;ive been written before the era of the
SeleucidiB, who reigned at Antioch from the death
of Alexander the Great to the close of the Roman
republic. — It i.s going too far to judge with
Dahne (ii. l.")!) from this verse and ii. 17, that
the author of Baruch knew nothing of the doc-
trine of the immortality of the soul.

Ver. 22. Chanaan. Phoenicia is probably
meant, whose inhabitants were distinguished for
commerce and general progress in the arts. See

a valuable article bv Kleuker in Schenkel s Bib.
Lex., s. v., and Stark's Gaza, etc. — Thseman.
This was the name given to a region lying in
the southeast part of Unmsea. The Thiemanites,
also, had the credit of possessing great wisdom.
See Jer. xlix. 7 ; Job ii. 11.

Ver. 2.3. Agar was the mother of Ishmael.
Gen. xvi. 15. Kneucker renders both members:
"Also the sons of Hagar, who pass through the
land for gain. The merchants of Medan and
Thema, who speak in parables and seek after
prudence." — Merran has not with certainty been
identified. Some think the text corrupt, and
Hitzig (at Ps. ii., p. 119), with Ewald, would read
Madian. Grotius suggests the Mearah of the
Sidonians ; Reusch suggests Gerra in Arabia
Felix ; Fritzsche, the Arabian region Mahrah and
the city Marave mentioned by Pliny. — Authors
of fables (A. V.). The Greek word fiufloAiiyoi,
" relaters of legends," might better perhaps be
transferred as above. It is not elsewhere found
in the Greek Bible. On the mythologists of an-
cient Phoenicia, see Herzog's RenJ-Encyk., xiii.
pp. 41.3-423, and Stark, I. c, chap. iii.

Ver. 24. By the house of God is meant the
universe. This expression does not occur with
the same meaning in the canonical books of the
Old Testament, but is comrhon with Philo.

Vers. 26-28. See Gen. vi. 1 ff. ; Wisd. xiv. 6 ;
Ecclus. xvi. 7 ; 3 Mace. ii. 4.

Vers 29-31. See Deut. xxx. 11-13.

Ver. 33. TJi <pSis. The sun is meant, as gen-
eral usage and the connection plainly demand,
and not, as Reusch and Kneucker suppose, the
lightning.

Ver. 37. The reference is manifestly to wis-
dom, and not to God, or to his Son, our Saviour.
The passage, however, was very commonly used
by both the Greek and Latin Fathers to prove
that the appearance of Chiist in the flesh was
matter of prediction. See Prov. viii. 31 ; Wisd.
ix. 10; Ecclus. xxiv. 10-13, where wisdom is
similarly personified. Reusch differs from the
majority of Roman Catholic interpreters in sup-
poiting the meaning given the passage by us.
He says that the context does not allow of any
other sense. The entire section preceding treats
of wijdom, and the Divine Being is only intro-
duced because of the relation which wisdom holds
to Him. Kneucker, with Grotius, Hitzig, Hilgen-
feld, and Schiirer, holds that the verse lacks
genuineness, and that it was introduced here by a
Jewish Christian. But such a supposition is quite
unnecessary, and has no sufficient ground.

Chapter IV.

Vers, 1-3. -
li^M therettf.

This is the book of the commandments of God,
And the law that endureth ^ for ever ;
All they that keep it ^ shall come to life ;
But such as leave it shall die.
Turn thee, O Jacob, and take hold of it ;
Walk in the presence of the light thereof.'
Give not thine honor to another,
And '' the things that are profitable unto thee, to a strange nation.

- 1 iitipx""'- ' For a.vrr,v, III. 83. 49. al. AM. read ai/rit. s Marg., Gr., to thx shining before tkt

A. V. adds " that ihou ma-yeet be illuminated,'' but I know not on what authority. * A V. : Nor.

BAtltrCH. 429

4 0 Israel, happy are we ;

For what is ^ pleasing to God ^ is known ' unto us.

5 Be of good eourage, my ^ people, remnant ° of Israel.

6 Ye were sold to the nations, not for destruction ; "

But ' because you moved God to wrath, ye were delivered to your adversaries.'

7 For ye provoked him that made you

By sacrificing unto demons,' and not to God.

8 And ^^ ye have forgotten the everlasting God, that nursed you ; "
And ye have grieved also '^ Jerusalem, that brought you up.'^

9 For she saw the Tvrath coming upon you from God, and " said,
Hearken, 0 ye that dwell about Sion ;

For ^° God hath brought upon me great mourning ;

10 For ^° I saw the captivity of my sons and daughters,
Which the Everlasting brought upon them.

11 "With joy did I nourish them ;

But sent them ^' away with weeping and mourning.

12 Let no man rejoice over me, the ■'* widow, and forsaken of many,
For ■'^ the sins of my children am I ^° left desolate ;

Because they turned aside ^^ from the law of God.

13 And ^^ they knevv not his ordinances.

Nor walked in the ways of the commandments of God,'''
Nor trod in the paths of discipline -* in his righteo'usness.^^

14 Let them that dwell about Sion come,^°

And call ye to mind ^' the captivity of my sons and daughters,
Which the Everlasting hath brought upon them.

15 For he hath brought a nation upon them from far,
A shameless ^" nation, and of a strange language ;

For they ^' reverenced not the^° old man, nor pitied the'* child.

16 And they led '- away the beloved "" of the widow.
And bereaved her tliat wns alone of her ^* daughters.

17 But I, what power have I to "'' help you ?

18 For he that brought these evils,""

He will take you out of the hand ^ of your enemies.

19 Go forth,"' 0 my children, go forth ; ""
For I was ^ left desolate.

20 I have put off the garment ^° of peace,

And put upon me the sackcloth of my prayer ;
I will cry unto the Everlasting while I live.*^

21 Be of good courage, ^^ O mi/ children, cry unto God,^°

And he will take you out of *^ the power, the hand of the enemy .^'^

Ver. 4. — > A. v. : things that are, ^ (Instead of the gen., III. XII. and sixteen cursives have the dat. Either

would be grammatically correct.) ^ are made known.

Vers. 6-9. — < A. V. : cheer my (for j»ou, 22. 36. 48. al. read 9eo0). '' the memorial (see Com.). « yeur destruc-

tion. ' (Fritz.sche receives Si from III. XII. 22. 26. 33., mullisque I. It is also in II.) » unto the enemies (to??

VTrevavTiot<;). " devils (see Com.). i" omits And (Fritzsche adopts hi from III. XII. 22. 33. 36. al.). ii brought

you up (Tp(>ij)ev(raiTii ; Mi^aai/Ta, 33. 49. al.). ''■ omits also (6s Ka.i ; II., 6^ icai). '^ nursed you («9pe><io-a>').

» when she ... . wrath of God (irapi roij «eoO) .... upon you, she. " omits For (Fritzsche receives yip from III.

22. 33. 36. al. (fifteen cursives) Aid. Old Lat. Syr. Ar.).

Vers. 12-16. — >" Seven cursives liave Je instead of yap. " Fritzsche receives airou! from XII. 22. 23. 33. miiUisque
I. Reusch also adopts it. « A. V. : a. " IKAo for. 'Oomilsl. =1 departed (ife'itXirav). '^ omits And
(instead of ita'i SiicaiM(»»™, Fritzsche adopts 8iKoiii(jaTa Si from III. XII. 22. 23. (eighteen cursives) Co. Aid. Vulg. Of.
Job xxxiv. 27). 23 statutes (I render as at ii. 12) .... his commandments. 2J (See Com.) Z5 (.\Iarg., o/ /iM

discipline in righteousness. Either is grammatically correct.) » (Codd. II. ITI. read iKeiroKTay for iKBiruKTav.)

21 remember ye. " (ivaiSe's. This is its first meaning ; but it also means bolij, rerkless. In 0.1., H. 598, the stone of
Sisyphus is so named as being un/ntying.) -' ^V■ho neither (for on, III., seven cursives. Old Lat. Vulg. Ar , oil.

5» omJts not the. »» omits the. " These have carried. '' dear beloved children. ^ left .... desolate with-
out.

Vers. 17, 18. —sb A. V. : But what can I (Codd. III. 51. 62. 106. read Svpa/xai for Swarri). " plagues upon you (XII.

23. and eight cursives add unti-— three cursives, Jjfiii' — after eirayaviii- ; HI., with seven cursives, iifuv after Koxi)
" Will deliver you from the hands.

Vers. 19-21. —M A. v.: your way. ™ am. » clothing ((rToA^»). " in my days. « cheer (Fritzsche and
Reusch adopt Sopo-tite, for eappe'ire of the text, rec, from III. XII. 23. and many cursives. Cf. vers. 4,27,30).
" the Locd. " shall deliver you from. »' and hand .... the enemies.

430

THE APOCRYPHA.

22 For my hope was ^ in the Everlasting, that he would save you ; "
And joy came, in his mercy,' unto me from the Holy One,

Which * shall soon come unto you from the Everlasting jow;^ Saviour.

23 For I sent you out with mourning and weeping ; *

But God will give you to me again with joy and gladness for ever.

24 For ' as now they that dwell about * Sion have seen your captivity,
So shall they see shortly your salvation from our God,

Which shall come upon you with great glory,
And brightness of the Everlasting.

25 My children, suffer patiently the wrath that is come upon you from God ;
The ° enemy hath persecuted thee ;

And " shortly thou shalt see his destruction,
And shalt tread upon his neck.

26 My delicate ones went ^' rough ways.

They ^'' were taken away as a flock carried off by the enemy .^'

27 Be of good courage,^'' 0 mi/ children, and cry unto God ;

For you shall be remembered of him that brought these things upon r/ou.

28 For as it was your mind to go astray from God,
Turn ye to ^^ seek him ten times more.

29 For he that hath brought these evils ■'^ upon you
Shall bring you everlasting joy " with your salvation.

SO Be of good courage,^' O Jerusalem ;

He ^^ that gave thee that name ^° will comfort thee.

Miserable are they that afflicted thee.

And rejoiced at thy fall ;

Miserable are the cities which thy children served ;

Miserable is she that received thy sons.

For as she rejoiced at thy fall,^^

And was glad over ''^ thy fall ;

So shall she be grieved over ^^ her own desolation.

And ^* I will take away her joy because of ^ her great multitude,

And her insolence shall be -^ turned into mourning.

For fire shall come upon her from the P>erlasting, for many days ; ^

And she shall be inhabited by demons ^^ for a long ^ time.

O Jerusalem, look about *"• thee toward the east.

And behold the joy that cometh unto thee from God.

Lo, thy sons come, whom thou sentest away.

They come gathered together from the east to ^^ the west,

By the word of the Holy One,

Eejoicing in the glory of God.

Vers. 22, 23.--^ A. V. : is (XII. 23. 26. S3, al. insert ^Sr, before ^A..,ra). ^ wiU save you (see Com.). > is com.

^oZZa'mTroXs" C„" r;."; "' "'"' ''°'' rrl^ *" ""■ ^-^ '° "^^ iono^'-^). « Because of the mercy which.
» our (so 38 4J. 62 90 228. Co. Aid.). « n. agrees with III. XII. 26. al. Co. in the order given in the A. V.

Pritzsche follows the lexl. rec, " weeping and mourning."

tlZ'^^ni XU^l-^^'^^'e ' T "r-"^"""'^ °'- '«• ^"'- 9. !*•) ° 1?" tWne (Fritzsche and Rensch reject yip,
Z^^r^ ^0 B f ■ n' , ' " ^l T """ '""""'' '"'monei by lU. 22. 23. 26. 33. al. Co. Aid. Theod. Vulg

Syr. Ar. ). i" But " (marg., my Jarlmgs) have gone. 12 And. 13 caught of {r,pna,ru.ivou) the enemies

M comfort. 15 So being returned. i« plagues n joy again <^l^'vov} ine enemies

Vers 30-S5. - " A V. : Take a good heart. 10 For he. 20 (m „„„,rf tkee.) 21 ruin (same Tord as in

TiTVTT 00 OQ ;'•• "'.''"'S'°™'l'"^<=('"Wep«Ma«p«)- »» of devils. 2. g^eat. so Cod II anees with
III. XII. 22. 23. al. .n reading „ep.-^^c^ai, instead of ..pC^K,^o. of the .e.c. r.c. a' Some cursives read ZZC

31

32

33

34
35
36
37

Chapter IV.

T.^?-' 1' ^'^'"' reference is stjU to wisdom, and
the third chapter might much better have closed
■with the fourth verse, below.

Ver. 2. Walk .... of the Ught. Cf. Text. Notes.
Aaii<fiis IS a late word. See Ps. Ivi. 13 la. ii 5
1 John i. 7, Rev. xxi. 24, for the idea. ' '

Vers. 3, 4. It is implied that if Israel made
improper use of its advantnges, they would be
taken away. Still, it was favored in" having- the
revelation of the divine will, and so knowing the
way of blessedness. See Rom. iii. 1 fe.

Ver. 5. yi,'-nii6aw»y 'lapariK. The Vulgate

BARUCH.

431

translates by memorabilis Israel, using /itm. ad-
jectively. Better with Grotias : " Vos pauci, per
quos memoria nominis Israelitici conservatur." Cf.
2 Sam. xiv. 7 ; Is. i. 9.

Ver. 7. Saorlfloing unto demons. The word
iaiiiiviov — Salfiav does not occur at all — is not
often found in the LXX., and, when employed,
is generally used as referring to the idols of the
heathen.

Ver. 8. Tpo(l>€tla> is a late word from rpiipa.
It is found also in Philo.

Ver. 13. Knew not. The meaning is, they
would not know, absented not. — Paths of disci-
pline in his righteousness. IloiSefa would seem
to mean here, rather, instruction, admonition. They
walk not in the paths of instruction that are in
harmony with the righteousness of God.

Ver. 15. In order to intensify the darker feat-
ures of the picture, the hostile nation is repre-
sented as coming from far and as being of a
strange speech ; i, e., they were, according to the
prevailing notions, barbarians. Bunsen's Bibel-
werk sees here, as well as above at i. 2, 11, ii. 3, a
possible allusion to the Romans.

Ver. 20. Garment of peace. Festival gar-
ments. See Add. to Esther, iv. 1-3 ; v. 1. — Of
my prayer. Reusch remarks, "AsTjins is com-
monly rendered by ' prayer/ Vulgate obsecratio ;

there would then be meant a mourning garment,
of which one makes use during prayer, like l/idria
e^pa-welas, Esth. v. 1 (LXX.). But that forms no
proper antithesis. In Hebrew there stood, no

doubt, n^3]7, suffering, which also at Ps. xxii. 25,
is rendered in the LXX. by SfTjo-is." With this
agree, in general, Fritzsche, Ewald, and Kneucker.

Ver. 22. ''HKiriara ^irl r^ alaij/it^ rT}v (rciiTT]piav
ifiuv. The construction is peculiar. It is prob-
ably a mingling of two constructions : iKvl^eiv ti,
to hope for something ; and i\wl(eiv in( rivt, to set
one's hope upon any one. Cf. Winer, p. 233.
Kneucker naturally sees in it a Hebraism, and
refers to Ps. xxxvii. 5.

Ver. 25. The promise of the latter part of this
verse, if taken in a literal sense, still awaits its
fulfillment.

Ver. 29. Salvation, as in verse 24, means
simply deliverance from captivity.

Ver. 30. Jerusalem was often called the " city
of God." See Ps. xlvi. 4 ; xlviii. 1.

Ver. 31. AeiAaioi. The word is a lengthened
form of S€i\6s,/eai'JiU, and so wretched.

Ver. 32. Received thy sons, but as prisoners.

Ver. 34. Joy because of her great multi-
ttide. They rejoiced on account of her large
population. — 'AyyaWU/jLa. It is often used in
the LXX., and appears first in it.

Chapter V.

1 Put off, O Jerusalem, tbe garment of thy mourning and affliction,
And put on the comeliness -^ of the glory that r.ometh from God for ever.

2 Cast about thee the double ^ garment of the righteousness which cometh from God ;
Set on thine head the turban '" of the glory of the Everlasting.

3 For God will show thy brightness unto every country under heaven.

4 For thy name shall be called of God for ever,

Peace of righteousness, and Glory of the fear of God.''

5 Arise, O Jerusalem, and stand on high,
And look about toward the east.

And behold thy children gathered from the west unto the east
By the word of the Holy One,
Rejoicing ^ in the remembrance of God.

6 For they departed from thee on foot, led away by ^ enemies ;
But God bringeth them unto thee exalted with glory,

As the throne of a ' kingdom.

7 For God hath appointed that every high mountain, and the eternal hills shall be

abased,*
And valleys filled up, to make even the ground,^
That Israel may go safely in ^° the glory of God.

8 And " the woods also^'^ and every sweetsmelling tree overshadowed " Israel
By the commandment of God.

Vers. 1-5. — 1 evipeVeiai/. 2 A. V. : a double (see Com.). 8 jliiii set a diadem (Trjr niVpiii/. Among tbe Greeks,
\\t head band tor women ; here, the turban) on thine head. * The peace .... The glory of God's worship (Seo-

<re;3eim). s ^dipovm, instead ol the accusative, is supported by III. XII. 26. 106., which is grammatically allow-
able, but unnecessary.

Vers. 6-7. —« A. V. : and wen led away of lAei'r. ' children of the (for lo? Bfivm, XII. 33. 36. 49. 70. 87. 90. 91.

106. 228. 239. Co. Aid. have ok vious ; III., wious alone, both of which seem to be corrections). ' hill (opos) and banks
(«iva!. It means heaps, especially sand-heaps of the beach ; but is probably used here for hills in general. The
word is allied to the German Diinen, our downs. May it not be that the difflcult but much traveled sea-coast of Pales-
tine was in mind ?) of long continuance (ievyioys. Cf . LXX. at Dent, xxxiii. 16) should be cast down. » tU b^aXitr-
HW Ttjt yij!. i» Or: through, by means of the glory, might of God.

Ver. 8. "A. v.: Moreover even. ^2 0,^,75 also. i^ 8h3.ll overshadow (effKlatrav, oversliadowed. So certain was

t regarded, that it is represented as already past)

432

THE APOCRYPHA.

For God shall lead Israel with joy in the light of his glory,
With mercy ^ and righteousness that are ^ from him.

Ver. 9. — 1 A. V. : the mercy. s cometh.

ClIAPTEB V.

Ter. I'. For remarlfs on Sdfa, seel Esd. iv. 17.

Vcr. 2. TV SiirAoiSa. The probable memiing
is a jjarmeut so ample that it could be folded
twice around tlie body. Cf. 1 Sam. .\xviii. 14,
and Job xxi.x. 14. In the former passai;e the
mantle wliitdi Samuel wore wns a distiniiiiisliing
mark bv which Saul rccounized him. See also Is.
l.xi. 3, 10, where llie Siinie figure is used.

Ver. 4. Peace of righteousness. " Quia pax
juslitiam seqjiiliir." Gjotius. See Fs. I.xxxv. 11.
— " Hereby it is clearly expressed thnt the resto-
j'ation which the prophet [?j promises consists not
simply in the return of the peop'e to ihe land of
promise and in an undisturbed external prosperity,
but also ill a moral raiewal and perfecting. It is
true that the Jews, already after the Exile, were
more righteous and God-fearing than they had
been ; but that, like the pos.session of the land of
promise, was only the beginning of the fulfillment
of this and many similar promises. In such an

extended coming together of Ihe scattered chil-
dren of Sion, in an ' eternal ' exaltation, in a
glory which should shine over the whole earth,
and in a righteousness and ble.'^sedne.ss, and a
prosperity and splendor, such ns are here so
einphnticiilly promised, theie could be no refer-
ence to the Jerusalem after the Exile, except in a
very limited sense ; and all believing interpreters
see therefore, properly, the complete fulfillment
of this |iromise in the Jcrusulem to which the
Jernsalem of the Old Testament is transfigured
by the Messiah in the church." licuseh, p. 234.

Ver. 5. Kejoioing in the remembranoe of
God, )'. f., that God hud remembered them.

Ver. 6. 'Hs Qp6vov $a(Ti\ilas. On account of
the want of clearness in this expression, ninny
variations in the MSS. are naturally found. Hut
the comparison, as it ftand.s, is not without fit-
ness. Reusch suggests the reading us PcuriKsTt
{KaBruienovs) iirl 6piyou. Cf. Jer. xvii. 25 ; xxii. 4.

THE EPISTLE OF JEREMIAS.

INTRODUCTION.

The so-called Epistle of Jeremias, if accepted for what it purports to be, was sent by the
prophet Jeremiah, on the command of God, to the Jews whom Nebuchadnezzar was about
to remove to Babylon. On account of their sins, says the prophet, they were to be exiled,
and were to remain in the heathen city many years. There they would see the worship that
was paid to idols, and they should take heed lest they be seduced thereby to the same prac-
tices. They must remain faithful to Jehovah, for these idols were no gods at all. This last
thouglit, presented in a variety of forms and in a declamatory, ambitious style, is the one
chiefly emphasized. Ten times it is lepeated as a sort of refrain at the close of as many
sections : " They are no gods; fear them not." There seems to be no logical connection
observed in the order of thought. One idea simply suggests another, while the conclusion of
the whole : " Better therefore is the just man that hath no idols, for he shall be far from re-
proach," merely repeats the principal word of the preceding verse, " reproach," with a, gen-
eral allusion to the subject of the composition.

In not a few manuscripts this composition is found attached to the Book of Baruch. In
the Vulgate, also, it is found as the sixth chapter of'the latter work, and hence, too, in the
German and English Bibles. But that it is out of place in this connection is evident from
the following considerations : (1) Some manuscripts have Baruch and have not this addition,
and those that have it do not all place it with this book. In some of the best, as for instance
n., III., it is found after Lamentations. (2) The title, contents, and style, all make it evident
that it is a wholly independent production. (3) Theodoret, who wrote a, commentary on
Baruch, does not include the epistle in his work, as he would doubtless have done if he had
founil tliem united. The work, as we said, is not contained in all the manuscripts which have
the Book of Baruch. It is wanting in the cursives 70. 96. 229., and 231. has only fifty-three
of its seventy-three verses.

According to Fritzsche, the relation of the different codices to one another is the same as
in Baruch, but it is better sustained. " The old Latin version of Sabatier is literal, and has
but few variations. The Syriae is freer and more as in Baruch, since quite often it did not
understand the text translated. It has made, also, a few brief additions, and frequently
agrees witli 36. and the related manuscripts. The Arabic, on the contrary, is very literal,
yet not as in Baruch. It agrees so closely with the Code.x Alexandrinus that it must have
taken it as its basis."

It the early church the Epistle of Jeremias was held in much the same estimation as the
Book of Baruch, and for the same reason. Like the latter, it was not unfrequently cited as
the work of Jeremiah himself. Origen placed it in his list of books belonging to the Hebrew
canon ('Ie/)e/i(os (tS/p Spiims koX rf! eVurroAp, etc. Of. Euseb., //. E., vi. 25). Tertullian cited
it as the work of the prophet (Afemiiierunt enim el Jeremlm scrlb&'itis ad eox nunc: videhilis
deos Bab/jloniofum, etc., Scorp., c. viii.). Athanasius reckoned it among the twenty-two
books of the Old Testament, obviously supposing, however, that he was confining himself to
the canon of the Jews. And so, too, Cyril of Jerusalem. In fact, it was ignorance of the
true limits of the Hebrew work of the prophet that is largely accountable for the estimation
in which the Epistle was held by the Christian fathers. Jerome, who was better instructed,
rejected it as pseudepigraphal (" ei tpevSiiri-ypafoy, Epislolam Jeremiw," etc. Pi-ol. in Jer.). The
28

434 THE APOCEYPHA.

Council of Trent did not mention it by name, but treated it as a constituent part of the
Book of Baruch.

The question of the genuineness and canonicity of the composition seems to be one with
that of its authorship. If it shall appear that it is not what it purports to be, and that the
prophet Jeremiah could not have been its author, then it must be placed in a much later age
when, as it is well known, works of this character were far from uncommon. This, indeed,
is admitted by Eeusch {Erliar. d. B. Baruch, p. 83), who, therefore, expresses his surprise
that Roman Catholic scholars hke Jahn (Einleit., iv. 866) and Scholz (Einleit., iii., 647)
should yield the point of Jeremiah's authorship. But that the work cannot be ascribed to
Jeremiah is eTident from the following reasons : (1) The contents and style are against it ;
(2) there is no satisfactory evidence that it was written in Hebrew, but the reverse; (3) the
Epistle contradicts, or at least is out of harmony with, certain definite statements of the
prophecy of Jeremiah.

(1.) The contents and style of the Epistle disprove the authorship of Jeremiah. In addi-
tion to what has already been said respecting its lack of coherence, the entire character and
tone of the composition forbid any comparison of it with the known works of this author.
In fact, it is unworthy of him. The natural spontaneity and sublimity of thought that char-
acterize the true prophet are wholly wanting. (Cf. Ewald, Proph. d. Alt. Bund., iii. 283,
298.) Roman Catholic writers differ among themselves with regard to the date of the work.
Welte {Einleit., iv. 167) is of the opinion that it was composed earlier than the letter of
Jeremiah mentioned in the prophecy, xxix. 1, when Jeconiah was carried to Babylon. Reusch
and others, however, place it later, at the time when Zedekiah was about to be removed
thither (2 Kings xxv. 1-12). The latter author holds it to be quite credible that the prophet,
having sent a letter to those Jews who had formerly been deported to the heathen city,
should do the same also on the occasion of this final deportation, which occurred after the
destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar.

But it seems to us far more likely, all the circumstances being considered, that some later
writer, on the basis of the fact that Jeremiah was known to have written one letter of this
kind, forged another under Jeremiah's name, than that the prophet wrote two with so brief
an interval between them, and the second one of such a kind. Moreover, not only mio-ht the
passage, Jer. xxix. 1 ff., have suggested to a facile Hellenistic pen the idea of a literary
undertaking of this sort, but another passage of the prophecy (x. 1-12), might have deter-
mined also its general character with respect to contents. But any closer connection with
the prophecy of Jeremiah can scarcely be allowed to the work. On the contrary, there are
not a few thoughts and expressions which appear quite out of harmony with the time and
circumstances of the prophet (cf. Ewald, I. c, p. 285; Bertholdt, Einleit.. p. 1769). In par-
ticular, the writer shows throughout so wide, and withal so definite and intirhate a knowledge
of the different kinds of idolatry and its manifold customs as practiced outside the borders of
Palestine, that we must believe him to have been himself personally acquainted both by study
and experience with the facts he gives, as, in consequence of his continued residence in
Palestine up to this time, Jeremiah could not well have been. We would call attention but
to a single example: In ver. 43 an allusion is made to a form of religious prostitution prac-
ticed by the women of Babylon in a manner so circumstantial that we are compelled to think
of a later period and of another hand than Jeremiah's. (Cf. Com., ad loc.)

But (2) there is no evidence that the work was originally written in the Hebrew lamruao-e
but rather the reverse. Fritzsche says, that if any of the Apocryphal books were corupo^ed
in Greek, this one must have been. (Einleit., p. 206.) Ewald characterizes the efforts of
the author, here and there, to give his language genuine Hebraistic touches, as unsuccessful.
(Proph. d. Alt. Bund., iii. 284.) De Wette pronounces the original language as without doubt
the Greek. Jahn, Bertholdt, Eichhorn, and Keil, can find no traces of an original Hebrew
text. Welte (Einleit., iv. 165) admits, in fact, that Hebraisms seldom occur, and of them-
selves would be insufficient to prove that the present work is a translation. Still he mentions,
among other proofs of the probability of a Hebrew original, an occasional failure in a consis-
tent construction of the Greek. For instance, in ver. 6, Trpo<rKvv(7y is construed with the accu-
sative, in the following verse with the dative ; the neuter plural is found in verses 8 and 68
respectively, with a verb in the singular and in the plural. He notices also, the use of the
future tense, after the manner of the Hebrew. But these arguments can be allowed but little
weiglit. Such inconsistencies might naturally occur in almost any Greek author, especially
in one who was writing on Old Testament themes for the Jews.

THE EPISTLE OF JEEEMIAS. 435

With reference to irpoaKwely, it is used also in the Gospel of John, and that in the same
sense, to govern both the accusative and the dative (iv. 23). The latter construction, in fact,
is a peculiarity of the later Greek. (Cf. Winer, p. 210.) That in the case before us the
one construction follows the other so closely is indeed noticeable. But, if it may not be con-
sidered a simple oversight, the contrast in the ideas of divine worship and idol worship may
have suggested the change. Again, the neuter plural in verse 8 probably has a verb in the
singular because these idols are represented as lifeless objects, while, on the contrary, the
beasts with which tliey are compared in verse 68 have life, and can provide for themselves.
(Cf. Winer, p. 514.) The use of the future Where the present might be expected, as in verses
33, 34, 67, can be otherwise better explained than by referring it to the influence of a Hebrew
original, since in expressing general truths, as here, the future has much the same force as
the present (cf. Eora. iii. 20 ; Gal. ii. 16). This author, moreover, calls attention to the use
of the singular, rh ■n-p6(rwwoi', in verses 13, 21, for the plural, and says that the reason is that
there stood in the Hebrew text arT^aa. But it is well known that the singular is not infre-
quently employed in this manner to express in reference to plurality an object which belongs
to each of the individuals. This very word is so used in Matt. xvii. 6. (Cf. Winer, p. 174.)

Once more (3), the present work conflicts in one of its statements with an acknowledged
declaration of Jeremiah, and hence cannot have been written by him. In verse third it is
said that the Jews should remain in Babylon seven generations (cas ycvcwv (irri) . But ac-
cording to the prophecy (xxix. 10) the continuance of the Exile was fixed at seventy years.
The supposition of Houbigant, that for yeveSv originally stood SiKiSav, and that of Welte,
that the translator must have read nilil 't, instead of niTil ':, are alike simple conjectures,
and inadmissible. Moreover, the fact that the word y^v^i is used by some Greek writers for
a period of from seven to ten years, cannot be regarded as of much weight here. It is a
matter of the ordinary Scriptural and classical significance of this well-known term, and on
this point there can be but one opinion. It embraced a period of about thirty years (cf. Job
xlii. 16; Herod, ii. 142). And that the writer meant to indicate a longer period than that
given in the prophecy seems clear from the way in which the above expression is introduced:
" ye shall be there many years and for a long season." Reusch, like others who hold to a
Hebrew original for our composition, thinks of the plural of ")il as the word rendered here
yiviS>v, but claims that this word has no such definite significance as livid, being used, gener-
ally for a term, or series of years. Commonly in the Old Testament, however, it is without
doubt used to indicate something like what we still mean by generation, i. e., the ordinary
length of the human life (cf. Numb, xxxii. 11, 13 ; Dent, xxili. 2, 3, 8 ; Judges ii. 10 ; Ec. i.
4). And when it is used in a more indefinite sense it is generally made to represent a much
longer period than this. For instance, it is applied to the continuous covenant between God
and Noah (Gen. ix. 12) ; to the remembrance of God's name or memorial (Ex. iii. 15) ; to
the feeUng which was to be kept alive against the Amalekites (Ex. xvii. 16) ; to the perma-
nence of God's thoughts (Ps. xxxiii. 11). Cf. Girdlestone, p. 499 f. ; Gesenius, Heb. Lex.,
under the word.

Hence, the most probable explanation of the discrepancy between the so-called Epistle and
the Prophecy of Jeremiah is, that the author of the former lived at a time long after the Cap-
tivity, and considered that under the then existing circumstances of the Jews the time men-
tioned by the prophet for the continuance of the Exile needed a considerable extension.
Herzfeld would give to the number "seven" the idea of "many" {GeschicUe, i. 316).
Ewald (1. c., p. 285) thinks that by generations he meant those of patriarchal length (Gen.
XV. 13-16), and fixes the period of the composition accordingly from five to six hundred
years later than the times of Jeremiah. " For the Messianic hope to which these words in
ver. 3 refer [V] is not much emphasized in the entire writing, and more than a hundred
years longer must the writer have thought it would be necessary to wait." He finds grounds
for this opinion, too, in vers. 18, 34, 53, 56, 59, 66, which seem to him to indicate that the
Grecian kings were then on the stage, but had much degenerated and were easily deposed.
He supposes the place of composition to have been Egypt or Asia Minor. Most scholars,
however, who deny the genuineness of the writing, refer its origin to the former country and
to the later Maccabaean age, and with this theory the contents seem best to agree.

THE

EPISTLE OF JEREMIAS.

1 A COPT ^ of an epistle, which Jeremias ' sent unto them who " were to be led *
captives unto '* Babylon by the king of the Babylonians, to make announcement to °
them, as it was commanded him of God.

2 Because of the sins which ye have committed before God, ye shall be led' away

3 captives unto ° Babylon by Nabuchodonosor king of the Babylonians. Having
come now " unto Babylon, ye shall be " there many years, and for a long season, even
to " seven generations ; and after that I will bring you away in peace '- from thence.

4 But now ye will '^ see in Babylon gods of silver, and of gold, and of wood, borne

5 upon shoulders, which cause " the nations to fear. Beware therefore lest ye also
become altogether like the strangers, and fear seize upon you in their presence, on

6 seeing ■'^ the multitude before ^^ and behind them, worshipping them. But say ye

7 in your hearts, 0 Lord, we must worship thee. For mine angel is with you, and
himself careth " for your souls.''

8 For their tongue is polished by a carpenter," and they themselves both gilded

9 and silvered over ; but they are spurious ^° and cannot speak. And taking gold,
just as '^^ for a virgin that loveth ornament,^^ they make crowns for the heads of their

10 gods. And it happens ^* sometimes also that" the priests take away ^^ from their

11 gods gold and silver, and spend ** it upon themselves. And ^^ they will give there-
of also ^^ to the harlots in brothels,^' and they will '" deck them as men with gar-

12 ments, gods "''■ of silver, and gods of gold, and of ^^ wood. But these things shall
not jireserve themselves from rust and erosion.^^ Though they be covered with

13 purple raiment, men ^* wipe their faces because of the dust of the temple, when it

14 is thick '^ upon them. And he that cannot put to dewth one that ofEendeth him

15 holdeth a sceptre, like'^ a judge of the country. He hath also in °' his right hand
a spear '* and an axe ; but cannot deliver himself from war ^' and robbers.'"'

16 Whereby they are known not to be gods ; therefore fear them not.

Vers. 1,2. — ^ The A. V. has this heading in different type ; but it has the same MS. authority as the rest of the
Epistle. 2 A. V. : Jereniie. 3 which. * (Codd. 36. 48 al., ajrax^eVras.) o into (see ver. 3). o certify

(ayayyeiKat. It depends on aneaTeiXei*). ^ (Codd. 36. 48. al, aTrtiyea-Ce. See previous Terse.) * into.

Vers. 3-5. — » A, V. ; So when ye be come. ^o remain (eo-eo-fle). " namely (ews). '2 pp^ceably. "Not

ehall ye. " (fieiKFuVras ; XII. 26. 4y., heiKvvovTaq.) i" that ye in no wise be like to (see Com.) strangers neiiher

be ye afraid of them, when ye see (tSovras agreeing with vfia^ ; Codd. III. lOG. 198., iSofTe? ; 62., the same addins oSc
as the Vulgate, visa ilaqite lurba, and so joining it to what follows). lo before them.

Vers. 6-y. — i7 A. V. : Ivii/selt caring (aiiris re efc^^iTwr. The Old Lat. and Luther, as the A. V., make '*God " sub-
ject, which, though grammatically allowable, is unnatural and unnecessary. The copula is to be supplied. See Co77i.).
" (I. e., lives.) '» As for .... it is ... . the workman (TeKToi-os. Cf. Tcr. 45.) -" are gilded and laid over with

silver ; yet are they but false (/. «., deceptions). "^ as it were. 22 loves to go gay.

^'ers. 10 13. — '" A. V. : oinds And it happens. =* omits that. 2.-, convoy. '^" bestow (itaToraXoiSiri, from icaia-
foAow r= KcLTavaKinKfu ; III. XII. 23. and twelve cursives, with Co. and Aid. KajavaXtinrevtri.. 'ihe verb means literally
to yse tfp, s/'en/l, lacis/i). 27 Yea. 28 omi^.saiso. ^u the common harlots (.••ee Com.). so oj/""/s thev will Ifut.
expresses posEiljilil.v ). •■" being gods. 3= omits of (cf. ver. 4). '^ Yet cannot these gorls save themcelves from rust
and moths (/Spco(xd™i' ; 36. 48. al., /Spolcreo)!. See Com.). 2« They. » when there is muoli (bi eim n/^iiav ; 62. cut

tffTt T70AU? ).

Vers. I4.-16. — * A. V. : as thoug/i he were. " (XII. 33. 36. — in all twelve cursives — Co., read iv before Sefnf.)

S8 dagger (iyx^ipi'Siov, but probably here, as at Jer. 1. 42, for spear or taact, liT<3), so (m. igg, j^ ^ (jj^ g^^^ piuj.)
» thieves (cf. ver. 18j

THE EPISTLE OF JEREMIAS. 437

17 For a? ^ a vessel that a man useth becometh useless being ^ broken ; such are °
the"ir gods. When they are * set up in the temples,'' their eyes are " full of dust

18 through the feet of them that come in. And as the courts' are made secure ° on
every side upon him that hath wronged ° the king, as being committed to suffer
death ; '° even so the priests make fast their temples both with doors, and ^' with locks

19 and bars, lest their gods be despoiled ^^ by ^' robbers. They light lamps before ihem,^*

20 yea, more than for themselves,^'^ and they cannot see one of them.^" They are as
one of the beams of the temple, yet men ^' say their hearts ^' are eaten out. When
creeping things from tlie earth devour both " them and their clothes, they feel it

21 not. Their faces are blacked through the smoke that comes out '"' of the temple.

22 Upon their bodies and their '^ heads light ^'^ bats,'" swallows, and l)irds, and in like

23 manner also the cats spring upon them.^* By this you may know that they are no
gods ; therefore fear them not.

24 Notwithstanding ^ the gold that is about them to make them beautiful, except
some one '■"* wipe off the rust, they will not shine ; for not even '" when they were

25 molten did they feel it. The things wherein there is no breath are bought for any ^

26 price. They are borne upon shoulders, having no feet, manifesting unto men their

27 own dishonor.^" And =° they also that serve them are shamed ; ^^ for if they fall to the
ground at any time, they cannot rise up agai7i of themselves ; neitlier, if one set it ^^
upright, can it "' move of itself ; ^* neither, if it be made slant, can it make itself

28 upright ; ^' but they set gifts before them, as for the dead."" But >" as for the things
that are sacriticed unto them, their priests misuse them giving them away ; ='* and ^^
in like manner also ^° their wives salt down a part of them ; neither to the poor nor

29 the weak do they hand over any of it.*^ Menstruous women and women in child-
bed touch ^'-^ their sacrifices. By these things therefore knowing ^^ that they are no
gods, fear them not.

30 For whence should " they be called gods ? because women set offerings ^^ be-

31 fore the gods of silver, and*"* gold, and wood. And the priests sit" in tlieir tem-
ples, having their clothes rent, and their heads and beards shaven, and nothing upon

32 their heads. And ** they roar and cry before their gods, as men do at the feast for

33 a dead man.*' The priests ^ take off some of " their garments, and clothe ^"^ their

34 wives and children. AVhether they suffer evil or good from any one ^" they are
not able to recompense it ; they can neither set up a king, nor put him down."

35 In like manner, they can neither give riches nor any'"' mon^j. Though a man

36 make a vow unto them, and keep it not, they will not require it. They can save no

37 man from death, neither deliver the weak^"* from the mighty. They cannot restore

38 a blind man to " sight, nor help a man out of '"'■ distress. They can show no mercy
to the widow, nor do good to the orphan.*"'

39 These things ^^ of wood, and which are overlaid with gold and silver, are like the

Vers 17-20. — i A. V. : like as. ^ is nothing worth when it is. = even so it is with (toioutol). * be.

» temple (or«o«; III. Ar.,K>J7roi!. Of. Com.). "he. ' doors (marg., co«r«. Tiie courts of prisons seem to he

meant. Of. Jer. xxxiii. 1). "sure. » offendeth (i)6«r]KiTi). i" l,Ut.,led away to deatli.) "omiteboth

(tc (cai) . . ." . and. " spoiled (it might mean either apoUed, i. e. , made spoil oi, or despoiled ; but the latter seems pref-
erable). " ' ' '3 with. " tlirm candles (Aiixi'O":!. " (HI- 103., wh.eiova.'! ainols, instead of jrXei'ovs i invrol;. So the

Vulg Lueernas aceendunt iUis et guidr.m muUas, ex quibus.) i« whereof one. " they. '« (i'. «., their in-

Bides.) '» gnawed upon (marg., licked. Lit., the Greek is, licked out, or awiy) by things creeping out of (it is better
to begin with this clause a new sentence) the earth, and when they eat (re Kai)

Vers 21-2.3 —^ For in rijs okiM, III. Ar. have the singular reading, en t^s -yij! kcuoimcvov ; 106. 239. for the latter,
yem^ivm : Vulg., qui in domofit. 21 A. V. : omUs their (omitted by X1I._26. 88. 233. Co.). 2= sit (^.(.iVTa^rai.

Cf Com.). ^ {Lit., nig/it-birds.) 24 and the cats also (uo-aVTws 6e Kal oi at\oupot).

Vers 2-t-''9 — =" This is right, according to the sense. Eritzsche would miike to xpuo-'"" accus. and the object of

oraaouTi It seems better to suppose, with Reusch, an anacoluthon : " The gold that is about tbem except one.^'

2«A V • they 2' neither. 28 a most high (marg., any. See Com.). 2» whereby they declare that they

be nothing worth. ^ omits Aui. »' ashamed. =^ them. 33 they. 34 themselves. == they be bowed

down . . they make themselves straight. =« unto dead men. '■ omits But, »» sell and abuse (follows

the Vul- • i-endunt el abutuntur). » omit, and. « omits also. « their (III. 36. 48. Ar. add av™.., and the

Vnls re°ads the same tor the following i,r' ai™... It is to be understood) wives lay up part thereof in salt (rapi^™-
owai The verb means to preserve, whether by smoking, dryiug or pickling. It is used with oA^n m Herod, u. , , ),
bu' unto the poor and impotent (i6v.ir») they give nothing of it. « e,it (cf. LX.X;. at Lev. xu. 4). ^ ye may know.

Verr30-3o-".VV.:howcau. "'meat. « om/» and. « ^it ,cf. Com.). «o,m«And. •.» when one
is dead '» priests also. »> omits some of. <■' {text, rec., the future ; 23. 26. 36. 43., the present. Cf . ver. U.)

53 ,■( i/evil Itel one doeth unto them, or good. « (Lit., take him away.) « omits any (on the foUowmg x-^"-.

'%«r36'.4b.-«Lit.,».ate. .7A.V..toAi.-(cf.Com.). » a«3, man in Ai.. « fatherless. «» TArir

438 THE APOCRYPHA.

stones from ' the mountain ; and ^ they that worship them shall be brought to

40 shame.' How then must one think and say that they are gods,* when besides '

41 even the Chaldteans themselves also ^ dishonor them ? Who if they shall see one
dumb that cannot speak, they bring up Bel,' and intreat that he may speak,' as

42 though he were able to perceive it.' And being themselves aware of this they can-

43 not leave ■"' them ; for they have no perception. ^^ Women '^^ also with cords about
them, sit down in the streets to ^^ burn bran as incense ; ^* but if any of them, drawn
by some one of the passers by,'* lie with him, she reproacheth her neighbor,^' that

44 she was not also '' thought worthy like •'' herself, nor her cord broken. All things
that take place '^ among them are false ; how must "" it then be thought or said ^'
that they are gods ?

45 They are made by carpenters ^^ and goldsmiths ; they can become ^ nothing else

46 than the workmen will have them become.^ And they themselves that made them
will not be long lived ; ^* and ^^ how should then the things that are made by them ? ^^

47, 48 For they left falsehood and reproach "* to them that come after. For when
there cometh war and troubles ^ upon them, the priests consult among ™ themselves,

49 where they may be hidden with them. How then cannot men perceive that they
are *' no gods, which can neither save themselves from war, nor from troubles ? °^

50 For seeing they are '' of wood, and overlaid with silver and gold, it shall be known

51 hereafter that they are spurious ; it shall be clear'* to all nations and kings that
they are no gods, but works "^ of men's hands, and that there is no work of God in

52 them. To whom then must it not be known '^ that they are no gods ?

53 For neither can they set up a king in the land, nor give rain unto men. Neither

54 can they judge their own cause, nor redress a wrong," being unable ; for they are

55 as crows '' between heaven and earth. And, indeed, when a fire breaketh out in a
temple "' of gods of wood, or laid over with gold or silver, their priests will flee and

66 save themselves ; '" but they themselves will*" be burnt asunder like beams. More-
over they cannot withstand king *' or enemies ; how must it then be accepted or
thought that they are *^ gods ?

57 Neither can *^ those gods of wood, and laid over with silver or gold, save them-

58 selves *' either from thieves or robbers. Whose ** gold, and silver, and garments
wherewith they are clothed, they that are strong do take, and go away with them ; *'

59 neither can they *" help themselves. Therefore it is better to be a king that show-
eth his courage ; or a vessel in a house, profitable in that for which *' the owner
shall use it, than the ■" false gods ; or even *' to be a door in a house, to keep the
things ^° safe that are *' therein, than the false gods ; or a pillar of wood in a palace,

60 than the false °^ gods. For sun, and *' moon, and stars, being bright,** and sent to do

61 their offices, are obedient. In like manner also ** the lightning when it breaketh
forth is beautiful to look at ; *" and after the same manner " the wind also *' bloweth

62 in every country. And when God commandeth the clouds to go over the whole

63 world, they carry out what *' they are bidden. And the fire sent from above to

go(h (pee Com.). i that be hewn out of {see Com.). = omits and. 3 confounded. * How should a man theu

think and say that they are gods (ttw? o^v vofinrriav fi icKiyreov VTrdp^etv avTous 0eovs. The construction is involved.
Lit., " Dow then must it be thought that they are gods, or they be so called." Some MSS., 36. 48 51. 62. 198. 231.
would strilte out UTrdpxe'J', but it is an obvious correction). c OTiiits besides (en). '' mnits also.

Vers. 41-44. —' A. v.: Aim and intreat Bel. ' ma.-s:^.,bidbisi call upon Bel. (So Luther. Vulg. offererunt illud

ad Bel, postulantes ab eo loqui.) ' understand. J" Yet they cannot understand this themselves, and leave.

" knowledge (marg., sense, Gr., alcre^jcTii'. Of. vers 42,49). '2 The women (see Com.). " sitting in the ways.

" for perfume. " some that passeth by. m her fellow. " omits also. i» as worthy as. i» Whatsoever is
done. 20 jg false : how may. ^^ See ver. 40.

Vers. 46-47. — =2 A. V. : of carpenters (see ver. 8). ^3 be (Fritzsche receives ytviivrai from III. XII. 26. mvUisque

I. : text, ree., yii^rai.). ^ to be. 25 can never continue long » omits and. 27 of them be gods (III. XII.

23., nineteen cursives, Aid. Co. and the old versions add elrat fleoi ; but TroAuxpoi/in ylma-Bai. is rather to be understood).
28 lies and reproaches (sing, in the Greek).

Vers. 48-62. —2» A. V. ; any war or plague. M with. si be. S2 plague. S3 be 6it(. " Mse : and It

shall manifestly appear. as the works. so Who then may not know ( Fritzsche adopts ov after oSi^ from XII. 33.
43. 49. al. ; III. ovk with -j/cwo-toi/ ; text. rec. omits).

Vers. 54^66. — 3' See Com. ss a. V. ; Whereupon when fire falleth upon the house. so away, and escape.

« shall. " any king. «2 can it then bo thought or said that they be.

Vers. 67-60.— "A. v.: are ... .able to escape. « (See Com.) « wUhal. « are they able to. "power

iiviptiav) or else a profitable vessel house, which (see Com.). «» shall have use of, than such. «s omils even

» such things. SI „afe as bo. S2 s„cA false. » omits and. » See Com.
•Vers.61-64. — SSA. v.: omiiaalso. ™ easy to be seen (evoirros). « (See Cbm.) m omils also «« do a»

THE EPISTLE OF JEREMIAS.

439

consume mountains ^ and woods doeth that which ^ is commanded ; but these are

64 like ' them neither iu appearance * nor power. "Wherefore it is neither to be
thought ^ nor said that they are gods, seeing they are able neither to judge causes,

65 nor to do good unto men. Knowing therefore that they are no gods, fear them not.
66, 67 For they can neither curse nor bless kings ; neither can they show signs in

the heavens among the heathen,' nor shine as the sun, nor give light as the moon.

68 The beasts are better than they ; for they can escape into ' a covert, and help

69 themselves. It is then by no means manifest unto us that they are gods ; therefore

70 fear them not. For as a scarecrow in a bed of cucumbers * keepeth nothing ; so

71 are their gods of wood, and laid over with silver and gold. And in the same man-
ner ' their gods of wood, and laid over with silver and gold, are like a thorn bush
in a garden,"" that every bird sitteth upon ; and in like manner ^^ also to a dead

72 body, that is cast into the dark. And you shall know " them to be no gods by the
mouldering of the purple and the marble that is upon ^' them ; and they themselves

73 afterwards shall be consumed," and shall be a reproach in the land.^^ Better there-
fore is the just man that hath no ^° idols ; for he shall be far from reproach.

* shew (elfie'ais. See Com.).

s supposed (see Ter. 44

(avvTtKovtn t6), i hills. ^ as it. ^ like unto.

et passim ).

Vera. 67-78. — ^ iGveaxv. ^ A. V. : get under <llt., ujAVcA can, etc.). « garden of cucumbers {o-ticvT)p£iT(j>). » like-
wise. 1* to a white thorn (see CoTn.) in an orchard (k^itw). " as. ^2 f m. XII. 26. 36. al. read yvMo-eade for
yvit}fTST]trotrrat.) ^^ bright purple (marg., purple and brightness) that rotteth upon (see Com.). ^* eaten.
^ country *8 none.

The Epistle of Jekemias.

Ver. 1. Cod. II. divides the epistle into six
sections, distinguished by the letters of the Greek
alphabet: (1) verse 16, before ii'>) olv; (2) verse
29, before yv6vTss : (3) verse 40; (4) verse 52,
rivi ; (5) verse 65, before yviinet.

Ver. 3. For renaarks on the probable meaning
of ias yeveay ejrrd and the discrepancy between
this passage and Jer. xxix. 10, of. the Introduc-
tion.

Ver. 4. That the gods were borne upon the
shoulders of men was not, of course, supposed to
be a reason in itself for fearing them. But it
was at such times, namely, when carried in pro-
cession by the priests, that the greatest reverence
was shown them by their devotees.

Ver. 5. 'A(po/xotctid4i'Tes .... A^o^ofcofl^re. This
construction of a participle with some person of
the same verb, as is well known, is quite frequent
in the LXX., and may be ref^arded as a Hellen-
izing of the Hebrew infinitive absolute. See
Winer, p. 354 ; and Thiersch, De Pe/itateuchi Ver.
Alex., p. 164. For a<pofi.oiaieTJT€, XII. 26. and the
Old Latin read (po$rieTire ; and six other cursives,
the same, adding airois, = " lest ye become like
the nations, fear," or "fear them." But this
change anticipates the thought of the next

Ver. 7. See Dan. x. 13, 21; xii. 1.— 'Ek-
^riTWf TOES ^vxas ii^ap might mean that he would
avenge their death. But the connection shows
that the sense is as above given. Cf. Prov. xxix.
10, iu the LXX.

Ver. 8. Their tongue. Ewald thinks that
the actual tongue of the image is not meant ; but
a stick shaped like a tongue, which formed the
groundwork of the statue. But the last part of
the verse seems conclusive to the contrary. Cf.
Ps. cxv. 5.

Ver. 10. Eawlinson says of the priests of
Babylon : " In social position the pnest class
stood high. They had access to the monarch ;
they were feared and respected by the people;
the offerings of the faithful made them wealthy ;
their position as' interpreters of the divine will

secured them influence." See Ancient Man., iii.
14.

Ver. 11. Tous ^ttX tow ereyovs trSpvais. For
ffriyovsj III. 23. and nine cursives read reyovs.
According to Grotius (Dereser and others), the
reference is to meretricibus, quae sunt eodem cum
diis tecto. But it is rather to be translated as
above. This is the meaning of both areyos and
reyostlupanar, brothel, in the later Greek. Ewald
renders by : " Den winkelhuren welche oben in den
kleinen dachstuben wohnen." — Pioph. d. Alt. Bund.,
p. 292.

Ver. 12. Bpwfidrav, erosion. The reading
0p(i<r€ws must be looked upon as a correction.
These idols could not preserve tliemselves fi'om
being devoured by insects. The rendering
"moths" given to the word in the A. V. was
deiived from the Old Latin, which took it for the

Hebrew WV, rendered in the LXX. aiis, at Is. li.
8. But ppiSfia was used by the Greeks for what is
eroded, eaten, or eaten out ; and it seems better to
adopt this natural and suitable meaning here,
than to rely on simple conjecture for the other
one.

Ver. 13. Th ■irp6<Tuirov. The singular is often
used to express, in reference to plurality, that
which belongs to eafh of the individuals. See
Winer, p. 174.

Vers. 14, 15. The singular number is em-
ployed, although idol statues in general are
meant, because in the liveliness of the narration
the author fixed his mind upon one such statue
only, as a representative of the whole. — Judge,
in the sense of ruler, the two ideas being in the
Orient more nearly coterminous than with us
Cf. Ps. ii. 10; Wisd. i. 1. Reusch would put
&i/6pa>iros — on account of the word x'^P"', which
limits Kpni]S — in apposition with the latter ; " as
a man, a judge of the land ;" but this makes a
cumbersome sentence. Tlie A. V. rendeis Ijy
cannot," in two instances where the simple
future is found in the original. The future does
not, in fact, always denote simple futurity, but also

440

THE APOCRYPHA.

that which is possible. This is most usual, how-
ever, in the case of questions. See Matt. xii. 26 ;
John vi. 68 ; Rom. x. 14; 1 Cor. xiv. 16 ; 1 Tim.
iii. 5, — in all of which cases, however, the A. V.
emploj-s the fiitnre.

Vcr. 17. Toil aUoiS- The A. V. hns rendered
this Crock word throiifrhont the epistle, in this
conncclinn, by " temple." Doubtless that is gen
eriillv the menninjr, although private houses (see
verses 13, 21) may sometimes be meant, and in
that case the reference would be to what were
known as the larrs and penales.

Ver. 18. The comparison is unskillfully car-
ried out, there being much more unlikene^-s than
similarity between tho.se shut up as adjudged to
death and those shut up to secure them from in-
jury. Keusch would divide the figure, making
two of it : ' As for a criminal the fore-court (of the
tem|ile) is closed, as against one led away to death
the priests close the temple, so," etc. But this
does not give nincb help, but rather the contrary.
Codit. III. 106. Vulg. Ar. also read ij before is M
BapaTO!, with the Siime thought apparently, that
there w:is too much material for one comparison.
For remarks on an-ayo), see Add. to Esth., i. 15.

Ver. 19. Herodotus (ii. 62) speaks of a festi-
val in honor of tlie gods in K^iypt, wliicb, on
account of the nuiltil^uile of lamps, was calleil
Ai/X^'o'f"'''?. " festi\'al of lamps." *'At Sais, when
the assembly takes place for the sacrifices, there
is one night on which the inhabitants all burn
multitude of lights in the shape of flat saucers
filled with a mixture of oil and salt, on the top of
which the wick floats. These burn the whole
night, and give to the festival the n.ame of the
'Fe.a.st of Lights.'"

Ver. 20. We have KariaSa for KarecrBia, as
elsewhere in the LXX. See Jer. ii. 3.

Ver. 21. MeAariicu, a later form, := ixe\ahui.
See LXX. at Sol. Song i. 6. — 'A;r!i toS Kawvov.
On tbe difference in the force of aw6 and vir6 in
such a eonstructioii with the passive, see Winer,
p. 369 f.

Ver. 22. By zeugma the verb itplirTavrai is
understood in a somewhat different sense with the
last substantive, or else another verb must be
supplied. To lender the present verb by " sit,"
as in the A. V., in order to accommodate it to
the different subjects, is scarcely allowable. This
verb is used by Homer, but siiiiply in the aorist,
third per singular (//., xiii. 821 ; Of/., xv. 160,
524). The present is found only in later writers.
Ver. 24. 2ti'A;86w is rarely used with the ac-
cusative as, if rritz.sche's construction be fol-
lowed, it would be. See 1 Mace. vi. 39 ; Horn.,
// , x\ iii, 596. Cf. Text. Notes. — Oh fi.'i^ arlKt^uaiv.
These two negative ])articlcs, with the aorist or
present subjunctive (verses ^7, 35, 38), ha\e the
same force as ou with the future, as at verse 14.
Cf. Winer, p. 506 f. — Rust. It is used in a
popular sense, since, really, gold and silver arc
not iiffeeied by rust. Cf. .jas. v. 3.

Vcr. 25. Ti/xV) is employed here, as often in
the New Testament, to iiidicate tlie purchase
price. See Matt, xxvii. 6 ; 1 Cor. xi. 20, vii. 23.
On the use of ^« . . . . ayopi^^. cf. AViner, p. 368.
Ver. 27. SfpaTrei'/oj-rej refers evidenllv to the
priests and servants of ihe teniide, rather than to
the common peojile. The foi mer were not de-
ceived, Mt least to the same extent iis the latter
respecting the character of their idols. — Of them-
Belves, 5i' ainav. Wiuer remarks that this prei)-
osition rarely indicates the causa principalis, i. e.,
is rarely equivalent to napi or hiri. And in'sucli

cases he holds that it indicates not so much one
from whom something proceeds, as one through
whose effort or kindness something accrues.

Ver. 28. By the Mosaic law the poor were to
receive a part of the sacrifices. See Dent. xiv.
29.

Ver. 29. See Lev. xv. 33. — 'Women in child-
bed, Aexm. It is not elsewhere found in the
Greek Bible. This and the precding word are
singular, but seem to be used collectively.

Ver. 30. The fact that women served these
idol gods is adduced as an additional reason for
despising them. In the religions ceremonies of
the Jews they were never allowed to officiate.

Ver. 31. Aifppeveiv means to drive. It seems
out of place here, and many MSS. have made
corrections. Codd. III. 106., Sia(t)0elpoviri ; XII.
23. 33. 49. al. Old Lat. Syr., Kaei^owiv. Fritzsche
conjectures that the word was originally SiTj/tcpEi/-
ovanv, stay through the day ; Bcusch, that the pres
ent verb was used with the meaning to sit, since
Si<ppoi has also the meaning seat, couch, stool. I
follow the latter.

Ver. 32. Fe.asts for the dead, accompanied by
loud lamentations, are still customary in this
part of the Orient, and all may participate who
choose to attend. Jerome at Jer. xvi. 7 (cited in
Schleusner's Lex., under TreplSeiir.), says : " iloris
aulem est iugentibiis ferre ciltos et prceparare con~
vivia, quae Graeci irepiSenrva vacant, et a nostris
vulyo a/ipellantur parentalia," etc. Cf. Tob. iv.
17.

Ver. 37. Eis opaaiv Tr€pi(rT-f}(Tutnv. This is a
rare expression for the restoration of the sight.
Fritzsche and Eeusch cite Herodian, vii. 3, 5.

Vcr. 39. 'npLotu^Uvoi elirl tu ^v\iva. Naturally,
the last word cannot be subject, and the correc-
tion of some MSS. to Itoicoi is an after-thought.
The subject is to be understood, and to |uAi>/a, etc.,
put in apposition after the verb. — Like stones
from the mountain, i. c, " ceque imniobiiis."
Grotius.

Ver. 42. Ala-Bjiirty, perception. This word
means perception by the senses (cf. the LXX. at
Prov. i. 22, ii. 10, A. V., hwwiedge in both cases) ;
and then, .secondarily, hnowledr/e gained therebv'.
It seems better here to retain 'the first significa-
tion.

Ver. 43. The custom alluded to is fully de-
scribed by Herodotus (i. 199). Cf. Eawlinson's
Herod., i. p. 321 ff. Each woman was required
once in her life to visit a shrine of Beltis, aud
there remain until some str.angcr east money into
her lap, and took her away with him for purposes
of lu-t. Heioilotns says: " Many women of the
wealthier sort, who are too proiid to mix with
the others, drive in covered carriages to the pre-
cincts, followed by a goodly train of attendants,
and there take their stations. But the larger
number seat themselves within the holv inclosiu-e,
with wreiiths of string about their beads ; and
there is ahv.'iys a great crowd, some coming,
others., going. Lines of cord mark out paths m
all directions among the women, and the strangers
pass along tlicm to make their choice. A woman
who has once taken her seat is not allowed to
return home till one of the strangers throws a
silver coin intcj her lap, and takes her wiih him
beyond tbe holy ground. When he throws tbe
com lie snys these words: ' The goddess Jlvlitta
(lieltis) prosper thee.' The silver coin niiiv"he of
any size; it cannot be refused; for that 'is for-
bidden by the law, since once thrown it is sacred
The woman goes with the first man that throws

THK EPISTLE OF JEREMIAS.

441

lier money, and rejects none. When she has
gone with him, and thus satisfied thu goddess,
she returns home ; and from that time forth no
gift, however great, will prevail witli her. Such
of the women as are tall and heaiuifiii are soon
released ; hut others who are ngly liave to stiiy a
long lime before tliey can fulKU the law. Some
liave even waited tliree or four years in the pre-
cincts." Cf. liawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 30 f.,
also, 2 Kings xvii. 30, witli the remai ks of com-
mentators on " Snccoth-henoth." — By crxoivlov
most critics understand the girdle, iTepl(w/xa, with
which these wumeu were bound, althougli tliis
meaning is not elsewhere given to tlie word.
Fritzsche thiidcs it designates, rather, that wliich
Herodotus refers to in trrecpavov. — Bran as in-
cense. The burning of the husks of corn, or the
bran made from them, was regarded by the an-
cients in tlic light of a charm. The Old Latin
seems to have read for wirvpa, iTrtrvpa, i. e., a con-
fection made from (dives.

Ver. 48. Bou\ei5ofTai Traits lauTouy. This ex-
pression is not found in classical Greek. Sec,
however, the LXX. at 2 Kings vi. 8 ; Is. xl. 14.

Vers. 50-52. The reasoniug is far from bril-
liant.

Ver. 54. ODSe jx)] lnia-wfTat a5/ic7)/ia. The sense
is not clear. According to the reading of III
and some other MSS., as well as of the Syriac
and Arabic versions, aSiKo^fievov for aS'iKTifia, it
would mean: "Nor the misused deliver." But
it would perhaps be better to consider that the
force of iavTcii> is continued also in this clause,
and to read: "Nor ward off an iniustice," i.e.,
done to themselves. Cf. Horn., Oa., xxiii. 244,
for such a use of this verb, in its poetic form,
ipixuv. So Ewald : '' Noch sich vor einem un-
rechte retten." Friiz,sche renders : " They rescue
not property stolen from them ; " Gaab : " They
will not save themselves witli reference to an
affront." — They are as crows. What is meant
by this comparison is to characterize the weak-
ness of the idols. But it is, to say the least, a
peculiar one. It would be difficult to find so
gross an example of the want of adaptation in the
rhetorical figures of the canonical books. Reusch
is inclined to ascribe the figure, together with
much else that is weak and unexplainable in the
epistle, to the translator !

Ver. 55. "nairfp SokoI ^etrot KaraKavO-iiffovrai.
See Susan., verses 55, 59, trx^ffet (re fi^crotf.

Ver. 58. It is better, perhaps, on account of
the connection, to make aii' dependent on 'urxi-
qrres, although the coustruction as found in the
A. V. is grammatically correct: They that have
power over- them [i. e., are stronger than they] take

and carri/ away the, gold and the silver, and the gar-
ment wherewith they are clothed, and they [the gods]
cannot hip themselves.

Ver. 5U. Xfiiiat/xov i<p' 5 icfXP'h'r^'rai. A very
nnusual construetiou. Fritzsche and Bun.scn s
Bibelwerk, explaining it as a case of attraction,
would render : Useful fur that (or in that} for u/iich
its owner uses it. Kensch, without venturing an
explanation: A nseftl vessel u liich the owner can
use. The Vulgate read Kavxhc^rai (gloriabitur)
for Kexp'hfreTat.

Ver. 60. Are obedient. Efficient to do the
work given them to do. Othos render: "Are
bright, and by God appointed for the service of
men, and they are obedient."

Ver. 61. Easy to be seen. So the Vulgate,
perspicuum. I render with Fritzsche, Reusch,
and Buuscn's Bibelwerk. The idea of Aa/irrpa is
still in mind. — Alter the same (manner) the
wind. The A. V. lias in the margin the same
wind. ThQ Greek h Th S' aiirh Kal Tri^fvfxa. Fritzsche
renders : " but also the same wind ; " Buusen's
Bibelwerk ; *^ in like manner {blows) also the same
wind." The expression is peculiar, if it is to be
rendered like cixraiJrtor (cf 1 Mace. viii. 27); but
the contest seems to require it.

Ver. 63. The fire (lightning) consumes only
the forests, and not the mountains themselves,
as the added Kal Spv/xovs would seem more defi-
nitely to indicate. But, ou the other hand, by
the explanation the passage is shorn of any
beauty which it might otherwise have possessed.
— Appearance. The word e(5ea(s is another
form for ISeats. Cf. the LXX. at Dan. i. 15,
" countenances " (A. V.).

Ver. 71. "Pd/jivos, thorn bush. The Old Latin
has rendered by spina alba, and the A. V, repro-
duced it. It is probably the same plant which
received in Hebrew the name TtDS, and is ren-
dered in the A. V., at Judg. ix. 14, 15, "bram-
ble," and in the margin, " thistle." There were
several species of the (idnros. The name " white
thorn " was given it by the Romans. See art.
" Thorns," in Smith's Bib. Vict.

Ver. 72. 'AttIp re ttjs wopipvpas /to! tijs /iap/j-ipov.
It is somewhat surprising to find, as here, " mar-
ble " mentioned along with "purple," as cloth-
ing for the idols. The Peshito translates by
"silk," and, as Ewald thinks, correctly. Grotius
supposes that pearls (fiapydpov) are meant; and
Wahl {Clavis, s. V.) explains hy vestis splendida,
vel Candida. Cf. margin of A. V. But Fritzsche,
with Bunsen'a Bibelwerk, would retain the mean-
ing "marble," which "in some cases was used for
ornamenting the idol images."

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

INTRODUCTION.

The title, Additions to Daniel, is ordinarily used to designate only the three most impor-
tant enlargements of this sort.^ They are : The Prayer of Azarias and Song of the Three
Children, Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon. The position of these several Additions with
respect to the principal work is by no means uniform. The Prayer of Azarias and Song
of the Three Children, as might be expected from the nature of its contents, commonly fol-
lows chap. iii. 23, of the canonical work. In Codex Alexandrimis, however, and in many old
Psalters, it is reckoned among the hymns (hymn ix., x.), and follows the Psalms. This is no
doubt due to its early use for liturgical purposes. That it was so used seems evident from
the fact that, when found in this position certain parts ill adapted to liturgical use are
omitted.

The addition entitled Susanna, is usually found in the MSS. immediately before the first
chapter of Daniel, and was assigned to this place probably on the ground that it relates what
is supposed to have taken place in the prophet's early life. This is its position in the Vatican
and Alexandrine codices, and in the Old Latin and Arabic versions. But in Codex Chisi-
anus, as also in the Vulgate and the Complutensian Polyglot, it is added to the canonical
portion as chap. xiii. Bel and the Dragon follows immediately after Susanna in Codex
Chisianus, as an additional chapter (xiv.). In the important codex just mentioned, there is
found, at the close of the canonical portion, the subscription: AaviiiX Karh roiis 6^ iypa(pri i^
avTtypatpou exoyro^ tV viro(n)fJLeiaiatv ravTT}V ' ^ypd<pri ^K TOiV TeTpatr\uy, e| Siv Kai irapere^T/. Then
follows (1) Susanna as chap, xiii., and (2) Bel and the Dragon, with the somewhat enig-
matical title : 'Ek Trjs irpoipriTilas 'A/j.^aKohfji vtov 'iTjtrou iK rijs (pvXyjs Aeui.2

The Extant Text.

Theodotion's revision of the LXX. version of the Book of Daniel, as is well known, found
such favor with the church in early times that it finally displaced the latter entirely in all cur-
rent copies of the Greek Bible. Bleek (Introd., ii. 415) thinks this change received ecclesias-
tical indorsement between the age of Origeu and that of Jerome. The latter in his preface to
Daniel says : "■ Danielem juxta LXX. interprete.t Domini Salvatoris ecdesiw non legimt, utentes
Theodotiorm editinne, et cur hoc accident nescio." In consequence of this circumstance the
original version of Daniel in the LXX. passed so completely out of view that it was long sup-
posed to be lost beyond recovery. In 1772 a priest, by the name of Simon de Maglstris,
published it from a not wholly accurate copy of a codex discovered in the library of Cardinal
Chigi at Rome.8 Many of the errors of this copy were afterwards corrected, by a collation of
the MS. itself, in the edilion of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons.

To the present time this Codex Chisianus remains as the principal representative of the
translation of Daniel by the LXX. In 1773, Michaelis had the text reprinted in Gottingen,
and in the following year superintended the issuing of another edition of the same containing

1 For a full list of tlie minor variations and additions to Daniel, see Pusey's Daniel the Prophet pp. 624-637

> See Tischendorf, Vet. Test. Grace, ii. 612, 6U. 8 Oaniei secundum LXX. ex TuraplU Origenis. Ro'ma, 1772

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 443

in addition to the text, the most valuable parts of the critical matter found in Magister's work.
In 1775, still another edition was prepared on the basis of that of Michaelis, but with fresh
notes by Segaar, and published at Utrecht. All these various editions, however, were super-
seded by that of Henry Aug. Hahn, published with a full critical and philological apparatus
in Leipsic, 1845. What gave special value to the work of Hahn was a collation of the text
of the Codex with a Syriac translation (Syr. B.), made from the hexaplar text of the LXX.,
and edited by Caietan Bugati, from a Milan codex in 1 788. This text of Hahn with critical
notes, and including the Additions, is given by Tischendorf as an appendix to his edition
(2d-4th) of the LXX., and by Fritzsche, as far as it relates to the Apocrypha, in his Libri
ApocrypTii Veteris Testamenti Greece (Lips., 1871). The most important textual notes of
Fritzsche are found in connection with the English translation below. Through the kindness
of Dr. Nestle of Tubingen, Fritzsche's text of the Prayer of Azarias was collated for the
present work, with the new edition of Codex Chisianus, by Cozza (Rome, 1877) ; but the
differences were found to be few and unimportant. The text of the Chisian Codex differs
so widely from that of Theodotion in Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon, that in the accom-
panying commentary a translation of both seemed desirable. These two compositions, indeed,
furnislied a much better opportunity for enlargement and embellishment than the remaining
one, which is largely made up of Scriptural expressions already, as is probable, familiar through
liturgical use.

As it regards the special relation of Theodotion's version to the Alexandrian, it may be
said that they have the same general characteristics in the Additions as in the canonical por-
tion of Daniel. Theodotion simply recast the version of the LXX. Atone point he gives its
very words, while elsewhere he introduces changes, in some instances, to the extent of a verse
or more. Where his copy was abrupt and lacking in clearness, he seeks to make the sense
smoother and more intelligible. His motive is everywhere apparent: to make a more accept-
able version within the bounds of a respectable, though not slavish, adherence to his author-
ities. It seems evident from the fact that the Additions in Theodotion's version bear equally
with the canonical portions the stamp of his revision, that he found them already existing in
connection with the Book of Daniel and dealt with them accordingly . ^

The Prayer or Azarias and Song of the Three Children.
Original Language.

The majority of critics of all schools have always held to the opinion that this composition
was originally written in the Hebrew or Aramaic language. Undoubtedly more can be said
in favor of such a theory than for a similar one in respect to the remaining two Additions.
Eichhorn was, perhaps, the first critic who, without venturing to decide the question, main-
tained the probability that the original language was Greek. Subsequently, however, he
retracted this opinion, and adopted the prevailing one.^ More recently Keil and Fritzsche
are among the principal advocates of the view that Greek was the original language of the
work. The latter remarks with reference to the Hebraistic character of the Greek, which
usually has been the ground on which the question has been decided, that between a transla-
tion and a Hellenistic original an important difference will always be discernible. In the lat-
ter case, the Greek coloring, even where least expected, will manifest itself ; while in the for-
mer there will be continually apparent, if not actual failures of translation, yet evident in-
stances of awkward renderings. In the present composition he maintains that, while the
writer Hebraizes not a little, there are no signs whatever of a Hebrew original, and that a
Hellenist, familiar with the Alexandrian version, might have written in just this manner.'
Others, as Gutmann and De Wette, agree with him in the view that the supposed errors of
translation pointed out by various critics * are extremely problematical. The most important
of these are the following : In verse 9, the unexpected word Attoo-totiSi' (as an epithet for the
Chaldaeans) is thought to be a translation of the Hebrew word amD (cf. Numb. xiv. 9)
which, it is said, might with more reason have been otherwise rendered. In verse 12 we
find 'AjSpaV Tie ri7O7r^/je»'0.' iTTfi (Tot;. It is supposed that this unusual epithet comes from the

1 Jritszche, Et»»;«i.,P 114; cf-Geiger, »».-/inyi, p. 162. „„■,■, ,,, «•

i-EitUdt. in d. Afok. Schrift., p. 419 f. ; and Einleit. m d. A. T., it., p. 630 f, 8 Emlnt., p. 115 f.

4 Hchhom, I. c. ; Bertholdt, EinMt., p. 1564 f. ; Welte, Eitdeit., p. 240f. ; Soholz, Emleit., p. 620 f.

444 THE APOCRYPHA.

Hebrew T[»"'rn. (Cf. the Alexandrian version at 2 Chrou. xx. 7.) In verse 13, the positive
raweimtis found where it is affirmed the superlative would have been more in place, 7^3 bav-
ins been read instead of bsc. Verse IC is also cited, but the difficulty is evidently one
arising from a corrupt texl. (Cf. Fritzsche's Com., ad loc.) In verse 20 it is claimed to be
dilfieuU to understand why ol IvSeiKnixfyoi should have been chosen to express the thought
which the text was clearly meant to express, " cause to experience," and that probably, it was
a clumsy rendering of the Hebrew. In verse 43, it is said that vfei/iara is found instead of
ive/ioi because it was a rendering of nil. Other reasons assigned for accepting the theory
of a Hebrew original, such as that the Hebrew names of the three youth are given instead of
the Cbaldaic, and that in two instances the same word {Sp6t7os, verses 41, 45 ; ifi^xos, verses
44, 48) is twice used, are of very little weight.

Author and Date.

The opinion of Dereseri with respect to the origin not only of the present Addition, but of
the other two, may be given as representative of the general drift of sentiment on this subject
in the Roman Catholic church. He says : " Daniel may have written his book in Greek
at Babylon, with all the Additions wluch have come down to us. The Sanhedrim at Jerusa-
lem, however, shortened it for more convenient use [? ], and the Book as condensed was re-
ceived into the Palestinian Canon " . . . . •' The Jewish Sanhedrim at Jerusalem may have
believed that the pious reader could easily spare the portions whicli we miss from the Hebrew
text, since what is said by Azarias and his companions is to be found in other Biblical books
aswell[!]" .... " Therefore the Sanhedrim felt justified in the condensation." Rabbi
Gutmann has properly characterized this opinion as in the highest degree gratuitous and ar-
bitrary. " Who ever found an example," he asks, " where the Jews have voluntarily stricken
out any thing from a book transmitted to them from their fathers and under the influence of
the tt'^pn C^"*! T divine inspiration, recorded. Any one who knows the high reverence
with which they observe and preserve every word, every letter, every point of their sacred
national literature, will regard such an opinion as having no foundation whatever."

Julius Fiirst,' however, advocates the same general view. He maintains that all three of
these Additions formed a part of the original Book of Daniel, and that they were separated
from it at the time when the book was introduced into the Canon. Susanna, he thinks, was
originally found immediately after chap. i. 20, while Bel and the Dragon was incorporated
with chap. vi. Reusch,^ while disagreeing with some of his ecclesiastical associates, in
respect to the immediate origin and first position of the work, still supports its genuineness
as having been actually spoken by the three Hebrew youth and by them, or some contem-
porary, afterwards recorded.

As a matter of fact, the only legitimate basis for an opinion on the subject is the composi-
tion itself. This certainly offers no support for the views just noticed. The similarity of
the Greek throughout, extending even to minute particulars, favors the supposition that the
entire work has pas^e(l through the bands of the translators of the Book of Daniel in the
Alexandrian version;'' while its fragmentary character with respect to contents is weighty
evidence that as an original it did not emanate from one author.^ If the work, then, for the
reasons just mentioned, can be dated as far back as the time of the origin of the LXX.
version of Daniel, and may be considered as having originally formed a part of this version,
then it is further probable that these translators used materials already at hand. But
whelher they had before them anything more than the core of what now exists, or the work
essentially in its present form, it is impossible to say. Naturally, the special views of critics
respecting the early or late origin of the canonical Daniel will have more or less influence
upon them in the question of the date of the Additions, and vice versa. But on the supposi-
tion that these compositions are really later productions, and not legitimate parts of the
original work, a safe inference would seem to be that a considerable period must have elapsed
between the time of the composition of the one and of the other." The fact that Theodotion

1 Die Proph. Ezfk. ii. Dnv.^ p. 246 f,

2 Dtr Kan. d. A. T., p. 140. Cf. also Welte, Einteit., p. 121. 3 Einleit.. p. 121.

t 1° ?"l;f '^'"', ZiioJel, and others. 6 So Da Wette, Bertholdt, Herzfeld, and othew.

8 Cf. Delltzscli m Hcrzog s lieal-Encyk., art "Dan.," and Ziindel, p. 184 f.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 445

makes so little change, in his translation of this Addition, while making so many in the other
two, may be due simply to the fact that the former abounds in well-known Scriptural expres-
sions which in the nature of the case admitted of but little alteration.

Genuineness.

The difEerences of opinion among critics, on the points just considered, are very much
reduced wlien we come to the question of the genuineness of the work. Outside of the
Romish church, there is scarcely an exception to the statement that Christian scholars agree
in characterizing the composition as wholly wanting in adaptation to the circumstances under
which it professes to have been written, and as being in its different parts baldly inconsistent
with itself. In fact even Dereser, in the work already cited, gives us to understand that in
his hypothesis concerning its origin, and his defense of its genuineness, he writes only as a
Catholic commentator, and with a view of acting in harmony with the decisions of the Coun-
cil of Trent. Jahn, however, is not equally tractable, and does not hesitate to declare that
the work is purely a product of the imagination, and that it was interpolated into the canoni-
cal book.'

A careful and unprejudiced examination of it will serve to confirm this decision. It is
supposed to be the prayer and the song of three .persons thrown by the servants of Nebuchad-
nezzar into a fiery furnace. But the entire composition is extremely generij in its character,
and only at its close are the youth called upon to praise the Lord for their deliverance. If
it be genuine, and was leisurely composed by Daniel or some other person, shortly after the
event, — for that it was really spoken and composed on the spot, who will believe? — why
has the autlior said so little concerning the one central fact? Again, why has he in one part
virtually declared that the temple does not exist, or any priest, or prophet, and yet after-
wards presupposed the existence of both? ^ If it is said, as by many, that the two parts of
the work were composed by different persons at different times, such a view would in this
case be equally fatal to any proper theory of genuineness.

As Eichhorn' has said: " All tliree pray as though they had thought out and memorized
their prayer beforehand They utter no sighs; they sing no such songs of thanks-
giving as would have been becoming in them if they had just been delivered from the flaming
fire. They are like Dervishes gifted in penitential exclamations, which they interrupt by
abuse of Nebuchadnezzar." It may be further remarked that the conduct of the three
youth, as represented respectively in the canonical and apocryphal portions, is worthy of a
detailed comparison. Ewald, in connection with the former, has noticed tlie eminent fitness
of words, and entire representation to the supposed circumstances of the case.*

Susanna.

Original Language.

In connection with the fact that the Addition entitled Susanna, in its language and style
contains nothing that might not properly have come from the pen of a Hellenist, there
is also offered direct and (as it is supposed) incontestable evidence that it was written
in Greek. This evidence, as far as we know, was first brought forward by Julius Afri-
canus, in a letter to Origen,^ and it seems also to have had great weight also with Jerome.
In modern times it has been accepted as conclusive by such Biblical critics, among
others, as Fritzsche, Bertholdt, Hiivernick, De Wette, Keil, Lengerke, Herzfeld, Graf,
Holtzmann, Gutmann, and Jahn. We refer to the play on words found in verses 64
and 55, respectively (o-kivov .... o-ic/o-ei), and in verses 58 and 59 {.irpivov .... irplan).
That this is an imitation of a similar paronomasia in a Hebrew or an Aramaic original
is declared to be incredible, and, further, that all efforts to reproduce it in these lan-
guages have proved abortive. Delitzsch, however, does not admit the validity of this argu-
ment, and says: ^' Ej'usmodi paronomanias in Unguis Semiticis facillimas esse, Arabica quoque
Susanna versio ostendit. Ergo nihili est argumentum inde petilum." ' Rabbi Briill also, in

1 EinU.it., p. 889 f. 2 Cf. verses 14,30, 31, 61, 62. S Minldt. in d. Apok. Schnft., p. 419.

i Proph. d. Atten Bundes, iii. 353. Cf. Hiteig, Das Biicli Daniel, pp.- 53, 54.

6 Wetstein, Africalti de Susan. Epiit. ad Orig.jP. 2?0. 6 De Habacuci Propheta, etc., ad loc.

446 THE APOCRYPHA.

his recent interesting monograph, ^ is quite of the latter opinion. He says that the mastich
tree {<rx'yos) was not a native either of Babylon or of Palestine, and that the holm oak {wprms)
was not planted in parks. And he supposes that the names of these trees were substituted
by the translator for those of certain others found in his text, in order to imitate in Greek
more closely the latter's paronomasia. Indeed, in the Syriac version we find, instead of the
mastich, the pistachio tree, and for the holm oak the pomegranate tree. BrUll shows further
how easily the Greek translator might have been led, if he found the latter words in Hebrew,
— namely, pas/ei-a (Aramaic, mastiche) and rimmon,— to adopt, as similar in sound, o-xi'>'os
and irpii-os. He also finds, as he thinks, a clear example of a failure in translation in the
words Kal ijpxoyro of verse 6, in the LXX. version of the book; 'JSa^T having, as he supposes,
been read instead of IS'a^l. He maintains, moreover, that Theodotion's text of our book
can be easily rendered into Hebrew. Most of the examples of Hebraisms, however, which
are found in Susanna, as in the other Additions, are simply such as might have been
expected from a person who, while speaking and writing the Greek language, was an Israel-
ite by birth, educated as an Israelite in the literature of his nation, and who mingled chiefly
with Israelites in the civil, social, and religious intercourse of life.

Genuineness.

Julius Africanus, as already noticed, seems to have been the first writer who attempted
anything like a critical examination of the present work. In his letter to Origen, he calls it
airfjpafjLij.ai'eantpiKhv Ka\ imrXaciiivov, and raises, in substance, such objections against it as
follows: that there is something quite too theatrical in the representation of the scene of the
conviction of the two elders; that he had sought in vain from the Jews of his day the pro-
duction of anything corresponding to the paronomasia found in vers. 56 and 59; that it is not
likely that the Jews, at the time when the story is supposed to have been written, had so
much power delegated to them as to be able to adjudge the wife of a king to death; or, if
Susanna was not the wife of king Joacim, then, that the circumstances of the Joacim of the
story are not such as we should have reason to expect in the case of a recent captive ; that
the work was not to be found in connection with that Book of Daniel which was recognized
by the Jews ; that no prophet would have made use of such a formal quotation as the one
found in ver. 53; and that the style of the composition does not correspond with that of the
Book of Daniel. Origen made some kind of a rejoinder to each of these objections, but was
far enough from completely refuting them. Moreover, the difficulties which this early writer
found in Susanna by no means exhaust the list. Attention has been called by various critics
to the disorderly way in which the civil process here described was conducted ; to the hasty
manner in which the condemnation was pronounced, on the simple testimony of two persons,
without opportunity being allowed for evidence in rebuttal, or any further examination of the
case whatever; to the indiscriminate and extravagant praise accorded to young men ; to the
general inconsistency of the character of Daniel, as here depicted, with that of the liistoric
Daniel; to the fact that he is made to condemn one of the elders before he has heard the
contradictory evidence of the otlier, on which such condemnation is ostensibly based; and to
the incredible supposition that Daniel is able, notwithstanding his youthfulness, to reverse, by
a word, a solemn judicial decision of the Sanhedrim. For these and other reasons, most
Biblical students in modern times have agreed in pronouncing the story of Susanna not only
as wanting in probability, but as being historically and logically impossible.

The most acceptable theory of its origin, excepting certain matters of detail, which seem to
us inconclusive, is that of Briill, as found in the work above alluded to. He shows that a
tradition, apparently of Babylonian origin, existed among the Jews in ancient times, and was
referred to by Origen and Jerome, which in its essential features, agrees with the story in our
book, and might easily have formed the basis of it. The manner, moreover, in which Jose-
phus {Antiq , x. 10, § 6, xi. 2, § 7), and Theodotion, as well as both the Syriac translations,
deal with the history, shows that it was current in different forms, and gives a hint also of the
methods by which it attained its present shape. The special motive, according to Briill,
which lay at the foundation of our book in \ts peculiar features, that is, which led its author,
by additions and changes, to mould the tradition into a certain definite form, and make it

1 Daa Apoh. 8u9anna'Biu:h^ ]X 67 f.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 447

teach certain evident lessons, was to reform the metliod of conducting legal processes, and
especially to correct the abuse springing from the principle that two witnesses were sufficient
to convi<;t of the most heinous offense. He gives an example from the time of Simon bar
Shetacli, wlio lived at the beginning of the first century before Chi-ist, to show the fearful
consequences which sometimes resulted from it. Plis own son was unjustly condemned to
death at the instigation of a hostile clique, and on the testimony of two persons who were
enviohs of the father's influence with the king, and who besides, as Sadducees, hated him as
a most bitter and unrelenting political opponent. Such an event naturally attracted great
attention. From this period, and under such circumstances, as Brtill thinks is shown by the
entire tendency and spirit, as well as the external features of the book, arose the History of
Susanna in the general form in which we now possess it. The fact that it must be looked
upon as an addition to the Book of Daniel, and that the character of the Greek of the LXX.
version of the work suggests a late origin, are also favorable to such a theory.

Bel and the Dkagon.

Original Language.

Eichhorn seems to have proved pretty conclusively that the text on which Theodotion
based his version of Bel and the Dragon, as well as that of the other Additions to Daniel,
was that of the LXX.^ According to the testimony of Origen, Eusebius, Jerome, and others,
it was not extant in Hebrew in their day. Fragments of the story which, as Zunz^ thinks,
arose at the time of the Targums on the Hagiographa, do indeed still exist in Aramaic and
Hebrew. But there are absolutely no traces, in the extant text of the LXX., of its being
a translation. Its Hebraisms are only such as the frequent recurrence of ko/, and koI elirc,
which, indeed, are to be found everywhere in -Greek works written by Jewish authors.
It has been thought by some that an error of translation occurs in the first verse, lepeiis
being supposed to be the rendering for ]n3, which word also means "courtier." And it
has been thought to favor this view that Theodotion says nothing about Daniel's being a,
priest. But it would seem, from what immediately follows, that such an opinion cannot be
correct, since Daniel is here called i^vfi^tariis toS $a<n\4ais, which would be tautological if he
had just before been named a courtier. Moreover, the contents of the work itself, so far as
they afford any evidence with respect to the time and place of composition, are decidedly in
favor of a Greek original.

Genuineness.

On account of its anachronisms and literary extravagances, most of which have been com-
mented on in the notes below, the narrative of Bel and the Dragon has been regarded by mod-
ern critics generally, as well as by some Christian scholars in ancient times, as wholly wanting
in genuineness. According to its title in the LXX. version, it was written by a certain Am-
bacum, son of Joshua, of the tribe of Levi. There is little doubt that the Habbakuk, other-
wise known as prophet, is meant, and that the present composition is taken from some pseud-
epigraphal work which was ascribed to him, or is itself that work. Athanasius, indeed,
makes reference to Bapobx, 'AfigaKovfi, 'Efex''!^ <""' Aoyi^A if/euSeTriypa^a.

Proofs of the legendary character of the work are to be found (1) in the fact that Daniel
is called a priest and jet is confounded with the prophet Daniel. (-2) This Daniel is said to
have destroyed the temple of Bel (Baal) at Babylon. But from other credible testimony
(Herod., i. 183, Strabo, xvi. 1, Arrian, Expedit. Alex., vii. 17), Xerxes plundered and de-
stroyed it on his return from Greece (b. c. 479). (3) It is represented that the worship of
living serpents was practiced at Babylon. But this is in direct opposition to what is known
to have been true of the religious rites of the Babylonians and Persians.s Diodorus Siculus
(ii. 9) has indeed been cited in support of such a practice. He says : i^X 5c ray yoviTwv alirris
eiVT^Keifl-ov \4ovT(s S6o Kol ir\7talov o<pfis virfpiieyeOus ifyvpot. But it is evident that he is speak-

1 EMeU. in d. Apok. Sclirift., pp. 422, 436, 473. 2 rortrdge, p. 12a

8 Cf. Ddllinger, Hek/etUhum u Judenthum, pp. 391-454; Rawlinson, AncieM Mon., I 105, iii. 25 f., 347 f., and Tram-
taums of the Saafor Bib. Arch., ii., pp. 29-79, 34&-352. See, also, notes ad loc., below.

448 THE APOCEYPHA.

ing simply of certain emblems in the temple of Bel, and it would be just as proper to infer
from this passage that living lions were worshipped at Babylon as that living serpents there
received divine honors. The supposition of Scholz,' that a close relationship may have ex-
isted between the religious customs of Egypt — where the worship of serpents did actually
exist — and those of Babylon, is without basis in fact.^

Jahn thinks the work was written as a fable. " The author," he says, " would represent
in a clear light the worthlessness of the priests of idolatry as over against the power of the
true God. Thus all the difficulties disappear or sink into mere blunders of composition." So
also, essentially Eichhorn and Fritzsche. Merx calls it a humorous satire.' Bertholdt is -i
the opinion that it may have had some basis in ft current legend concerning Daniel, which was
enlarged and put in its present form in Egypt by some " Habbakuk the son of Joshua."
The contents furnish tolerably safe evidence of its Egyptian origin. And assuming that it
formed a part of the AlexE^ndrian version of the Book of Daniel, — it is so cited by Irenspug
(iv. 11) and TertuUian (X)e Idol, xviiii. ; Conlra Psych., ix.) — its date can be inferred with
sufficient accuracy.

Estimation of the Additions in the Christian Church.

Since the Additions were found in connection with the canonical Daniel in the version of
the LXX. , they are often quoted by both the Greek and Latin fathers, without discrimina-
tion, as constituent parts of that book. Such of the fathers, however, as accepted only the
Hebrew canon rejected them. We have no evidence, however, that they were not regarded
as being fully on a level with the remainder of the book, until the criticisms of Julius Africa-
nus called attention to the subject. Jerome notices the absence of these parts from the He-
brew Bible, and while making no comments on them himself seems to accept the estimate of
Eusebius and ApoUinaris, who speak of the " fables " of Bel and Susanna. At Daniel iii. 23,
he simply calls attention to the Song of the Three Children, " lest he should appear to have
overlooked it." * Theodoret, a disciple of Chrysostom and one of the best commentators
of the Greek church, made comments on the Song of the Three Children, but passes over the
other two Additions in silence. While Pol^'chronius, a contemporary of Jerome, who wrote
a commentary on many books of the Old Testament, using for the most part the Syriac, speaks
of the hymn (Song of the Three Children) as not being found in the Hebrew or Syriac
Bible.

In what is known as the " Stichometry of Nicephorus," who was patriarch of Constantino-
ple, A. D. 828, the books of Scripture are arranged in three classes : (1) The canonical,
(2) the disputed, and (3) the apocryphal. Among the latter is classed Susanna. This classi-
fication did not originate with Nicephorus, but is referred to a much earlier period, and may
even date back to the fourth century. Again, in a catalogue of the books of the Bible by
Ebed Jesu of the Nestorian Church (tl318) are included " Susanna " and the "lesser Daniel "
(Bel and the Dragon).' In a MS. of the Syriac Bible now in the University Library at Cam-
bridge, England, the Book of Daniel follows the twelve minor prophets, and has the Addition,
Bel and the Dragon, while Susanna is found between Ruth and Esther. Gregory bar He-
brrous, "the last of the great Syrian writers," made a commentary on the Additions to Dan-
iel, as well as some others of the Old Testament apocryphal books, but seems not to have re-
garded them as of equal rank with those of the Hebrew canon.^

In times more modern we find Erasmus, whose views on these subjects shaped so largely
those of other leaders of the Reformation, speaking of the Additions to Daniel with other
apocryphal books as having been received into "ecclesiastical use." As it respects the au-
thority to be allowed them, he does not seem to be quite settled in his opinion. Luther says,
of "Susanna, Bel, Habbakuk, and the Dragon," that they " appear to be pretty spiritual
poems ; for their names admit of a symbolic meaning." Karlstadt, however, an early friend
of Luther, and afterwards professor of theology at Basle, puts these Addition.s amono- the
books ^vholly apocryphal and to be condemned. The French Bible which emanated from
Calvin, published them as well as the remaining apocryphal literature of the Old Testament,
in a separate volume, as being of inferior value. In the history of the English Bible, the

. £m/e,( iii p 626 »BawliD3on,,Vfem,i.,105f. .<p<««OT.

8 Art, " BaaJ," in Scliei.1jel'« B,b. Lex. ♦ Com. in Da.n. PrJ., and at xiU. 6a

5 WeBtcott, Bib. in the Ck., p. 282. • W^tcott, idem, p. ziT

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 449

Additions to Daniel have generally been held in the same estimation as other works ot the
same class. In the Roman Catholic church, on the other hand, since the Council o£ Trent,
there have been but rare instances of dissent from its decision by which these Additions were
placed among the " sacred and canonical " records of Christian faith. Even the remains of
la chaste Susanne de Babylon are still exhibited in the cathedral of Toulouse.
29

THE ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

THE PKATEK OF AZAEIAS AND THE SONG OF THE THREE

CHILDREN.

1 After this manner then prayed Ananias, and Azarias, and Misael, and sang
praises to the Lord when the king commanded that they should be cast into the

2 furnace. And Azarias stood vp, and prayed in this manner ; and opening his mouth
he gave thanks to the Lord with his companions in the midst of the fire of the fur-
nace whicli the Chalda?ans had made exceeding hot, and they said,-'

3 Blessed art thou, O Lord God of our fathers, and art to be praised ; and thy name is

4 glorified ^ for evermore ; for thou art righteous in all the things that thou hast done to
us ; yea, true are all thy works, and thy ways are right, and all thy judgments true.^

5 And * in all the things that thou hast brought upon us, and upon thy ^ holy city of
our fathers, even Jerusalem, thou hast executed true judgments ; ^ for according to
truth and judgment didst thou bring all these things upon us because of our sins.

6 For we have sinned in all' and acted lawlessly, to fall away' from thee; Yea^

7 in all things have we sinned," and not obeyed the commandments of thy law,"
nor kept them, neither done as thou hast commanded us, that it might go well with

8 us. And now ^^ all that thou hast brought upon us, and all ^^ that thou hast done

9 to us, thou hast done in true judgment. And thou didst deliver us into the hands
of our enemies, lawless and most hostile apostates," and to an unjust king, and the

10 most wicked in all the earth.-'* And now we cannot open our mouths; there has

11 come ^' shame and reproach to thy servants, and to them that worship thee. De-
liver " us not up wholly, for thy name's sake, neither disannul '* thou thy covenant ;

12 and cause not thy mercy to depart from us, for thy beloved Abraham's sake, and for

13 thy servant Isaac's sake, and ybr thy holy Israel's sake ; since thou didst speak to
them and promise,^^ that thou wouldest multiply their seed as the stars of heaven,

14 and as the sand upon ^^ the sea shore. For we, O Lord, have become ^^ less than
any nation, '^^ and are humiliated ^' this day in all the earth '* because of our sins.

15 Neither is there at this time prince, or prophet, or leader, or burnt offering, or sac-
rifice, or meat ofEering,^* or incense, or place to offer the fruits '^ before thee, and

16 to find mercy. Nevertheless in a broken heart and a contrite'"' spirit let us be ac-

Vers. 1, 2. — ^ A. V. ; And they walked in the midst of the fire, praising God, and blessing the Lord. Then Azarias
stood up and prayed on this manner ; and opening his mouth in the midst of the fire, said (following the version of
Theodotion. I have rendered according to Fritzsche's text of the LXX. here, and throughout, unless otherwise indi-
cated.)

Vers. 3-6- — 2 x. V. : thy name is worthy to be praised (ati/ero? ; fifteen cursives, with Aid. and Co., read aXveiov) and
glorified. 3 arc truth (aA.T]0tvat ; aA^eeia, II. III. XII. al., but, according to Fritzache, it ** looks suspicious ■').

* omits And. o the [aov is also added in 49. 90. 14S. of Theod.). 0 judgment. ^ omits in all {as Theod.).

6 committed iniquity, departing {^vofi-jjo-a/xei' dn-oo-Tiivat. Por the latter III. XII. al. read airoo-Tai/res).

Vers. 7-9. — ** A. V. ; omits yea. 10 trespassed. 11 thy commandments (Theod. omits rov vojuou). 12 Wliere-

fore {K.a.1 vuv. Theod. strikes out the latter). i3 every tiling. " lawless (Theod. omits fjiiHiv, and the KaC before

exOio'Tiatf) enemies most hateful forsakers 0/ God. i^ world.

Vers. 10-13 — *" A. V. : we are become a (I read, with Fritzsche, iyevrjeij for eyevriOriiitv, and the dative instead of tmi/
SovAiui-, etc., of Cod. Chis.). " Yet((i^ ; Theod., /i)) 5,j) deliver. " (Lit., scatter.) "> to whom(d)s ; Theod., ols)
thou hast spoken and promised. 20 that iiet/t upon.

Vers. 14-17. — 2' A. V. : are become. '^ [Ut., all the nations.) ^^ be kept under (ecr(»ei' TaireiKoi). 24 oblation
npoaifiopi). 2° sacrifice (I render more literally). 20 oontiit« (see Ps. ci. 17) heart (lit., soul, but irKeyjiarc follows)

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 451

17 cepted, as in burnt offerings * of rams and bullocks, and as "^ in ten thousands
of fat lambs. So let our sacrifice result ' in thy sight this day, and our atonement

18 before thee ;* for they are not shamed ° that put their trust in thee. And now we

19 follow thee « with all our heart, and' we fear thee, and seek thy face. Put us
not to shame ; but deal with us after thy lovingkindness,' and according to the

20 fullness of thy mercy. And deliver ° us also according to thy marvelous works,"
and give glory to thy name, O Lord. And let all them that do thy servants hurt

21 be turned back ; " and let them be put to shame ^^ in all their power," and let their

22 strength be broken ; " let ^ them know that thou art Lord, the only God," and
glorious over the whole world.

23 And when they had cast the three all at once into the furnace and the furnace
was thoroughly aglow with seven times its usual heat — and when they had thrown
them in, then those who had thrown them in were above them, but the others set on

24 fire under them naphtha, and tow, and pitch, and faggots. And the flame streamed

25 forth above the furnace about forty nine cubits." And it passed out through,'* and set

26 fire to ^^ those ^^ Chaldajans it found about the furnace. But an ^^ angel of the Lord
came down into the oven together with Azarias and his fellows, and smote the flame

27 of the fire out of the oven, and made the midst of the furnace as though a wind of
dew had gone hissing through it ; and ^ the fire touched them not at all,^^ neither

28 hurt nor troubled them. And lifting up their voices ^^ the three, as out of one
mouth, praised and ^ glorified and blessed God in the furnace, saying,

29 Blessed art thou, O Lord God of our fathers ;
And to be praised and exalted above all for ever.^°

30 And blessed is thy glorious and holy name :
And to be praised and exalted above all for ever.

31 Blessed art thou in the temple of thine holy glory :
And to be praised and glorified above all for ever.

32 Blessed art thou that beholdest the depths,
And sittest upon the cherubims :

And to be praised and exalted above all for ever.

33 Blessed art thou on the glorious throne of thy kingdom :
And to be praised and glorified above all for ever.

34 Blessed art thou in the firmament of heaven :
And above all to be praised and glorified for ever.

35 O all ye works of the Lord, bless ye the Lord:
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

36 O ye heavens, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

37 O ye angels of the Lord, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

and an humble. ^ Like as in the burnt offeiing (as in Codd. 26. 231.). * like as. 8 be (ye»'e<r6co). • and grant
that 7iic may wholly go after thee (kaI ii i^tKatrtq efjiTrpoa^ev crov. It might be rendered " and be as an atonement — a
propitiation — before thee." The passage is corrupt, and I have adopted Fritzsche's conjecture. In the LXX. the pas-
sage runs : ical c^iAacrai o-nLaOiv irov. For the second word, Theod. read ejcreAeVai, or, according to some MSS., ixre-
heiirQia. A. V. followed the latter). ^ shall (some MSS. of Theod. hare the future) not be confounded (cf.

Ter. 21).

Vera, 18-22. —» Found only in 51. 229. 281. Co. ' A. V. : omits and. » (jirieiKtia. Cf. Wisd. ii. 13 ; xii. 18 ;

Baruch li. 27.) * multitude of thy mercies. Deliver (26. 49. al. om. Kal), *" (Sav^tao-ta trov.) " ashamed.

^^ confounded. ^^ power and might (marg., by thy power and migkt. The Greek is awb n-acnjs SuraoT-etas ; 33. 91.

106. 148. 228. Aid. prefix fivi'ajueus Kat to the last word). " (Lit., broken in pieces.) " and (as some MSS. of

Theod.) let. ^'^ According to Theod., fLtdfos is read after fleos ; te^. rec., before Kvpios, to which III. XII. al. prefix

the article.

Vers. 23, 24. — ^^ A. V. : And the king's servants, that put them in, ceased not to make the oven hot with rosin —
marg., nap/u/ia — pitch, tow, and small wood, so that the flame streamed forth above the furnace forty and nine cubits.
This is according to Theod.

Vers. 25-28. — ^ A. V. : passed through (Theod., Siwfieuo-e for Sie^wSevaec). ^^ burnt {evenvpLtrsv). 20 (article.)
"1 the (so Theod.). 22 as (Theod., m for wcrci) it had been a moist (marg., cool) whistling wind, so that. 23 (KafldAov ;
Theod., TO Ko.e. Cf. Acta iv. 18.) '* Then (Theod., tots for ivaXa^ovTet S«). 20 omils and (as 62 ).

Vers. 29-68. — 20 On account of the many differences between the version of Theodotion followed by the A. V. and
that of the LXX., I have left untouched the A. V. in these verses and given independently below, a translatiou of the
Song as found in the LXX., following Fritzsche's text.

452 THE APOCRYPHA.

38 0 all ye waters that be above the heaven, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

39 0 all ye powers of the Lord, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

40 O ye sun and moon, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

41 0 ye stars of heaven, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

42 0 every shower and dew, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

43 O all ye winds, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

44 0 ye fire and heat, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

45 O ye winter and summer, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

46 O ye dews and storms of snow, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

47 O ye nights and days, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

48 O ye light and darkness, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

49 O ye ice and cold, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

50 0 ye frost and snow, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

51 0 ye lightnings and clouds, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

52 O let the earth bless the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

53 O ye mountains and little hills, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

54 O all ye things that grow on the earth, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

55 O ye fountains, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

56 0 ye seas and rivers, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

57 O ye whales, and all that move in the waters, bless ye the Lord !
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

58 0 all ye fowls of the air, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

59 0 all ye beasts and cattle, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

60 O ye children of men, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

61 0 Israel, bless ye the Lord :

Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

62 O ye priests of the Lord, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

63 O ye servants of the Lord, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.

64 O ye spirits and souls of the righteous, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.
O ye holy and humble men of heart, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever.
O Ananias, Azarias, and Misael, bless ye the Lord :
Praise and exalt him above all for ever :

65
66

ADDlTlOSg TO DANIEL.

453

Foi' ie hath delivered us from hell,

And saved us from the hand of death,

And delivered us out of the midst of the furnace and burning flame :

Even out of the midst of the fire hath he delivered us.

67 0 give thanks unto the Lord, because he is gracious :
For his mercy endureth for ever.

68 O all ye that worship the Lord, bless the God of gods,
Praise him, and give him thanks :

For his mercy endureth for ever.

The SoNtf of the Three Children.

Vers. 1,2. Cf . Dan. iii. 22, 23, which this Addi-
tion as such would naturally follow. The names
given to the three Israelitish youth are their He-
brew names, which are substituted for the Chal-
daic forms found at Dan. iii. 12. On the signifi-
cance of Babylonian names, see Ancient Man., iii.
79. — Tfjj TTupl inroKaiofjt€V7]s ttjs ku^iIvov. This
verb, which means literally to set on fire from be-
neath (Herod., iv. 61), suems here to refer to a
fire which is made hotter and hotter. Gf. the
LXX. at Jer. i. 13 (A. V., " seething ").

Yev. 4. 'Eirl irSo-ic, in all (the things). See
Kriiger, Ixviii. 41, for remarlts on such a use of
this preposition, and cf. Homer, //., iv. 178.

Ver. 5. *A iir/iyayes ri/iiy, that thou hast
brought upon us. Not an infrequent significa-
tion of this verb. Cf. LXX. at Jer. vi. 19 ; xi,
11.

Ver. 9. 'Ayd/ioiv, lawless. The reference is to
that divine rule and government revealed in the
Old Testament, to which the heathen were
strangers. Esther (Add. iv. 12) is represented
as saying : ^jxla'offa ^6^a.v avofj-uy. Cf. Rom. ii.
12; iii. 31; and Cremer's Lex., s. v. — Most
hostile apostates, ^^^^''''rw tt"'oo''r*™»'. Michaelis
and otiiers suspect, but not as it would seem with
sufficient reason, that the text is corrupt. The
heathen might be regarded as apostates iu the
sense that originally all knew the true God. —
The judgment pronounced upon Nebuchadnezzar,
if he is meant, appears to be somewhat harsh,
when it is remembered under what circum-
stances— after four rebeUions — he had been
compelled to destroy Jerusalem, and what is said
in his favor by Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel.
See also Ancient Mon., iii., 58 f. Eichhorn says :
" The Jew who puts this prayer in their mouth
was very little acquainted with the spirit which
so beautifully clothed the pious, suffering mar-
tyrs." (Einleit., p. 420.) Bertholdt (Einleit., p.
1667) cites this verse a,9 evidence that the Addi-
tion was written in the time of Antiochus Epiph-
anes, since the Jews were accustomed to call him
the greatest of reprobates.

Ver. 12. The epithets applied to the patri-
archs are worthy of note. Only in 2 Chron. xx.
7, is Abraham elsewhere called " the beloved
(A. v., 'friend') of God." — "A710J is used of
Jacob probably in the sense of devoted, pious. In
New Testament usage it refers, first, to those
whose service God accepts (Eph. iii. .5); second,
to those who are chosen of God (Luke ii. 23) ;
third, to persons who, in a tropical sense, are
spoken of as- offerings, sacrifices (Col. _i. 22);
fourth, it is used witii an ethical significance
(1 Cor. vii. 34). See Grimm's Lex.

Ver. 14. The word Sea-irora is appropriate to
the connection. It is fitly used by thosts who over

against God would take the position of extrema
humility. See Wisd. xviii. 1 1 ; Luke ii. 29.

Ver. 15. On the supposition that this com-
position was written at the time when it purports
to have been written, what can be thought of
the statement in this verse, when taken in con-
nection with the fact that Daniel, Ezekiel, and
probably Jeremiah, still lived 1 AUioli ( Com., ad
toe.) says that Daniel had indeed the gift of
prophecy, but was not in the prophetic office,
which, as far as it relates to the present passage,
would be a distinction without a difference. He
remarks, further, that Ezekiel was not at this
time in Babylon, but on the river Chebar. But
Chebar, as we learn from good authorities, was
also in the province of Babylon. See art.
"Chebar" in Smith's Bib. Diet, and Schenkel's
Bib. Lex. According to Zunz ( Vortrdge, p. 13)
the proi^hetic activity did not cease until one or
two generations after the time of Nehemiah. (Cf.
also Dillmann, under Propheien in Schenkel's Bib.
Lex.) There was, moreover, no lack of priests at
this time. Is it meant that there was no oppor-
tunity for prophets and priests to exercise their
ordinary functions 1 It might be to a consider-
able extent true of the latter class. Or is it
meant, absolutely, that outside of Palestine the
inspiration of the Holy Spirit could not be en-
joyed? Under what category, then, is the work
before us to be classed? Cf. Micliaelis, Aywierk.
zum Dan., p. 29. — Bvaia. This word refers, first,
to the act of sacrificing ; and, then, to the sacri-
fice itself. It is ordinarily used in the LXX. as
the rendering of the Hebrew word PTS?.' while
Sapov, sometimes wpocrcpopi, is given for T3"lp.

Vers. 23, 24. The peculiar grammatical con-
struction, Ha/ci)/ Kaixivov vatpOav, etc., is noticeable.
Such a method of punishment, by burning in a
furnace, was not altogether uncommon in the
East, as the legend concerning the casting of
Abraham into the fire for refusing to worship
idols, as found in the Targum to 2 Chron. xxviii.
3, shows. See Winer, Realworterb., art. " Lebens-
strafen." It has been asked how it was possible
for the writer to learn so exactly how high the
fire streamed up above the furnace. The preposi-
tion 4wi, however, with words in the accusative
indicating number, may have the sense of about,
not far from. See Herod., iv. 190. Moreover, the
number forty-nine is the product of 7 X 7, the
holy number so much used by Daniel. Concern-
ing the material used for heating the furnace,
see Ancient Mon., i. 220 ; ii. 487. The A. V.
says in the margin that "naphtha "was "a cer-
tain kind of fatand chalky clay."

Ver. 26. The figure employed is by no means

454

THE APOCEYPHA.

perfect. It was not the hissing of the moist wind
in the fire, bnt its vefresliiiig influence upon the
three youtli, that should have been made promi-
nent.

Ver. 30, The comments that follow are on the
revised text, which follows Ijelow. — "TirepaiyfTos
is found in the LXX. only here. The same is
true of uirepevSo^os :nid vTrepvfMv7ir6s in verse 31.

Vcr. 31. Thi> seeming reference to the temple
(cf. verses 62, 63 J appears to contradict what is
said at verse 14, and has been cited as proof that
the prayer {wpoirevx'fi) and the song (alveiris) are
from different authors, and originated at differ-
ent periods. See Ziindel, Kritisc/ie Unteisuchung,
p. 185, and Bertholdt, Einleit., p. 1565.

Vers. 32-37. Cf. Ps. ciii. and cxiviii.

Ver. 39. nSrrai oi Svfi/j.eis Kvplou. The fol-
lowing verses indicate what these forces of the
Lord are : namely, those by which he keeps the
world in order and executes his plans. An in-
teresting book has been written by Dr. Child,
entitled Beiiedicite, in which these " powers of the
Lord," and indeed the whole Song of the Three
Children, is admirably commented on from the
point of view of natural history.

Ver. 48. ndxfv differs from fnyot, found in
verse 45, in this, that the former refers rather to
■what is known as a white frost. The arrange-
ment of the verses at tliis point has been consid-
erably altered in Theodotion's translation.

Ver. 53. Bovi/ol, German " BUhne." The
■word, according to Herodotus (iv. 158, 199), is
Cyrenaic. See remarks upon it in the Lexicons
of Schleusner and Grimm.

Ver. 57. K^tj). It need not be limited to
" whales." as in the A. V., following the Old
Latin and Vulgate (rete). It means any huge
fish or sea monster. Cf. Hemd., iv. 53.

Ver. 59. Ta Bripla kuI to KTii/v- 'J'he distinc-
tion between wild and tame animals was doubt-
less meant to be brought out by these two words.
The former is used for the later form, BriplSiov,
and is a diiniimtive in form, although not in
usage ; and is .so employed in the classics, but not
often in the LXX. or New Testament. Cod.
Chis. (ed. by Cozza) and the Syr. Hex., read for
€v\oye7Te ircipTa Tci 0r;pio, eifXoy. TerpaTroSa Kal
dripia.

Vers. 62, 63. Grotius snys : " Nam et hi in ex-
silio dignitatem inter snos retinebant, et preces con-
cipiebant pro populo." But see above, verse 14.

Ver. 64. Ye spirits ( jTreu/iara) and souls
(i|/i>X"0 ^^ *'^® righteous. These are not the
spirits and souls of the dead, but (as the context
shows) of living persons. It is quite interesting
to notice the use of these two words, probably as
indicative of the higher and lower nature of men.
See Repertor.f.Bib.u.Morgenliind.Lit., 2te Tlieil,
1-24.

Ver. 67. 'E^oijLO\oye7a0e rip Kvpltp. This verb
means, first, to confess. Matt. iii. 6 ; then, to ac-
knoioledge, with special reference to benefits re-
ceived, and so to laud, pratse. Cf. LXX. at Ps.
XXX. 4. — Oi <re^6p.evoi. We find precisely the
same word and the same form of it applied to
proselytes of the gate. Cf. Wisd. xv. 18, Acts
xvii. 17.

THE SONG OF THE THEEE CHILDEEN (verses 29-67 according to the

LXX.).

29 Blessed art thou, O Lord God of our fathers,
And to be praised and higlily exalted for ever.

30 And blessed is thy glorious and holy name,
And to be highly praised and exalted for ever.'

31 Blessed art thou in thy holy and glorious temple,
And to be highly praised and glorified for ever.^

32 Blessed art thou on the throne ^ of thy kingdom,
And to be praised and highly exalted'' for ever.

33 Blessed art thou that beholdest the depths, sitting over the cherubim,
And to be praised and glorified ^ for ever.

34 Blessed art thou in the firmament,'*
And to be praised and glorified for ever.

35 O all ye works of the Lord, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.'

36 0 ye angels of the Lord, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

37 O ye heavens, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

38 O all ye waters that are above the heaven, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

39 O all ye powers of the Lord, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

' Ilere, vivriK Toiij oiirai. Most MSS. of Theod. omit irifTa^. In vcr. 67 many MSS. of Thcod. have it.

* Theod. gives vers. 32, .33 in an inverse order.
» After Bpovov some MSS. of Theod. add Sifijs.

< Theod., VTrepvfii/TiTb! KaX i7repvp.voviitPos. « Theod., virepvl^oujiei-os.

• Theod. adds aipavav. J Theod. gives Tors. 36, 37 in an inverse order.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 455

40 O ye sun and moon, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

41 O ye stars of heaven, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

42 O all rain and dew,^ bless ye the Lord,
Praise and liighly exalt him for ever.

43 0 all ye winds, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

44 O ye fire and heat,^ bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

45 O ye frost and cold, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever."

46 O ye dews and falling snow, bless ye the Lord,*
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

47 O ye ice and cold, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

48 O ye hoar frost and snow,^ bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

49 O ye nights and days, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

50 O ye light and darkness, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.°

51 O ye lightnings and clouds, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

52 O let the earth bless the Lord,

Let it praise and highly exalt him for ever.

53 O ye mountains and hills, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

54 0 all things that grow on the earth, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

55 O ye fountains, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

56 O ye seas and rivers, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

57 O ye whales, and all that move in the waters, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

58 O all ye birds of heaven, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

59 O all ye animals, wild and tame, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

60 O ye sons of men, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

61 O Israel, bless ye the Lord,

Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

62 O ye priests,' bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

63 O ye servants,* bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

64 O ye spirits and souls of the righteous, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

65 O ye holy and humble of heart, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever.

66 O Ananias, Azarias, and Misael, bless ye the Lord,
Praise and highly exalt him for ever ;

I uSs oiJiPpo! Kcl Spi,ro,. ' Some MSS. of Theod. have KavV»v and some icaS^o.

» This verse is read as ver. 49 iD Theod. and A. V. ' This and the following Terse are omitted in Theod.

« The word means snow already fallen, xiives; in Ter. 46 we have wc/ieToi, storms of snow, oi/aUing snoxa.

• This is Ter. 43, in Theod., and A. V.

' Theod. adds mpiov. ' I'»s<"l- ^^^ ""P'™-

456 TEE APOCRYPHA.

67 For he delivered us from Hades,

And saved us from the hand of death,

And rescued us from the midst ' of the scorching flame,

And from the fire ^ he redeemed us.

O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is gi-acious,

For his mercy endureth for ever.

O all ye that worship * the God of gods, bless him,

Praise and give thanks, for his mercy endureth for ever.

THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA (according to the LXX.).*

6, 7 And suits in law came to them from other cities. These men saw a woman
of shapely form, wife of their brother of the sons of Israel, Susanna by name,
daughter of Cheloias, wife of Joacim as she walked in the park of her husband at

8, 9 evening. And desiring her for their lust, they perverted their mind and turned

away their eyes that they might not look unto heaven, nor remember just judg-

10 ments. And both were inflamed with passion on her account, and concealed from

each other the evil that possessed them with respect to her ; nor did the woman

12 know of this thing. And when day dawned, as they went, zealous who should be
first to appear in her presence and speak to her, they betrayed themselves to one

13 another. And behold, she was walking, as was her wont, and when one of the
elders came, behold the other was already there. And the one said to the other, for
the sake of proving him. Why did you go out so, at daybreak, and not take me

14, 19 along ? And they acknowledged to one another their passion, and said to each
other, Let us repair to her ; and they went unitedly up to her and used violence

22 against her. And the daughter of Judah said to them, I know that if I do this, it

23 will be my death, and if I do it not I shall not escape your hands ; but it is better

28 for me not having done it to fall into your hands than to sin before the Lord. And
the transgressors turned away vowing with themselves and making plans that they
might put her to death. And they went to the assembly of the city where they
dwelt ; and there sat together in council, all the sons of Israel who were there.

29 And the two elders and judges arose and said. Send for Susanna, daughter of Chel-

30 cias, who is the wife of Joacim ; and they at once summoned her. And so the
woman was present with her father and mother ; and her servants and handmaids, who
were five hundred in number, were in attendance, and the four little children of

31, 32 Susanna. And the woman was very fair. And the transgressors commanded

33 her to unveil in order that they might sate their lust with her beauty. And all her

34 friends and all as many as knew her wept. And the elders and judges rising up

35 placed their hands on her head. But her heart trusted in the Lord her God, and
three times lifting up her heart, she wept and prayed within herself, O Lord, the
eternal God, who dost know all things before they come to be, thou knowest
that I have not done that which these transgressors have maliciously charged

36 against me. And the Lord heard her prayer. But the two elders said. We were

37 walking in the park of her husband, and as we moved around the stadium we saw
this person reclining in the arms of a man, and we stood and observed them com-

38 panying together ; and they were not aware that we stood there. Then we agreed

39 with each other saying. Let us learn who these persons are ; and on going up we

40 discovered this woman; but the young man fled away disguised. And layino- hold
of her we asked her who the man was, and she did not tell us who he was. These

41 things we testify. And the whole assembly believed them since they were elders

42 and judges of the people. And behold an angel of the Lord appeared as she
was being led away to be put to death, and the angel, as he had been commanded,

48 gave a sagacious spirit to a young man, namely, to Daniel. And Daniel putting
asunder the populace and standing in the midst of them said : Are sons of Israel

' Afte* fieVou some MSS. of Theod. add Knnivm. 2 Theod., m ii.t(rini mjpit.

8 Theod. adds tov Kvpiov ; eo also Cod. Chis. and Syr. B.

< On account of the great diTergency of the text of the LXX. from that of Theodotlon (of. Introd.) 1 giTe a translft-
tion ol the former here, and make it the basis of the comments that follow. For the other translation, see belov.

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

457

such fools ? Do ye without examination or knowledge of the truth put a daughter

51 of Israel to death ? And, now, separate for me these men widely from one another
in order that I may test them. And when they were separated, Daniel said to the as-
sembly, Now consider not that these men are elders and say. They will not give false

52 witness ; but judge them according to that which falls out with me. And he called
one of them ; and they led the elder to the young man. And Daniel said to him.
Hear, hear, thoii who hast grown old with evil days, now have come thy sins which

53 thou didst formerly commit. Eelied on to hear and pronounce judgments in capital
offences, thou hast both condemned the guiltless and acquitted those who should
have been held to account ; although the Lord hath said, Thou shalt not slay the

54 innocent and the just. Now, then, under what tree and in what part of the "park
hast thou seen these persons as they were together ? And the godless fellow said,

55 Under a mastic tree. But the young man answered, Fittingly hast thou borne
false witness against thine own life ; for the angel of the Lord will cut asunder thy

56 soul this day. And putting him aside he commanded that the other should be
brought before him, and to him also he said, Wherefore is thy seed perverted like

57 that of Sidon and not like Judah ? Beauty deceived thee, the petty lust ! And so
were ye wont to do with daughters of Israel and they out of fear companied with
you ; but a daughter of Judah did not abide your sickly, lawless passion that she

58 should submit to it. Now, then, tell me, under what tree and in what part of the
garden didst thou surprise them companying together ? And he said. Under a

59 holm tree. And Daniel answered, O thou hardened in sin ! now the angel of the
Lord, sword in hand, waits until the people shall destroy you, that he may cut thee
in pieces. And all the assembly shouted over the young man, that he from the con-

61 fessions of their own mouth had proved them both false witnesses. And as the
law enjoins dealt they with them, even as they had acted wickedly against their

63 sister. And they gagged them and leading them away, cast them down into a deep
gorge. Then the angel of the Lord passed fire through the midst of them and in-

63 nocent blood was saved that day. Therefore the young men of Jacob are beloved

64 for their simplicity; and let us watch over, as sons, mighty young men ; for young
men are piously disposed and there will be in them a spirit of knowledge and sagac-
ity for ever.

The History of Susanna (in the LXX., Vulg. and Co., chap, xiii. of Dan.).

Ver. 6. Undoubtedly something has been lost
from the beginning of the work in the LXX.
That the lost portion, however, was identical, or
even corresponded in general, with what is sup-
plied by 'J'heodotion is improbable. Indeed, the
extant codex of ihe LXX. 's version of the story,
which came to light in the last century, and the
Syriac Hexaplar translation (Syr. 13.), while
using for an introduction this text of Theodotion,
"have distinguished it by critical marks as far as
to the middle of the fifth verse. The same au-
thorities have also by the letters A. S. Th. (the
latter has only S. and Th.), which refer respec-
tively to the versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and
Theodotion, indicated still more definitely the
fact of the want of originality. Briill's theory
has much to commend it, that the lost portion
related to the licentious conduct of the two elders
in connection with the Israelitish women in Baby-
lon, and that the verses were removed from the
text on the ground that they contained an unjust
imputation upon the latter. {Das Apok. Su-
sanna-Buch, p. 28 f.) But the extant text of the
LXX. could not have begun with the words
which immediately follow the critical marks
spoken of ; namely, " such as the Lord spoke of."
And we may suppose either that these marks
were meant to be placed at the end of the fourth
verse, or that the LXX. began simply with the
wards : ''There wer* (;wo elders in Babylon."

See Fritzsche's Com., ad he. — Kpltreis, legal pro-
cesses ; or, as the A. V. renders Theodotion,
suits in law. The use of this word in the present
sense, while the common one in New Testament
Greek, is comparatively rare in the classics.

Ver. 7. It has been maintained by some that
by Joacim here the king of that name is meant.
(See 2 Kings xxv. 27 f.) But if this were the
case, there seems to be no good reason why it
should not have been definitely stated.

Ver. 10. KaravEi/vyfji.^i'oi. This word is used
to express any violent emotion, especially of
grief. See a learned excursus by C. P. A.
Fritzsche (Ad Rom. Episl., ii. .5.'58) on this and
kindred words from the same root. — Oy wpotrfTroi-
eiTo. It is clear from the connection that the
writer meant to say that each of the elders con-
cealed from the other his illicit passion. He
seems, however, to say just the opposite. One of
the derivative meanings of this verb, however, is
to pretend. We may therefore render freely :
"And they pretended to one another that the evil
(purpose) which possessed them with respect to
her did not exist." Of. Thucyd., iii. 47, where
fiil Trpoinroie'!(T6a.i is used in the .sense of " ignor-
ing." Kruger (67. 5) gives it there the meaning
of " dissimulare, sich stellen als ob etioas nicht statt
Jande,'' make as though something had not taken
place.

Ver. 12. "OpBfuta. From Spvvfu, and used in

458

THE APOCRYPHA.

the LXX. for a Hebrew word which means the
same as aurora. See Thiersch, De Pent. Ver.
Alex., p. 81.

Ver. 19. 'E^e0ia(ovTo. This verb means, first,
to drire out; then, to urrst from, "which is nearly
the sense here. They used violence against her,
for the purpose of obtaining her acquiescence in
their vile designs.

Ver. 28. According to the Talmud, every
city of Palestine having not less than one hun-
dred and twenty householders was empowered to
have a lesser Sanhedrin, composed of twenty-
three members. See Winer, liealicorterb. art.
" Syncd." It has been objected, with great rea-
son and force, against the representations of
this verse, and indeed against the entire history,
that no such state of things could piobably have
existed among the Jews at Babylon during the
time of Nebuchadnezzar. They would hardly
have been allowed the exercise of so much free-
dom as to be able to hold court and have the
power of life and death. The whole process,
moreover, is conducted in quite too disorderly a
manner to be real. And if Daniel was then old
enough to act the part here assigned him, he
could not have used the language that is ascribed
to him.

Ver. 29. 'A7ro(rT6(\aTe ^:rl 'S.ovcanvav, Send to
Susanna, {. (?., for the purpose of bringing her
into the assembly. See Kriigcr, 68. 42, 2, who
assigns to this preposition sometimes the signifi-
cation of the German nach, for, after. He cites
Thncyd., iii. 105, 3.

Ver. 31. Fair. See remarks at Add. to Esth.
V. 2.

Ver. 32. To be obliged to unveil under such
circumstances was, according to Eastein habits
of thought, a great indignity. It lowered her, in
fact, even before she had been tried, to the grade
of a common corrupt woman.

Ver. 33. ''ySeiirar. The third person plural
of the pluperfect of elfSw is so written also in
Mark i. 34 ; John ii. 9, xxi. 4, iu.stead of rjSeirai'.

Ver. 34. Placed their hands on her head.
Among the forms of adjuration this was the most
common. See Gen. xiv. 22 ; Deut. xxxii. 40 ; Rev.
X. 5 ; Hom., //., xix. 254.

Ver. 35. I have translated avaKi<fia<ra by " lift-
ing up her heart," as the context seems thus to
limit the word. Thcodotion has, however, ave-
/3Aei//ei/ €ts rhv o\jpav6v.

Ver. 37. Th a-rixSiov. See 1 Cor. ix. 24. Every
important city of Greece, and those of Asia and
Palestine, if inhabited largely by Greeks, had its
a-TdSio". The reference here seems to be to that
part of the garden which was not planted, being-
open for walks and games.

Ver. 42. It is interesting, as bearing on the
question of their relation to one another, to ob-
serve how Daniel is introduced, and under what
circumstHnces he comes to interfere in the case,
as represented in the versions of the LXX. and
of Theodotion respectively; al.so, to note tlie in-
tentional and fitting change in the former from
the expression "an ani;el " to " the angel of the
Lord," especially with regard to the subject of
angclology and its relation to the teiiching'of the
Old Testament on the same subject. — NewTcp^,
a young man. For tliis use of the comparative
for the positive, see Winer p. 242 f., and Kriiger,
xlix. 6,2. Theodotion has TrmSapiov i/eairepov, i. e.,
u young boi/. This would indicate the earlier
pait of the period of the Exile.

Ver. 48. Theodotion enlarges to a consider-
able extent on the original. — evyarepa 'icrpa-fjK.
The word " Israel " is used iu a general sense,
and not as in verse 57 ; otherwise it would be a
bungling lapsus pennw.

Ver. 54. 'Virh a-xlvov, under a mastic-tree.
This word occurs only here in the Greek Bible.
The tree spoken of produces a fragrant resin
known as mastic, nsed in both ancient and mod-
ern times for strengthening the teeth and gums.
Martial recommended mastic toothpicks, and Pliny
mentions the fact; that the leaves were rublied on
the teeth for the toothache. See under the word
in Sehenkel's Bib. Lex. and Smith's Bib. Diet.
The inaccurate expression, "cut asunder thy
soul," (Txif^i irov ri}!) ^vx'fi", must be charged to
the Greek text. The intended paronomasia con-
tained in the words uyjivov .... ax^o-ei, and in
verse 58, ■apwov . . ■ Karawplffr), is well brought
out by Luther: "under einer Linden .... der
Engel .... wird dichjinden ; under einer Eiehen
.... der Engel .... wird dich zeichen." See
Introd. for remarks on the bearing of the parono-
masia on the subject of the probable age and
original language of the work. On the subject
of paronomasia iu general in the Greek language,
see Winer, p. 636, and Wilke, N. T. Elietorik,
p. 413.

Ver. 58. Tlptuo^, the holm, or oak tree. There
aie several different Hebrew words which are
rendered " oak " in the A. V., — all, however,
as is likely, allied to the simple form ^^H. The
Roman edition of the LXX. renders by repeBtyBos,
III. by TepefiLySos, while the versions of Aquila,
Symmachus, and Theodotion have translated bv
Spis. See Balfour's Plants of the Bible, p. 39 f.

Ver. 61. 'EirovripsiLnrayTO Kara ttjs &5eA(^^s au-
Twf. As given by Theodotion (verse 62) : ov
Tp6iTov iTrovr]p^v(ravTo ti^ ttAtjo-Zoi' Troirjaai. Winer
Ip. 178) disjiroves the idea that the masculine is
heie used for the feminine, although Susanna is
doubtless referred to. See Gen. xxiii. 3. It is
singular that Theodotion has adopted an indefi-
nite word in the place of the definite one found in
his text. But the frequent use of the word
" neighbor " in the Old Testament, where the
matter of right and wrong is involved, piobably
led to the change.

Ver. 62. 'Etpi/xuaav avTo6s. This verb means
to muzzle, and is so nsed at 1 Tim. v. 18. In
Aristophanes {Neph., 592) it is employed to desig-
nate a peculiar kind of punishment, which con-
sisted of a board laid on the shoulders, with an
opening for the head. Sometimes the feet and
arms were also bound. In Matt, xxii. 34, it is
used of our Lord's putting the Sadducees to si-
lence, and that is probably allied to the sense
here. They were gagged or hooded, so as to pre-
vent their outcries. —*apa7f= i-offis rupibus ab-
ruptisqne montibus coarctata. Grimm's Lex. Cf.
Luke iii. 5. — Aia jxeaov avrav. See Luke xvii.
4, where Lachmaim, however, would read jueVof.
Punishment by fire was allowed under Jewish
law, iu certain ca.ses of uuchastity. (Lev. xx. 14 ;
xxi. 9.) Sometimes the bodies of executed crim-
inals and of persons who had made themselves
infamons were consumed by fii-e. (Josh. vii. 25;
2 Kings xxiii. 16.)

Ver. 63. 'Ef rfi airXiiTjjTi. This preposition
may mean "on account of." See Winer, p. 386 f.
I have translated the substantive by "simplicity,"
as perhaps the best rendering. It is the absence

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 459

of dissimulation. See Kling, in Herzog's Real-
Enci/lc, iii. 723, art. " Einfalt," and Fritzsche, ad
Epist. Rom., iii. 62 f.

Ver. 64. Eis aiSiva aiavos. Tlie use of tliis

emphatic form — a circnmlocntion for the super-
lative — for " fore-"er " is, to say the least, an ex-
tiavagance la this connection.

THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA.

1, 2 There dwelt a man in Babylon, called Joacim ; and he took a wife whose
name was Susanna, daughter '■ of Chelcias, a very beautiful woman,^ and one that

3 feared the Lord. Her parents also were righteous, and had^ taught their daughter

4 according to the law of Moses. And Joacim was a very * rich man, and had a park
adjoining '' his house ; and to him resorted the Jews, because he was more in honor "

5 than all others. And in that year were appointed two elders from ' the people
to be judges, concerning whom * the Lord spake, that unjust dealing ° came from

6 Babylon from elders who were judges,^" who seemed" to govern the people. These

7 frequented ^^ Joacim's house ; and all that had suits '' in law came unto them. And
it came to pass when the people departed ^* at noon, Susanna went into her hus-

8 band's park ^^ to walk. And the two elders saw her going in every day, and walk-

9 ing ; and '^ their lust was inflamed toward her. And they perverted their own mind,
and turned away their eyes, that tkei/ might not look unto heaven, nor remember

10 just judgments. And both were wounded with her love, and did not show one

11 another their grief." For they were ashamed to tell of their lust, that they de-

12 sired to have to do with her. And ■" they watched diligently from day to day to

13 see her. And the one said to the other, Let us now go home ; for it is dinner ^^

14 time. And they went out and^^ parted the one from the other. And turning back
again they came to the same place ; and on inquiring out the reason of one another,'^^
they acknowledged their lust ; and ^^ then appointed they in common a time '■''^ when

15 they might find her alone. And it fell out, as they watched a fit day,''^ she went
in one time ^^ as before "" with two maids only ; and she was desirous to wash her-

16 self in the garden, for it was hot. And there was nobody there save the two

17 elders, that had hid themselves, and watched her. And^' she said to her ^^ maids,
Bring me now ^ oil and ointments,^^ and shut the park ''^ doors, that I may wash

18 me. And they did as she bade them, and shut the park ^'' doors, and went out
themselves at side ^^ doors to fetch the things that she had commanded them ; and ^

19 they saw not the elders because they were hid. And it came to pass ^° when the maids

20 had ^' gone forth, the two elders rose up, and ran unto her, and said,^' Behold, the
park^* doors are shut, and no one seeth*' us, and we are in love with thee; there-

21 fore consent unto us, and lie with us. But if *" not, we will bear witness against
thee, that a young man was with thee ; and therefore thou didst send away thy

22 maids from thee. And *^ Susanna sighed, and said, I am hemmed in ^^ on every
side : for whether ^' I do this thing, it is death unto me ; or "** I do it not, I shall

23 not^^ escape your hands. It is better for me not having done it to fall into your

24 hands,*' than to sin in the sight of the Lord. And" Susanna cried with a loud

Vers. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : the daughter (Cod. II. has never Soitrawa, as stated in Fritzsche's critical apparatus, but every-
where Souo-aiTa, as in tlie text. Tec. and the majority of MSS.). 2 fair woman. ^ omita had. * Now J. was a
great. 0 fair garden joining unto. 0 honourable.

Vers. 6, 6. — ^A. V. : The same .... o/" /As ancients of. 8 such as (so Luther). ^ of , that wickedness (di-o/iiia,
the opposite of StKaioo-iimj). ^^ ancient judges. 11 (This may be understood to mean: who seemed to others, were

accounted ; or, wlw put on the appearance; or, who seemed to, thought themselves. The context seems to me to favor the
first. Of., for the thought, Jer. xxix. 22, 23.) 12 itept much at. " any suits.

Vers. 7, 8. — ^^ A. V. : Now when .... departed away. *° garden. 1° so that.

Vers. 10-13. — "A. v.: albeit they both were wounded with her love, yet durst not one shew another hia grief.
" declare. m Yet. » (ipiVroi;.)

Vers. 14, 15. — ^^ A. \. : So when they were gone out they. 22 after that they had asked one another the cause,

!' omits and (as 49. 87. 9D. 91. 228. Aid.). 24 a time both together. ^s time. m omits one time (irire).

2T Marg., Or., as yesterday and the day before.

Vers. 17-19. — 2» A. V. : Then. ^o („{,tVjs is added by 34. 36. 48. 143. al. Co.) ^o omits now. si washing balls

ytTfiriyfiara ; HI. 23. 26. al., the sing. It might mean soap, or perfume ; but most likely a perfumed ointment is in-
tended, Cf. ilsth. ii. 3, 9). ^2 garden. ^3 privy (marg., side). 3* but. 8fl Now. 3(i were. ^^ saying.

Vers. 20-24. — 38 A. V. : garden. 30 that (148. omits /cai) no man caa see. '" li thou will. "Then. '^ am
straited. « jf. « and if (re — re). *> cannot. '» better (aiperoi/, II. in. XII. 23. 26. al. Co. Aid. ; Itri. rec,
the Rompaj^tive) ior me to fall into your hands, and not do it. " With that.

460 THE APOCEYPHA.

6

25 voice ; and the two elders also ^ cried out against her. And one ran,^ and opened

26 the park doors.' And * when the servants of the house heard the cry in the park,^

27 they rushed in through the side ' door, to see what had happened ' unto her. But when
the elders uttered their accusations,' the servants were greatly ashamed ; for there

28 was never such a report made concerning' Susanna. And it came to pass the next
day, when the people assembled ■"' to her husband Joacim, the two elders came full

29 of their unrighteous design ^' against Susanna to put her to death, and said before
the people, Send for Susanna, daughter ^^ of Chelcias, Joacim's wife. And they ''

30 sent. And " she came with her father and mother, and ^^ her children, and all her

31 kindred. But ^^ Susanna was a very delicate ^' woman, and of beautiful form.-'*

32 And the transgressors '^ commanded to unveil her, for she was veiled, that they

33 might sate themselves ^ with her beauty. But ''^ her friends and all that saw her

34 wept. And ^^ the two elders stood up in the midst of the people, and laid their ^

35 hands upon her head. But ^* she weeping looked up towards heaven ; for her heart

36 trusted in the Lord. And the elders said: As we walked in the park^^ alone, this
woman came in with two maids, and shut the park ^° doors, and sent the maids away.

37, 38 And ^ a young man who was '* hid, came unto her, and lay with her. But we

39 who were in the corner of the park, seeing the sin,^ ran unto them. And though
we saw them having intercourse together,'" him '^ we could not master ; ^'^ for he

40 was stronger than we, and opened the door, and leaped out ; but having taken this
woman, ^' we asked who the young man was, and she would not tell us. These

41 things do we testify. And ^'' the assembly believed them, as elders of the people

42 and judges ; and "^ they condemned her to death. But '"^ Susanna cried out with a loud
voice, and said, 0 everlasting God, that knowest the secrets, and knowest all things

43 before they come to be,°' thou knowest that they have borne false witness against
me ; and behold, I "' die without having done one of the things which these men ^

44, 45 have maliciously charged '"' against me. And the Lord heard her voice. And
as she was being led away to be put to death, God *^ raised up the holy spirit of a

46 young lad,*'^ whose name luas Daniel. And he cried *' with a loud voice, I am in-

47 nocent of ■** the blood of this woman. And *^ all the people turned *^ towards him,

48 and said. What mean these words that thou hast spoken ? And "" he standing in
the midst of them, said, Are the sons of Israel such fools ? Without examination

49 or knowledge of the truth have ye^" condemned a daughter of Israel? Return
again to the place of judgment ; for these men ■"* have borne false witness against

50 her. And '" all the people turned again in haste. And the elders said unto him.
Come, sit down among us, and inform ^^ us, seeing God hath given thee the honor

51 of an elder.''^ And Daniel said^' unto them. Separate these men far from one

52 another,** and I will examine them. And '* when they had been *^ put asunder one
from the other,*' he called one of them, and said unto him, O thou that hast grown *'
old in wickedness,'*" now thy sins which thou hast committed formerly have ^^ come

58 to light ; for thou hast pronounced unjust " judgment, and while thou ^^ hast con-

Vers. 24-27. — ^ K.V.: omits aX&o. 2 Then ran the one. 3 garden door. * So. c garden. « at a privy.
' was done, ^ had declared their matter. ^ of.

Vers. 28-33. — i" A. V. : were assembled. ^^ a^.so fuli of mischieTous imagination. ^2 the daughter. * 3 50 they.
" So. 1" cnnits and. '» Now. " (i'. e., in the sense of soft, fair.) i» beauteous to behold (106. has iieii/ for

etSei). '" these wicked men. 20 uncover her/ac (for she was covered) .... be filled. 21 Therefore.

Vers. 84-3S. — 22 A. V. : Then. » (airiv is added by XII. 84. 36. 48. 61. 88.) "And. 2n garden. 20 gar-
den. 27 Then. 28 tii^^.^ ^as. 20 Then we that stood in a ... . garden, seeing this wickedness.

Vers. 89-41. —'» A. V. : And when .... them together. »i the man. =2 hold. 83 this woman (no more

reason for italics than in ver. 39, " the man,-' iK^ivov). 34 but she .... Then. 3g those that were the elders

and judges of the people ; so.

Vers. 42-46. —30 A. V. : Then (as 34. ; 148. omits fud). 37 they be. 8« I must. 3= whereas I never did such

things as these men. ■«> invented (the Greek word means to deal fcnavishty, but must be rendered with some latitude
here. Cf . ver. 62, malirJombj intended). " Therefore when she was led ... . the Lord (Fritzsche adopts 6 Ceds from
III. XII. 23. al.) <- of a young youth (cf. Coot., ver. 42). « who cried. " am clear (III. XII. 25. al. Co. Aid.
read Ka6ap6^ instead of kQCio-;) from.

Vers. 47-61. — 'o A. V. ; Then. 'o turned them. «' So. ■'3 Are ye such fools, ye sons of Israel, that .... ye

have (so Lutbor). m they. "o wherefore. »i shew it. 62 (rb ^fna^elov ; III. 85. 36., and many others, „'pta-
PuTepior, but it is probably a mistake of a copyist.) ra Then said Daniel. « Put these two aside one far froiu

another.

Vers.52-53. — 3= A. V. : So. «» wore. 37 from another. 38 t/iou that art waxen. ''" tJAt,., with evil ov wicked
days.) "" aforetime are come (iJKacru'. Cf. the LXX. at Dent, xxxii. 17 ; also Mark viii. 3, whore, however, the form
is disputed. See Winer, p. 87). »' false (iiucout). «2 o»ii« .while thou ((mk).

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 461

demned the innocent, thou ^ hast let the guilty go free ; albeit the Lord ^ saith,

54 The innocent and righteous shalt thou not slay. Now then, if thou hast seen her, toll
me. Under what tree sawest thou them companying together ? And he ^ answered,

55 Under a mastic tree. And Daniel said, Well hast thou * lied against thine own
head ; for even now an angel from ° God hath received the sentence of God and

56 shall cut° thee in two. And' he put him aside, and commanded to bring up' the
other, and said unto him, O seed of Chanaan,° and not of Juda, beauty hath de-

57 ceived thee, and lust hath perverted thine heart. Thus have ye dealt with daugh-
ters ^° of Israel, and they out of ^^ fear companied with you ; but a daughter '^ of

58 Juda did'^ not abide your sin." Now therefore tell me, Under what tree didst thou

59 take them companying together ? And he ^^ answered, Under a holm tree. But
Daniel said '* unto him, Well hast thou also " lied against thine own head ; for the ^'
angel of God waiteth sword in hand ^^ to cut thee in two, that he may destroy you.

60 And '-" all the assembly cried out with a loud voice, and praised God,^^ who saveth

61 them that hope ^^ in him. And they arose against the two elders, since ^' Daniel

62 had convicted them of false witness out of ^* their own mouth, and according to the
law of Moses they did unto them in such sort as they maliciously intended ^^ to do
to their neighbor ; ^° and they put them to death. And so ^' innocent blood was

63 saved on that ^' day. And-" Chelcias and his wife praised God on account of *°
their daughter Susanna, together ^' with Joacim her husband, and all °^ the kindred,

64 because there was no unseemly thing '^ found in her. And*'' from that day forth
became Daniel great *^ in the sight of the people.

Vers, 53-55. — ^ A. V. : and. '■= the Lord (bo II. III. XII. 26. al. Co. Aid., and I retain Kvpiov, although rejected

by Fritzsche). ^ who. * Tct-t/ well (of. ver. 59) thou hast. t" the (the article is omitted here — except in XII.
34. 89. 90. — but introduced afterwards. Of. Com. at ver. 42) angel o(. " to cut (XII. 35. 230. al., trxiVai).

Vers. 56-60. — ^ A. Y. : So. ^ omits up. ^ thou seed of Canaan. , "* the (so a few cursives) daughters.

11 for. 1- the (as 26. 35. 235.) daughter. is would. " wicltedness. i= Who. i" Then said D. " Well j

thou hast also. i* (Cf. ver. 55.) i° \vith the sword (lit., having ihf. sword). 20 With that (34., Tore).

>i (Fritzsche adopts r'ov Sedv from III. XII. 26. muUisqvc I. Co. Aid.) 22 trust.

Vera. 61-64. —23 A. V. : for. 21 by. 25 (See ver. 43.) 20 (Cf. Com. at Ter. 61.) 27 TJma the. 28 the same
25 Therefore. 30 for. si omits together. 32 (Fritzsche adopts Travrtav from III. XII. 26. al. Vulg. Syr. P. Ar.

It is also found in II, ; text, rec, aiiTtav.) ^ dishonesty (atrxij^oi' Trpayfia). 3' omits And. 35 ^as D. had in

great reputation

" BEL AND THE DRAGON (according to the LXX.).

1 There was a certain priest whose name was Daniel, son of Abal, who was on

2 familiar terms with the king of Babylon. And there was an idol, Bel, whom the
Babylonians worshipped, and expended on him daily twelve artabas of fine flour,

3 and forty sheep, and six measures of wine. And the king worshipped him, and the
king went daily and did homage to him ; but Daniel prayed unto the Lord. And

4 the king said to Daniel, Wherefore dost not thou do homage to Bel. And Daniel
said to the king, I worship none except the Lord God, who created the heaven,

5 and the earth, and hath sovereignty over all flesh. And the king said to him, Is
" this then not a god? Dost thou not observe how much is daily expended on him ?

6 And Daniel said to him. By no means let any one deceive you ; for this thing is of
clay within and of brass without ; and I swear to thee, by the Lord, the God of

7 gods, that he hath never eaten anything. And the king was wioth and called for
those that had charge of the temple and said to them, Shew me him that eateth what
is prepared for Bel ; and, if you do not, you shall die, or Daniel, who giveth out

8 that it is not eaten by him. But they answered. It is Bel himself who eateth it.
And Daniel said to the king. Let it be so : if 1 shall not show that it is not Bel

9 who eateth these things I will be put to death and all who are witli me. And there

10 were seventy priests of Bel besides wives and children. And they brought the king
to the temple of the idol and the food was set before him in the presence of the
king and of Daniel ; and the wine was mixed, and carried in, and placed before Bel.

11 And Daniel said. Thou thyself dost observe that these things are in their places, O

12 king ! Do thou now seal the bolts of the temple as soon as it hath been shut. And

13 what he S9,id pleased the tog. A»d DanjeJ ordered those who wejie with him^ th^

462 THE APOCRYPHA.

putting forth all from the temple they should besprinkle the whole temple with ashes,
none of those outside the same being aware of it. And he then put a seal on the
temjile, and ordered that it should be sealed with the signet of the king and the sig-

14 nets of certain priests of high rank. And it was so done. And it came to pass on the
morrow, tliat they came to the place ; but the priests of Bel having gone in through

15 false doors had consumed all that had been placed before Bel, also the wine. And
Daniel said, Ye priests, look at 5'our seals whether they remain ; and thou too, O
king, mark well whether anything hath happened which is not agreeable to thee.

16, 17 And they found the seal as it was ; and they loosened the seal. And on open-
ing the doors they discovered that all which had been set out was consumed and the
tables were empty. And the king rejoiced, and said to Daniel, Great is Bel and

18 there is no deception with him. And Daniel laughed heartily, and said to the king,

19 Here ! Behold the deception of the priests. And Daniel said, O king whose foot-
steps are these? And the king answered, Those of men, and women, and children.

21 And he went to the house in which the priests abode, and found the food of Bel and
the wine ; and Daniel showed to the king the false doors through which the priests

22 went in and consumed that which was set before Bel. And the king drove them
out of the temple of Bel, and delivered tliem up to Daniel ; and the provision which
he had given to him he gave to Daniel ; but Bel he destroyed.

23 And there was a dragon in the same place, and the Babylonians worshipped it.

24 And the king said to Daniel, Thou wilt not say that this also is of brass ? Lo, ho

25 liveth, and eateth and drinketh ; do homage to him. And Daniel said, O king,
give me the power, and I will destroy the dragon without sword or staff. And the

26 king gave way to him, and said to him. It is granted tliee. And Daniel taking
thirty pounds of pitch, and fat, and hair, boiled them together and made cakes, and
put them in the mouth of the dragon, and on eating them it burst asunder. And he

27 showed it to the king saying. Do ye worship these things, O king ? And from the
region round about all were gathered together against Daniel, and said. The king

28 hath become a Jew : he hath destroyed Bel and hath slain the dragon. And the
king seeing that the populace of the region were gathered against him, called his

29 courtiers, and said, I give up Daniel to destruction. And there was a den in
which seven lions were kept, to which were given up those who conspired against
the king ; and there were furnished them ever}' day two bodies of those condemned

30 to death. And the populace threw Daniel into that den in order that life might be
31, 32 devoured, and find no burial. And Daniel was in the den six days. And it

came to pass on the sixth day, that Ambacum had bread crumbed in a bowl
with pottage, and a bottle of mixed wine, and was going into the field to the reap-

33 ers. And an angel of the Lord spoke to Ambacum and said. The Lord God com-
mandeth thee thus, The bread which thou hast, carry to Daniel in the den of lions

34 at Babylon. And Ambacum said, 0 Lord God, I have not seen Babylon and I do

35 not know where the den is. And the angel of the Lord laid hold of him, even of

36 Ambacum, by the hair of his head and placed him over the den at Babylon. And
Ambacum said to Daniel, Rise up and eat the meal which the Lord God hath sent

37 thee. And Daniel said. The Lord God who doth not forsake them that love him

38 hath, indeed, remembered me. And Daniel ate ; but the angel of the Lord, on the
same day, set Ambacum down in the place from whence he had taken him ; and

39 the Lord God i-emembered Daniel. And after this the king went forth bewailino-

40 Daniel ; and stooping down he looked into the den and saw him sitting there. And
the king cried out and said. Great is the Lord God and there is no other beside him.

41 And the king brought Daniel out of the den and those who were the cause of
his destruction he cast into the den in the presence of Daniel, and they were de-
voured.

Bel and the Dragon (in the LXX., chap. xiv. of Dan.).

Ver. 1. The chronological introduction in Theo-
dotion's version is worthy of attention. There
was a descendant of Ithamar by the name of
Daniel, — a priest who returned with Ezra to
Jiidsa CE'i. viii. 2). The same person also, as is

probable, signed the covenant drawn up by Nehe-
niiah (Neh. x. 6). He seems to be the one here
meant, and to be confounded with the prophet
Daniel. Notliing, at least, is said in the canoni-
cal books of the family of the latter. — Tha

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL.

463

aviiffiuiT'fis was literally, one who lived together
u'ilh ; then, a companion, partner. At verse 28, it
obviously refers to the courtiers.

Ver. 2. And there was an idol, Bel. Bel,
or Bil, was a god hoth of the Babylonians iiud
the Assyrians, Tlie same word was employed
by the Canaanitish and Phoenician nations iu a
lengthened form, Baal (by 3 ) ; but there is a differ-
ence of opinion among scholars whether the same
divinity was reiilly meant. Rawliuson thinivs
that the vei-bal resemblance is merely accidental,
anil that the divinities themselves had nothing in
common. See Ancient A/on., ii. 14. It was un-
doubtedly true, as is represented in our work,
that the Babylonians worsliipped their divinities
through images. In other respects, too, the wri-
ter shows a familiar acqnuiutanee witii what was
the probable state of tilings Ili Babylon when the
event narrated is supposed to liave occurred. — 'kp-
T^Ba, artaba. This was a Persian measure, and
equal to about two Greek cAos/u'oes, or two English
quarts. See Herod., i. 192. — MfTpijTTjr. It was
equal to tlie Attic amphora, the Hebrew bath, and
to abont eight and seven eighths Euglisli gallons.
See Robinson's Lex., s. v.

Ver. 6. This thing is of clay virithin and of
brass without. 'I'he idols of the Babylonians
were of various materials : wood, stone, and also
of metal, either solid or plated. Bronze ham-
mered work, laid over a clay model, has l)eeu
actually found among the ruins of Assyria. See
Ancient Man., iii. 2S, note. — 'Otivvo) Se aoi Kvpiov.
The person or thing by which one swears is put
iu various constructions: in the accusative with-
out a prepiLsition, as here (cf. Jas. v. 12) ; in the
genitive with Kari (Heb. vi. I.')) ; and through a
Hebraism with iv in the dative. Cf. Kriiger,
xlvi. 6, 4.

Ver, 7. 'O ^iaxav. This word often carries
with it tlie collateral idea that what is not true is
said.

Ver. 8. All who are with me. See History of
Susan., verse 33.

Ver. 10. And the vrine was mixed. Fritzsche
understands that the representation is that water
was mi.xed with the wine, which, be says, was a
Greek and Rotnan custom, but not an Oriental
one, nor that of tlie Jews in the earlier times.
But it would seem that spices were also used for
the )iurpose of increasing the strength of wine,
especially on the occasions of high festivals. (Cf.
Prov. i.x. 5; Is. v. 22.) A cup of mixed wine
was also the symbol of severe punishment. Cf.
Ps. Ixxv. 8 ; 2 Mace. xv. 39 ; Rev. xviii. 6.

Ver. 12. Much importanee was attached to
seals in the East. There was a great variety of
forms used. Often they were engraved stones
pierced ibrough, and suspended from the neck or
wrist or worn on the tinger. The Assyrians and
Babylonians u.sed also cylinders, whieh were set
in a frame and rolled over the document. Some
of these ancient .seals, dating from B. c. 2000 or
3000, are still estant See Ancient Mon., i. 93 f.,
170, 264, ii. 586 ; and Roskoff iu Scheukel's Bib.
Lex , under " Siegel."

Ver. 13. Signets of certain priests. Cf.
Dan vi. 17, where the den of lions is represented
as sealed, not only by the king, but also by his
nobles.

Ver. 14. The verb KareirBta admits of the gen-
eral sense consume, and hence may refer to the
wiue as well as the food. See Eccliis. xliii. 21.

Ver. 15. Which is not agreeable to thee.

i. c, probably not with reference to the seal, but
what had taken place in the temple.

Ver. 17. nap' o6ts3. Cf. Rom. ii. II, and the
LXX. at Job xii. 13, where this preposition is
also used to indicate what belongs to the charac-
ter. At John i. 48, iv is employed.

Ver. 21. It is by no means incredible that
such a trick could have been played on some
king of Babylon by the priests. Tliey were a
superior cXabs in learning, position, and influence,
and much feared by the people, and it is not
likely that they would have had auy conscien-
tious scruples touching the matter. See Ancient
Mon., iii. 12-14.

Ver. 23. That a serpent or any monster of this
sort was an object of worship in Babylon at this
time, or that the Babylonians, Chaldteans, or
Persians were ever accustomed to this form of
idolatry, finds no support in the history of these
nations. The serpent was, it is true, sometimes
employed as a .symbol, and among the Chaldaeans
was emblematic especially of the god Ilea or Hoa,
that occupied by them the position of Neptune in
the classic mytholoL'y. It has also been supposed
by some to have been, identified with the con-
stellation Draco. These facts may have given
rise to the present representation. See, on the
general subject. Ancient Mon.. i. 122 f . ; Winer,
Realworterb., art. " Drache zu Babel ;" Merx in
Schenkel's Bib. Lex., under "Drache" and
" Baid," and in the Zeiisdirift der Deutschen
Morgenldjid. Geselfsi-haft, xi.x. 1.

Ver. 26. The Greek minn was a little less than
the English pound avoirdupois. This must have
been a monster, indeed, to have eaten such food
and in such quantities ! — O!/ raOra iTf0ea-9e. The
plural is used for tlie purpose of generalizing the
idea. See Winer, p. 174.

Ver. 27. 'Eiri rhv AaviiiX. This preposition is
sometimes used to convey the idea of hostility.
Cf. Matt. xii. 26 ; Mark iii. 26.

Ver. 29. Kawlin.son {Ancient Mon., i. 39),
speaking of the lions of Mesopotamia, says :
" Taller and larger than a St. Bernard dog, he
wanders over the plains their undisputed lord,
unless Avhen a European ventures to question his
preiiininence. The Arabs tremble at his ap-
proach, and willingly surrender to him the choicest
of their flocks and herds. Unless urged by hun-
ger, he seldom attacks man, but contents him-
self with the destruction of buffaloes, camels,
dogs, and sheep."

Ver. 30. The importance attached to the mat-
ter of burial in the East is well known. The
Scribes in their scrupulosity would not even suf-
fer an ass whose neck had been broken, or the
first-born of cattle, to remain unburied. See 2
Mace. ix. 1.5, xiii. 7 ; and articles in Smith's Bib.
Diet, and Schenkel's Bib. Lex., respectively, un-
der the words " Burial " and " BegrabuLss."

Ver. 33. ' A/j.BoMoyii. This is one of the forms
in which tlie Hebrew word r!l,?3n was rendered
by the old Greek transl.itors and Fathers. Little
is known with certainty of the facts of the
prophet Habakkuk's life. Even concerning the
period of his prophetic activity there is the great-
est diversity of opinion. But, a< is generally
supposed, it was during the life of Joiakim, i. e.,
within the last ten year.-, of the seventh century
before Christ.

Ver. 35. For a similar representation, where
a prophet is borne through the air in a somewhat
similar manner, compare Ezek. viii. 3. The pies-

464

THE APOCRYPHA.

ent account was in this particular probably sug-
gested b)' thiit iu Ezekiel. Fritzsciie calls atten-
tion to the fact that iTrL\a$6fj.evos has liere a
double genitive, — a case wliicli very seldom oc-
cars.

Ver. 37. ''E./xv-riae-tj yap /xov. For the use of
yip in rejoinders where a corioboration of what
precedes i.^ intended, see Winer, p. 446.

In connection with the Chaldaic text of the
Book of Tobit, and otiier matter, Dr. Neubiuier
gives (pp. xci., xcii.) extracts from the Midrash
kahbah de jRaObah, that contniu a different ver-
sion of the present story. It is as follows : " For
Nebuchadnezzar had a dragon, which used to
swallow up everything which they cast before it.
Nebuchadnezzar said to Daniel, ' How great is its

power ! for it swallows up everything which they
cast before it.' Daniel said to him, ' Give me per-
mission, and I will weaken it.' So he gave him
permission. What did he do ? He took straw,
and hid nails iu the midst thereof ; then he
cast it before it, and the nails pierced its intes-
tines. This is what the Scripture says : 'And I
will bring forth out of his mouth that which he
hath swallowed up' (Jer. 11. 44)." See also
Records of the Past (vol. i.\-., p. 137), where the
translation of an inscription is given, in which a
contest between Bel aud the Dragon is described.
Among the weapons used by Bel was a flaming
sword which turned every way, like the sword of
the cherubim in Genesis.

BEL AND THE DKAGON.

1 And the ^ king Astyages was gathered to his fathers, and Cyrus the Persian '

2 received his kingdom. And Daniel was on familiar terms ^ with the king, and was

3 honored above all his friends. And ^ the Babylonians had an idol, called Bel, and
there were spent upon him every day twelve artabas^ of tine Hour, and forty sheep,

4 and six vessels * of wine. And the king worshipped him,'' and went daily to do
homage to him ; * but Daniel did homage to his God.^ And the king said unto him,

5 Why dost not tliou do homage to '" Bel? And he said, Because I do not worship "
idols made with hands, but the living God, who created ^^ the heaven and the earth,

6 and hath sovereignty over all flesh. And the king said unto him. Doth it not appear
to thee '^ that Bel is a living god ? Seest thou not how much he eateth and drink-

7 eth every day ? And Daniel answered laughing,^^ O king, be not deceived ; for

8 this thing is of ^^ clay within, and brass without, and hath never eaten.-"^ And "
the king was wroth, and called for his priests, and said unto them. If ye tell '* me

9 not who it is that consumeth this provision, ^^ ye shall die. But if ye can show ^
that Bel consumeth it,^^ Daniel shall die ; because he spoke "^ blasphemy against

10 Bel. And Daniel said unto the king. Let it be according to thy word. And ^ the
priests of Bel were threescore and ten, beside their wives and children. And the

11 king went with Daniel into the temple of Bel. And '''' Bel's priests said, Lo, we
go away outside ; ^ but thou, O king, set out the food,'^^ and mix and place '■" the

12 wine, and shut up-" the door, and seal it with thy ''^ signet; and on coming to-
morrow,''" if thou findest not that Bel hath eaten ^^ all, we will suffer death ; other-

13 wise,''^ Daniel, that speaketh falsely against us. But"' they little regarded it ; for
under the table they had made a privy entrance, and through it '* they entered in

14 continually, and made way with'* those things. And it came to pass when these
men went"" forth, the king set food "' before Bel. And Daniel '' commanded his
servants and they brought '" ashes, and threw down over the whole temple *" in the
presence of the king alone ; and they went " out, and shut the door, and sealed it ^^

15 with the king's signet, and departed." But during the night the priests came "
with their wives and their ■"• children, as they had been wont,*" and did eat and drink

16 up all. And in the morning the king arose early,*' and Daniel with him. And

Vers. 1-4. — l A. V. : 0777/(.^ the (as 62.). 2 of Persia. a conversed (marg., /(uerf iyr7/i (Ae iing-). * Now (34, fi^.
106. omits (tail- ° great measures (cf. Com.). " (C£. Com.) ' worshipped (iai&no. In the latter part of the

Ter.«e npoirKvvilv is so rendered) it (cf. ver. 3l. ^ adore it. ^ worshipped his own God.

Ver. 5-7. — 1« A. V. : worship. ^^ Who answered and .... may not worship. ^2 jjath created. i3 Then said
the king unto him, Ihinltest thou not. » Then Daniel smiled (cf. ver. 19) and said. i5 this is but. m did

never eat or drink any thing (for ouS.-iroTe, III. XII. 36. al. read ovSi ireVuKei- TrcuTroTe).

_Ver8. 8-10. — iJ A.y.: So (text, rec, Se; II. 111. XII. 23. 148. al. Co., /tai). » (elwoire ; II. III. XII. 23. al. Co.,

ei;njTe.) "> llns is that devoureth these cxpences (i. e., what is expended, Sairitnip). 20 ean certify me (Seiirire '■

III. XII. 34., in-oSet^.). 21 devoureth them, //jctt. 22 for he hath spoken. 23 jjow. '

\eii. 11-14. — '-' A. V. : So. 2d g„ out. 20 on (lit., before ; cf. ver. 14) the meat. 27 make ready («fpiaat ««.
Ci. Com.). -» s\int . . . . inst. 29 ,( with thine own. ™ to-morrow when thou comest <«. ^^ea.{euup.

22 or else. ^ And. « whereby. == consumed (lit., spent, lavished). 30 go when they were gone. s; meats!
M Now Daniel had. ™ to bring. « those they strewed throughout {narecrtmai' ; 34. 49. al., itarcWpiuirav ; 148.',

Karena^av) all the temple. *^ then went they. •s it. *3 go departed.

Vers. 15-19. -.7 " A. V. ; Now in . . . . came the priesta. » omits tlieir. « were wont to do. •' In. the morning

ADDITIONS TO DANIEL. 465

17 the king ^ said, Daniel, are the seals whole ? And he said, 0 king, they are ^

18 whole. And it came to pass ° as soon as he had opened the doors,'* the king looked
upon the table, and cried with a loud voice, Great art thou, O Bel, and with thee

19 is no deceit at iill.'^ And Daniel laughed," and held the king that he should not
go inside,' and said. Behold now the pavement, and mark * whose footsteps these

20 are ? " And the king said, I see the footsteps of men, and " women, and children.

21 And the king being angry, then seized ^^ the priests with their wives and their '^
children ; and they ^'' showed him the privy doors, through which they went " in,

22 and consumed what was ^^ upon the table. And " the king slew them, and de-
livered Bel into Daniel's power ; and he " destroyed him and his temple.

23 And ^^ there was a great dragon. And '" they of Babylon worshipped it.^" And

24 the king said unto Daniel, Wilt thou say that this also is of brass ? Lo, he liveth,
and he eateth,^^ and drinketh ; thou canst not say that he is no living god ; and so ^^

25 worship him. And Daniel said,''^ I will worship the Lord my God ; for he is a ^

26 living God. But. do thou^^ give me the power,^' O king, and I will ^ slay <Ais

27 dragon without sword or staff. And the king said, I give it to thee.^' And ^ Daniel
took pitch, and fat, and hair, and boiled them *' together, and made cakes ; and he
put them into ^' the dragon's mouth, and on eating them ^^ the dragon burst asunder."'

28 And he ^* said, Behold what you worship.''^ And it came to pass when they of
Babylon heard of it,"* they were very angry,^' and conspired against the king, and
said,** The king hath ^ become a Jew : he *° hath destroyed Bel ; and *^ he hath slain

29 the dragon, and put the priests to death. And *'' they came to the king, and said,

30 Deliver over to *' us Daniel, or else we will destroy thee and thine house. And **
the king saw that they pressed him sore, and *^ being constrained,^" he delivered

31 over ^' Daniel unto them. And they *' cast him into the lions' den ; and he was

32 there *° six days. And in the den there were seven lions, and they gave ^° them every
day two human bodies,^^ and two sheep ; but then they ^^ were not given to them,

33 to the intent they might devour Daniel. And °° there was in Judsea the prophet
Ambacum ; and he ^* had made pottage, and had broken bread in a bowl, and was

34 going into the field, to carry it ^* to the reapers. And an ^" angel of the Lord said
unto Ambacum, Carry " the meal ^' that thou hast unto ^' Babylon unto Daniel,

35 who is in the lions' den. And Ambacum "" said, Lord, I have not seen "^ Babylon ;

36 neither do I know the lions' den.°^ And"' the angel of the Lord laid hold of him
by his "* crown, and lifting him up "° by the hair of his head, with the swiftness of

37 his breath "" set him in Babylon over the den. And Ambacum " cried, saying, O

38 Daniel, Daniel, take the meal "* which God hath sent thee. And Daniel said. Thou
hast remembered me, 0 God ; and hast not "^ forsaken them that love '" thee.

39 And '^ Daniel arose, and did eat ; but the angel of God set Ambacum'^ in his''

40 place again immediately. And '* upon the seventh day the king went to bewail
Daniel ; and when he came to the den, he looked in, and behold, there sat Daniel,'^

betime .... arose. * (Fritzsche receives 6 jSaffiXevs from HI. XII. 26., muUisque I., Co. AM.) 2 Yea 0 ... .be,

8 o«ii(s it came to pass. * door. '^ {^Lit., not deceit, not even one.) " Tiien lauglied D. 'in. « mark

well. ^ are these.

Vers 20-22. — ^^ ^, v. : omits and. *i And then .... was angry, and took. ^^ omits their. ^3 who.

" where they came. ^ such things as were. ^^ Therefore. J^ who.

Vers. 23-26. — " A. V. : And in that same place (so III. 49. 87. al. Co. Aid.). i» which. "> omits it. " also
Bay that this is ... . liveth, he eateth. 22 Therefore (icat). 23 Then said P. unto the king. 24 the.

Vers. 26-28. — 25 A. V. : omifs do thou. 20 leave (efouo-iax). 27 shall. 29 give thee ifai-e. 20 jhen (34., rdre).
80 did seethe them. " lumps thereof; this he put in. 82 and so (in 28. 24., and many cursives, t^aywi/ is omitted).
33 in sunder. ^* Daniel so lq, rAe.te ot-c the gods you worship. so "VT^en they .... heard iAai . ^^^ took great
indignation. ^^ saying. *^ is. *° and he. *^ oTnits and.

Vers. 29-33. — *2 a. V. : So. *3 omits over to. ** Now when. *" omits and. *" (Fritzsche omits 6 jSairtAeus,
as wanting in III. XII. 26. al. ; it is also wanting in 11.) " omits over. ^ who. *^ where he was. co had
given. ^^ carcases (marg., two slaves. The Greek Is (rw/xoLxa). ^ which then. '^ Now. ^ Jewry a . . . .

called Ilabacuc, who. ^ for to bring it.

Vers. 34-38. — «• a. V. : But the (Fritzsche strikes out the art. as wanting in III. XII. 23. al. ; it is not found in II.)
Bi Ilabacuc, Go, carry. ^ dinner (apKrrov). ^ into. 00 Habacuc. "i never saw (34. adds n-wn-oTe).

82 where the den is (so III. 23. al. Co. Aid.). "' Then. "* took him by the. "> bare Mm, "o and through

the vehemency of his spirit (so Vulg. I render with Fritzsche, and Bunsen's Bibelwerk), 8' Habacuc. ^ dinner.
60 neither hast thou. "* seek thee and love.

Vers. 39,40. — " A. v.: So. " and . . . . of the Lord set Habaono. " his own. " omiij And. "Daniel
was sitting.

30

466 THE APOCRYPHA.

41 And he cried ^ with a loud voice, saying, Great art thou, O Lord God of Daniel,

42 and there is none other besides thee. And he drew him up,'' and cast those that
were tlie cause of his destruction into the den ; and they were devoured immedi-
ately,* before his face.

Vers. 41, 42. — 1 A. V. : Then cried the king (Xn. 23. 26. al. Co. Aid. supply i fiaaiiuns). ' out. » in a mo-
tnent (el. Ter. 89).

THE PEAYER OF MANASSES.

INTRODUCTION.

The composition entitled tlie Prayer of Manasses, placed by Luther and the translators of
tlie English Bible among the Apocryphal books of the Old Testament, has been relegated by
the Roman Catholic church since the Council of Trent, along with 1 and 2 Esdras to the am-
biguous position of an appendix to the ordinary editions of the Vulgate. It is not found in
all the older editions of the LXX., but without doubt had a place in the earlier manuscripts
of the same. This is shown from the fact that it was translated from Greek into Latin before
the time of Jerome, and was held in considerable estimation by the Greek fathers. Too much
importance is not to be ascribed to the circumstance that it cannot be certainly proved that
the work was quoted, or alluded to, by any writer before the time of the Apostolic Constitu-
tions, since this might easily have arisen from its brevity and obscure posilion, being usually
found after the Psalms among the hymns. This is its po-ition in the Alexandrine Codex.
It has been published at various times : in Robt. Stephen's Lat, Bible, 155 7, 1577, from the
MS. Victorianus ; in the English Polyglot, with readings from Codex A., 1657, 1698 ; by
Eabricius, Liber Tobice, Judith, Oratio Manas., etc., 1691 ; in the edition of the LXX. by
Grabe and Breitinger, with readings of Codex A, etc., 1730 ; by Reineccius, 1730, 1757; by
Michaelis in the Biblia Sacra, 1741 ; by Sabatier, the old Latin text being edited from three
MSB., and published after his death by his brethren of the Benedictine Order, 1743, 1751;
by Apel, 1837; and by Fritzsche, 1871. The MSS. have not been studied to any great ex-
tent. The ordinary text, however, is unusually trustworthy, especially when supported by
the tolerably well-preserved Latin translation. The latter is not as olil as the so-called Old
Latin, but dates farther back, as it would appear, than the version of Jerome. In form the
composition seems to have been modeled after the penitential Psalms. It has considerable
unity of thought, and the style is generally simple. Its few peculiarities are pointed out in
the commentary below.

Bertholdt displays a somewhat hypercritical spirit in charging that the language of the
prayer does not correspond with the condition of Manasses in Babylon. He says, for instance,
that Manasses may have been loaded with chains, as declared in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, on his
way to Babylon, but that this could have only been during the journey. But in a recently
deciphered inscription, entitled '■ Annals of Assurbanipal," it is said of this king, the son and
successor of Esarhaddon, that his forces took certain kinjs " and in bonds of iron and fetters
of iron bound their hanils and feet." Cf. Records of the Past, i., p. 63, and Schrader, Die Kei-
linschrift., p. 242 f. This critic, moreover, assumes that in verse 12 the captive king prays
to God that his life maybe preserved while, as he says, it was in no danger at all. As a mat-
ter of fact it does not appear that Manasses did pray for the preservation of his life, although
it may have been in great danger, but simply for the forgiveness of his sins and that he min-ht
not jMirish in them. A nioi-e weighty objeclion to the work, as it seems to us, might be found
in its moral leaching, notwithstanding a recent writer's comnrendation of its " bold and frank
theology," which, he says, aLo won the notice of Bishop Butler. ^ In verse 8, for instance,
jhe writer declares that repentance was not appointed for the just like Abraham, Isaac, and

1 Stanley, li..'6i^6, .Jifl SBt'f f's .4>""'.i pt. ILiChajl T,

468 THE APOCRYPHA.

Jacob, icho had not sinned. It may, indeed, be said, as by Fritzsclie {Com., ad. loc), that
tills statement is to be taken only in a, relative sense. Still, tlie expression will strike most
persons as being quite too definite and strong to have bad this meaning in the mind of (he
writer. But, on the other hand, it seems to us to be going somewhat beyond the record to
impute to him senl.iinents which the writer above referred to thinks that he finds in the work.
He Siiys : •' However we reconcile lliese traditions witli the older narrative, they are valuable
as containing the practical exprcs^ion of the doctrine already prominent, though remarkable
from its contrast with the general ' hardness ' of the Old Dispensation, — • that the Divine
mercy far exceeds ihe Divine vengeance ; ami that even from the darkest reprobation, the
free-will of man, and the grace of God may achieve a deliverance. If Mannsseli could be re-
stored, there was no one against whom the door of repentance and restitution yas finally
closed." '

Undoubtedly the work is to be regarded as having some sort of connection with the account
of Manasses given in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 1-20. In the 13th verse, it is said tliat he prayed unto
the Lord, who lieard liis supplication and brought him again to Jerusalem. And, again, in
ver.se 19 : " His prayer also, and liow God was entreated of him, and all his sins and his trespass,
and the places wherein he built high places, and set up groves and graven images before he
was humbled : behold, they are written among the sayings of the seers [or Hosai]." What,
then, is the relation of the present Greek work to tlie original Prayer of Manasses, which, on
the supposition tliat the narrative in 2 Chron. is genuine, must, at some time, liavo existed.

Fiirst ' maintains lliat it is a true translation of the Hebrew original, and points to the
cliaracter of its Hebraistic Greek as proof. And Ewald ^ says that it is possible to suppose
that our work has been preserved from the " sayings of Hosai " referred to in 2 Cliron.
xxxiii. 19. This, however, is not the opinion of the great majority of critics, wlio see in it
only a late producticm of a Hellenistic Jew, who after tlie manner of the Additions to Esther
and Daniel, took occasion, from allusions to a work not existing in his time, to compose one in
its place. Hebraisms there certainly are, as pointed out l)y Fiirst, but no more than might
be expected if it were the composition of an Israelite speaking Greek. Tliere are no traces
■whatever of its being a translation. Bertholdt finds evidence of its late origin in the great
sanctity whicli the writer attaches to the three principal patriarchs of the nation, as well as
tlie peculiar terminology employed, God, for instance, being called the " God of the just"
(i Oehs T(2y SiKalaii/), also, the " God of the repenting ^^(dehs ruy fieTavoovvTwyy , which terms be-
long peculiarly to the theology of the later Judaism.

It is probable that there existed, at some time, a fuller and more or less legendary liistory
of Manasses, and that the prayer before us is an excerpt preserved from it for devotional
purposes. This theory finds not a little support in numerous fragments that were floating
about in tlie earlier centuries of our era, and that miglit well have been the disjecta membra
of such a work.* Such a modification of the tlieory of a later " Apocryphon " on this history,
suggested by Ewald, and favored by Bertheau, extracts from wliicli are found in Suidas, Syn-
cellus, Nic. de Lyra, and elsewhere, ouglit to make it generally acceptable.* Fabricius ^ im-
puted the work to the autlior of the Apostolic Constitutions, where it is first referred to. But
a comparison of the citations there found with the MSS. sliow an evident corruption of the
text in the former. Bertholdt, also, places the date as late as the second or third century
after Christ. But there seems to be no good reason for supposing tliat it did not orin-inate at
the time when this sort of composition so much flourished, namely, in the first or second cen-
tury before the beginning of the Christian era.

A matter of great importance, but for the full discussion of which this is not the place,
is the question whether the record, in 2 Chron. on which the present work seems to be
based, is itself genuine. De Wette ' speaks of the conversion of Manasses as restino- on a
" pious supposition." Noldeke * maintains that the entire narrative has no historical (Ground,
inasmuch as the Book of Kings says nothing about it, and that it was fabricated for the pur-
pose of accounting for the unacceptable fact that so wicked a king as Manasses did not suffer
the fate of an Aliab but enjoyed a long reign, was permitted to complete important works of
defense at Jerusalem, and at last to die in peace and be buried in honor. And Graf ' not

1 Stanley, idem. 2 Geicliiclite d. Bib. Lit., ii. 399.

8 Hist, of Is., iT. 217 f, note. 4 Cf. Fritzsche, Einleit., p. 168.

6 See Flumptre in Smith's Bii. Diet., ait " Manas." 6 LUer Tnbia, Juditli, etc., p. 208.

7 Einleit., p. 388. 8 Schenkers Bib. Lex., art. " Manas.," cf. Winer, jReaiiviirterb., art. ^^Manas.
e Stud. u. Knt., 1869, pp. 467-494, and Gescli. BiUlier d. Mien Teat., p. 174.

THE PEAYER OF MANASSES. 469

only characterizes the account as unhistorical, but as being contradictory to that of 2 Kings.
This po-iition of Graf is, however, ably refuted by Gerlach,' while Keil," Havernick,^ The-
niua,< and others, have sufficiently shown not only that there is nothing in the narrative of
Manasfcs' captivity and repentance th:it contradicts contemporaneous Scripture history, but
that it is in itself every way credible and trustworthy. Ewald,^ Bei-theau,^ Hitzig,' and
Graetz,' also acci^pt tlie main facts of tlie history, althougli agreeing in the opinion tliat the
chronicler's account (xxxiii. 15) of Manasses' efforts to do away with idolatry is to be taken
cum grano sails.

It is admitted, even by Graf, that genuine, additional, historical matter on subjects common
both to Kings find Chronicles, is sometimes found in the latter, which is not to be found in the
former. And further, the theory of the existence of contradictions in the two histories rests on
a false interpretation of the passage in 2 Chron. It is not there said that Manasses put away
idolatry from his whole kingdom. The contrary rather is asserted (verse 17). Is'or is it said
that he totally destroyed the altars and idols which had hitherto been used in Jerusalem, but
only that he cast thein out of the city. Consequently, there is no real disorepancy when it is
declared in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 22, that Amon sacrificed unto all the carved images which Ma-
nasses his father had made ; or in cliap. xxxiv., that it was Josiah who first ground these images
to powder and strewed their dust on the graves of those who sacrificed to them. It may even
have been true, as Hitzig and Bertheau suggest, that during the latter part of the long reign
of Manasses, he himself reintroduced idolatry, which was continued by his son Amon, and
only effectually suppressed by Josiah.

The following important collateral evidence for the truth of the chronicler's narrative con-
cerning Manasses may be given : (1.) He refers for his authority to the book " of the sayings
of the seers " (Hosai), a work no longer extant. (2.) There is a possible reference to this
hi.story in 2 Kings xx. 18. (3.) The Assyrian monuments distinctly mention Manasses as
among the tributaries of Esarhaddon, who was the son of Sennacherib. This synchronizes
with the Scripture narrative as far as it goes. (4.) Again it is said to our surprise, at first
(2 Chron. xxxiii. 11), tliat Manasses was carried away by the general of an Assyrian king,
and was held as a captive at Babylon. Now, as a matter of fact, Esarhaddon was the only one of
the Assyrian kings who had a palace and held his court in Babylon. It is certainly a weighty
incidental support of the narrative in Chronicles that this statement occurs in it. Still
further, it was probably in connection with the restoration of Manasses to his throne and was
a part of a general plan looking to the pacification of his realm, that this same Assyrian mon-
arch increased the foreign element in Palestine, by a considerable deportation of people
"thither from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Ava, and from Hamath," who "pos-
sessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof " (2 Kings xvii. 24).i°

1 Stttd. u. Krit., 1861, pp. 503-524. 2 Com. on the Chron., ad toe,

S Einleit. in d. A. T., ad loc. 4 Bile/ier der KSnige, 2(e Aufl., 1873, ad loe.

5 Hist, of In., iv. 211 1. 6 Com., ad toe.

7 Gescli. d. Volk. Is., pp. 230, 231. 8 GeschiclUe der Juden, 11. 281,t

9 Schrader, Die Keilinsclirift., pp. 10 B., 24 ff., 227 ff.

10 Cf. BawlioEon, Hist. Ev., p. 103, and Ancient Man., U. 194 £

THE PRAYEE OF MANASSES.

1 O Lord Almighty, the ^ God of our fathers,

Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob,
[ 2 And of their righteous seed ;

Who hast made the ^ heaven and the ° earth, with all their adornment ; *

3 Who hast given bounds * to the sea by the word of thy commandment ;
Who hast shut up ^ the deep, and sealed it by thy terrible and glorious name ;

4 Wiiom all things dread," and tremble before ' thy power ;

I 5 For the majesty of thy glory is unendurable ; ^

And thine angry threatening against sinners is irresistible ; °

6 Thy ■"' merciful promise is both immeasurable ^^ and unsearchable ;

7 For thou art the Lord Most High, compassionate,^^ longsuffering, and *' very

merciful,
Repenting over ^^ the evils of men.
Thou, O Lord, according to the abundance of thy ■'^ goodness hast proclaimed ^'

repentance and remission " to them that have sinned against thee;
And in the abundance of tliy ^' mercies hast appointed repentance unto sinners,

that they may be saved.

8 Surely thou, 0 Lord.^" the God of the just, hast not appointed repentance for ^^

the just,
For ^^ Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, who '^'^ have not sinned against thee ;
But thou hast appointed repentance for me who am a ^' sinner ;

9 For I have sinned above the number of the sand ^* of the sea.
My transgressions, XD Lord, are multiplied ; they are ^^ multiplied.
And I am not worthy to look at -° and see the height of heaven.
Because of ''' the multitude of mine iniquities.

10 I am ^' bowed down with many iron bonds,^'
So "" that 1 cannot lift up mine head,°^
And there is no release for me,

Because *^ I have provoked thy wrath, and done what is evil ^' before thee ;
I did not thy will, and kept not *■* thy commandments ;
I set "' up abominations, and multiplied detestable things.*^

II And now '" 1 bow the knee of mine heart, craving the goodness that cometh from

thee.''*
12 I have sinned, O Lord, I have sinned, and I acknowledge my transgressions.'"

Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. V: omi(s the (so T.). ^ omils the. s the ornament thereof . < bound. '^ shut vp {a Kl^Caat ■
T., Kai JcAiVas). c ,,jp„ (narra) fear (see Cotiu). ' Lit., bt^/ore t/ie/ace of.

Veru. 6-7. — » A. V. : cannot be borne. » towarjs sinners is importable. '" but thy. n unmeasurable (the

more recent ealtions read aj Kai for 7e KaC. See Cojn.). 12 mo.Ht liigb Lord, of great compassion. u omiis and.

" and (Fritz>che strilies out Kai, with T.) repentest of. 1^ thy great. i» promised. n forgiveness (iLaiv)

18 of tliinc infinite.

Vei-s. 8,'J. — I" A. V. : Thou therefore, 0 Lord, tliat art. 20 to. 21 as to. ''- which. 23 unto me thai am a.
•'• 8and.s. 25 njy tnintgressions are (Fritzsche striltes out the second al afofiiai. nov, with T.). 2" behold laTei/itrai
= to ^nze at intentti/). 27 j,,]..

Vers. 10-13. - 2« A. V. : / a,n. 23 bands. so omits So. «i (In III., " so that I shalie my head over my sins.")
S2 neitlier have any release ; for. M ti„nj ^Til [the evil, or what is ecil). a* neither kept I. 80 have sot

2» have multiplied offences. ^ S' Now therefore. 38 beseeching thee of grace. " acknowledge ( Fritzsche receives
«yw yiyuiiTKbt from III. T. for iyayivuT. of the text. rtc. CI. Com.) mine iuiquitiea.

THE PRATKB OP MANASSES.

471

13 But I pray and beseech ^ thee, release '■' me, 0 Lord, release * me,
And destroy me not with my transgressions.'

Be not angry and keep evils for me forever,

Nor condemn me to the lowest parts ^ of the earth;

For thou art God, the * God of them that repent ;

14 And in me thou wUt show ° all thy kindness ; '

For thou wilt save me, that am unworthy, according to thy great mercy.

15 And ' I will praise thee continually, while I live ; '
For all the host of the heavens singeth of " thee,
And thine is the glory for ever.^* Amen.

Vers. 13-15. — 'A. V. : wherefore (III. omits oAV) I humbly beseech. ' forgive (aws). " mine iniquities

* with, me for ever, by reserving evil for me ; neither .... into the lower ;jart5. ^ the God, evin the. * (III.
T., fietfijs for jet^eis.) 1 goodness (a good rendering, but xp>j(rroTT)s is so rendered at ver. 7). ' Therefore

• forever all the days (so text. rec. ; III. T., ev rais tiiiipait] of my life. "> powers .... do praise (vfim). " ever
and ever.

The Peateb of Manasses.

Ver. 1. God of our fathers. Cf. Ex. iii. 6 ;
1 Chron. xvii. 24; Wisd. x. 1.5; Ecclus. x. 19.
This verse is properly cited as evidence of Jewish
authorship for the prayer.

Ver. 2. 2ui' ttolvtC r^ K6fffi(p aiiruy, with all
their adornment. This substantive is probably
from the root koS, as it occui's in the word Kal-
vv/iaif to polish. Its first meanings is ornament ;
then order, as synouymous with rd^is ; and, fi-
nally, the ordered universe. The LXX. version
of the canonical books does not use it for the
world ; but it is so used in connection with the
Bible first in the books of Wisdom and 2 Mac-
cabees. Cf. Cremer, under the word ; rritzsche,
Ad Rom. Epist., i. 289, ii. 467 ; Lange, Com. on
Matt. (Am. ed.),pp. 85, 422,2 Cor., p. 67, 1 John,
p. 63; Girdlestone, 0. T. Si/n., pp. 412-417;
IBengt'l, Gnomon, at Rom. iv. 13, Eph. vi, 12;
Ebrard, Com. on St. John's Epist., pp. 162-164,
295 ; Stud. u. Kril., 1841. pp. 611, 695.

Ver. 3. Several passages of Scripture natu-
rally come to mind here: Gen. vii. 11, viii. 2;
Ps. xxiv. 2, c.xxxvi. 6.

Ver. 4. ^plaaei. This word, translated dread,
means, first, to be rvffied, to bristle, and was used
by Homer to indicate the appearance of growing
grain, //., xxiii. 599 ; a line of battle, //., xiii.
339. Again, it is employed, as in our passage,
to express the feeling of eliilliness when one's
skin contracts, or the hair stands on end, horrent
comcB ; hence, further, to shudder with fear. Cf.
Judith xvi. 10. — 'An-i Trpoffc^nou, i. e., tremble
before it, till they are led to flee from it. The
same construction is found elsewliere in the LXX.
Cf. 2 Chron. xxxii. 7 ; Ps. cxiv. 7.

V^r. 6. Ae xal instead of re Kat, i. e., " but the
mercy of thy promise " might certainly have been
expected, and has also been adopted by the Old
Latin. It has, however, no MS. authority. The
expression is Hebraistic for thy promised merci/.

Ver. 7. noAu€Afos, very merciful, — a form
peculiar to the LXX. Cf. Ex. xxxiv. 6 ; 3 Mace.
vi. 9, et passim. — Kepenting over the evils of
men, fieTavowv iirX KaKiats aydpttnruiv, Cf. Acts viii.
22 : ij.€Ta.voi7v awh ttjs KaKlas ; Rev. ix. 20 f. : /ter.
4k tuv %pyav. See Winer, p. 622. This verb is
seldom used in the Apocrypha; bnt, when used,
it is generally employed as denoting a moral
change. — "Aifecrij'. Cf. remarks at 1 Esd. iv. 62.
— 'H/iapTTiKSa-iv <roi. The most usual construc-
tion is with eis and the accusative (cf. Matt, xviii.

21 ; Luke xvii. 4 ; 1 Cor. vi. 18) ; but sometimes
with Trp6s (Joseph., Antiij., xiv. 15, § 2), and with
ff£g/ followed by the accusative.

ver. 8. This teaching certainly has no paral-
lel in the canonical Scriptures. 'JThe writer does
not content himself with applying to the patri-
archs the proper Biblical expression just, but
proceeds to explain it in a manner quite unwar-
ranted as meaning to be without sin.

Ver. 9. The historical groundwork of these
two verses is to be found in the narrative of
Manasses contained in the Scriptures (2 Chron.
xxxiii. 1-20 ; 2 Kings xxi.), together with those
more or less legendary accounts scattered in pro-
fane authors. Cf. Jntrod. — 'Areviirai, to gaze
intently at. In the New Testament used witli
the dative of the person, also with eh and the
accusative. Cf. Acts i. 10. — 'ATri irTi'liBovs ray
aSiKiUp. Cf. Matt, xviii. 7, Luke xxii. 45, for
examples of the same use of ii7r6 in the sense of
by reason of.

Ver. 10. lloWip Ssfffiw aiZrjpr^. IloKvs seems
to be used with reference to degree rather than
number. But when so used the idea of repetition
is generally connected with it. Cf. Homer, 11. ,
xviii. 493 ; Of/., xv. 393. From 2 Chron. xxxiii.
11, we learn that the Assyrians took Manasses
with hooLs, and bound him with double chains
of brass, and brought him to Babylon. The
hook is a figurative alluision to the ring placed in
the nose of wild animals to lead them. Cf. 2
Kings xix. 28 ; Job xli. 1 ; and Ezek. xxix. 4.
See Bertheau at 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11. — ' kvavevaai
tV Ke(j>a\-fiy. This is a somewhat anomalous use
of this verb. By itself, without the substantive,
it means to throw the head hack in token of denial,
as opposed to Karavevu and iirivevu. — ®u^6v.
Connected with Bva this word is properly used to
express life in its active developments. Employed
by Homer and the tragic poets in its most com-
prehensive sense, we find it in Plato, Thucydides,
and other Greek writers, as well as in the LXX.,
limited to express particularly excitement of feel-
ing, such as courai/e and wrath. In the New
Testament it is employed only in the latter sense.
Cf. Cremer, s. v.; Trench, N. T. Si/n., 1st ser.,
p. 178; Bengel's Gnomon, at Rom. ii. 8; and
Eritzsche, Ad Rom. Epist., i. 105.

Ver. II. KKlva yivv. We have also the form
AeVtcs Tck ydcaTa at Luke xxii. 41, Acts vii. 60;
and KdtiTTTeiy y6vi), Eph. iii. 14. — Knee of mine

472

THE APOCRYPHA.

heart. This expression is used to iudicate spe-
cial deptli of feelinp.

VcT. 12. TivdicKw. Pel haps the tranflation
achiiowlcdijp is nut here too stjoiig for tliis ivord.
It frcfuieiitly ilenotcs, espcciiilly in New Teata-
mdit usa<;e, a rclaticiii of tlie person to the object
known. .John ii. 24, 2.') ; 1 (I'or. ii. 8. Here in
the idea of knowing- oiie'.s fins is implied tli.it of
confissing lliera. C'f. Wi.sd. iv. 1 ; Bar. iv. 13.

Ver. 13. 'E;/ rols KaTwrdrots TTJs yvs- Not the
grave, hut Haiics, seems to be meant, which is
uniformly in the LXX. the translation of the

Hebrew word Sheol. Ci. remarks at Add. to
I':sth. ii. 7 ; Girdlestone, 0. T. Sijn., pp. 443-454;
and Meyer, Com., at Eph. iv. 9 ; also, tlie LXX.
at Is. xliv. 23, I's. cxxxix. 15.

Ver. 14. ' hyaBi^aivriv. Used only in Biblical
and Ecclesiastical (ireek, and cbitfly with the
significance of f/oodneas, moral u-orth. It is the
quality of the man who is ruled by and aims at
the good. See Cremer, Lfx., s. v. ; Fritzschc, Ad
Hnm. Epist., iii. 252 ; Trench, N. T. Si/ii , 2d ser.,
p. 58. — Ti iroKii k\e6s aou. See above, verse
10.

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION.

The English Bible, as is well known, originally contained but two so-called Books of the
Maccabees. There are, however, three such books found in the Septuagint, and a fourth
bearing the same title in connection with the works of Josephus. These are all the Books
of the Maccabees now existing in Greek. A woik, sometimes called the Fifth Book of Mac-
cabees, is extant in an Arabic version, which is also known under the title, Hisloria Macca-
bceorum Arabica. Only the first two books actually treat of the Maccabseau family and their
heroic efforts to free their native land from the Syrian yoke.

The order in which these several works ai'e usually enumerated is also that of their actual
worth. The second book takes up the history at a point a little earlier than the first (b. c.
176), but covers a period of only fourteen years. The first begins with the reign of Antio-
chus Epiphanes (b. c. 175), and closes with the death of the high priest Simon (b. c. 135),
so including a space of forty years. The third book narrates the history of events which
took place before the Maccabsean family appeared on the stage (b. c. 221—204). The fourth
makes use of an incident or two found in the second book, the martyrdom of Eleazar with that
of the seven brothers and their mother, introduced by an account of the attempt of Apollonius
(Heliodorus) to rob the temple, in order to connect with it a philosophical disquisition on
the Rule of Keason (^AvToKparopos \oyicrixoi), or the supremacy of the opdos \6yos over the Trofli).
The fifth is a chronicle of Jewish affairs, contained in fifty-nine chapters, beginning with the
account- of Heliodorus' sacrilege, and extending to the Christian era. In the Arabic it has the
title, " Second Book of Maccabees." The first nineteen chapters include, although in a
different order, events narrated in 1 and 2 Maccabees. At the close of the sixteenth chap-
ter, the remark is found : " Thus far extends the second book, as it has been taken from the
Hebrews." The compiler then goes on to the end of the nineteenth chapter to quote from
the First Book of Maccabees. He seems also to have made use of the works of Josephus, but
shows no such agreement with him as to justify the belief that the author was himself Jose-
phus, as some have intimated. The work first appeared in the Paris Polyglot of Le Jay
(vol. ix.), and from it was copied into the London Polyglot (vol. iv.).

Tlie First Book of Maccabees, now especially under consideration, is by far the most im-
portant work of the five bearing this name. Its contents, briefly stated, are as follows :
There are first given, as by way of introduction, certain alleged facts relating to Alexander
the Great and the partition of his kingdom. The writer then passes over to describe the
efforts of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, to corrupt the Israelitish people through foreign cus-
toms, root out their religion, and introduce in its place the frivolities and abomijiations of
heathenism. Excited to the highest pitch by this course, a priest, by the name of Mattathias,
dwelling at Modein, assembles those who are like-minded about him, and contests, sword in
hand, wherever opportunity offers, the unrigliteous doings of the king. He himself, however,
already advanced in life, does not long survive the outbreak of the struggle. But he does
not pass away until he has instilled a determination and deathless courage like his own into
the hearts of his five stalwart sons. They, at least three of them, are the real heroes of the
book, and carry on to a successful issue the war for civil and religious freedom. In chapters
iii.-ix. 22 is related what took place under the leadership 0f Judas ; irom ix. SS-xii. 53, the

i74 THE APOCRYPHA.

history of events during the rule of Jonathan; from xiii.-xvi. 18, the results achieved by the
skillful and prudent Simon. The book closes with an account of the escape of John Ilyr-
canus, the fon of Simon, from an attempt on liis life, and the statement that his remaining
history is contained in the "chronicles of his priesthood, from the time he was made high
priest after his father."

The Name Maccabee.

A great deal of research and learning has been expended in the effort to discover the deri-
vation, and thereby the real meaning, of the word ]\Iaccabee. The Maccabees were of an
Asmona^an family, the great-grandfather of Mattathias having borne the name Chasmon
Ciaa'n, 'htTaixuvaws). Cf. 1 Chron. xxiv. 7 ; Ps. Iviii. 32, and Jos., Aniiq., »ii. 6, § 1, xiv. 16,
§ 4, XX. 8, § 11. And the title " Asmona?an " or " Hasmonaean " is the one more commonly
employed in Jewish literature to designate not only Mattathias and his five sons, hut also
their descendants down to Herod the Great and Aristobulus. The title " Maccabee," on
the other hand, was first given to Judas, the third son of Mattathias, who undertook, after
the death of his father, the leiidership of those opposed to the Syrian ride; but at a very-
early date it was transferred to the entire family, as well as to many others, like Eleazer and
the seven brothers, who had a prominent part in the same tragical history.

The usual derivation of the word Maccabee is from n2i7», Chald., SSj^C, liammer, as being
a figurative characterization of the thoroughness and stubbornness with which Judas fought
against the enemies of liis country. So Micliaelis, Gesenius, Ewald, Grimm, Keil, and many
others. Curtiss, however, in his recent exhaustive monograph on this subject (Tlie Name
Machahee, Hinrich, Leip., 187G), urges with great force against this theory: first, that the read-
ing, ''ifvC, to wliiih Ma/t/ta/SaToj corresponds, is without sufficient foundation; and, second, that
the particular hammer referred to by such a designation, supposing the derivation to be cor-
rect, would be no fitting illustration for the dashing bravery of Judas. It is not the Iieavy
smith's hammer, but a smaller one, such as was used in various kinds of simple work. (Cf.
Judg. iv. 21; I Kings vi. 7; Is. xliv. 12; Jer. x. 4.) And he maintains that the Hebrew
writer, with si.K different words for this tool at his command, was not shut up to this one in
order to characterize fitly the courage and impetuosity of the Maccaba2an leader. Others
think that the title is made up of tire first letters of several Hebrew words which together
formed the sentence: " Wlio among the gods is like to thee, Jeliovali" (cf. Kx. xv. 11),
which, as is supposed, was inscribed on the M.accabfean banner. To this view it is objected,
first, that there is no evidence tliat the custom of forming words in this manner prevailed
at so early a date; second, the Greek form of the word, as written with two kappas, would in
that case he incomprirhensible; and, third, the title would not have possessed, on such a sup-
position, that inilividual character whiclr the facts of the history require. Cf. 1 Mace. ii.
6G, iii. 1, V. 34, 2 Mace. x. 1, anH paxxhn. The same objections are valid against the deriva-
tion proposed by Delilzsch, who thinks the title, is an abbreviation of certain Hebrew words
meaning : " Wliat is like my father ? " The theory of this critic is given in full in a letter
to Curtiss published in the work above referred to, pjp. 23, 24.

Curtiss's own opinion is, that the word comes from the Hebrew ilD?, meaning, in the
Piel form, to exti7if/uish, and he refers, among other passages, to Is. Ixiii. 17, where the over-
throw of an army is compared to the extinguishing of burning flax. The form, "'32D, would
then be the Iliphil of this verb, having the same general meaning as the Piel, and would
signify, tJie ext'mguixher. But in order to come as far as this, it was necessary first to settle
the point that the original reading of the word was ''22a, and not ^2~j;. This, Curtiss
seeks to do, hut, with regret it must be said, has not been so successful as (hr Sadie ein Loch
zu mcichen, as the Germans would say. His argument, in brief, is this ; The question turns
on llie forms of the word which are found in the Greek and the Latin, since the orisrinal is
lost. The former lias MaKKa^aios, which is not decisive, since it might come from either of
the above-named Hebrew words. The latter, Machaba'us, which could be derived from the
Hebrew ''320 only, since Jerome, who had the original in his hands, and revised, at least to
this extent, the old Latin, uniformly employs a "c" to represent " T," and " ch " for
" 2," the exceptions being only apparent. But at this point the otherwise very strono- and

THE riUST BOOK OP MACCABEES. 475

unexceptionable chain of argument lacks a necessary link or two. It is assumed as a fact,
which, however, by (he ahiiost universal admission of scholars is not one, tliat Jerome him-
self made a revision of 1 Maecabet'S, and that he made it on the basis of the Hebrew text.
Hence, since the Old Lntin version is confessedly an offspring of the Greek, wo are obliged
to full back on that as our highest authority for determining the original form of the word
" Maccabee." That, however, as we have already said, leaves the matter wholly undecided.
Cf. Schiirer's notice of Curtiss's essay in the Theulogische Lileratwzeiiung, 1876, No. 17, col.
43G.

Original Languarje.

In its present form the work before us closely resembles the other books of the Septuagint,
being even less Hebraistic in its coloring than some of them. And the fact that its Greek
has been to a considerable extent modified by that of the LXX., seems clear from a direct
quotation of the latter in chap. vii. 17 (cf. Ps. Ixxi.x. 2, 3) as well as from many evident al-
lu.-ions to it in other parts. (See, especi,ally, ix. 2.3, and cf. Ps. xcii. 8.) The number of
■words peculiar to the book is comparatively small. It must have existed in Greek, moreover,
as early as the middle of the fir^t century, b. c, since it is used largely by Josephus in
his Aniiqidties (cf. xii. 5, § 1-xiii. 7, § 4). Still there is sufficient evidence to establish the
matter beyond reasonable doubt that it was originally written in Hebrew. The very fre-
quent variation in the Greek MSS., for instance, between the third person singular and
plural, obviously arises from the fact that in the Hebrew and Aramaic the third person
plural masculine differs from the singular only in the voo at the end. The author, too,
proves himself by his exact knowledge of the topography of Palestine and by the whole
structure of his work, particularly his warm sympathy with the cause and heroic deeds of
the Maccabees, to have been a resident of the country which was the arena of the conflict he
describes. The Hebrew was then, and had been for a long time, the written language of the
people, the sacred language, and was also not altogether in disuse as a medium of oral com-
munication (cf. 2 Mace. vii. 8, 21, 27, xii. 37, xv. 29). Moreover, there is no evidence tliat
any literary productions in Greek emanated from Palestine during this period. Still further,
the language of the book, smooth and simple as it is for the most part, is not wanting in dif-
ficulties whose solution, in some instances, seems to require the supposition of a false or im-
perfect translation of the original (cf., for example, ii. 8, iii. 3, iv. 19, 24).

But we have, also, positive testimony in tiie same direction. Origen (in Buseb., H. E.,
vi. 25), after speaking of the books of the Old Testament, says : " But outside the number
of these (that is, among the uncanonical) is the Maccabaaan history (Tck MaKKafiaiKo.) entitled
:Sapp}j6 2ap$ayie\, Sarheth Sarhaniel. There is also the reading Basanaiel, but that with the
spelling Sarbane El is generally adopted, and is probably correct. (Cf. Fritzsche in ScJien-
kel's Bib. Lex., under " Makkabiier.") This title given by Origen is variously rendered:
The rod of those that rebel against God, Herzfeld ; The government (sceptre) of the prince of
God's sons, Ewald and Keil ; The obstinacy of those who resist God, Geiger ; Book of the
house of God's children, Derenbourg ; History of the princes of God's chililren, Micliaelis and
Grimm. The title, at all events, is Semitic, and furnishes strong evidence for the Hebraistic
origin of our book. That this church father meant the first book of Maccabees, moreover,
by this designation, would seem to be clear, from the manner in which the canonical books
of the Old Testament are mentioned in the immediate context. To each one of them he
had given the Hebrew title along with the Greek. The testimony of Jerome is still more
conclusive. He says {Prolog. Gal. ad Lib. Reg.): " The first book of Maccabees I found in
Hebrew; the second is Greek, as indeed can be proved simply from its style." Hengsten-
berg stands almost alone in disputing the force of these arguments. In his work, Die .iu-
thentie des Daniel, etc. (Berlin, 1831), pp. 290 ff., he atteinpts to show, although apparently
under the influence of some prejudice, that this supposed Hebrew ori;;inal of 1 Maccabees,
mentioned by Origen and Jerome, is simply a certain " Chahlaic " book of Maccabees (Megil-
lalh Antiochus), which still exists in a number of printed copies. (The more recent are: The
Choice of Pearls, and the Book of Antiochus in Aramaic, Hebrew, and English, Lond. 1851;
and Beth ha-Midrasch, by Jellinek, Leip., 1853, part i., pp. 142-1 4C.) Hengstenberg seems
to have made this assertion without authority or special examination. Zunz has shown
'^Vortrdge, p. 134) that the work is a product of the Middle Ages, and utterly without worth.

476 THE APOCETPHA.

It is all contained within the compass of seventy-four verses, in the English edition just re-
ferred to, and is made up of the most fabulous accounts of the Asmonseati family, one of
whifh is that Judas died before liis father, while the latter shared in the victories that termin-
ated the contest with the Syrian oi)prcssors. See, for much valuable information touching
this MeffiUalh AiidocJitis, including a notice of the places where sixteen MSS. of it are to be
found at the present time, Appendix VI. of the little work by Curtiss, The Name Machabee.

Historical Character.

There is but one judgment among critics in general respecting the merits of 1 Maccabees
as a historical work. The narrative is written in a simple, objective style, with scarcely an
attempt at ornamentation, and with only an occasional indulgence in real poetic flights (i.
25-28, 38-40 ; ii. 7-13, iii. 3-9, 45), and a somewhat more frequent poetic turn given to the
thought here and there (ii. 44, iii. 35, 36, 45, 61, ix. 41, xiii. 51). It has been compared favor-
ably with the historical books of the canonical Scriptures with respect to a candid and faithful
presentation of facts and its unexpecteil freedom from the influence of national and doctrinal
prejudice. Such characteristics are the more appreciated, not only because this work is,
for a part of the period which it covers, the sole authority still extant, but also on tlie ground
of the marked contrast in which it stands, in this respect, with the other books bearing the
same name. The temptation to overdraw, when delineating such a character as that of
Antioclius Kpiplianes, or that of the heroic Judas, to give rein to tlie feeling of despondency
in the liour of defeat, and of exultation in the midst of the most brilliant victories, are but
very seldom and very slightly indulged. Even faults which have been im|iuted to the writer
are often faults common to nil writers at the time when he lived, and sometimes, too, no
doubt are due to an imperfect translation or a corrupt text. The statements are in some
cases substantiated by original documents, as in the Book of Ezra (cf. viii. 23 ff., x. 18 ff.
25—15, xi. 30-37), to some of which the writer gives the names of "copies " (^avjl-ypa'pa); others
are vouched for, even in minute particulars, by contemporaneous Greek and Roman histories.
On the whole the book, whatever may be thought of its canonical rank, cannot but be re-
garded as of incnlculable value, as being an essentially trustworthy history of the important
period which it covers.

Still, it is far from being without fault. There are in some places evident exaggerations,
especially where the size of armies and the numbers slain in battle are stated (see, for in-
stance, iv. 14, 24; v. 44; vi. 47, vii. 46). All of these instances could scarcely be explained
away by the supposition of a corrupt text, or the apolog)' of Keil (^Com. ilber die BB. der
Mat., Einleit., ]). 18), that the number given is simply a rough estimate and not intended
to be exact. Here and there is to be found, also, an error in dates, as in xiv. 1, where the
aulhor comes in conflict not only willi Josephus, but with Diodorus, Justinus, Appian, and
Livy, respecting the time when Antiochus VI. was put to death by Tryphon. Common
rumor, too, is not infrequently accepted as authority, particularly in what relates to foreio-n
countries and governments. Alexander the Great (i. C) is, in consequence, falsely repre-
sented as dividing his kingdom among his generals, all of whom are said to have " put on
crowns " after his death. The Spartans are represented (xii. 6 f.) as being related by
descent to the Jews. The Romans are spoken of (viii.) in teims quite too favorable, both as
it respects their conquests and the spirit of their dealings with other nations. And positive
errors of statement occur regarding the army of Antiochus, his capture by the Romans, the
constitution of the Roman government, etc. But that the writer intentionally made mis-
statements, few would be ready to maintain. The ground on which thev rested, however
was, in not a few instances, quite insuflicient. And still further, the speeches and prayers
wliich are put into the mouths of his heroes cannot be accepted as in any sense a literal re-
production of those actually uttered. That they in general so well correspond with the cir-
cumstances of the several cases is due chiefly to the skill and good sense of the historian
himself. Grimm (Cum., Einleit., p. 18) misses from them what, as he thinks, micht be ex-
pecte<l were they true lo the originals, namely, all expressions showing a Messianic hope, or
a belief in the resurrection of the body. This objection, however, seems to be based on the
supposition that our book ought to teach on this subject what is found in the Book of Daniel
and the so-called Psalter of Solomon, claimed to be products of the same period.

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES. 477

Aprain, Fome of tlie oi'i'j;iinil doounients which tlic writ<T professes to cite hear every trace
of briiiL', at best, but unsuccessful atU'iiipts at iiuk-])en(leiit rc]iroiluction. (Cf., particularly,
xii. 5-2."); xiv. 20-'2l; jiv. l(l--22.) 1'licre is no sufllcicnt reason apparent wliy Jonathan
slionlil liave written snch a litter as that imputed to him in the first of these passages. Tliat
of Oniaies (Arins, or Arens), on llie oiher jiand, conlains not the least evidence of its sup-
posed Greek orij;iii, and in iis form in other respects is untrue to wlnit the eircumstiinces
would have denianiU'd. Tn the second passage, the letter of the Spartans to Simon is want-
ing in a proper conclnsion, and the names of the Epliors are not given, as was to have been
e;<pected. In the third case mentioned, where an ostensilile letter of Lucius, a eonstd of the
Koinans, to Ptolemy is quoted, the origijial, it is clear, could not have been at the command
of the writer. Only one consul is mentioned, and he simply by liis first name. Nolhini' is
said of the senate, from which such documents uniformly emanated. Besides, there is no
date given; and other particulars, as well of contents as of form, serve to show great freedom
on the part of our author in the matter of using authorities of this Iciud.

Religious Coloring.

Geiger (Urschrift, p. 20G ff.; cf., also, Holtzmann, Die Apok. Bilclier, pp. 30, 56, 1G2) has
attempted to show, and his theory is well worthy of careful attention, — although he may some-
times press it too far, — that 1 and 2 Maccabees are partisan writings, the first being the
work of a Saddueee who was particularly favorable to the Asmona^an family; the second,
that of a Pharisee wlio regarded tlie same with ill-concealed distrust. The former begins his
work with some account of Mattatliias, in order, as it would seem, to show the close connec-
tion of the family with the leading order of priests, Joarib. It is well known that the Sad-
ducees were the priestly and aristocratic party among the Jews. Tlie derivation of the word
from Zadok (Q"'pn^, SaSSouKaioi), who was high priest during tlie reign of David, has, per-
haps, more to support it than the more usual derivation from p'^/I^'. Our writer seems to
delight in magnifying the deeds of the Maccaba^au heroes (xiii. 3; xiv. 26; xvi. 2). In one
instance, where a battle was fought in which none of them participated ami a defeat was ex-
perienced, he expresses his opinion of the matter in tliese words : " They, however, were
not of the seed of those men to whose hands was committed the deliverance of Israel."
When one memiier of this family disappears the salvation of the people is made to depend
on the choice of another as leader in his stead. Simon, however, was a special favorite of
the author. It is he that tlie father on his dying bed commends to his children as their future
counsellor and head (ii. 65^, wlio, indeed, should supply to them the place left vacant by
himself. Made to occupy a pioniinent position throughout the entire liistory (ix. 33, 37, 02,
Co, G7; X. 74, 82; xi. 04 ff.; xii. 33; xiii. 1 ff.; xiv. 32), at its conclusion he is elevated to a
more than kingly dignity. By the united voice of the people in solemn public assembly, and
as a grateful recogniiion of his services on behalf of the nation, he is declared to be their civil
and ecclesiastical ruler, at once high priest and king, with the office hereditary in his house.
If these and similar reasons might lead us to regard the writer as a special friend and par-
tisan of the MaccabBeai) family, there are others of a still more positive character, showing
that he was no friend of Phariseeism or the Pliai-isees. Ilis narrative is quite bare of the
visions of angels and supernatural interpositions which characterize so largely that of the
second book. It is manly courage, and not apparitions from the spirit world, that he loves
to dwell upon and represents God as honoring with glorious success. Of the resurrection of
the dead, he saj s nothing; although the narrative here and there furnished him with a favor-
able opportunity to do so. How different, for instance, would the account of Mattathias'
death have appeared in the second book ! His allusions, if any, to the Messianic hope are
only of the most general character (iv. 46; i.t. 27; xiv. 41). Bretschneider {Dogmatik tl. A pojc.,
p. 344) contests the idea that in any of the passages cited the Messiah is at all referred to.
But especially in his attitude respecting the Sabbath does our author .show his supposed
Sadduc^an bias. lie takes a view of the subject, at least represents it not unfavorably,
which was not then, nor for a long thne subsequently, tlie prevailing one. He tells with
evident relish how Mattathias and his sons (ef. ii. 32 ff. with i.\. 34, 43) refused to be gov-
erned by the strict letter of the code, in aecor<lance with which not even defensive warfare
was allowed on the Sabbath. The unrestricted observance of the Sabbatic year, too (yi. 49,

478 THE APOCEYPHA.

53), hi- Fppnis to lliink, wns not meant for limes of war. In adililion to these points, for
most of whicli we rue indebted to Geiger, anollier interesting fact bearing in the same direc-
tion miglit he mentioned. It reh\les to the so-called " Assida;ans." They undoubtedly rep-
resented the Pliari-aie jiartv, as far a.s it existed at that time. By eomjiaring now ii. 42 with
\ii. 13, we learn that this party cooperated with Judas ]\Iaccaba?us when tlie contest against
Antiochns Kpiphanes first hrid<e ont. Afterwards, however, at least in some instances, tliey
acted in diieet ojipositinn lo liis wishes, whicli eonld Iiardly have been the ease hiid not their
political and ecclesiastical preferences been to some extent diverse from his. Cf. 2 Mace,
xiv. 6.

Yet -with all these supposed evidences of a Sadducasan tendency, over-sharp partisan dis-
tinctions are nowhere discoverable, and we have no ground, as Geiger himselt admits, for
holding that a single fact is intentionally distorted, or falsely staled, for doctrinal reasons.
The history has received the confirmation of the Talmndic tradition, and Josephus accorded
it an a]ipaientlv nnlindted contidence. The Scriptures our author treats with becoming re-
spect, one might almost say, with real affection. lie calls ihem (xii. 9) " The Holy Books."
They are an inconip,arMhle source of consolation. " Albeit," he says, " we need none of
these things (that is, alliances with foreign nations), seeing that we have the holy hooks of
Seriptnre in our hands to comfort us." His allusions are of such a kind, indeeil, as to in-
dicate that the Old Testament collection was not oidy already looked upon as a well-known
and established canon of doctrine, hut was regarded with a reverence and a devotion ap-
proaching lh;\t of a biter day. This fact, moreover, is in perfect harmony with what is
known respecting the doctrinal position of this Jewish sect. The Sadducees held firmly to
the Scriptures, and not to the Pentateuch alone bnt to the Prophets as well, and that all the
more finnly, no doubt, that they repudiated so utterlj' the traditional teaching of the Phari-
sees. The contrary opinion concerning them has gained wide currency simply through cer-
tain ungrounded assertions of some of the early Christian fathers. Cf. Schiirer, Neuteslanient-
Uclie Zellf/eschichle, p. 4 32. The composition before us, too, is everywhere characterized by
such an unmistakMble tone of deep moral earnestness and of loyalty to the theocratic con-
slitntion and history of the Jewi>li people, that it may bo regarded as full compensation for
the want of more marki'd outward expressions of the same. What the author fails to say
directly of God, of Providence, and the higher aims, he is still able, through the devout
spirit that pervades cvi^ry chapter, to make us feel that he inwardly means. The remark of
Baumgarten on the Book of Esther is quite as applicable here : " There is no need of much
discernment to apprehend the immense benefit which has accrued to the church in time past
(Kom. XV. 4; 2 Thess. iii. IG) and must accrue in time to come, from a hoi)' silence combined
with the spirit and action of martyrs." (Cf. Herzog's Real-E ncyl:., under " Esther.") But
the book is by no means wliolly bare of allusions to tlie God of the fathers, or wantinn- iu
outward expressions of dependence and trust. What picture, for instance, could be more full
of a moving pathos than that which is drawn of the assembly at Massepha " over atrainst Je-
rusalem," the place of prayer "aforetime in Isi-ael," where the people gathered ancl "fasted,
rent their clothes, laid open the book of the Law," brought together the pi-iest's irarments
and other things which on account of the triumph of their enemies could be no longer used
and " cried with a loud voice toward heaven, saying, ' What shall we do with tliese, and
whither shall we carry them away ? ' " (Cf. iii. 46 ff.) And at another time (vii. 37), the
priests are depicted as standing and weeping before the altar while they solemnly invoked
his interposition on their behalf who had chosen the temple to be called by his name, and to
be a house of prayer for his people. That in no one case which has the support; of all the
WSS. throughout the entire book does the word 6i6i or K-ipiot occur, or any other direct and
definite designation of Jehovah, is certainly a very remarkable fact. We have, instead
everywhere the indefinite ovpavis, or a simple pronoun in the second or third person. That
it is wholly due, as some think, to the already prevalent custom of avoiding, as much as pos-
sible, every use of the divine name, can scarcely be supposed (so Rosenthal, Das Erste Mncca-
Idtrlmch, etc. Leipz., 1867, p. 10) It is more likely, on the other hand, that it is chiefly
to be regarded as but an unconscious witness to the fact that there was no lonn-er any
prophet in Israel (I Mace. iv. 46; ix. 27; xiv. 41). The idea of God as of One wh'o dwelt
among them and might be communicated with as friend with friend (Ex. xxxiii. 11) had re-
ceded, while in its place ruled the more cold and abstrswt thought of One whose dwelling-place
and throne were in the distant heaven.

THE riRST BOOK OF MACCABEES. 479

Aufhorities Uxed bi/ the Author and Date of Composition.

In some instnnOL's, as wo have already observed, our auihor inakcs direct reference to au-
tlioritifS. But be nuuliure shows n slavish de|)endenee upon them, or scarcely aecoi'da them
the weij;lit which they may be siip|)0-ed to have deserve I. He lived too near the events
which he relates lo take any other attitude respecting; them than that of an iiide[)Riident his-
torian. Sucii original documents as he uses, he uses with the utmost freedom, omitting, en-
larging, simplifyiug, as bust suits his aim. This would be clear from the one fact, if there
were no others to support it, tluit the style of the composition is thronghout the same. There
are nowhere any traces of the pitchwork which must have inevitably resulteil if anything like
a literal reproduction of originals then extant in different languages had been atten)pted.
AVhere wriiten authorities were wanting, there was a hardly less vahiable tradition, still en-
joying a youthful life in the speech and thought of the people about hiin, to which he could
ever appeal. And even assuming the latest date which could with propriety be given to the
work, the wiiter must himself have been contemporaneous with many of the persons and scenes
that are the subjects of his narrative, and thus possessed the very best support for some of
his statements, in that he was an eye-witness to their truthfulness. As far as he availed him-
self of written authorities, it is probable that it was only of such as existed in the form of let-
ters, brief public records, and fugitive pieces relating to persons and events of special interest.
The woik alluded to in chap. xvi. 23, under the title of the Chronicles of the Priesthood of
John Ili/rcanus-, so far from giving encouragement to the view tliat such chronicles existed also
of the [leriod immediately preceding, should lead us, as Grimm {Eitileit., p. xxiii., versus
Smith's Bib. Diet., s. v.) has shown, to just the contrary conclusion. Tlie present writer ends
his work, <piile naturally, at the point where these Chronicles take up the history. And this
remark of his has its best explanation when we suppose that he meant thereby to give a reason
for his carrying on the hisloiy no further.

Kespecting the time of the composition of 1 Maccabees, there are happily certain tolerably
trustworthy data furnished by the work itself. From chap. xvi. 23, we may safely infer that
it was written after the death of John llyrcanus (b. C. 106). This opinion is indeed dis-
puted by some (Bertheau, Welte, Keil), bat as we must think on wholly iusulficient grounds.
It has, on the other hand, the confident support of Eichhorn, Bertholdt, De VVette, Ewald,
Grimm, Fritzsche, and many others. But it is further evident that the work was not written
immediately after the death of this ruler, since the published record of the events of his reign
•was already in circulation. In chap. xiii. 30, moreover, we read concerning the family monu-
ment which had been erected by Simon that it still existed at the time of the writer. Such
a remark would have been uncalled for if a considerable period had not already elapsed. But
we are not allowed to date the composition very long — i. e. not more than a score or two of
years — after the death of John llyrcanus, since views are expressed in it, as, for instance,
those concerning the llomans (chap, viil.), which, in that case, would be quite incomprehen-
sible. It was in the year B. c. 64 that Jerusalem was taken by Pompey, and no further illu-
sions concerning the " noble people " that " lovingly accepted all that joined themselves unto
them " were possible. To attempt, however, to fi.t the date of composition more exactly than
in savin"' that it took place during this interval of about forty years, — i. c, between the death
of John llyrcanus and the capture of Jerusalem by Pompey, — might, perhaps, be justly
characterized as venturesome. Still the early existence of the present translation as witnessed
to bv Joscphus'use of it and some other considerations derived from the history of the period
itself would lead us to place it somewhat nearer the former than the latter of these two ex-
tremes.

The Greek Text and Ancient Versions.

The oldest Greek MSS. of our book are the Sinaitic and Alexandrine. The former contains
only (he First and Fourth Books of Maccabees. The hitter the entire four. The Roman (Six-
<ine) edition of the book is based on MSS. not now known. The Vatican Codex does not
contain 1 Maccabees nor any one of the remaining three, although many critics and commen-
tators, including even Michaelis (cf. Cotton, p. 52), have cited the readings of the Sixtine
edition as though they were those of this famous MS. Codex Sinaitictfs, which Fritzsche in
His edition of the text names X., corresponds generally with Codex Alexandrinus (Hi.). The

480 THE APOCRYPHA.

niort' inipoi'tnnt of tlie sixteen coilices of tlie present book in the Holines-Farsons' edition of
tlie LXX., \vi! liiive alrenily (lefcribeil in tlie Oeiu ral I iitroij iiclliiii. Tlie best text is fonnJ in
III. X. 32. 56. (;2. 106. 107., which also show an inner connection with one another. Next to
them come 13. G4. 93., wilh the Syriac version.

There are but tivo old ver>ions uf 1 Mai;cabees extant, a Latin and a Syriac. The former was
received into the Vult^afe without special revision from the Old Latin. In its ori;j;iiial form it
came from the Greek and closely corresponds wilh it. The omissions, additions, and deviations,
wliicli indeed are somewhat numerous, are rarely of special importance, and may be due more to
later changes which the version has suffered than to original faults of transLitiou. There are,
in fact, two i-ecensions of this version. In addition to the common one, Sabatier publi?ht,\l
(Bibtioriim Sacrvriim Latince Versiones Anlirjiice, etc., Rheims, 1739-49; Paris, 1751, ii. 1013,
E([<j.) for the first thirteen chapters, another from a MS. belonging to the cloister of St. Ger-
main in Paris, and known as " S. Germ. 15," which differed considerably from the former,
and whi; h he regarded as an earlier form of it. Grimm, on the contrary, and following him
Keil, have represented that Sabatier held this text to be the result of a later attempt to revise
the text of the Vulgate on the basis of the Greek. But it was undoubtedly the text of ihe
Vulgate wdiieh Sabatier regarded as the revised one (cf. AVelte, Einleil. in die Deuterokanon
Biicher, p. 26, where his language is quoted in its original form). Moreover, the text of the
St. Germain MS. is a sullicient witness for itself. Fritzsche says of it (^Libri Apoc. V. T.,
prajf. , p. XX.) : sed ille est. . . ■ tjcnere dicendi /wrridior et verbnrum lexlus (jrmce lenijcior, etc.
Both recensions were evidently made from the Greek, and there is no satisfactory evidence in
support of the opinion of Curtiss {The Name Machabee, p. 6), that Jeronie or any one else, in
either of them, has attempted a revision on the basis of a supposed Hebrew text then extant.
Tlie best text of the common Latin version is found in the Biblia Sacra Latina Vet. Testamenli
Eieronymn interprele ex Antiquissima Auctorilale in Stichos dexcripla, by Heyse and Tisoh-
endorf, Lips., Brockhaus, 1873. In this edition along with the Clementine text (Home, 1592-
1861), are given the readings of Codex Amiatinus. Besides tlie two recensions of the Latin
above referred to, a fragment consisting of sixteen verses of the second chapter (49-64), has
been published by Mai (Spicil. Rom., tom. ix., Ap. p. 60), in which a wholly different render-
ing is found. Its origin is unknown. The Syriac version (Lond. Polyglot, vol. iv.) which was
formerly supposed by some to be a direct offspring of the Hebrew (cf. especially, Michaelis,
Deutsche Ubi-.rselzunrj des Ersten Buchs der Maccabder, Vori-ede, p. x.), since the masterly col-
lation by Trendelenburg (Primi L!bn Maccali. Grreci Textm cum Versione Si/riaca CuUalio
in Eichhorn's Repertnrium fllr Bihlische und Morgertliindische Lileratur, xv., pp. 58-153) is uiii-
versally acknowledged to have sprung from the Greek. The correspondences, indeed, are
found to be most maiked, and no olher conclusion is possible. Even the special form of the
Greek text, which impressed itself on the Syriac translation, is still discoverable in the MSS.
19. 64. 93. Instances in which they are followed word for word are not rare. Tlie names of
places are so given, however, that it is inferred the translator must have been acquainted
■with them in their Semitic form. This fact gives the version a peculiar value for exetretical
purposes, and at the same time bears witness to its great age.

Canonical Standing.

As we have already noticed, the Sinaitic Codex contains of the Maccabjean books only
the first and fourth. The latter is arranged in a separate section with the Shepherd of Her-
mas, as though it had originally formed with it an appendix to the canonical books. The
omission of tlie several books of the Maccabees in the Vatican Codex is remarkable since it
contains all Ihe other apocryphal writings. It is evident, moreover, that the former could
never have formed a part of it. In this respect, as well as in the position of the Book of
Esther, next after the Wisdom of Sirnrh, it is in harmony with the canon of Athanasius (cf.
Westcott, Bible in Church, pp. 161, 304). In Codex Alexandrinus the four books of Macca-
bees follow ill order, after Ezra and Neheniiah and before the P.-alter. The arrano-ement
indicates that they, in connection with Esther, Tobit, and Judith, were regarded as forming
an appendix to the historical books of the canon, and as themselves not properlv canonicaf
Ibis view is strengthened by the fact that Wisdom and Eccle.viasticus are similarly arranged
in this codex with respect to the Hagiographa. In Codex Claromontanus three books" of
Maccabees ai-e found, the one omitted being the third. They are placed at the end of the

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES. 481

Old TfStaiiient, next after Daniel, in a series of books tliat includes, besides, Jndith, Esdras,
Esther, Job, and Tobit. This position was doubtless meant to iiidieate here, as in the cases
mentioned above, that the books were designed for ecclesiastical use onlv.

We find but very few traces of 1 Maccabees amono; Christian writers of the first Christian
centui-ies. Its history, for the most part, lay outside the sphere of their inqun-ies. In the
so-called Apostolic. Canons, art. Lxxxv., — which, however, is probably a later addition, —
three books of Maccabees are mentioned among (hose to be revered as " holy," and they are
enumerated between Esther and Job. In tjie Coptic .version of these canons (see Did. of
Christian Antiq., p. 118) the Book of Esther is omitted, and those of Tobit and Judith are
put in the place of the Maccabees. Farther on the words occur : " And out of the Wistloin
of Suhinoii. and Esttier, the three Books of Maccaiees, and the Wisflom of t!ie Son of Sirach,
there is much instruction." Clement of Alexandria makes a bare allusion to our work as the
" Book of the Maccabiean history " (Strom., i. § 123). Tertullian, also (AJc. Jud., iv.), shows
acquaintance with the history'of ]the Maccabiean wars. Origen, as we have previously ob-
served, speaks of the books of the Maccabees as not being included in the canon of the Jews.
Eusebius, too, in his Chronicle, sepai-ates them from the " Divine Scriptures," while else-
where showing that he was not ignorant of their contents. (Cf. Prcep. Eo., viii. 9.) Athan-
asius, as before remarked, omits the Maccabsan books from his list entirely. The same is
true of Gregory of Nazianzus (f A. D. 390), of Amphilochius, his friend (f A. D. 395), and of
Cyril of Jerusalem (f A. D. 38G), all of whom puljlished catalogues of the Old Testament
wriiiiifs. Even among the Alexandrian fathers the allusions to the Maccabees are quite
rare. Among Latin writers of the early church, Ruffinus (f c. A. D. 410) reckons the " Book
of Maccabees " among " ecclesiastical," in distinclion from " canonical " works. Jerome,
as is well known, translated none of the Old Testament Apocrypha save Judith and Tobit,
and accorded them likewise only " ecclesiastical " rank. He mentions the Maccabees in con-
nection with these two works as being read by the church, although not held to be canonical.
(Cf. Prc^f. ad Lib. Sol.) Augustine advocated the principle that the usage of the greatest
number of churches should decide the matter of the authority of the several books of Scrip-
ture. Among works to be thus judged, he mentions two books of Maccabees, along with
Judith and Tobit. He himself, however, did not regard the former as standing on a level
with works usually held to be canonical, since, in a controversy with the Donatists who
quoted 2 Maccabees, he remaiks that these works had never been received into the Hebrew
canon. In fact, he elsewhere (De Civ. Dei, xviii. 36) expressly distinguishes them from the
*' Holy Scriptures," they having been accepted by the church simply on account of the his-
tories of martyrs which they contain. At the Council of Carthage (a. d. 397), according to
some authorities, (he two books of Maccabees were enumerated among the '• Divine Scrip-
tures." But, if it be true, it is to be intcr[)reted in the light of Augustine's actual position
touchinn- the matter of canonical and uncanonical books, since his infiuence predominated in
this council. Subsequent to this period the book before us shared, in general, the fortunes of
the remaining works of the Old Testament Apocrypha, of which we have akead/ spoken
sufficiently.

31

THE FIRST BOOK

or THE

MACCABEES,

Chapter I.

1 And it happened, after that Alexander, the Macedonian, the son of Philip,* who
came out of the land of Chettiim, had smitten Darius king of the Persians and

2 Medes, that he reigned in his stead, being previously ^ over Greece. And he waged *

3 many wars, and won ^ many ^ strong holds, and slew kings ° of the earth. And he '
went through to the ends of the earth, and took spoils of a multitude of nations ;
and* the earth was quiet before him. And" he was exalted, and his heart was

4 lifted up. And he gathered a very great army,'" and ruled over countries, and *'■

5 nations, and kings ; and they " became tributaries unto him. And after these things

6 he fell sick,'" and perceived that he would " die. And '^ he called his servants,
those that were distinguished and had been brought up with '" him from his youth,

7 and parted his kingdom among them, while he was yet alive. And ^'' Alexander

8 reigned twelve years, and died.'* And his servants bore rule every one in his place.

9 And after his death they all put crowns upon themselves, and '° their sons after

10 them, for ''■" many years ; and they did much evil -' in the earth. And there came
out of them a sinful shoot, Antiochus Epiphanes, a son of king Antiochus,-^ who
had been a hostage at Rome ; and he reigned in the hundred and thirty and seventh
year of the kingdom of the Greeks.

11 In those days went there out of Israel apostates, and '^' persuaded many, saying,
Let us go and make a covenant ^* with the nations '•^^ that are round about us ; for

12 since we separated ourselves'-'' from them we have had much trouble.'^' And the

13 matter pleased them.-" And"" certain of the people declared themselves ready to
go, and went ^° to the king ; and he gave them authority to practice "' the ordinances

14 of the heathen. And "^ they built a gymnasium ^* at Jerusalem according to the

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : $071 [rov is omitted by 19. 64. 93.1 of Philip, the Macedoninn. 2 ;the first (TrpoTepoi/ is adopted
bj Fritzsche, Grimm, ond Keil from 111. X. 52. 55. 56. al. Co. Aid. : tfj-t. rec, Trporepo?. Grimm would insert Si after
irp^Tepoc). 3 and made. * wan. ^ (omitted by 111. X. 23. 44. 52. al.) '^ the kings. ' omits he. 8 took

Bpoils of many (TrArieous) nations, iusomueh that (Kot). " whereupon (23. omits Kal).

Vers. 4-6. — '" A. V. : gathered (cruvrj-yaye : aui'vjlei', III. X. 23. 44. 55. iil.) a mighty strong host. ^> (omitted by

X. 23. 44 62. al.) ^-' )tings (maig., kin^flovis. Codd. 111. 23. 44. al. Co., Tvpavv\.Civ), who. '3 (gee Com.)

^* should. 1'' Wherefore. "' .^»f/, «.*•" it"^re honourable, attti ha'l breii brought up with {text, rec, (TVfTpo^ovs

rrilz.-ehe, Oriuim, and Kill adopt OT^feKTpoi/joys from 111. X. 23. 44. 55. 62. al. Co. Aid.).

■\ers. 7-9. — '^ A. V. : So. "* t/tpu d ed. i'' b;u'e .... so fJiJ. 20 cinits for. -' evils were multiplipd.

Vers. 10 12. — " A. V. : \vieked root (ptfa afjiapTuiKo^. I take the former word, with Grimm and Keil, in the sense
of " shoot." Cf. Keelus. xlvii. 22), Antioihus siininiKed Kpiphanes, sou of .Antiorhus {ho (11 1. X. 19. 23. 44. 106. al.
Co. have the article) king. ^ witkrd men (utol Trapai'Ofxot. They were persons who held the law of Moses in no

respect, apostates, and hence were regarded as base and unworthy) who -'' (the word 6taflijici)i' seems to have a

somewhat broader meaning here. Cf. ver 15. They ro.^olved to make common cause with the foreign peoples about
them.) -■' heathen (it is not likely that they would have used such a word). -" departed. 27 .sorrow (lit,, many
ev'ts /mvffoinif/ its). -^ So lhi.s device .... them well (Kal TjyojBjvOr] 6 A^iyos ee 6/.0aA/jLots ainUti/, " .\nd the matter was
found good, seemed good, in their eyes'").

\'ers. 13, 14. — ^u a, v. : Then. su were 1:0 forward herein (TrpoeGu^^0Tj(Tac z= they u^ere rentlij^foTU-ard, eager)^ that

they went. *^ who .... licence to do after. ^'^ whereupon. iw a place of exercise.

1 MACCABEES. 483

15 customs of the heathen ; and they ' made themselves foreskins,'^ and fell away from »
the holy covenant, and yoked themselves in with^ the heathen, and sold them-
selves ^ to do the evil.*

16 And' the kingdom was established before Antiochus, and he had the thought to
become king of the land of Kgypt,' that he might have dominion over the" two

17 realms. And ^° he entered into Egypt, with a great multitude, with chariots, and

18 elephants, and horsemen, and a great navy.'^ And they' waged '^ war against
I'tolemy ^^ king of Egypt ; and Ptolemy turned about before " him, and fled ; and

19 many were wounded to death.^'^ And they took possession of '° the fortified" cities

20 in the land of Egypt, and he took the spoils of the land of Egypt.^* And after that
Antiochus had smitten Egypt, he returned ^^ in the hundred forty and third year ;
and lie -° went up against Israel, and he went up against ■'' Jei'usalem with a great

21 multitude. And he entered in arrogance ^- into the sanctuary, and took '■'^ the golden

22 altar, and the candlestick of light, and all the vessels thereof, and the table of the
s^ewbread, and the pouring vessels, and the vials, and the censers of gold, and the
vail, and the crowns, and the golden ornaments that were on the front of " the tem-

23 pie; and he scaled all the (/old '■'' off. And he took ^* the silver and the gold, and the

24 precious vessels ; and *' he took the hidden ti'casures which he found. And hav-
ing taken all, he departed into his land.^' And he made a ^° massacre, and spoke

25 very arrogantly ."" And there came great mourning upon ^^ Israel, in every place

26 where they were; and^- princes and elders groaned,'*'' virgins and young men were

27 made feeble, and the beauty of women was changed. Every bridegroom took up

28 lamentation, and^'' she that sat in the marriage chamber was in mourning.'^ The
land also quaked^' for the inhabitants thereof, and all the house of Jacob was
clothed with shame.^'

29 And ^* after two years time ^' the king sent his chief collector of tribute unto the

30 cities of Jnda ; and he *° came unto Jerusalem with a great multitude. And he
spake words of peace unto them, in deceit ; " and they gave ^^ him credence.
And ^^ he fell suddenly upon the city, and smote it very sore, and destroyed much

31 people of Israel. And when he had taken the spoils of the city, he set it on fire,

32 and pulled down the houses and the" walls thereof round about.*^ And*'' the
women and the*' children took they captive, and took possession of*' the cattle.

33 And they fortified *'■' the city of David with a great and strong wall, with strong '"

34 towers, and it became their strong hold.^' And they put therein a sinful nation,

35 apostates ; ^^ and they strengthened themselves in it.^^ And they laid in weapons and
provisions, and having"* gathered together the spoils of Jerusalem, they laid them

36 up there ; and they became'''' a sore snare. And it became ''" a place to lie in wait

37 against the sanctuary, and an evil adversary to Israel continually.*' And *" they
shed innocent blood round about '"'^ the sanctuary, and defiled the sanctuary.''''

38 And ''* the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled because of them ; and it became '^'^ a habi-
tation of strangers ; and it '''' became strange to those that were born in her ; and

Vcr. 15. — ^ A. V. : omits t\icy. ^ uncircumcLced (aKpojSuaTt'a?. See Com.). 3 forsook. * joined them-

selves to. '' were sold. '^ do miscllief.

Vers. 16, 17. — ^ A. V. : Now when. ^ Antiochu."!, he thought to reign over (Fritzsche receives yiis from IIT. 19.

23. 62. 64. 93. 106. Old Lit. Syr.) U. » tlle dominion of. >» U llerefore. >' |Cf. Com.) " ^nd made (/Exi. rfc,

crui/eanjo-afTo, which is retained by Grimm and i■'ritz^che ; Koil would prefer the sing., read by 111. 62. Co. Old Lat.
Syr. In the former case the subject would be Antiochus and his army, as in ver, 19). ^^ Ptolomee. ^^ but

Ptolemee was afraid (so Lutlier rendi-rs tVeTpairij here) of. ^^ (Ijit.,ye^/ wounded, or slain, since the latter is generally
the meaning of rpau/ianas in the LXX. See Com.) i« Thus they got. i" strong. i^ spoils thereof.

Vers. 20-;i3. — ^'■' A. V. ; returned again. ^o omits he. 21 omtLs he went up ag.iinst (as 23. 4i. .55. 66. 62. 71. 74.
(has en\ 'I., as X. ) 1U6. 243. Co. Aid.). 23 and entered proudly. '^ took awaij. -* before. 2^ temple, all which
he pulled. ^c xfe took aLso. 27 ai^o.

Vers. 24-26. — 2» A. V. ; when he had taken all au'ay, he went .... own land. 20 having made a great (Luther :

'* He had many people killed ''). 20 spoken very proudly. ^l Therefore there was great mourning in. S2 go tt^^t
the. ^" mourned {^ativa^av), the.

Vers. 27, 2'j. — ^^ III. X. 23. 55 al. omit. 3j a. V. : heaviness. 3c ^vas moved (see Com.). ^^ covered with

confusion.

Ver:!. 29-31. — ^^ ITI. X. 44. .il. omit. 30 A. V. : fully expired (see Coin.). *"* who ^* spake peaceable words

.... but all was deceit. *'- for when they had given. *' omit.'i And. ^^ omits the. 4" on every side.

Vers. 32-33. — ^"^ A. V. : But. "»' omits the. ■*8 possessed. *" Then builded they. ^ and with mighty,

tl made it a strong hold for tliem. ''- (Cf. ver. 11. See Com.) "■* fortilied (of. ver. 33) themseii'ts therein,

w They stored it also with armour and victuals .... when they had. C5 go they became (eyeVcTO, 111. X. 19. 64.).

Vers. 30-38. — t^ K.y.: for it was. ^^ omits continually (Sea iravT6i). '^ Thus. ^ oq every side of.

<^ defiled -it. - ^^ insomuch that, . ■ .9^ \fiiezeiLpon. the citi/ Wis ja&ds. '^..emitsib.

484 THE APOCRYPHA.

89 her children ' left her. Her sanctuary was laid waste like a wilderness, her feasts
were turned into mourning, her sabbaths into reproach, her honor into contempt.

40 As had been her glory, so was her dishonor increased, and her exaltation was
turned into mourning.

41 And the king ^ ivrote to his whole kingdom, that all should be as * one people,

42 and every one should abandon his customs. And "• all the heathen agi-eed to " the

43 commandment of the king. Yea, many ' of the Israelites found pleasure in * his

44 religion, and sacrificed unto idols, and profaned the sabbath. And the king sent ° let-
ters by messengers unto Jerusalem and the cities of Juda, that they should follow

45 the foreign customs " of the land, and keep *' burnt offerings, and sacrifices, and
drink offerings, out of the sanctuary ; ^^ and that (hey should profane sabbaths ^'

46, 47 and festival days ; and pollute sanctuary and priests ; build " altars, and groves,

48 and idol temples," and sacrifice swine's flesh, and unclean animals ; ^^ that they
should also leave their sons uncircumcised, make " their souls abominable with all

49 manner of '* imcleaniiess and profanation : to the end they might forget the law, and

50 change all the ordinances. And whosoever would not do according to the command-

51 ment of the king, he'° should die. In accordance with all these commands ^ wrote
he to his whole kingdom ; and he "^ appointed overseers over all the people ; and
he commanded ^^ the cities of Juda to sacrifice, city by city.

52 And -^ many of the people were gathered unto them, every ^* one that forsook the

53 law ; and they -^ committed evils in the l-md. .nnd drove the Israelites into hiding

54 places, wherever they could find a refuge.-" And on '•''' the fifteenth day of the month
Cliaseleu,-^' in the hundred forty and fifth year, they built an "" abomination of des-

55 elation upon the altar, and built altars in the cities of Juda roundabout.™ And

56 they '^ burnt incense at the doors ^^ of I heir houses, and in the streets. And having
rent ^' in pieces the books of the law which they found, they burnt them with fire.

57 And where was found with any a book of the covenant,^* or if any found pleasure
in ^^ the law, the king's commandment was, that they should put him to death.

58 Thus did they according to their might "" unto the Israelites every month, to as

59 many as were found in the cities. And on the twenty-fifth day '' of the month they

60 sacrificed upon the altar,''^ which was upon the altar of burnt offering. And,*^ ac-
cording to t!ie commandment, they put to death the women,''" that had caused their

61 children to be circumcised. And they hanged the infants about their necks, and

62 plundered''^ their houses, and slew*'^ them that had circumcised them. And^'
many in Israel were strengthened and firmly resolved not to eat what was unclean."

63 And they chose *^ to die, that they might not be defiled with food,'"' and that they

64 might not profane the holy covenant ; and*' they died. And there was very great
wrath upon Israel.

Vers. 38-40. — 1 A. V. : own children. ^ exce[\cucj {v^fo^).

Vers. 41-47. — ^ a. V. : Moreover king Antinchuf (Fritzscbe etrikea out the last word tut wanting in TIT. X. 23. 44.
52. 55. 50. al. Co. AIJ.). ^ omits Eis (eis before Aa6f is found in 111. 23. 44. 55. 56. al. and is adopted by Fritzsche).

G leave his laws : so. ^ according to. ' many aho. ^ consented to (seeCojH.). f> I'or .... had sent.

'" strange laws. i' forbid («ojAt}o-at followed by ck). '2 in the tenivile (same word that Ig rendered " sanctuary "

elsewlicre). ^^ the sabbaths. ^* the sanctuary .... holy people (not the Israelites in general, but clearly those

ofTici;iting in the temple are meant); set up. ^'* chapels of idols. i" beasts.

Vers. 48 53 — '^ A. V. . children .... and make. is mnnner o/"(this is the force of ttovtI here). ^° lie snitl^ he.

20 In the self-ame manner. -' ontiLs\\ti. -- people, commanding. -^ Then. "* to wit, evory. 23 .so they.

20 secret plnreK, eren wheresoerer they could flee for succour (lit., " in all their places of refuge ").

Vers. 54-57. — 27 ^^ y_ • >;ow. 28 Caslen (seeCowi.). 211 ggt vji the (same word rendered " builded ■■ in the second
line following. Cf. Coin.). 20 builded iitoi altars throughout .... on every side. 3i oniil.-i they. 32 ^cf, Co7n.)
3^ wlien thev had rent. -* wheresoever .... the book of the testament. a*, consented to (cf. ver. 43).

Vers. 58-ljJ. — ^u A. V. : by their authority. ^7 j^'qw the Ave and twentieth t/ay. ^8 did sacrifice upon the idol

aitMT (if. (V)jji.). '•^•^ ;i\inr 0/ Got/. At v\bich time. *'' certain womcu.

Ver,- Bl-fi4. — •'' A. V. : rilled. « (111. X 2.3. 56, al. Co. omit tills and the preceding verb, and IIT. 56. read

oifcet'oK^ for otKou9 1 ^■' llowbeit. ■>* fully resolved and confirmed in themselves (eVpaTaiuJ9T/(7&i' (fal Q)^upto0,j(Tai' 6C
aiiTOL^i .... mil/ unclean iliini^. ■''■' \Vherefore .... chose rather (for ^TrcKe^avTo Fritzsche adopts eTrfSejai/To from

111. X. 19. 2.3. 44. 5tl. al., but it does not seem to be favored by Keil and Orimui). ^o meats «^ so tken.

Chapter I.

■Ver. 1. Kal jyeVfTO (for tlie Ilelirew "'H'!').

In the .0])iiiioii of Micliaclis, such a bcgirninj; is
clear evidence of a, Hebrew uiigiual. — Laad of

Chettiim. Cf. .ler. ii. 10; Ezck. xxvii. 6, where
tlie " isles of Chitiiiii " aie meiitioiieJ. Tho
islands and couniries on the more westerly coast
<ii tbe M^diteiraueau, iuuludia£ also Macedonia,

I MACCABEES.

485

are mennt. — Persians and Medies. This was
the usual deaignation of the I'eisian kingdom
after the union of Meili.i with I'eivi.i effected by
Cyrus. Ill the Boole of Dauiel, on tlie contrary,
we Hud uniformly Mides and Persians. Of. Dan.
V. 28; vi. 15 ; viii. 20

Ver. 2. It has been noticed that the Greek
word used for "slew" (i<Tipai,e) indicates that
these kings were not slain in regular battle, but
were executed by Alexander. The word for
kin<;s is without the aiticle, as indicating that
they were siiu|ily rulers of the smaller provinces
uudir the king of I'ursia.

Ver. ,3. Bnds of the earth. He carried his
conquests as f^r ;is the Indian Ocean. Accord-
ing to Strabo (xv. 39), it was reported tluit the
booty taken by Alexander amounted to the value
of from forty tliousimd to one hundred and eighty
thoiisaiul talents.

Ver. 5. "Ettco-ci' ^irl t^jx roIt-i]V. This form
of expression was common to the Aramiiic, and
means much the same as our " took to his bed,"
*' was sick iibed." l^or an account of the final
sickne-sof Alexander, ct. Groie, Hist, of Greece,
xii. 254 ff, ; Droyson, i. 2, p. 3:i7 ff.

Ver. 6. Called his servants, i. e., the various
officials, civil and military. — While he was yet
ahve. On the uiui»nal genitive absolute here, cf.
Winer, p. 207. The statement made in this veise
that Alexander di\idi.'d liis kingdom amoni? his
officers seems to have no sufficient foundation.
iSnch a report was widely circulated in the East,
and seems to ha\e been accepted as a fact by the
wiiter of the present hook. Of all the Greek anil
Latin historians, however, it is only alluded to by
one, and he di.scrcdits its truth. Curiins (x. 10,5)
says ; " Sed fainam ejus rei quamqtiara ab auctori-
liiis tradita ist, vanam fnixse com/ieriiuus." The
lv"|)ort probably gut into circulation through the
])artisaiis of the Hellenistic kings, who sought
thus to give some color of authority lothe usurpa-
tions of the latttr. Cf. Droy.-on, ii. 1, 2 Buch.

Ver 7. Twelve years. According to Arrian
(vii. 28), it was twelve years and eight months.
" He lived thirtytwo year.-, and beyoud the thirty-
second eight mouths; as Ari.-tobulus says; 'He
was king twelve year.-, iind then eight months.''

Ver. 9. Put crowns upon themselves, i. e.,
assumed the kingly dignity. The various officials
and generals of Alexander who actually did this,
according to Grimm, were Antigonus in Asia,
ftoleniy in Egypt, Seleucus in Babylon, Lysiin-
aclius in Thrnce, and Cassander in .Vlacedon. But
cf. Grote, xii., p 319. The evil which these petty
kings caused supplies a good thought for the tran-
si I ion of the aiilhoi-, at this point, to the rule of
Antiochns Kpiphanes and the consequent insur-
rection under the Maccabees.

\'er. 10. The word " Kpiphanes" corresponds
to the Latin nobiiis, Miistrls. The name may
have had its origin in the fact of Antioehus' sud-
den appearance from his iiuprijoniuent at Home.
He was also known by the uame Epiinanes, the
madiiiun. He U so called by Polybius (Frag.,
xxvi. 10; cf. Dioil. Sic, 11. xxvi., xxxi.), wiio
gives several instances of his ivild and inconsist-
ent behavior. — Who had been a hostage at
Kome. This is said apparently to bring out the
contrast between his condiiion at one time and
his subsetjuent pretensions and conduct. After
the battle of Magnesia, b. o. 189, Antioehus HI.
could make peace with the Romans only on the
coudition of sending twenty liostages to Kome,

among them his own son. Antioehus Epiplianes
remained fifteen years in the imperial city, and
was then released through the interposition of
his brother Seleucus IV., wOio delivered to the
Homans his own sou in place of Antioehus.
While the latter was on his way home, Seleucus
IV. was murdered by an ambitious courtier, and
Antioehus became king. — Hundred and thirty
and seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks,
(. c, the one hundred and thiity-seventh ye;ir of
the so-called Selencian era. Josephns calls it the
era t-<)s ' fitrtruplaip. Cf. Anlir/., xiii. G, § 7. By
"Assyrian " he means " Syrian." This era dates
from the autumn of the year b. u. 312, i. e., with
the battle and victory of Seleucus Nicator on
the Tigris — between the summers of B.C. 312
and 311 — in his contest wiih Nicanor, the gen-
eral of Antigonns. While the author of the
present book makes use of this Seleuci.an chro-
nology for years, when months are spokeii of
he reckims according to the Jewish mode, i. e.,
from JS'isan (April). Cf. iv. 52; x. 21. This
matter is fully treated by Schiirer (Neuiest. Zeit-
(jeseliirlue, p. 15 ff ) ; Wieseler, arts. " ui-^ra " and
"Antioehus" in Herzog's Real-Ennjk. ; also, vol.
xxi. 54.1-570 of Stud. u. Kril., 1S75, iii., pp. 516-
556; 1877, ii. 281-298 ; and Caspar! in the latter
work for 1877, p. 181 ff. Cf. Wieseler, iu reply,
1877, iii. 510 ff.

Ver. 11. The reference is to the efforts of a
certain party, soon after the accession of- Anti-
oehus Epiplianes, to Helleni/.e the Jewish peo-
ple anil institutions. Cf. Schiirer, /. c, p. 67 ff.
Their wish was not simply to nuike a covenant, but
to become like the Greeks in religion and gen-
eral customs, as is apparent from the following
verses.

Ver. 15. Made themselves foreskins. This
was on account of the exposure of the body iu
the gymnasium. They wished to avoid the ridi-
cule of the Greeks. A surgical operation was
necessary. Cf. Winer, Heahvorterh., and Kiehm's
llanda-drterh., art. " Beschueiiiung ; " and Stud,
u. Krit., 1835, p. 657. — Sold themselves to do
evU. Cf. 1 Kings xxi. 20, the words of Elijah to
Aliab, of which the present prtss;ige is probably
a reminiscence. The meaning is that they be-
came reckless slaves of sin.

Ver. 16. Before Antioehus, havrtov 'Ayri-
6x0^, '. c., when he saw it established.

Ver, 17. With respect to the question whether
Antioehus made two, three, or four campaigns
an'ainst J'.gypt, on which authorities differ, cf.,
in addition to the commentaries of Grimm and
Keil, Graetz, ii., note 16, and Schiirer, /. c, p. 61,
with the authorities there cited. — A great navy.
Grimm supports this translation of the word
(rr6\oi, thinking the connection demands it. But
it is rejected by Keil, who follows the Syiiac iu
giving the word the meaning equipment. Mich.aelis,
Schle7isner, Gaab, and l)e Wette, on the other
hand, would render by "land force."

Ver. 18. Wounded to death. The Greek
rpaufj-arias is commonly used in the LXX. to
translate '^bin. Cf. the concordance of Trom-
mius, s. V. The Syriac renders by occisi. Mi-
chaelis says properly of the Vulgate, which trans-
lates by vulnerali, that it follows the common
Greek usage, rather than that of the LXX.

Ver. 21. The sanctuary, rh aylaaim. It is
here the va6s, iu distinction from lef6v, which
meant the temple as a whole. According to 2

486

THE. APOCRYPHA.

Mace. V. 21, the value of what Antiocliiis took
from the temple iit ilii-i time was 1,800 talents.

Vets. 22, 2.'i. Oil the various vessels u^ed in
the fer\ ice of the temple, see Keil, Handb. d. Bib.
Ardidoloqie, ]i. 140.

Ver. 24. Cf. Dan. vii. 8, 11, .36, to which the
present passage seems to have reference.

Ver. 28. The land, /. e., the very earth. It is
reprcs( ntod as being affected by the misery of its
inliabitaiits.

Ver. 29. After two years. The Greek is
^erd bvo eTT} ri^fpuiv, ^\'llicb lias a strong Hebrew
colcjrint'. — With a great multitude. Accord
ing to 2 Mace. v. 24, he had with him 22,000
men. Antiochus sent this detachment of his
troops, nnder ApoUoiiiiis, against Jerusalem, on
liis return from afrniiless campaign ■ — the second
— against Kgypt, where he had been opposed Ijy
tlie Komans nnder Popilins Lienas. According
to Josephus (.'\ntiq., xii. 5, § 4), Antiochus him-
self took part in thi.< seecmd attack upon Jeiii-
Balem ; but the Second Book of Maccabees, as well
as the present one, is against it.

Ver. 33. City of David. This is not to be
taken hei'e as identical u ith the cilij of .lernsalein.
It was r;it!ior the .'-onthwestern part ol; the same,
whieli, at an earlier jieriod, went nndrr ihe name
of " Mount Zioii." Cf. ver.se 33, and 2 Sam. v.
7, 9 ; 1 Cbron. ii. 5, 7. The "j\cra" is fre-
quently mentioned iu the ])resent history (i. .'iS ;
iv. 2; i.\. hi; x. 32; xiii. ,')2 ; xiv. 32)j and iu
2 Mace. (xv. 31, 3.'j), ba\ing been occupied liy a
garii.son of Syri;m troops, until they were tinallv
di-Iodged by Simon, n. c. 141 (I Mace. xiii. 49 1).
In our book (iv. 37, 611 ; v. 54 ; vi. 62 ; vii. 33 ; x
11) the name "Mount Zion," on tlie otln'r hand,
is given to tlie temple mountaiu, which in 2
Chi on. iii. 1 is called Mount Moriah. 'J'lie fact
thiit tlie .so-called "city of David " was so long in
the hands of the Syrians is sutiicient to account
for this iuterchiinge of names. Josephus niisun-
dcr.stood the imiltcr, re|)rescnting that the "city
of David " meant at this time the whole of Jeru-
salem (Antlq., vii. 3, § 2|, and naming a- "tlie
Acra" a part of the lower city in tiie m iuhbor-
hood of the temple. Cf. Com. of (irinim and
Kiil lid luc, and liichin, Jlunduiiiterb., under
" Burg."

Ver. 34. Sinful nation, eflros auapra'Aci)'. This
was ihe u.snal designation of tlie hejiilien bv the
Jews, and it is not to be supposed that this' par-
ticuliir garrison was made up of woive characters
than the rest of the army of Aiitiucbus. .

Ver 36. An evil adversary, Sii^oKov Tovnp6i',
— a probable translation of V^ 'I'^tT, with a ref-
ercnee not only to the fortification, but to those
will) occu|Hed it. 'Ihe following verses show in
what res| ects this deelaraiii)ii was true.

A'er. 43 Found pleasure in, fvS6xriaai' Trj.
The u-e of this >■ ord with the simple (lative is
found in the LXX. only here and in 1 Ksdras iv.
39. It is (oininon after the Macedonian period.
^ Aarpf/'j ai/roD, liis relig on. Cf. ii. 19, 22. The
word Aarpeiw, fruni Aarpis, ii serravl, is used in
the Apoer\|ilia e\cliisiv(lv of the worship of Cod.
See I lOsd. i. 4, iv. .54; Jml. iii. 8; ICcelu.s. iv. 14
S Miice. \i. 6.

V(r. 44. Ciimm doubts (thiiugli on scarcely
sufficient grounds) the tnitli of the statemen'i
here m.ide, tliiit Anticehus i sued sucli orders
respecting the Hellcni/.ing „f all the peo|.le of his
risalin, and thinks the idea mav have been taken
from' the similar edict of Nebuchadnezzar found
in Daniel, chap, iii.

Ver. 47. The offering of the flesh of swine ip
sacrifice, abhorrent as it was to the hr liest senti-
ments of the Jews, was practiced by tlie Greeks
as well as other nations. Ilerodotn-i (ii. 47)
says: " 'ihe ICgyptians do not regard the offering
of swine to the other uods as right ; but to the
goddess of the muon (SeAijt'ii) and Bacchus (Aio-
vvatf) they offer at the same time, on the same
full moon, their swine, and cat their flesh."

Ver. 4 8. Their souls. 'Vu-xii here refers to the
inward sjiiritual man, and is not with Gaab to be
iinderotood as a circumlocution for the personal
[ironoun.

Ver. 51. Over aJl the people, i. e., over the
Jews.

Ver. 52. Gathered unto them, namely, the
per.^ons who bad been set over the people by
Antiochus.

Ver. 54. This event — the building of a pagan
altar over the altar of Jehovah in the temple —
occurred, or was begun, on the 15tli of the mouth
t'hislai (corrc-poudiiig nearly to our December),
in the _\ ear b. c. 168 (145 of the Seleufian era),
and oil the tvveniy fifth of the s;iuie month sacri-
fices were first offered upon it. Graetz [ GischirldPy
iii. 2, p. 315), relying mainly on the interpreta-
tion of Jerome and the iVIishna, maintains that
it was an idol that wa.s placed on the altar, and
not another altar. The aKutiix-naav of the pics-
ent \ er.se he is obliged, however, to stigmatize as
a mistranslation of the Hebrew. Cf., below, iv.
43. — Abomination of desolation. The words
and id a are derived from Dan. xi. 31, and xii.
1 1, where the Hebrew is translated by the LXX.
by the Avoids used in our book, $5c\uyjj.a ipfifxcii^
afois, and in the second pa.ssiige by 1 heodotion
also. Cf. al.so Matt. xxiv. 15; Mark xiii. 14. It
was to the Jews an " alximination " which arose
out of " desolation," or more probably one that
cau.sed it. — especially, a desolation of all holy
ideas and usages iu eoiinectinn wiih the lemple
and its service. Iu the opinion of Calmet, Mi-
cliaelis, Grimm, Fritzscbe, and others, there is au
error iu the dale here, and for " fifteenth " there
should be read " twenty tiftU," Cf. verse 59; 2
Mace. X. 5 ; Joseph., Auti'i]., xii. 7, § 6. Such a
change, however, has no suppoit iu the MS. au-
thorities.

Ver. 55. At the doora, f irl Twj/ fli'pwj'. Grimm
would give the preposition here the .sense of itt or
near; while Iveil, referiiiig to Winer (p. 374),
prefers the lendering on, supposing that a persou
could stand on tlie thr sbold while sacrilieiu"-.
Among the Greeks, Apollo, liacehns, and Diana
were among other ilivinitie.i thus lionoretl.

Ver. 36. Books of the law. It refers pri-
marily to the Pentateuch, but might include al.so
the entire Gld Testament. 'J he saine is apparently
true of the expression, " book of the covenant"
in the following verse. If the latter be really
the case, this would be the first known use of this
now familiar jilirase. On the inHuence of the
Antiochiau persecution in ti.\iiig the Canon of the
Old Testament, cf. art. "Canon" in Smith's Ltib.
Did., .s. V.

Ver. 58. Every month. The meaning seems
to be that on a certain day of ettch inoiith such
persons were cNecnted as liad been found guilty
of disobeviug this edict respecting the desiriie.ioii
of all book^ of ihe Law.

Ve-. 59. The jirescnt book evcrywiiere dis-
tinguishes between the altar in the temple and the
heathen altiirs, by using for them 6uaiaittiipio»
and fiu^os respectively.

1 MACCABEES. 487

Ver. 60. The meaning here, ns the following
rerse shows, doubtless is, that these women
'' caused their children to be circumcised," al-

though in cases of need it was also allowed to
them to pei'form the rite themselves. Cf. Ex. ir.
25.

Chapteb n.

1 In those days arose Mattathias the son of John, the son * of Simeon, a priest of

2 the sons of Joarib from Jerusalem,^ and dwelt in Modein.' And he had five sons,
3, 4 John,'' surnamed Gaddis ; '^ Simon, called Thassi ; Judas, called ^ Maccabteus ;
5, 6 Eleazar, called Avaran ; and Jonathan, called ' Apphus. And when he saw the

7 blasphemous things that took place ' in Juda and Jerusalem, he said, Woe is me,
wherefore was I born to this to see the ruin ° of my people, and the ruin '" of the
holy city, and to stay " there, while ^^ it was delivered into the hand of the enemy,

8 and '' the sanctuary into the hand of strangers ? Her temple hath " become as a

9 man without glory. Her glorious vessels are carried away into captivity, her in-

10 fants are s3;iin in her streets,"^ her young men with the sword of the enemy. What

11 nation hath not received a share of " her kingdom, and gotten of her spoils ? All
her ornaments are taken away ; instead ^' of a free woman she hath '* become a

12 slave.^^ And behold, our sanctuary, and "'■'' our beauty and our glory, are ■'' laid

13 waste, and the heathen '"■ have profaned them.^' To what end should ^^ we live any

1 4 longer ? And -^ IMattuthias and his sons rent their clothes, and put on sackcloth,
and mourned very sore.

15 And ^^ the king's officers, those who enforced apostasy, came unto " the city Mo-

16 dein, iu order to ■"' sacrifice. And when many of Israel came unto them, Matta-

17 thias -^ and his sons came together. And the king's officers answered and spoke ^°
to Mattathias on this wise, Thou art a ruler, and an honored ^^ and great man in

18 this city, and strong through ^' sons and brethren ; now thererore come thou up
first, '^ and do ^ the king's commandment, as all the nations '^'^ have done, and ^'^ the
men of Juda, and those that are left in '' Jerusalem, so shalt thou and thine house
be of ^" the king's friends, and thou and thy sons ^^ shall be honored with silver and

19 gold, and many gifts." And ^^ Mattathias answered and spake with a loud voice.
Though all the nations that are in the king's realm *'^ obey him, so that they have
fallen *^ away every one from the religion of his fathers, aud have accepted for

20 tliemselves ■" his commandments, yet *'' will I and my sons and my brethren walk in

21 the covenant of our fathers. Be it far from us to ''^ forsake law ^" and ordi-

22 nances.** We will not hearken to the king's words, to turn aside *' from our relig-

23 ion, to the ''"' right hand, or the left. And*^' when he ceased ^- speaking these words,
there came up a man who was a Jew ''^ in the sight of all to sacrifice on the altar

24 which was at Modein, according to the king's commandment. And when Matta-

Yers. 1-5. — ^ A. V. ; the son {tov). ^ (Cf. Com.) 3 Modin (I shall hereafter write *' Moctein," without further

Dotice). * Joanaan (I adopt 'Iwdcnj? with Fritz.-^che, from III. X. 23. 4i. 52. 55. 53. .al.). '^ called (en-ixaAou^iecos)
Caddia (so text. rec. ; III. 23. 44. al. Aid. Vulg , yai&'s ; X. 19. 64., yaSSsi. Cf. LXX. at Numb. xiii. 3, Vaiii). » who
was called. ' whose surname was (Codd. HE. X. al. read KoAoii^ei/os ; text, rec, eirLKoXovfj-evoi). ^ blasphemies

that were committed (it refers to botti words and acts).

Vers. 6-9. — " A. V. : born to see this misery (rt tovto eyeftfj^drju l&iii/ to trvyrpifL^ia). ^° omits the ruin (as 19. 71.

93.). 1" dwell ((ca^iVat. It seems to get the meaning given above through the context), ^^ when. 13 {Omitted

by III. X. 66. al.l " is. « the streets (I adopt ovr^s from III. X. 23. 41. al., with Fritzsche).

Vers. 10-14. — ^*^ A. V. : had a part in. ^^ om/;5 instead. is is. i" bond slave. 20 y-mctuary (ra ayta ^naiv),
even, 21 jg, 22 Gentiles (usually rendered " heathen,'' or "nations,'" in our book). ^a jt. ^* there/ore iilao.ll.

25 Then.

Vers. 15-20. — 2c \^ v. : In the mean while. 27 such as compelled the people to revolt came into. 28 to make

them. SI* 51. also. so 'then answered (cf. Tom.) the king's officers and said. ^j honourable. ^2 gti^jingtbened
with. ^ thou first (irpotreAfle 7rpiI>ro5, '. e., come up first). ^ fulfil. ^^ like as ... . heathen. 3" r/en, and,

*' a/.«o, and such ait remain at. "S in t/ie number of . "" children. *o rewards (see Com.). ^' Then.

'2 under . . . Jominion (ec oIkw t^s ^ao-tAet'as). ^^ and (the infin.) fall. ^* their f.ithurs and givf* consent to

[jjperifravro ev. The verb in this construction means to choose gladly for the purpose of holding to. Cf. 2 Chron.
Xxix. 11, lleb. .and ijreek. \Vahrs Clivis giyiis it here, as middle, the seustiOtprcaceptaserL'ajidu sibi sninere). ^'' HI.
X. Ii3. 55 al., Kayi^ ; text, rec, aW eyw.

Vera. 21-24. — *o A. V. ; God forbid (see Com.) that we should. " the Uw. « the ordinances. *" to go.

^ either on the. ^^ Now, ''2 i^ad left. ^ came one of the Jeffs.

488 THE APOCRYPHA.

thias saw it,^ lie was inflamed with zeal, and trembled inwardly ; and he gave reiu
25 to his anger, as was right, and^ ran, and slew him upon the altar. Also the king's

commissioner,^ who compelled men to sacrifice, he killed at that time, and the altar
2G he pulled down. And he acted * zealously for the law, as ^ Phinees did unto Zam-

bi-i son^ (if Salom.

27 And Mattathias cried out in ' the city with a loud voice, saying. Every one

28 who * is zealous for ' the law, and keepetli '" covenant, let him follow me. And '*
he and his sons fled into the mountains, and left all that -"^ they had in the city.

29 Then many that sought after justice and judgment went down into the wilder-

30 ness, to dwell there, they " and their sons," and their wives, and their cattle ;

31 because the troubles ^^ increased upon ■'* them. And " it was told the king's ser-
vants, and the troops'* that were" at Jerusalem, in'^" the city of David, tliat
men,^' who had broken the king's commandment, had " gone down into the hiding-

32 places ^ in the wilderness. And many pursued after them,^'' and having over-
taken them, they camped against them, and made war against them on the sab-

33 bath day. And they said unto them. Enough ! ^^ Come forth, and do according to

34 the commandment of the king, and you shall live. And ^* they said, We will not
come forth, neither will we do the king's commandment, to profane the sabbath

35, 36 day. And they hastened the battle against them." And "' they answered them
■ not, neitlier cast ibey a stone at them, nor stopped up ^° the hiding-places, saying,^

37 Let us die all in our innocence ; *' heaven and earth will *^ testify for us, that you

38 put us to death wrongfully. And ^^ they rose up against them in battle on the sab-
bath, and they perished,^* witli their wives and their °^ children, and their cattle, to
the number of a thousand people.^"

39 And '^ when Mattathias and his friends learned of it,^' they mourned for them

40 right sore. And one of them said to another,*" If we all do as our brethren have
done, and fight not for onr lives and ordinances *" against the heathen, they will

41 now quickly root us out of " the earth. And at that time *- they resolved and an-
nounced,'"' Whosoever may " come against us to battle " on the sabbath day, we
will fight against him, and not ■*" die all, as our brethren perished in the hiding-

42 places." Then assembled " there unto him a company of Asidjeans, valiant men of

43 Israel, every one who voluntarily devoted himself for ■'° the law. Also all they that
fled from the troubles ''" joined themselves unto them, and became'^' a stay unto them.

44 And they collected an army,'^ and smote sinful men in their anger, and apostates in

45 tlieir wrath ; and "" the rest fled to the heathen for safety.'^^ And ^° Mattathias and
4G his friends went round about, and pulled down their ^° altars ; and as many cliildren

as ^'' they found in the bounds ^^ of Israel uncircumcised, they circumcised by force.'^'

47 They pursued also the insolent foe,^" and tlje work prospered in their hand.

48 And "' they recovered the law out of the hand of the lieathen,^'' and out of the
hand of the kings, and they suffered not '" the sinner to triumph."

Vers. 24-26 — i A. V. : Which thing . . . . M. saw. ' his reins trembled, neither could he forbear to phow (lit.,

and he broKght tt/i) his anger according to judgment : wherefore he. » (Lit,, man.) « Thus dealt he. o of God

lilte as. " the son. *

Vers. 27-32. — 'A. v.: cried thoughout. "Whosoever. » of. >» maintaineth the (cf. Com.). "So.

1= that ever. " balk they. " children. i= afflictions (marg., erils). m sore upon. " Now when.'

"host (see Tom.). '» was. =« (See Com.) "^ certainmen {Ut., men nflhe kind wlio). " ,vere. « secret

plnces (cj. i. 63. They were caves, of which there were many in the wilderness of Judsea). M they pursued after

them a great number.

Vers. 3.3-33. — 2s A. V. : Let that which you have done hitherto suffice (lit., Mn(i7 now, ew toS vif. I adopt with
Fritz-sche and others, the reading of III. X. 23. 44. 62. and many other 5ISS., omitting iicai'ii'). 20 But. " So then
.... gave (hem the battle with all speed, =» Hoh belt, » owits up. so places where the,j lay hid : but said

s' innocency (marg,, Ur,, «m;7«c;ij), == shall. M go, si slew them (d:re«ai/oi'). ^^^ omits theit Ibb U n)'

^^ lAt, sou's n/inen. ' '''

Vers. 39 42. - " A. V. : Now. ss understood hereof. so (Lit., a man said to his neighbor, which is a common

Ilcbraisni.) " law.s (Sirac<uMi™^). '>{IAt.,i/estroi/usfrom.) « At that time therefore. « decreed (^aov\.ii-
oro^TO) sa.Mng. "shall. « to make battle with us. « neither will we. «(*«( were murdered .... in the
secret /.(ares. " camn tovvrixerioay}. " Asideans (Fritzsche receives 'Ao-iSaiW from Til. 44. 62. 64, 106 243 Co

Aid, ; ten. rer., ■louSa.'cux), wi.ci uere mighty men of Israel, ei-en all such ns were , . , , devoted unto

Vers. 43-43.-™ a V. : for per.secution (see Com.). « were. '"-So they joined their forces (m^^ear^^auro Svvau,„)
K w.cked men .... but. H succour. M Then. to the (Fritzsche receives «i™.. from III. 23. 44, 66, al

wha, children soever. M ,„;thi„ the coast. »' those they .... valiantly (marg., b,/ force). co after the proud
men (lit., sons of insolence). " So. '^ the Gentiles. « of kings, neither suffered they. m Lit., and gave not
aliornto the sinner. ^

1 MACCABEES.

489

49 And > when the time drew near that Mattathias should die, he said unto his
sons, Now liath insolence and correction ^ gotten strength, und the time of destruc-

50 tion, and furious anger.^ And now ■* my sons, bp ye zealous for the law, and give

51 yonr lives for the co.venant of your fathers. Call to remeraliran.ee what acts our
fathers did in their time ; '^ so shall ye receive great glory" and an everlasting

52 name. Was not Abraham found faithful in temptation, and it was imputed nnto

53 him for righteousness? Joseph in the time of his distress kept the commandment,

54 and became ' lord of Egypt. Phinees our father for his fervent zeal ' obtained

55 the covenant of an everlasting priesthood. Jesus for ful tilling the word became '

56 a judge in Israel. Caleb ■"* for bearing witness before the congregation received a

57 heritage of" land. David through his piety '^ possessed the throne of an everlast-

58 ing kingdom. Elias for being fervently zealous '^ for the law was taken up even "

59 into heaven. Anaidas, Azarias, and Misael, by believing were saved out of the
60, 01 flame. Daniel for his innocence"* was delivered from the mouth of lions. And

thus consider with respect to " all ages, that none thitt hope" in him sliall be over-

62 come." And fear not before" the words of a sinful man ; for liis glory shall be-

63 come -" dung and worms. To-day he will ^^ be lifted up, and to-morrow he shall not
be found, because lie hath ^^ returned into his dust, and his thought hath ^° come to

64 nothing. And ^^ you my sons, be strong,^'' and show yourselves men in behalf '^^ of

65 the law ; for by it shall you obtain glory. And behold, I know that your brother
Simeon '' is a man of counsel, give ear unto him alway ; he shall be a father unto

66 you. And ^* Judas Maccabeus, a mighty warrior from his youth up, he shall be

67 leader of your army,''' and fight ^° the battle of the people^' Take also unto you

68 all those that observe the law, and avenge ye ^^ your people. Recompense fully

69 the heathen, and take heed to the commandments of the law. And '^ he blessed them,

70 and was gathered to his fathers. And he died in the hundred forty and sixth year,
and his sons buried him in tlie sepulchres of his fathers at Modein, and all Israel
made great lamentation for him.

Vers. 49-54. — ^A. V. :No\v. 2 pride and rebuke (eAeyfiA?, i. e., oifr " chastisement, .correction -■), 3 the wrath
of indignation (opyrj eujitou). * now therefore. " (Marg., Gr., ^««ero//on5.) 8 honour (cf. Ter. 64). 'was

made. ^ in being zealous and fervent {iv tw ^^jAaxj-ot ^rj\ov).

Vers. 55-Gl. — " A. V. ; was made. "* (XaAe^.) i' the heritjige of the (see Com.). *2 for being merciful.

13 zealous and fervent (cf. ver. 54). " omil.i even (ewy, as far as; III. 55. 56. al., m. Of. LXX. at 2 Kings ii. 1).

15 innocency. i« ye throughout (Kara). ^^ put their trust (eATrtfoi/Tes). ^^ Lit., be weak.

Vers. 62-70.— '» A. v.: Fear not then. ™ i/mlZ (le (etj followed by the accus.). 21 shall. ^' is. » thought
i&iaXoyLtTfio^. Often used for " plans " in the plur.) is. 24 Wherefore. 23 valiant. 2(1 the behalf . 27 gimon
(so 64. only ; but everywhere else this is the usual form Jn the Greek). 28 j^p for. 20 Maccabeus (I shall write

** Maccabacus " in all cases. The word has the article in III. 64. 106.) he hath been mighty and strong, ecen .... youth
up, let him be your captain Idpxtav a-Tparia;). *" {'yiars.,Jig/it ye ; III. 52. 55. al. Co. Aid., jroAcjuiJa-eTe.) 3i people
(see Com.). ^^ the wrong of (eKSuc^a-are eKfiiKTjtni' ^fuUy avenge. Cf. followiug ver.). ^ So,

Chapter II.

Ver. 1. Grimm, with many of the older com-
mcntiitors auti the margin of the A. V., woukl
translate, "arose from Jerusalem," connecting
the phrase " from Jenisalem " direclly with the
verb ayearri. But Keil, following Wahl, main-
tains that this is not only against the conte.M,
which represents Modein as the paternal re.si-
dence (verses 17, 70), but gives a wrong meaning
to the verb afetrnfj jijined with ctTrrf, which could
scarcely refer to one's removing his permnnent
re.siden'ce from one place to another. — Modein,
MmSfiV. 'I'he f|uestion of the situation of this
place is still in dispute. Hitzig ( G'fchichle, ii. 450),
with some others, fi.ses on the solitary heights of
the village El-Bnrd.sch, about lifteen Roman miles
we.^t from Jerusalem. The bi'st modern critic-i,
however, find it in the neighborhood of Kl-
Mediyeh, to the north of the last-named place.
(Cf. Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v.) In Josephus,
both the form MtoSeefvand Mm5iff/i Occur.

Ver. 2. Ou the meaning of the word Macca-
hceus, cf. Introd.

Ver. 8. AS a man without glory, &s hi)tfi

ii5o|oi. This expression was doubtless meant to
conespoud to a common Hebrew phrase, " the
house of a dishonored man." So Micbaelis, Keil,
Grimm, and others.

Vei'. 10. "What nation. In the Syrian army
there was a great diversity of peoples repre-
.sented, including Tliilistines, Ammonites, Moab-
ite<, Samaritans, Assyrians, ChaldiEans, Greeks,
and JMacedonians.

Ver. 16. Many of Israel. These Jews had
apostatized, and came for ihe purpose of partici-
pating in these heathen rites.

Ver. 17. Answered, ajriicptSritniv. This word
corresponds to the Hebrew TlliV, and is used to
introduce a conversation or speech, only when
something has ju'eceded which was in ifact, or
wliicli implied, an expression of o|iinion or )iur-
pose of which it is the answer. Here it was the
well-known attitude of Mattathias and liis family,
or thiit of the apostate Jews. — A ruler, i. t., lie
was the priest and bead of his fatnily.

Ver, 18. Gifts, iticaaTo^ait. This word, 19

490

THE APOCRYPHA.

tlie senst! licre piven, is iilso foiiiul in tlie LXX.
at 1 Kiiif;s ix. 10; 1 Ksd. ix. 51, 54; 2 iMacc. iii.
2. It heloiiL'S to tile liucr (ocfl;.

Vir. 21. "lAetus. 'I'liis wunl, translatefl in llie
A. V. "Ciiil fi'ihiil," 11 eniis " niercilul," /. ^.,
iTKiy (iiid he iiiHirifiil if m.k-Ii ii tiling- happen!
Oil the ini])ro])ei' tiaiiNlatiun jiiveu to the eurre-
S| ending Ikhrew words ''b Tiv'^'Tn (see 2 Sam.
xx. SO ; xxiii. 17) in onr Engli.sh vci'.«ion, cf. Plea
fur a !\'ew EnqU^lt Vfr.'-io'i nf ihf. Srrljtliires, Lou-
don, Mncniilla'ii and Co., 18tJ4, p. 231 ff.

Ver. 25. .Io-e|ilins iAiitii;.,x\\. 6, §2) names
the iffifiiil of the kini;- here nieiilioued " Apelles,
the king's general;" ])robalily the same, accord-
ing to Grimm. Avhom he elsewhere calls " Bac-
chides '' (./ml. Bf/I., i. I,§ 3). '1 he statement,
however, like ninny others liy Jose)diiis, is in con-
tradiction with what is lelated of this otHcer iu
onr hook.

Ver. 26. Zambri. Cf. Num. xxv. 14.

Ver. 27. Keepeth covenant. Tlic article is
wanting hefore SiaBf,Kr]y. While the coveiMiit
with (lOil is jirohahly meant, the words are to he
taken a])))areiitly in a general sense: "he A\ho
means lo he a covenant keepir."

A^er. 29. Justice and judgment. These words
ore nsnally found in a reverse order. The mean-
ing is th.-it ihiise whose aim was to conl'orm to
the hiw of judgment and justice as laid down iu
the Mo-aic books sought a refuge with Matta-
tlii:is — Into the wilderness, /. e., the so-ealk-d
** wihlerne>s of Jnda?a" which lay west of the
Pead Sea. It was not witliout sufficient vegeta-
tion to support the flocks and herds of these fugi-
tives.

Ver. 31. Troops, Suj/a/xetro/. This is the com-
mon (iieek word for a force of soldiers in the
present hook. — City of David. The giirrison in
the fortress is meant, which was called "city of
David " in distinction from Jernsaltm as a whole.
Cf. i. 33. Jnse]ihus, with his usual cxagi^evatioii,
says that the wlio'e garrison look part in this
expedition. (Cf. Aiihij., xii. G, {J 2.) — Hiding-
places. At the time of ])a\ id's flight before
Sanl these caves of the wilderness of Judcea are
alluded to. Cf. 1 Sam. xxiv. 3.

Ver. 32. On the Sabbath day. Well aware
of the oliser^'ancc of this day by the Jews, they
rightly judged tinit from religions scru]iles they
woultl offer no resistance if ait;icked at snch a
time. 'J'lie wo'd for Sabbath is in the jilural, as
in the LXX geiicriilly, and iu the New Testa-
ment. Cf. Winer, p. 177.

Ver. 34. To profane the Sabbath day. It is
jiot meant here that ihe Jews would regard the
participation in heathen saciitices as wj-ong only
on the Sabbath. 'I'hey refer r.ither to the evacii-
aiion of the Cfive antl the ueci'ssary secular ac-
tiviiies attendant upon it, which iu their view
would have been .-ncii a profanation.

\'er. 36. Answered them not. Some (Gro-
tiiis) wi^iild translate tiie verb here by i-esiated.
Uiit the idea seems to be that the Jews did not
re|)ly to the enemy's preparations to attack, and
their actual oii^et, by a similar, counter activity.

Ver. 37. Innocence. 'i.,\t., si ni pi icil //, arrKirriTi.
It refers to the simplicity and purity of their
purpose in the ohscrvanee of the Mosaic law. Cf.
the LXX. version of .Sn,iiniiia, verse 63 : oi feii-
Tipoi 'lu.Kuj$ ayaiTtjTol iv ri} a.n\6rriTi ahruiv.

Ver. 41. This resolution was ([uite in har-
mony with the spirit of the Mosaic law respect-
ing the Sabbath. It enjoined abstinence simply

from unnecessari/ seculM* labor. Cf. Matt, xii,
2-11, with Ex. xx. IU, xxxi. 14 f., aud Ueut. v.
14.

Ver. 42. A company of Asidaeans (^''T'Din
= ihepiniis). According to Schiircr (/. r., p. 89)
and others this name is a]iplicd to all llmsc who
a-semlded ihem-elvis about Jndas Macc.-iba'us in
his wars with the enemies of Israel. Hut iu chap,
vii. 3, these "Asida^acis" are represented as seek-
ing peace from the Syrians, against the desire of
Jndas and his brethren. 'J'liis probably woidtl
not have been the case if they had sustained so
intimate a relation to this leader. It is more
likely, therefore, that they were a separate party,
wlio held stienuoiisly to the old faith, ami co-
ojr rated wiih Jndas Macc.abieiis in most of his
military campaigns. Cf. 2 Mace. xiv. 6. This
word ChiiHid'nn is often found in the Psalms, and
has also been adopted, as their own designation,
by a sect of Polish Jews. Cf. Griitz, ii. 2, note 17.

Ver. 43. Troubles, xaicaii'. This word is neuter,
and refers to the miseries which the foes of Is-
rael had brought upon it. Some were more in-
flneuced by this fact than by zeal for the law.

Ver. 44. The peisons spoken of as haying been
put to death were piobaiily apostate Jews, as the
last clause of the vcr.se implies.

Ver. 45. By force, ;". e., they compelled the
parents to conform to the law iu ttiis particular.

Ver. 48. Recovered the law out of the hand
of the heathen. It is simply meant that they
protected those who would observe it.

Ver. 49. We luive here the common formula
used in the Old Testament to characterize the
approach of death to distinguished men. Cf.
(ien. xlix., Dent, xxxiii., Josii. xxiii., 1 Kings ii.,
for accounts of the death of Jacob, Moses, Joshua,
and David, respectively. — Insolence and cor-
rection. Insolence of the wicked, and conectioa
of the good tiirottgh their agency. So in the
next member the two words, furious aiif/cr, opy^j
du^ov, refer to the divine anger. " It is opyfi
which expresses itself as QuixSs." Grimm.

Ver. 51. Call to remembrance . . . . so shall
ye receive. The A. V. has properly rendered
these two imperatives connected by xal. When
two im])erafives are thus connected, the first con-
tains sometimes the condition under which the
action denoted by the second will take place, or
ihe second expresses an infiillible result. ( Winer,
p. 311.) Gi\ing the usual meaning of and to this
connective here, however, would not alter the
sense.

Vers. 52, 53. It was not his being found " faith-
ful in temptation " that was "imputed to Abra-
ham for righteonsncs's " (Gen. xv. 6), but liis faith
in God. It might be held, however, that the
former had so close a couneciion with the latter
that they niiglit be looked upon as one aud the
same by our writer. Giimm sees in the citation
of these instances of faith fulness /lom the past,
for ilie purpose of stimulating to heroic deeds (as
also in Ecchis. xliv. 8-15, and in other parts of
the present hook), an evidence that any hopeful
view of the future lite as a stimulating force was
wanting at this time. But this inference does
not follow from this fact. These cases are cited
because they are examples of rewards obtained
in the present life as the result of faithfulness;
and it is to the present life, especially, that Matta-
tliias is directing his attention. But cf. Iiitrod.
on the probable point of view from which our
book was written.

1 MACCABEES.-

491

Vers. 5+, 55. Phitiees. Cf. Numb. xxv. Il-
ls. He was the priestly ancestor of Jlaitatliias.
— Jesus. Joshnii is unaiit, this beliij; the usual
form of liis name in Greek.

\'er. 56. Heritage of land, i. c, the city of
Ileliron.

Ver. 57. For being merciful (A. V.). This
is referred l>y some to Daviil's Ireatmeiit of Saul
(I Sam. xsiv. 4 ff.). But it would seem better,
with (irimm, Keil, and otiiers, to take eAeo; here
in the more general sense of pietv, as it is often
used in our books. It doubtless' stands for the
Hebrew 1?n, and has the meaning of this word
as used at Flos. vi. 6 ; Jer. ii. 2. Cf. Creni<r's
Lex^s V. — Everlasting kingdom. These words,
if taken litenilly, and the circumstances are con-
sidered in which they were uttered,— namely, after
the pdlitical kingdom of David hail Ion;; .-•iiice
jia.ssed away, — would appear lo make the infer-
ence natural ihar ihe faith in a coming Messiah,
wdio shonhl be of the seed of David, was at ihis
time not wholly e.stiuct. Still the piomi.^e, sim-
ply as a proinisc to David, may have been thought
of, without special consider.ation for its deeper
import. Cf., however, iv. 46; xiv. 41 ; aud our
liit'Oil. to this liook.

Ver. 60. Daniel for his innocence. Cf.,
above, verse 37. This illu^tratiun and those of
the previous verse are taken from the Book of
Daniel itself, as is evident from the order in
which they are given, and not from any oral
traiiitionsof the period. iMicb.aelis (Coiii.,adloi:.)
sitys: "One sees from this verse that the third
chapter of Daniel, against whieh so many special
objections have beeu made, stood at that time in
Daniel, and was held by the priest Mattalhias
for genuine." But Gratz, on the other liand, sees
iu this evident recognition of the Book of Daniel
a sns|jicious cirenmstiince. He says (Geschichle,
ii. 2, p. 325) : " The admonition putinto the mouth
of the dying Mattathias canuot he wholly authen-

tic. l'"or Daiii'l and his three eompanion-i are
refened to, which presupposes the e\i-tence of
the Book of Dauiel, that owes its origin to tlie
neee.-sities of tlie lime (jf the Maecab es " This
is an easy way to dispose of the matter, Init is far
ffinn being a satislacttu'v one. If the aceonnt of
our book iii;l not come from tlie Hook of Daniel,
hi'W is the fact that Daniel is mentiimed iifler the
three friends, who were so far inferior to him iu
reputation, and whose experience was far less
imiKjrtant than his, to be accounted fori Cf.
also 3 J/Iacc. vi. 5 f. U'he inference of Griinin
seems to be the only reasonable one ( Com., p. 49) :
" .So these examples are hatilly taken from an
oral tradition {as then, also, the eonespnuding
contents of the Hook of Daniel are baldly derived
from sneh a tradiiion. See Hit/.iu' on Daniel, p.
viii ), bnt fiom the Book of Daniel it.scif, whieh
brings them forward m ihe same order.''

Ver. 62. Words of a sinful man, /. e., his
commands and ihreatenings. For pa-.siiges con-
taining the same thought as ihe remainder of the
verse, if. I's. Ixxxiii 10; Is. Ixvi 24.

Ver. 66. Battle of the people. Are the Is-
raelites liere meant ? " So the nnijority of com-
mentators have su|i[)Osed, referring to iii. 2, and
supposing that \awv eorres])onds to the Hebrew
2^^V, wliich is employed sometimes to denote
the trilies of I-rael. Bnt this Hebrew word is
only u.sed in this sense when it hns a sufli.'i, and
it is coiifined even thin to the reiitntenih. And
the LXX. tenders it nnilormly by & Kaos or to
yevos, i. e., employs tlie ariicle. The passage,
iii. 2, cannot be considered as expres-ing ihosame
thought with the present one. It miglif be better,
therefore, wiih Walil (Clanis, s. v.j and Keil, to
refer tlie word Aaajj/ in tlie present instance to
heathen ]ieoples.

Ver. 711. Sepulchres of his fathers. Sec re-
marks below, xiii. 27.

Ch.'VPTER III.

2 And ' liis son Judas, called Maccaba3us, rose up in his stead. And all his
brethren helped him, and all, as many as had united themselves '•' with liis father,
and they fought with cheerfulness the battles ' of Israel. And he won honor for
his people far and wide,* and put on armor as a hero,° and girt his weapons of
war ^ about him ; and lie waged wars,' protecting the army ' with his sword. And
he was like a lion in bis acts,' and like a lion's whelp roaring for prey.'" And " he
pursued transgressors,'^ and sought them out, and burnt up ■'^ those that harassed ^*
his people. And the transgressors lost courage '^ for fear of him, and all the work-
ers of iniquity were thrown into disorder ; and Ihe work of deliverance "' prospered
in his hand. He brought bitter sorrow also to " many kings, and made Jacob glad
8 with liis acts ; and his memory shall be blessed '* for ever. And " he went through
the cities of Juda, and destroyed •"' the ungodly out of it,^' and turned ^^ away wrath

'■ so did all they that held. 3 battle (lit., warrfd the war). * So he gat his ....
^ a breastplate [BuipaKa) as a giant (Hie Hebrew word so renilcreJ into Greek was

'hero"). c warlike harness. ^ maile battles. s iiost (see Tom.).

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A V.: Then,
great honour [iirKarvve 5a^a.v).

doubtless "1*123, which meant also '

Vers. 4-6. — i' A. V. : In his acts .... a lion. ^^ his prey. '^ For. t2 the wicked (see Com.). 'u (See C'^m.)
^* vexed. '■' Wherefore the wicked (see ver. 5) shrunk {(Tvvi(TTaki)<To.v). in troubled (the same word is translated
" vexed " just before ; but here it is strengthened by the preposition tnJc, except in 19. 64. 93.) : because (xai) salvation
(deliverance from the Syrian yoke is meant).

Vers. 7, 8. — '' A. V. ; grieved also (xal ejrtVpare). '^ memorial 15 blessed (to fivmiomvov avrov eU tiiKoytav).

u> Moreover- "> J., destroying. " of them Ui ainiv, 19. fi6. 64. 93.). ^ turning.

492 THE APbCEYPhA.

'9 from Israel. And ^ lie was renowned ^ unto the utmost joart of the earth, and he
gathered together ' such as were ready to perish.''

10 And'' Apollonius gathered heathen* together, and a great army ' out of Sama-

11 ria, to fight against Israel. And when Judas learned of it,* he went forth to meet
liim ; ajid he''' smote liim, and slew him; and many fell slain, and'" the rest tied.

12 And they" took their spoils ; and Judas took Apollonius' sword ; and he fought

13 therewith all ^'^ his life long. And when Seron, the leader ^^ of the army of Syi'ia,
heard " that Judas had gathered a multitude ^° and a company of the faithful, who

14 also went" out with him to war, he said, I will make myself a name and I will be
liouored '' in the kingdom ; and '* I will fight Judas ^° and them that are with him,

15 who set at nought '-'" the king's commandment. And he undertook a second cam-
paign ; ^' and there went up -^ with him a mighty army "^ of the ungodly to help him

16 and to be avenged on the sons -* of Israel. And when he came near to the ascent ''^

17 of Bethoron, Judas went forth to meet liim^" with a small company. But'' when
they saw the army ^* coming to meet them, they ^ said unto Judas, How shall we
be able, being few,^" to fight against a multitude so great and strong? We are also

18 faint, having eaten nothing to-day ? ^' And "*^ Judas answered. It is easy ^^ for many
to be given into '''' the hands of a few ; and with the God of '^ heaven it is all one, to

19 save by many or by fevv.^* For victory in battle is not through the multitude of

20 an army ;"' but from heaven cometli the strength.^" They come against us in much
pride ^° and iniquity to destroy us, and our wives and our *° children, mtd to spoil

21, 22 us ; but we fight for our lives and our customs." And the Lord" himself will

23 overthrow " them before our face ; and as for you, be ye not afraid of them. And
when" he had left off speaking, he leaped suddenly upon them, and Seron ^^ and

24 his army were overthrown '"^ before him. And they pursued him *' from the de-
scent ■" of Bethoron unto the plain ; and there fell *^ about eight hundred men of

25 them ; but '"'' the residue fled into the land of the Philistines. And the fear and
the dread of Judas and his brethren began ^^ to fall upon the heathen ''^ round about

2C them. And his name reached even ^^ the king; and every nation '''' talked of the
battles of Judas.

27 But when the king '''' Antiochus heard these things, he was very angry ; ^° and "

28 he sent and gathered together all the forces of his realm, a'* very strong army. He
opened also his treasury,^' and gave his '" soldiers pay for a year, and commanded

29 them to be ready for any service. '^^ And he saw that the money from his treasure-

Ver. 9. — ^ A. V. : so thnt. 2 (Lit., vained.) » received unto /it?n. * See Com,

Vers. 10-12, —" A. V. : Tlien. "the Gentiles. 'host. = ^^Tilch thing when J. perceived. » so ho.

1° himdJI.X. 23. 44. 55. 62. al. omit auToi' after an-fKTeti'ei'): many also fell down slain, but. 'i Wherefore

Judas (I read eAa/3oc, with III. X. 19. 56. S^r., which is supported by Michaelis, Apel, Grimm, and Keil, but not by
Frjtzsche, who retains tAa^e of the text. rec). '^ and Apollonius' sword also, and therewith he fought all.

Vers. 13-15. — '^ A. V. : Now when .... a prince (see Com.). " heard say. '■"* unto him a multitude (lit.,

gaihtral a gathering. See Cnm ). '« and company of tho faithful (see Co?n.) to go (Fritasehe receives Kai before

€*cn-op6uofxeVajf from III. X 44. 56. 62. al. Co. Aid. ; text. rec. omits). ^' get me a name and honour. ifi for.

i» go tight with J. 2« despise {xai is prefixed by III. 44. 71. 74. 106. 243. Co. Aid.). ^^^ So ho made him ready to go
up (the words TOy ava^i]i'at are omitted by 111. X. 23. 52. 56. al. See Com.}. 22 w'ent. 23 host. 24 of the

children.

Vers. 16-18. — 20 a. V. : going up (the preceding verb is in the plur. in the text. rec. Fritzsche adopts the sing, from
III. X. 19. 44. 66. 62. 64. al. Co. Aid.). '« (" them '' in the text. rec. Codd. III. X. 19. 55. al. Co. Aid. have the sing.)

2' who. 28 host. 20 ojnits they. 8f so few. 3i so great a multitude and so strong, seeing we are ready to fainfc
with fasting all thisday. 32 Unto whom. ^ no hard matter. si shut up in (cruyKAeio-^iirat. I render freely, but
according to the obvious sense). 35 i/^e Qq^ o/(the words, Toi) Beoo^ are omitted by III. 44. 71. 74. 106. 243. Co. Aid).
3" deliver with a great multitude, or a small company.

Vers. 19-21. — ^'< A. V. ; the victory of battle staudeth not in . . . .a host. 3S etrength cometh from heaven.

» (marg., in muliilur/c of pride. The Greek is iv irA^Sei, the latter probably for 2"), as often in the LXX., and mar
therefore refer to quantity. Grimm and Keil support the rendering of Grotius: cum multa superbia et injuria.)
« o?r///s oiir (a^ Tl.i. *Maws (vo/xt'wwi').

Vers. 22-24. — ^2 a. V. : Wherefore the Lord (19. 64. 93. have Kypios for auTos). is overthrow [amTpl<^ti. Th»

rendering is liardly strong enough. This Greek word was used by Poljbius (v. 47, 1) In the sense of crushing an enemy
it probably stands for nntr). « Now as soon as. « .?o Seron. " host was overthro\™ (see vers. 22 85

inrpiiliM ; and cf. iv. 10 ; xiv. SI, et passim). « them (so III. 23. 44. 65. 62. 71. al. Co. Aid.). « going down.

*^ where were slain. i^f and.

Vers. 25-27. —O' A. V. ; Then began the fear of J. and his brethren, and an exceeding great dread (i) irr6ii ; 19. 64.
93. add avTwi-). "^2 nations. (^3 insomuch as his fame came unto. " all Bations. '■'' Now when kinK*

s** full of indignation (u)pyiV0)7 eujU(j)). '''wherefore. ^etiens^

Vets. 28-30. — "i" A. V. i treasure. «« (Omitted by X. Ifl. 93.) »i year, commajjding whensoever ht should

1 MACCABEES. 493

13

chests failed,^ and that ^ the tributes of ' the country were small, because of the
dissension and desolation,^ which he had brought upon the land in taking away

30 the customs ^ which had been from early times ; and he ° feared that he should not
have means, as once and again, for the expenses, and the presents which he had
formerly given with liberal hand, and had gone beyond ' the kings that were be-

31 fore him. And he was * greatly perplexed in his mind, and ° determined to go
into Persia, and i" to take the tributes of the countries, and to gather together "

32 much money. And he left behind " Lysias, a man of note, and of royal descent,"
to oversee " the affairs of the king from the river Euphrates unto the borders of

33, 34 Egypt, and to bring up his son Antiochus, until he came again. And^^ he de-
livered unto him half of the ^^ forces, and the elephants ; and he gave him orders
concerning all things that he had resolved upon, and " concerning them that dwelt

35 in Judaea and Jerusalem ; that he " should send an army against them, to destroy "
and root out ^ the strength of Israel, and the remnant of Jerusalem, and should

36 take away their memorial from the place ; ^' and that he should settle aliens ^^ in

37 all their borders,'^ and divide their land by lot. And the king took with him the re-
maining half of the forces,^^ and departed from Antioch, his royal city, in ^ the hun-
dred forty and seventh year ; and he crossed over the river Euphrates, and went
through the upper "' countries.

38 And ^' Lysias chose Ptolemy ^^ the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias,

39 valiant ^^ men of the king's friends ; and with them he sent forty thousand footmen,*"
and seven thousand horsemen, to go into the land of Juda, and to destroy it, as the

40 king commanded. And *^ they went forth with all their army,*'^ and came and en-

41 camped near "" Emmaus in the plain.*^ And the merchants of the country heard
the report of them ; and they took very much silver and gold, and fetters,"'' and
came into the camp to buy "^ the children of Israel for slaves. An army also from

42 Syria and from the land of the Philistines ^ joined themselves unto them. And
when °* Judas and his brethren saw that their troubles increased, and that the armies
encamped in their borders, and knew what things the king had given commandment

43 should be done to the people for their destruction and annihilation,^ they said one to
another, Let us restore the desolation *" of our people, and let usfight for our people

44 and the sanctuary.*' And the troop *^ gathered together, that they might be ready for

45 battle, and that they might pray, and ast mercy and compassion. And Jerusalem was
uninhabited" as a wilderness, there was none of her children that went in or out;
the sanctuary also was trodden down, and aliens were in the fortress. It was a habi-
tation for the heathen ; ** and joy was taken from Jacob, and pipe and harp ceased.*^

46 And they assembled *^ together, and came to Massepha,*' over against Jerusalem ;

47 for Massepha was a *' place where they prayed aforetime in Israel. And '^ they
fasted that day, and put on sackcloth, and cast ashes upon their heads, and rent their

need them (marg. , Gr., at every need). l NeYerthelees when .... of his treasures failed. ^ that (the force of the

preceding oTt is continued). ^ in. * plague. ^ laws. " of old time ; he. ^ be able to bear the charges

any longer, nor to have such gifts to give 50 liberally as he did before : for he had abounded above. {Others would make
the last verb trans., as at 2 Cor. iv. 15, ix. 8, with the preceding a for its object, which he had richly bextnwed.)

Vers. 31-34. —* A. V. : Wherefore, being. "he. "there. " omi/s together. i' So he left. is noble-
man, and one of the blood royal. 1* (Lit., oufir.) IE Moreover. ^i^ the half of A/j. ^^ and gave him charge
of ... . would have done, as also.

Vera. 3o-3T. — '» A. V. : Juda. .. .towitthatie. » destroy (iKxpii/zat. Of. vers. 22, 23). » root out (efapai,

gen. rendered, " destroy "' in the A. V.}. ^i to take away .... that place. ^^ he should place {/caToiKTJaai. 1 give it
the trans, sense, with Wahl, Keil, and others, although the usual word used in this sense is KaroiKi^u, and Grabe, with
Breitinger, with X. 62. so change the former verb) strangers (cf . ver. 45). ^ quarters, 24 So ... . tooli the half of
the forces that remained (not clear). 25 omits in. 20 having passed .... he went .... high.

Vers. 33-40- — 27 x. V. : Tben. 28 ptolemee. 20 mighty (rendered properly, " valiant,"' in ver. 58). ^'> /oot-
men (infantry are clearly meant). 31 go. ^2 power. 3a pitched by. 34 plain country.

Vers. 41, 42. — ss a. V. ; hearing the fume of tbem, took silver and gold very much, with servants (see Com.)
^ (Lit., to take). 37 a power also of Syria and of ... . Philistines (aAAoi^uXwi.. The Philistines are often so named,
and the connection seems to make it plain that they are meant. But cf. iv. 12). 3s Now when. 39 miseries were
multiplied (eTrATjfluVflij ra kokol) and that the forces did encamp themselves .... for they knew how the king .... to
destroy the people and utterly abolish them.

Vers. 43-45. — *° A. V. : decayed estate. *i (rwr aymv, i. e., " holy things," which naturally includes the "sanc-
tuary ; " but for the latter, distinctively, we find to oytaajua, ver. 45 ; i. 21, 36, 37, et passim.) ^2 Tben was the con-
gregation. *3 Now J. lay void. ** kept the strong hold (cf. iv. 2) : the heathen had their habitation in that pta^
(Jerusalem is meant, not the citadel). ^o the pipe with the harp ceased.

Vers. 46,47. — ^A.V.: Wherefore CA« Jfir^efife« assembled themselves. *^ Ma,£pha(c£. Com.). *3 in ])f[agpha

teas the. " Then.

494

THE APOCRYPHA.

48 clothes. And they unrolled ^ the book of the law, one of those for which'' the
heathen had sought in order ' to paint the likenesses of their idols upon them.

49 They brought also the priests' garments, and the firstfruits, and the tithes ; and the

50 Nazarites they presented,'^ who had accomplished their days. And they cried aloud '
toward heaven, saying, What shall we do with these, and whither shidl we carry

51 them away? And' thy sanctuary is trodden down and profaned, and thy priests

52 are in mourning, and humiliation.' And lo, the heathen are assembled together
against us to destroy us; what things they intend' against us, thou knowest.

53, 54 How shall we be able to stand before ^° them, except thou help us ? "_ And they

55 sounded with the ^'^ trumpets, and cried with a loud voice. And after tliis Judas set
leaders" over the people, chiefs ^* over thousands, and over hundreds, and over

56 fifties, and over tens. And he said to them that were building houses, or had be-
trothed wives, or were planting vineyards, or were fearful,'^ that they should return,

57 every man to his house," according to the law. And the army removed, and en-

58 camped southward from " Emmaus. And Judas said, Arm yourselves, and be
valiant men, and be '' in readiness against the morning, to " fight with these
heathen,^" that are assembled together against us to destroy us and our sanctuary.^^

59 For it is better for us to die in battle, than to look upon the evils "^ of our people

60 and our sanctuary.-^ Nevertheless, as heaven's will is, so let it ^' do.

Ver. 48. — » A. V. : laid open (efeireVoo-oi'. Cf . Luke it. 17, where another verh is used, hut with the same general
meaning as here). 2 j^w, wherein (Trepi a)^. Gen. of category. See Com.). 3 om?/5 in order. 4 likeness

of their images (Fritzsche receives the words rov eTTiyp6.<i>et.v eir' avjwv from 65. 71. 74. 243. Co. Aid., which are wanting
in the text. rec. The A. V. has in the margin; *' for the which the heathen had made diligent search, that they
might paint therein the likeness of their idols'").

Vers. 49-52. — ^ A. V. : stirred up (Tjyeipae . It means here thpy ranged, set nut, presented^ i. u., along with the other
things mentioned). ■" Then cried they with a loud voice {e^oijaac ^tjitqj. Codd. 52. 93. add ixeyd^ri), ' For (cf.

ver. 43). ^ are in heaviness, and brought low. " imagine.

Vers. 53-56. — lo a. V. : against. " O Gorf, he our help. 12 Then sounded they with. 13 ordained captains.

1* even captains. ^^ But ai for such as ... . fearful, those he commanded (I adopt, with Grimm and Keil, the reading
elnev, from III. X. 56. 64. 74. Old Lat. Syr., instead of the plur. of the text. rec. fayored by Fritzsche). i" own

house.

Vers. 57-60. — " A. V. : So the camp .... pitched upon the south side of. ^s see that ye be. J" that ye may (cf .
Com.). donations. 21 (Cf. ver. 43.) 22 behold the calamities (tcl Kaiea. '* Calamities " are more usually

referred to events occurring in the material world). 23 (cf , ygr. 43.) 2i the will 0/ God is in heaven, so let him.

Chapter III.

Ver. 3. Protecting the army with (his)
sword. The word irap^ixfioKi] means Ijoth " camp "
and "army," but mure frequently tlie latter, in
our book. The former meanini^ seems m<ire ap-
priate here. Judas did not rely on fortiHcations
fur tlie iiiotectiun of liis force, but on tlie nui;ht
of his swoid. The wtird belongs to the Mace-
donian Greei^, and is without the article here on
account of the |ioetifal style.

Ver. 5. The word i.voixot i.s used in the pres-
ent book chiefly as referring to apostate Jews,
hut may al.so include the heathen. — Burnt (up)
those. The language may be regarded as ijoetic,
with the meaning of '' destroyed utteily," or may
refer to wiiat is related at v. 5, 44 ; 2 Mace. viii.
33.

Ver. 7. Many kings. Antiochus Epiphanes,
Eupiitor, and Demetrius I. are doubtless included.

Ver. 9. Such as were ready to perish, airoK-
Kv^ivovs. The A. V. gives the sense correctly.
Grimm supports the view of Michaelis, that it is
to be rendered wlio had lost themselves, got lost, in
harmony with I's. cxix. 176, Jer. 1. 6, Ezek.
xxxiv. ti, where Israel is referred to under the
figure of lost or straying shee)). But Keil calls
attention to the fact that in the LXX. Ti ojto-
XwA6s is used in Buch cases. He therefore agrees
with Grotius that our Greek word stands for
peieuntes iu the seu.se of absque ipso periturns.

Ver. 10. Apollonius. Vi. i. 29, with 2 Mace.
v. 24. According to Jostephus this Apollonius

was the military governor, (TTparriyis, of Samaria,
and is probably identical with the so-called " Meii-
darch" of Samaria mentioned in Antiq., xii. 5,
§5.

Ver. 13. Seron, the leader of the army of
Syria. He was leader of that division of the
Syi'ian army which operated in the neighborhood
of Jei'usalem now that that of Apollonius had
been defealed. — A multitude, Mpowiia. They
are further designated as a "company of the
faithfid." That is, they are not diguificd, in this
report which came to the ears of Seron, with
the title of " soldiers." The word tncToiv is fre-
quently used iu the sense of true, faithful (cf. the
LXX. at 2 Sam. xx. 19 ; Prov. xiv. 5; 1 Mace,
ii. 52 ; Ecclus. xliv. 20). Some, however, on ac-
count of I he connection, would give it here the
less ennobling sense of " believers."

Ver. 15. npoo'e'06To rov ai/a^rjyot = went up
again, i. e., he undertook a second campaign. The
A. V. followed the Vulgate in translating r-potr-
46eTo in the sense of pr^paravit se. On the
Hebraistic adverbial use of this Greek word, see
Winer, p. 468, and cf. Luke xx. 11. — Ungodly.
This word here probably refers to apostate Jews,
and might perhaps bo better rendered by trans-
gressors.

Ver. 16. Bethhoron. There was an upper and a
lower Betlihoron separated by a narrow, precipi-
tous pass. It lay on the boundary line between
Benjamin and Ephraim. Joshua fought here witi

1 MACCABEES.

495

the five kings of the Ainorites (c£. Josh. x. 16-26 ;
Etclus. xhi. 6), gaining a coTiiplete victory over
tlieiii ; iind this thuuylit must liave };iven cour-
age to the small Waecaboeau force ou the preseLt
oceasiun.

Ver. 24. It wotild np])e.nr from this verse thnt
Judas attacked the enemy iu tlie narrow pass be-
tween the upper and lower liethliorou.

Ver. 28. Gave his soldiers pay lor a year.
Thi.s gives a hint of the uucertain financial condi-
tion of the kingdom of Antiochus. The soldiers
niiibt be paid iu advance, iu order to insure their
fidelity.

Ver. 30. On the rich gifts of Antiochus, cf.
Schiirer, Neulest. Zeitgeschichte, pp. 72, 73. See
also Uan. xi. 24 : " And he shall do that wliich his
fathers have not done, nor his fathers' fathers ;
he shall scatter among them the prey, and spoil,
and riches."

Ver. 31. Go into Persia, {. e., the Seleueian
provinces lying on the other side of the Euphrates,
liawiinson [The Stventh Great Orieniui J\Joii.,
p. 5) sa3's : " 'I'lie temples of the Asiatics had
hitherig been for the most |jart respected by their
European conquerors, and large stores of tlie pre-
cious metals were accumulated iu them. Epiph-
anes saw in these hoards the means of relieviufi
his own necessities, and determined to seize and
confl>cate them. Besides plundering the temple
of Jehovah at Jerusahm, he made a jouruey into
tlie southeastern portion of his empire, about
B. c. ItiS, for the express purpose of eonduciing
in person the coUeetiuu of the sacied treasures
It was while he was engaged iu this unpopubir
work that a spirit of disaffection showed itself ;
the East took arms no less than tlie West ; anci
iu Persia, or u])on its borders, tlie avaricious
monarch was forced to retire before tlie opposi-
tion wliich his ill-judged measures had provoked,
and to allo» one of the doomed temples to escape
him." Cf. also 'J he Sixth Oriental Mon., by the
same author, p. 73, ff.

Ver. 33. This son of Antiochus Epiphanes
had also the name "Eupator," in addition to the
one here mentioned.

Ver. 37. '1 he account of this expedition is
continued in chap. vi. The epithet " high couu-
, tries " (tks iwava xn'paj), as applied to the re^iion
of couniry lying on the Euphrates, is not peculiar
to our book. Poly bi us (v. 4 0 5) also uses the
expression oi &ya 761x01 ; and Arriau (iii. 6, 12), ri

Ver. 3S. This Ptolemy had also the name
" Macron " [UiKpav, 2 Mace. x. 12). Kespcctiiig
Doryincnes, cf. Polyb. v. 61, 9. !Nicanor, accord-
ini' 10 2 Mace. viii. 9, was the son of a ceitain
Patroclus, and lost his life in a conflict with the
Jews.

Ver. 40. Emmaus. This is not the place,
near Jerusalem, to which the two disciples of our
Lord went immediately after ihe resurrection. It
was situated at the base of the mountains of
Jiidali (" ubi inclpiiint montana Judaceconsnryere."
Jerome, Ad Dan.), twenty-two Woman miles from
Jerusalem, and had also ihe name Nieopolis. The
latter name it received in the third century, at
which time it was rebuilt.

Ver. 41. The A. V. agrees with all the Greek
MSS. and the Vulgate in the reading kciI n-aiSaj,
anil serrants. But the emendation of Breitiuger,
Fritzsche, and others, with the Syriac, Josephus
'Antiq., xii. 7, § 3), /cal ire'Sas, is doubtless correct.

The former word was probably interchanged for
the latter through the iuHucnce of eir iraiSos at
the end of the clause.

Ver. 46. "HACoffai/. This termination of the
third person ijlural iu the historical tenses occurs
frequenily iu the present book. (Cf. iv. .50 ; vi.
31 ; xi. 44, 48.) It is likewise found frequenilv in
1 Esdras (iii. 16; v. 6:1. 68; viii. 68), and in fact
is much Used in the LXX. and by the Hyzaniine
wriiers generally. Cf. Winer, p. 77. — Massepha
= Mizjah. It was the name of several diffeieut
places mentioned in Biblical history. The place
here meant, however, is probably the Mizpah in
the tribe of Benjamin, a few miles noithwest of
Jerusalem and in sight of it. The form of the
word as here found is also found at Judges xx. 1.
— Where they prayed aforetime. Cf. 1 Sam.
vii. fi.

Ver. 48. Paint the likenesses. The explana-
tion of this passage by the Roman Catholic cora-
meutatorsof the Middle Ages, based on the Latin
text ("rfe qtdbus scrutabanlur Oentes similitudinem
siniulacrorum snornm") was that the heathen had
sought in the Scriptures analogies between its
histories anil the Grecian myths. For instance,
they likened Moses to Minos. The giants of Gen.
vi. were the Titans. Samsou was Hercules, etc.
But, in disproof of this explanation, it need only
be said, (1) that the Greeks could scarcely have
been expected to study Hebrew books; and (2)
the Greek irspl S>v would not allow such a render-
ing. The real meaning seems to be, accepting
the reading of the Comjilutensiau and Aldine
editions of the LXX. which Fritzsehe adopts,
that they painted images of their idols on the
Scriptures, in order to ridicule ihe Jewish exclu-
siveness aud shock their reverential feelings. The
Syriac translates : And iheij spread out the roll
of the Law, and thy complained before God that tlie
heathen compelled them to do accordinij to their like-
ness. Cf. Gnietz (Geschichle. ii. 2, p. 345, note).
Hiizig {Geschichle, p. 393) thinks that they un-
rolled the Scripture^ with lefeience to obtaining
from them by lot some prophetic iutimaiion of
the divine purpose, and " Jis gal) die Losung
' Eleazar,' Gott hat beigestanden." Cf. 2 Mace,
viii 23.

Ver. 49. They brought also the priests'
garments. These tilings could no longer be used
ill the temple at Jerusalem on account of the
interru]jtiou of its service ; hence they had been
brought here, i.e., to a sacred place in the vicinity
(.if Jerusalem, and spread out before the Lord,
with the pathetic inquiry concerning them found
in the text. — Nazarites. Cf. Kumb. vi. 5, 13.
After the time had passed for which the Nazarites
had made their vow, there were certain sacrifices
to be offered and gifts to be presented which
naturally in peaceful times would have taken
place in Jerusalem. Now these Nazarites were
assembled here, and served to enhance the lec-
ture of distress which the Jewish people at that
lime pre.seuted.

Ver. 54. SSounded with the trumpets. This
was customary, and according to the instructions
given the Israelites by Moses. Cf. Numb. x. 7-10:

Ver. 56. According to the law. Cf. Deut.
XX. 5-8.

Ver. 58. Be in readiness .... to fight.
'Eroi/ios, wiih the following infinitive in the geui-
tive, is found also at v. 39 ; xiii. 37 ; and iu the
LXX. at Ezek. xxi. 11. Cf. Winer, p. 332.

496 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter IV.

1 And Gorgias took five thousand footmen,^ and a thousand chosen ^ horsemen, and

2 the force removed ^ by night, to the end that they might fall * upon the camp of the
Jews, and smite them suddenly. And the men of the fortress were his guides.

3 And ^ when Judas heard thereof, he himself removed, and the valiant men with him,

4 that he might smite the king's army which was at Emmaus, while the forces were

5 yet" dispersed from the camp. And Gorgias came' by night into the camp of
Judas ; and when he found no man there, he sought them in the mountains ; lor

6 said he, These fellows flee from us. And ' as soon as it was day, Judas showed
himself in the plain with three thousand men ; but they' had neither armor nor

7 swords " to their minds. And they saw the camp of the heathen that it was strong,
fortified," and compassed round about with horsemen ; and these were expert in ^^

8 war. And Judas said '^ to the men that were with him, Fear ye not their multi-

9 tude, neither be ye afraid of their assault. Eemember how " our fathers were de-

10 livered in the Red sea, when Pharaoh pursued them with an army. And now
let us cry unto heaven, if peradventure it -^^ will have mercy upon us, and remember
the covenant of our " fathers, and destroy this army " before our face this day ;

11 and all the heathen shall know ^' that there is one who redeemeth ^' and saveth

12 Israel. And "° the strangers lifted ^' up their eyes, and saw them coming over against

13 them, and ^^ tliey went out of the camp to battle ; and^^ they that were with Judas

14 sounded their trumpets, and^* joined battle; and they utterly routed the heathen,^^

15 and they fled into the plain. But all the hindmost fell by ^* the sword. And^' they
pursued them unto Gazera,^' and unto the plains of Idumaea, and unto ^ Azotus,

16 and Jamnia; and there fell of them about ^° three thousand men. And '^ Judas

17 returned with his force ^^ from pursuing them, and said to the people. Be not greedy

18 of the spoils, for a battle is before us, and Gorgias and his army are near ^ us in
the mountain ; but stand ye now against our enemies, and fight ^ them, and after

19 this you may boldly take ^^ the spoils. As Judas was yet speaking '" these words,

20 there appeared a part of them peering out of the mountain. And they perceived
that their force had been put to flight, and that they were setting fire to the camp,'"

21 for the smoke that ^ was seen showed what had taken place. And perceiving "'
these things, they were sore afraid, and perceiving '"' also the force *^ of Judas in the

22, 23 plain ready to fight, they all fied^^ into the land of the Philistines.*'' And**
Judas returned to spoil the camp ; and *^ they got much gold, and silver, and blue,"

24 and purple of the sea, and great riches. And on returning they sang songs, and

25 blessed ■" heaven, because it is good,*' because its *' mercy endureth for ever. Ajid ™
Israel had a great deliverance that day.

Vers. 1-5. — 1 A. V. : Then took G footmen. ' of the hest (e«AeicTi)v). ' and remoTed out of the camp.

* he might rush in. " Now. « while as yet the forces were. ' In the mean season came (1.

Vers. 6-8. —» A. V. : But. » who nevertheless. M (III. 44. 66. 62. 71. al. Co., the sing.) Il that it wot

strong anrf well harnessed (i<rxvpai' Te0wpaKi(r(ie(oji'). "of. ^3 Then said J. ^* how (is, III. X. 28. 44. 56. 62.

71. al. Co. Aid. ; text, rec, Trm).

Vers. 10-13. — " A. V. : Now therefore .... the Lord, i« (III. X. 44. 66. al. omit.) " host. le that so . . .
may know. if delivereth.

Vers. 12-15. —20 A. v.: Then. 21 lift. 22 Wherefore. 23 but. 24 go they. =» and the heathen being

discomfited. 28 Ilowbeit .... of them were slain with. 27 for. 2a (Marg., Gr., Assaremoth. It is the reading of
44. 52. 62. 71. 74. 243. Co. Aid. Cf. LXX. at Jer. xxxyiii. 40, and see Com.) 29 omits unto. so g^ that there were

slain of them upon a.

Vers. 16-22. —»i A. V. : This done. 82 again with his (19. 55. 93. haye avroC) host. ss inasmuch as there is a

battle .... his host are here by. « overcome (7roAe(»ii(raTe). »« (Fritssche receives ki^tre from III. X. 23 44. 62.

al. ; text, rec, \#6Te.) »» iFritzsche receives irKrifoivro, from III. X. 23. 44. 52. 56. 62. al. Co. ; text, rec, AoAosJtos*.

The former is probably original. There is perhaps a mistake in the Greek translation, b 70 having been mistaken for

N /U. I leave the A. V. as found, since with the reading nXrjpovvro^, the speaking of J. may be referred to.) s' of

thrm looking Who when .... that the Jews had put their host .... and were burning the tents. »8 (i is

received by Fritzsche from III. X. 23. 56. 66. 62. 64. 106.) »» declared what was done : when therefore they pet-

ceived. "seeing. ■"host. « they fled every one. « strangers (see Com.).

Vers. 23-25. —" A. V. : Then. «i spoil (see Com.) the tents, where. « blue .lUlc. « After this they wont

home, and sung a song o« thanksgiving, and praised the Lord in (Fritzsche strikes out tov tdpiMv, as wanting in UI. X.

23. 44. 56. al. Co. Aid.). « (koXok, but probably as a translation ol 2itO.) » his. » Thus.

1 MACCABEES. 497

26 And as many of the heathen as * escaped came and told Lysias all that ^ had

27 happened ; and he, on hearing it,' was confounded and discouraged because such
things as he wished had not happened unto Israel, and what * the king commanded

28 him had not come ^ to pass. And in the year following " he ' gathered together
threescore thousand chosen footmen,* and five thousand horsemen, that he might

29 subdue them. And ° they came into Idumaea, and pitched their tents at Bethsura ;

30 and Judas met them with ten thousand men. And when he saw the ^° mighty army,
he prayed and said, Blessed art thou, O Saviour of Israel, who didst quell " the
violence ^- of the mighty man ^^ by the hand of thy servant David, and gavest the
army of the Philistines " into the hands of Jonathan son^^ of Saul, and his armor-

31 bearer. Deliver this army into *" the hand of thy people Israel, and let them be

32 brought to shame over " their power and horsemen. Make them afraid,^* and cause
the boldness of their strength to melt " away, and let them quake at their destruc-

33 tion. Strike them down by '"' the sword of them that love thee, and let all those

34 that know thy name praise thee with songs. ^^ And ^^ they joined battle ; and there
fell from the army ^ of Lysias about five thousand men, even before them they fell.

35 But Lysias on seeing his army put to flight, while that of Judas was inspirited,^*
and how they were ready either to live or die valiantly, he departed unto "^ Antiochia,
and collected mercenaries,"^ and having made his army greater than it was, he pur-
posed to come again into Judaja.'^'

36 But Judas and his brethren said,"' Behold, our enemies are discomfited ; let us

37 go up to cleanse the sanctuary ^ and dedicate it.*" And the whole army °^ as-

38 sembled themselves together, and went up into mount Sion. And when they saw
the sanctuary desolate, and the altar profaned, and the gates burnt up, and
shrubs grown *" in the courts as in a forest, or as on ** one of the mountains, and

39 the chambers '^ pulled down, they rent their clothes, and made great lamentation,

40 and cast ashes upon their heads, and fell *° to the ground upon their faces, and blew

41 an alarm with the trumpets, and cried towards heaven. Then Judas made it the
duty of *° certain men to fight against those that were in the fortress, until he had

42 cleansed the sanctuary. And he selected blameless priests who had pleasure in

43 the law ; and they cleansed the sanctuary,*' and bore *' the defiled stones into

44 an unclean place. And they ^ consulted over the altar of burnt offering, which had

45 been profaned, what they should do with it. And it occurred to them as good
counsel *° to pull it down, lest it should become " a reproach to them, because the

46 heathen had defiled it ; and they pulled down the altar. And they laid away *" the

Vers. 26-28. — ^ A. V. : Now all the etraugers that had. 2 what. ^ who, when he heard thereof. * neither
such .... would were done .... nor such things (Fritzsche strikes out Totaura before e^e^i), as wanting in III. 44. 55.
56. 62. al. Co.) aa. ^ were come. 0 The next year therefore following {exojLLeV(j> ; III. X. 55. 62. 106. Aid.,

epxojueVc}>. Cf . Ter. 12.) ' Lysias (this word is wanting in III. X. 23. 44. 52. 55. al. Co.). * choice (cf . ver. 1) men
of foot (the context shows that infantry are meant).

Vers. 29-33. — "A. V. : So. 1" that. 1^ quail (ohs., in this sense). ^ (Rendered more literally *' assault,'* at
ver. 8.) ^ (A. V., should have written in italics, there being no Greek word for " man.'") i^ host of strangers.

IB the son. ^'^ shut up this army in {cf. iii. 18). ^^ confounded in {alirxyi'9^Tbi(Fav eiri). ^^ to be of no courage.
1" fall {marg., melt). 20 (]ast .... with. 21 thanksgiving (iv vfivoi^).

Vers. 34, 35. — -2 A. V. : So. 23 -v^ere slain of the host. 24 nqw when L. saw .... and the manliness of Judas' sol-
diers (t^s 6e 'loifSa TO yeyemittivov flaptros). 25 went into. ^(j gathered together a company of strangers (cf. Com. at
Ter. 28.) ^ So, essentially, De Wette ; " And after that he had increased the army, as it had been, he thought to come
again to Judaea." But this is to give a wrong sense to toi' yfvr}8ivTa (rrpaTov. Grimm, with Michaelis and Ape], would
therefore insert ttoAlv before yevjidefTa : '* the again assembled army," otherwise render with De Wette. The text. rec.
is Kal ffAcordtras Tov yevTjBevTa arparifv eAoyi'^CTO ndXtv Trapayevea&ax ets rr]V 'I. With this slight change, good sense is
obtained, and iraXiv might easily have been written where it is by mistake. But I'ritzsche adopts the reading of III.
X. 23. 62. and the majority of MSS., jcat nXeovavrhv ■yeiojfie'i'Ta iraXtv, etc., changing, however, Kat into cos ; " that it [the
army] become increased, might again come," etc. This is also supported by the Vulg. But it looks as though irXeocaa-
Tov had been formed out of TiKeoviaa.^ Tor, and the grammatical structure of the sentence, as thus formed, would also
be objectionable. Cf. Grimm's Coth.

Vers. 36-38. — ^a jV. V. ; Then said J. and his brethren. ^ cleanse. so and dedicate the sanctuary. ^^ Upon
this all the host. S2 growing (irec^uKora). ^3 or in {Iv is omitted by X. 23. 64. 74.). 34 yg^, and the priest's

chambers (cf. 1 Esd. viii. 59).

Vers. 39-43. — ^^ A. V. : fell down fiat. 80 (The A. V. renders as the Ileb. expression, doubtless lying at the basis
of our passage, is generally rendered ; but the Greek is, " they trumpeted with the trumpets of signals," i. c, gave a
signal with the trumpets. They so rendered because this special use of the trumpet was intended as a signal.) .... J.
appointed. ^^ (Cf. iii. 43.) ^ So he chose priests of blameless conversation, such as had .... who cleansed the
lanctuary and bare out.

Vers. 44-46. — 8" A. V. : when as they. " what to do with the altar .... offerings, which was profaned : they

tbougbt it beat. ** be. *2 whscefoie they .... it down, and lai4 up.
32

498

THE APOCKYPHA.

stones on '■ the mountain of the temple in a fitting^ place, until there should come

47 a prophet to give answer concerning * them. And * they took unhewn ^ stones

48 accordinsi to the law, and built the altar new " according to the former. And they
restored ' the sanctuary, and the interior of the temple, and hallowed the courts.

49 They made also new holy vessels, and into the temple they brought the candlesticlj,

50 and the altar'' of incense, and the table. And upon the altar they burnt incense,
and the lamps that were upon ihe candlestick they lighted, and they gave" light in

51 the temple. And they put /he loaves " upon the table, and spread out the vails.

52 And when they had finished all the works which they did, they rose early on the
twenty-fifth day of the ninth month, that is the month Cbaseleii, in the hundred

63 forty and eighth year," and offered sacrifice according to the law upon the new altar

54 of burnt offerings, which they had made. At the time and on the day on which the
heathen^" had profaned it, on that " was it dedicated with songs, and citherns, and

55 harps, and cymbals. And '^ all the people fell upon their faces, and worshipped and
66 blessed heaven," which had given them prosperity.^' And they kept the dedication

of the altar eight days, and offered burnt offerings with gladness, and sacrificed a

57 sacrifice of deliverance and praise." They decked also the front" of the temple

with crowns of gold, and with shields ; and the gates and the chambers they restored,

68 and made doors for them."" And there was ^' very great gladness among the people,

69 and ^^ the reproach of the heathen was turned ^^ away. And ^* Judas and his brethren
with the whole congregation of Israel ordained, that the days of the dedication of
the altar should be kept in their season from year to year, "eight "^ days, from the

60 iive and twentieth daj/ of the month Chaseleu,^'' with gladness and delight.^' At
that time also they fortified ^^ mount Sion with high ® walls and strong towers round

61 about, lest the Gentiles should come and tread it down, as they had done before.
And he placed ^^ there a garrison to keep it ; and they fortified ^^ Bethsura to keep ^^
it, that the people might have a defense against Iduincea.

convenient.

' shew wh^t (65. adds ti) should he done with.

' Then.
"> a new

» whole (6\oKA.^pt>ur. Of Heb. at Deut. .^xvii. 6, where the A. V. has liliowise rendered by " wtiole "),
altar (to evt^iatm'jptov KaLvcv. The article is omitted by III. X. 23. 56. 62. 71. 106.).

Ver. 48-52. —I A. V. : and made up. « the things that were within. » altar of burnt offerings and (so III. X.

_3. 66. 62. al. Co. Aid. It is an obvious and false correction, since the altar of burnt offerings stood not in the rads).
•» that they might give light (right according to sense). n furthermore they set tlie loaves (suggested by the plural

form, aprovs ; lit., breails). ''- and finished they had be'run to make. Now on the five and twentieth datj

which M callfd .... Casleu .... year, they rose betimes in the morning.

Vers. 54-56. —w A. V. : Look, at what what day the heathen. " even in that (X. 23. 65. 64. 93. al. add ij^epo)

Ihen. i« worshipping and praising the God of (the Divine name seems to be purposely omitted everywhere Of

Jnfrorf.) heaven. i. ivho good success. " so they kept . .. the sacrifice of deliverance and praise (what ia

usually named the " thank offering," or " peace offering," is meant, C^^'^C' PST. The word 9vo-.W is also doubt.
less used collectively. The whole might therefore be rendered peace offerings, as noted in the margin of the A V )

\ ers. 57, 68. - " A. V. : forefront. » renewed and hanged doors upon them (eevpa,o-ai- av™. In the margin ren-
dered, made doors for them, i. e., the chambers). 21 Thus was there. 22 for that m pat

Vers 69-61. - ^> A V. : Moreover. =r. i,y ,/„ ,,p„„ of^Si\,t. 2« Casleu. =7 ^irth an'd gladness (I render aa

above for the sake of uniformity. Cf. ver. 58). 28 builded t/j). » ,t.,I/, high. »» they (III 74 106 the nlm- I

set. 31 and fortified (X. 23. 19. 64., the sing.). 32 preserve (cf . previous lino in the Greek). ' ''

Chapter IV. (Cf. 2 iMacc. viii. 23-36, and Jos., Antiq., xii. 7, § 4.)

Ver. 2. Men of the fortress. Lit., " sons of
the fortress." Probahly apostate Jew.s are meant.
Jo.sephus, indeed, speaks of them as Jewish fuyi-
tive.s.

Ver. 6. The word for " armor," KoXvuixara, as
at vi. 2, meaii.s, first, a covering for ihe head
worn by wonun. Jt includes liere all kinds of
armor nsed for protecting tlie person." Wliile
/iaxai'pas, " swords," sliould have the same penenil
signitieiUicc, as including all sorts of weapons lor
oJ/t:nstve \\arfare.

Vers. 7, 8. That it was strong. The men
whom Gorgias had tiiken with him on liis expedi-
tion had not nialerially weakened the main force.
— AtiAu)fl^T€. 'J'his word is nowhere else found
m the Greek Bible, e.xcept in the present book.
Cf. verse 21 ; v. 41 ; xvi. 6.

Ver. 12. The strangers [= heathen]. The

Syriac has translated this Greek word, i.\h6<pv\oi
by " Philistines," which, indeed, was its Hellen-
istic and technical meaning, but clearly cannot
be the rendering in this place. This fact, to-
gether with similar facts occurring elsewhere
IS clear proof that the Svriac is a translation
from the Greek, since the Hebrew word iur Philis-
tinis could not have stood in the original text.

Ver. 15. Gazera. Cf. xiii. 53; xv "Jp' 35
The modern Yazflr, situated m.t far from Jmipa'.
Keil, however, would identify it with the modern
(4-hul,ah. — Azotus is but another name for Asli-
dod, situated midway between Gaza and Joiipa.
— Jamnia. elsewhere called Jabwel (Josh xv
11 ), the modern .Irhna, is situated about a dozen
miles south of Juppa. - ■fhe narrative of the
battle as here given, with so immense a dispro-
portion of numbers and equipments in favor of

1 MACCABEES.

499

the Syrians, seems much exajrgerated. Accord-
ing to the account in 2 Maccaliees (viii. 9, 16),
tlie Jewish army had six thousand men, and the
Syrian twenty thousand. Moreover, the history
appears somewhat suspicious in other respects, if
the above de^iJ;■uation of places l)c correct. To
pursue the enrniy to Gazera. and then on to
Idumaja, would require more time than is here
allowed. On a single day, all that is mentioned
in verse 19 is snppcjsed to have occurred. Keil,
with Codex Alexdiidriiiua, would read 'louSaias
instead of 'iSov/xalas. which would in a gi-cat meas-
ure remove the dirtienlty; while Grimm and
others would understand Ihat the army of Judas
Diirsued only to Gazera, liut that the eueiny con-
tinued their flight to Iiluma^a.

Ver. 22. Laud of the Philistines, ci.\\oitiv\av.
Cf. above, verse 12.

"Ver. 23. %Kv\flairom a-KvXeiai, like ircuSsla from
ituiSeiiu, is not elsewhere found ; and hence in
some MSS. vKiKevais is rend in its place.

Ver. 24. Blue and purple of the sea, i. c,
garments of this color. Cf. Kc.cUis. xlv. 10. The
designation " purple of the sea " indicates that it
was a genuine purple, produced from a certain
species of shtll-tish.

Ver. 25. That day. The representation need
not be understood to mean that all this happened
on one and the same day. It might refer simply
to the day of the engagement, or the word " day "
may be used in the sense of " time."

Ver. 28. ^uve\6x'n^^^t from truWox^'ty or avK-
AoxS", means to briuq toffeth'r \6xoiis. The word
is not elsevvliere found. — The campaign of Lysias

— if it be the same — is quite otherwise described
in 2 Maec. xi. 1-12, espeeiilly with respect to the
time when it occurred. There it is said to have
taken place after the death of Antioehiis Kpipli-
anes, during the reign of Eupator. Most Roman
Catholic commentarors, unwilling to accept the
theory of a discrepancy between the two accounts,
hold that there wei"e two separate campaigns.
But, if this were the case, it is ditticnlt to under-
stand, MS Grimm well maintains, how the author
of the first book could ha\'e onntted any accnnnt
of the second eampaigu, and the author of the
second book could make no mention of the first.

— In the year following, i. e., is. c. 164, or the
year 148 of the Seleucian era. — Bethsura, else-
where Bethzur = " house of rock." It was a

place somewhere in the mountains of Judah. It
is mentioned in Josh. xv. 58, between Ilalhul and
Gedor, as though in their neighborhood.

Ver. 42. Pleasure in the law. From this
passage Graetz ( Geschichte, ii. 2, p. 352) infers that
all priests who had adhered to the Greek party
were excluded from further service in the temple,
which is likely, but it hardly follows from this
passage.

Ver. 43. Defiled stones. These were the
stones from which the heathen altar had been
miide. See i. 54. — An unclean place, i. e., some
place outside the city where the offal was cast.

Ver. 46. A prophet. Chri.st is obviously not
meant here, as some have intimated. Cf. similar
passages at ix. 27, xiv. 41, which show that at this
time there were none who were regarded as true
prophets of the Lord, and that there had been
none for a long time. — Mountain of the tem-
ple. Josephus {Antiq., xii. 7, § 7) misunderstood
this passage, supposing that the city of Jerusalem
was meant.

Ver. 54. At the time, i. e., the month. For
KciTci with the accusative in a temporal sense, cf.
Winer, p. 400 f. The time here meaut was
December, B. c. 165; it being, according to Jo-
sephus and Jerome (at Dan. viii. 14), exactly
three years from the time of the first profanation
of the altar through pagan sacrifices. According
to 2 Mace. (x. 3), however, it was only two years.

— Citherns and harps. "li23 and 73?. I answer-
ing nearly, it would seem, to our guitar and
harp.

Vers. 56-58. The name of this feast of dedi-
cation among the Jews, HS^^n, is given by Jo-
sephus as (t>wTa, who adds : " I suppose the reason
was because this liberty beyond our hopes ap-
peared to us." But this would hardly explain
the use of the plural. Winer [Realivarterb., under
Kirchioeihfisi) : "Josephus was perhaps right
in giving this more special .significance, although
an illuntination was in general a symbol of joy
(Jnvenal, xii. 83 f.)." For a description of the
manner in which this feast is celebrated by
the Jews in modern times, see Stanley, iii., p.
343 f.

Ver. 59. The feast here spoken of is called in
the Gospel of John (x. 22) "the feast of dedica-
tion," Ttt ^yxaina.

Chapter V.

1 And it came to pass when * the heathen ° round about heard that the altar was

2 built, and the sanctuary restored^ as before, they were very angry.* And they re-
solved^ to destroy the race ^ of Jacob that was among them ; and they ' began to

3 slay and destroy among the * people. And^ Judas fought against the sons'" of
Esau in Idumaea at Acrabattine," because they lay in wait for '^ Israel ; and he

4 smote them in a great defeat," and humbled them," and took their spoils. And'''
he remembered the injury" of the sons of Btean," who were ■'■* a snare and an

Vers. 1 3. — i A. V. : Now when. ^ nations. ^ renewed. * it displeased thera very much. c Wherefore
they thought. o gencratioo (yeVoy ; 19. 64. 93., (nrep^a). ^ thereupon they . 8 destroy (^i/) the. o Then.

10 children. ^^ at (or na^nely, Cf. Com,] Arabattine (III. X. 64., 'AKpajSaTTTJi^i/. The text, rec., give§ the form

found in our text. See Com.) ^^ besieged (lit., but probably from 3C^^, which also sometimes meant to he m

ivaitfor. The Lat. obaidere^ too, has occasionally this meaning. See Com.). " gave them a great overthrow (lit,
imote them a great smiting). " abated their courage {<nivitneLKev aufovs).

Ver. 4. — ^ A. V. : Also. ^ injury (Tijy koxios). " children of Bean (see Com.). i8 had been.

500 THE APOCRYPHA.

5 offense unto the people, in that they lay in wait for them in the ways. And ^ he
shut them into " the towers, and encamped against them, and destroyed them

6 utterly,' and burnt its towers * with fire, with ^ all that were therein. And he
marched on again.'^t the sons ^ of Ammon ; and ' he found a strong force," and

7 much people, with Timotheus as ^ their leader.'^" And he engnged in " many battles

8 with them, and '^ they were discomfited before him ; and he smote them. And
when he had taken Jazer,'* with the towns belonging thereto,^'' he returned into
Judaea.

9 And ^^ the heathen that were in ^^ Galaad assembled themselves together against
the Israelites " that were in ^* their borders,'' to destroy them ; and ^^ they fled

10 into ^' the fortress Dathema.^^ And they ^' sent letters unto Judas and his breth-
ren, saying,-'' The heathen that are round about us are assembled together against

11 us to destroy us ; and they are preparing to come and take the fortress into which

12 we fled; and Timotheus is leader ^^ of their force. ^^ Come now therefore, and

13 deliver us from their hand, for a multitude of us have fallen. And ^' all our brethren
who were in the regions of Tubius ^* are put to death; their wives and their chil-
dren also they have carried off with their stuff ; ^ and they have slain '" there

14 about a thousand men. While the " letters were yet in reading,^' behold, there
came other messengers from Galilee with their clothes rent, who reported on this

15 wise, and said, ITieyoi Ptolemais, and of Tyrus, and Sidon, and all Galilee of the

1 6 Gentiles,*' are assembled together against us to consume us. But '^ when Judas and
the people heard these words, there gathered a great assembly '^ together, to consult
what they should do for their brethren, that were in affliction,'^ and had been at-

17 tacked by these people." And Judas said" unto Simon his brother. Choose thee
out men, and go and deliver thy '^ brethren that are in Galilee, while ^° I and Jon-

18 athan my brother will go into Galaad.*^ And " he left Joseph the son of Zacha-
rias, and Azarias, as leaders ^^ of the people, with the rest of the army " in JudiEa

19 to keep it. And he gave them^^ commandment, saying, Take ye the charge of this
people, and see that you engage not in ^^ war against the heathen until " we come

20 again. And *' unto Simon were apportioned ^^ three thousand men to go into Gali-

21 lee, but *° unto Judas eight thousand men for ^' Galaad. And Simon went ^'^ into
Galilee, and engaged in '' many battles with the heathen, and ^* the heathen were

22 discomfited before '^ him. And he pursued them unto the gate *" of Ptolemais.
And there fell " of the heathen about three thousand men and he took their spoils.''

23 And those that were of ^^ Galilee, and in Arbattis,™ with their wives and their chil-
dren, and all that they had, took he along,^' and brought them into Juda?a, with

24 great joy. And Judas the Maccabee'^ and his brother Jonathan went over the''^

25 Jordan, and traveled three days' journey in the wilderness. And they fell in " with
the Nabataji."' and they met them peaceably,'^'' and told them all '^' that had happened

26 to their brethren in Galaad ; *' and that '^ many of them were shut up '" in Bossora,

Ver. 5. — ' A. V. : omitK And. 2 up therefore (it so renders the preceding Kai) in (Fritzsche receivea eU for h

from III, X. 23. 66. 66. al.). » (See Com.) •" the towers of that pface (avTijs ; aiiTav, 55. 106.). s and ((rvv).

Vers. 6-8. —» A. V. : Afterward he passed over to the children. ' where. ' mighty power (xeipa Kparaiiii'.

The former word is so used in the classics, as is also n^anus, in Latin. Of. xi. 15). 0 omils as. 10 captain.

" So he fought (<toWji(/6). 12 till at Itnglli. '= Jazar (this form probably comes from the Old l;at. Jazare). '» Lit.
her daughters.

Vers. 9-11. —15 A. V. : Then. i« at. " (Lit., the Lvael.) " {UC. The A. V. has properly rendered by " in,-'
and not by "on," as is usual. A few Codd., 66. 62. 64. 93., read iv.) i» quarters. 20 but. 2> to. =2 of D.

(see Com. The form of the word adopted by us is found in III. 44. 243. ; text, rec, StiOeiia). 23 omits they. " omits
Baying. 25 whereunto we are iled, Timotheus being captain. 26 host.

Vers. 12-14. — " A. V. : hands, for many of us are slain : yea. 2» that were in the places of Tobie (marg., Tubin.

This is from the Old Lat. and Syr. ; III. X. 23. 62. 62. al,, Tov;3iou ; text, rec., Tui^wv. See Com.). » away captiyes"

B.ud borne awat/ tlieir stud. (See Com.) 30 aestroyed. ^^ these {X. U. omit al). ^2 yet reading. '

Vers. 16-17. —83 See Com. « A. V. : Now. « assembled .... congregation. M trouble. »' assaulted of

them. 38 Then said J. 3" (Omitted by X. 93.) '»for(6e). " the country of G.

Vers. lS-20.-« A. V. ; So. « A., captains (III. X. 19. 23. 106. have the sing. ; 64. 93. the same, and prefix the

article). " remnant of the host. « Unto wliom he gave. « malte not (cf. ver. 7). " until the time that

"8 Jiow. m given. 00 and. Bi for the country of (tV TaXaciSmw. Cf. vers. 17, 20, 21).

Vers. 21-23. — 02 A. v.: Then went S. " where he (ought (cf. vers. 7, 19). m so that. ot by. ™ (Tijt

iri/ATjs ; iciK „o^eoiy, 111. 62. 74. 106, Aid. ; tok nvAir, 55. Co., and Josephus.) w there were slain. « whose spoils
he took. m in ( l-ritzsche receives « for i„, from III. X. 23. 44. 66. 66. al.) 00 (The form of the word is in dispute,
a« well as the place meant. Cf. Com.) "' aioay with Aim.

Vers. 24-26.— «2 A. V,: Judas Maccabeus also, <» omi!s the. »• where they met. « Nabathites. «» who
came unto [khX iiHivrticmv) them in peaceable manner. "' every thing. e) in ths land of. «» how that

"> trvpeiKruiiLivoi .io-tV, more properly helu as prisoners, the verb meaning to seize, take prisoner.

1 MACCABEES. 501

and Bosor, in Alema,' Chasphor, Maked, and Carnain,^ all these cities are strong

27 and great, andithat they were shut up in the rest of the cities of ^ Galaad, and* that
against to-morrow they were marshalling their forces to attack ° the forts,* and to

28 take them, and to destroy them all in one day. And ' Judas and his force ' turned
suddenly their course backward into ° the wilderness towards Bosor ; " and when he
had won the city, he slew all the males with the edge of the sword, and took all their

29 spoils, and burnt it " with fire. And from thence ^^ he removed by night and marched

30 as far as ^' the fortress. And when morning broke " they lifted up their eyes,''' and
behold, an ^° innumerable multitude of people " bearing ladders and other engines
of war,^^ to take the fortress ; and they were beginning the battle against ^' them.

31 Ana when Judas ^^ saw that the battle was begun, and that the cry of the city went

32 up to heaven with trumpet blast, and a great outcry,^^ he said unto the men of his

33 force.^^ Fight this day for your brethren. And ^^ he went forth behind ^^ them in

34 three divisions ; and they ^^ sounded their trumpets, and cried out in ^^ prayer. And
when the force of Timotheus perceived "^ that it was Maccabneus, they fled before ^'
him ; and ^ he smote them in a great defeat ; ^'' and there fell '' of them that day

35 about eight thousand men. And he '^ turned aside to Maspha ; and he ^' assaulted
it, and ^ took it ; and he '^ slew all the males therein, and received the spoils there-

36 of, and burnt it with fire. From thence he removed,^' and took Chasphor, Maked,"

37 Bosor, and the rest of the cities of Galaad. But ^ after these things*" Timotheus

38 gathered another army,*^ and encamped before *^ Raphon beyond the brook. And **
Judas sent men to spy out the camp ; and they " brought him word, saying. All
the heathen that be round about us are assembled unto thera, even a very great

39 army.*^ They have *^ also hired the Arabians to help them, and they have pitclied "
their tents beyond the brook, ready to come against thee to battle.*' And *' Judas

40 went to meet them. And ^ Timotheus said unto the leaders of his army, as ^^ Ju-
das and his force came ^^ near the stream,^' If he cross ^^ over first unto us, we shall

41 not be able to withstand him ; for he will mightily prevail ^^ against us ; but if he
be afraid, and camp beyond the river, we will ^* go over unto him, and prevail

42 against him. But ^^ when Judas came near the stream,^* he stationed the scribes of
the people ^' by the brook, and gave them "" commandment, saying. Suffer not a

43 single man ^^ to remain in the camp,^^ but let all come to the battle. And °' he went
first over against ^* them, and all the people '^ after him ; and °° all the heathen
were *' discomfited before him, and °* cast away their weapons, and fled into °^ the

44 temple at Carnain.™ And '^ they took the city, and burnt the temple with fire '^
with all that were therein. And Carnain '^ was subdued ; and they could not '*

45 stand any longer before Judas. And '' Judas gathered together all the Israelites

VerB, 26, 28. — i 23., 'AXi>oi! ; Ynlg., Alimix. It has not been Identifled. 2 A. V. : Camaim (so 56.). ' of

the country of. * (III. X. 23. 74. 106. 243. Co. Aid. omit.) 5 had appointed to bring tbeir host against.

^ Cf. yers. II, 29. The plural is probably inaccurate.

Vers. 28-30. — ^ A. V. : Hereupon. ^ host. » by the way of {aTritrTpe>J/ev .... bShv els). ^ unto Bosorra

(ma,rg., Bosor; Boo-oppa, 44. 62. 74. 243. Co. .\ld. Cf. Ter. 36). ** the city {avrrii'). ^ From whence. ^ went

tin tie came to (the verb is in the plural in X. 64. 93.). " betimes in the morning (^eVero ettidtvri]. is looked up.

^^ ttigre was an. i' innumerable people. ^^ (fiTjxava<;. GTiima renders hy Mauerbreclier, wall~brealcer ; hut ct.

2 Mace. xii. 15, where that machine is otherwise named.) ^^ for they assaulted {koI eTroAefiouc ).

Vera. 31-34. — 2" A. V. : When J. therefore. 21 with trumpets, and a great sound. "tii.s host. 23 go. "(Lit.,
Jrojn behinfl, i. e., he fell on their rear.) 25 companies, who. 26 with. 27 Then the host . . . knowing.

28 Maccabeus (III. 71. prefix the article. Cf. ver. 24), fled from. 29 T^herefore. so witb a great slaughter (lit.,

a great smiting. Cod. III., with Co., has the dative). 3i so that there were killed.

Vers. 35, 36. — 32 A. V. ; This done, Juiias (19. 64. 93. Old Lat. have the proper name). » after he had. « he.

so omits he. =6 went he (cf yer. 29). " Casphon (so the last syllable, X. 44. al., but cf. yer. 28), Maged.

33 other cities of the country of.

Vers. 37-39. —»» A. V. : omits But. « (prjuara. TaOra, often used in this sense in the LXX. Cf. Tii. 33 ; ix. 37.)

41 gathered T host. *- against. ^ So. ** espy {KaTa<TK07r€v<j-at, For this verb KaTaaKoitiia is found in

the classics. Hence the reading of III., KaTao-KOTrrjcrat) the host : who. *^ host. ^ He hath (Fritzsche receives

IxepLitrduvTat from X. 23. 55. al. ; lexi. rec, ftetiifrBisyrai.). *^ (Fritzsche receives n-ape/ijSaWouirti' from III. 23. 44. 55. al.
Co. Aid. ; text, rec,, rrapeve^a^ov.) ^ and fight against thee. ■*'* Upon this.

Vers. 40, 41. — *^ A. V. ; Then. ^ captains .... host. When. 62 host come (the connection shows that he said

this while .ludas was seen approaching, and the grammatical construction also requires the rendering given). 63 (Lit.,
broolc of water). 64. p^ss. ^ {^vvaixevo^ ^vvritTeTai. Cf. Heb. and Greek at 2 Chron. xxxii. 13.) 60 shall.

Vers. 42, 43. — "' A. V. : Now. 68 brook. 69 caused the scribes (see Com.) .... to remain. 60 unto whom he
gave. 61 no man. 62 (Lit., (0 eracam;).) es So. " unto (eirO. «6 (in. 44. 55. 62. Co. Aid. add airaii.)

06 then. 67 being. 68 oynits and. 69 unto. '6 thai was at Camaim.

Vers. 44,46. —■" A. v.: But. '2 o»iii.« with fire. " Thus was Camaim. " neither could they (eSwai/ro ; m
56. 93., the sing.). '= Then

502 THE APOCRYPHA.

that were in ' Galaad, from the least unto the greatest, also ^ their wives, and their
children, and their stuff, a very great host, to the end ihey might come into the land

46 of Juda.' And * they came unto Ephron. And ^ this was the ^ great city at '
the entrance, strongly ' fortified ; they could not turn from it, to ° the right hand

47 or the left, hut must ^^ pass through the midst of it. And ^^ they of the city shut

48 them out, and hlocked '•' up the gates with stones. And '^ Judas sent unto them
with words of peace," saying, Let us pass by thy ^^ land to go back ■'* into our land,"
and none shall do yoii any hurt ; we will only pass through on foot. And '* they

49 would not open unto him. And " Judas commanded a proclamation to be made in

50 the army ^ that every man should pitch his tent in the place where he was. And ^'
the soldiers encamped, ^^ and assaulted ^^ the city all that day and all the night ;

51 and-' the city was delivered into his hands. And he ^° slew all the males with the
edge of the sword ; and he razed it,^' and took the spoils thereof, and passed through

52 the city over them that were slain. And they went over the ^' Jordan into the

53 great plain before Bethsan.'^' And Judas brought up *" those that fell behind,^'
and encouraged ^^ the people all the way through, till they came ^ into the land of

54 Juda.** And *^ they went up to mount Sion with joy and gladness, and ^° offered
burnt offerings, because not one of them had fallen " until they ^ returned in
peace.

65 And in those days, when ^' Judas and Jonathan were in *" Galaad, and Simon his

66 brother in Galilee before Ptolemais, Joseph the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, lead-
ers of the army," heard of the valiant acts and warlike deeds ^^ which they did.^*

57 And he " said, Let us also make ourselves *° a name, and go fight against the

58 heathen that are round about us. And they ordered out *° the men of the army "

59 that was with them, and marched against*' .Tamnia. And Gorgias and his men

60 came*" out of the city to meet them ^° in battle. And Joseph" and Azarias were
put to flight, and pursued unto the borders of Judaea ; and there fell ^' that day of

61 the people of Israel about two thousand men. And there took place a^' great
overthrow among the children of Lsrael,'* because they were not obedient unto Ju-

62 das and his brethren, thinking ^'^ to do valiant deeds.^" But " these were ^ not of
the seed of those men,'" by whose hand deliverance was given unto Israel.

63 And '" the man Judas and his brethren were greatly honored ^^ in the sight of

64 all Israel, and of all the heathen, where '^ their name was heard ; and men thronged

65 to them with plaudits.*^ And Judas went^* forth with his brethren, and fought
against the sons '^ of Esau in the land toward the south ; and °® he smote Hebron,"
and the towns thereof, and pulled down tlie fortress "* of it, and burnt the towers

66 thereof round about. And '*" he removed to go into the land of the Philistines, and

67 passed through Samaria.'" On that day " certain priests, desirous to show their

68 valor, fell '^ in battle, since '" they went out to fight unadvisedly. And ''* Judas
turned toward " Azotus in the land of the Philistines, and when he had pulled
down their altars, and burnt the images of their gods " with fire, and spoiled their
cities, he returned into the land of Juda."

Vers. 45, 46. — > A. V. : in the country of. ^ even (the men are previously referred to). ' Judea. < Now

when. 6 omits and. » a (the art. is omitted by 65. 64. 93.). 'in. 8 way as they should go (^iri t^s claitov

= al the entrance) very well. » either on. 'o must needs (the words aiic J/v have .still force).

Vers. 47-50. — 11 A. V. : Then. '2 stopped (it is meant that they supported, secured, the gates with stones).

" Whereupon. " in peaceable manner. « through (TrapsXeuo-ofieSa ; III. 19. 62. al. Co. Aid., 6ieXcv(r6;u.s9n) your'
i» omiVs back. i' own country. « howbeit. M Wherefore. ™ throughout the host. 2i So. "pitched
(cf. ver. .37). ^' {inoXi,x-i)tTc.v.) '^ that. ^ iu\ at the length.

Vers. 61-54. —» A. V. : who then. '^ and rased the city. 28 After this went they over. 28 (See Com )

M gathered together. »i came behind. "2 exhorted. » (The verb is sing, in III. X. 23. 44. al. Co. Aid ■ teit

rec. ,plur.) s* Judea. == So. =8 where they. »' were slain. ^> theytiaA. '

Vers. 55-53.— » A. v.: Now what time as. « in the land of. "captains garrisons. ^^ iroi ^o\4u.ov

oXa.) «lmddone. " Wlierefore they (III. X. 19. 44. al., the plur.). « get us. « So when they had riven

charge (Trop,,y).6iAav). « unto the garrison. '» they went towards.

Vers. .09-63. — <» A. V. : Then came Gorgias and his men. =« fight agaiMt them. m so it was that J la were

slam. ra Thus was there a. m (III. X. 23. omit.) K but thought. « some valiant act! « Aloreover

1* mirn came. cu omits mt^n. "-^i.

Vers C.3-G5 - " A. V. : Ilowbcit. "i renowned. C2 where.,o««r. «= heard of: insomuch as the people

assembled unto Ihcm with joyful accLamations. " Afterward went J. os children «» whore ov (X.L ',, i

»8 Plur. in X. 19. 23. 64. 93. ""(.re. (Aefipiai,.)

Vers. 66-68.— ™ A. V. : From thence («et9ei/ is found in 19. 66. 62. 64. 93.). TO (Of Com ) n At that ti

•» were slain. 's for that. " So. « to. 'o their cai-ved images. " Judea.

me

1 MACCABEES.

503

Chapter V.

Ver. 1. Hitzio; thinks tlie second, ,ind Von
Leii<;erke the eiglity-tliinl, Psalm was based on
the facts meniiuni'd iu this and the followin>;
vei-se, and (Jrinini assents to the theory. Cf.,
however, Giiitz, Gesdiichle, ii. 2, note 17, and
Westiott in Smith's Bib. Diet., under "Macca-
bees," s-ect. 10.

Ver. 3. Tliy 'AKpaffaTrivrii/ is consti'iicted in ap-
position with Iduiiiaja, The construction is po-
etic. Kiihner ( Gram., p. 372) says : " In ihe same
manner in poetry, especially in Epic, but very
seldom in pro-e, two objects (commonly in the
accusative) are joined to one verb. The first of
these denotes the entire tliiiig ; the other, that
part of it to which the action of tlie verb is par-
ticularly directed, both being in the same ca,sie."
The place here mentioned receives its name from
the hill Acrabhim, the boundary line of Judah.
Kiiobel {Cum. on Josh. xv. 3) identifies it with the
pass Ex-Sufah, southwest from the Dead Sea.
Stifuh is the Zephath to which, according to
Judges i. 17, the tribe of Judah^extended its con-
quests. Cf. Schenkcl's Bib. Lex.,s.v. — Lay in
wait for Israel. The meaning seems to be that
they took possession of the mountain pa^ses, and
from thence made hostile incursions into the land
of Israel.

Ver. 4. Sons of Basau. This " Baeau " was
probably at the head of some Bedouin tiibe which
made predatory excursions. Blau, in Mer.^'s
Archiv (i., p. 359), says: "The region in which
tlie event described in 1 Mace. v. 1-6 took place is
the same as that which the table by Karnnk calls
Bajaa, near Kapharliaruk, east from Hebron,
where iu the time of the Maccabees Idumaeaus
settled. In my opinion, 1>^ "'32 signifies sim-
ply the inhabitants of the place Bajjan."

Ver. 5. Destroyed them utterly. The Greek
word is aveSiixiTiTiV. The word avaBitixa is the
Attic form of the substantive, and means " offer-
ing." It occurs also with this meaning in 2
Mace. ii. 13. Cf. also Luke xxi. 5, with Gal. i. 8,
9. Generally, however, in the LXX., as in the
present passage, it is used as synonymous with
D"^n, i. e., devoted to destruction. Cf. Cremer
Lex., s. V.

Ver. 6. Timotheus. He was probably a
Syrian general, and the same as the one men-
tioned in verse 11, below, and in 2 Mace. xii. 2 ff.

Ver. 8. Jazer, spelled also Jaazer. It was
situated fifteen Romau miles north from Hesh-
bon, and ten west from Philadelphia in Gilead.
It has been recently found, as is supposed, in
Szir, from which a little stream flows, as from the
ancient Jazer, into the Jordan. Cf. Pritzsche, in
Schenkel's Bib. /.ex., s. v.

Ver. 9, Galaad. It is the Greek form of the
word Gilead. It is meant to embrace here, appa-
rently, the possessions of Israel, which went by
tliis name, on the east side of the Jordan. —
Dathema. This place is also mentioned by Jo-
sephus [Antiq., xii. 8, § 1 ), but has not been iden-
tified. Kwald supposes it may be the Dama iu
ilauran discovered by Burckhardt.

Ver. 12. Tubius. It is probably the land of
Tob spoken of in the history of Jephtha. See
Judges xi. 3, and cf. 2 Sam. x. 6 ; 2 Mace. xii.
17.

Ver. 13. T))v awo(iKfvl)v. Trendelenburg (Eich-
Wn's Rep., Theil 15, p. 13) thinks that by this

word female children and young unmarried wom-
en are indicated. But it is interpreted iu verse
23 a.s oU tliat lltpy had. It seems to mean here
much the same as our exjiression poods and ckat-
tels, including, with hou-ehold utensils, tlie flocks
and herds. It is rendered in Polybins, both as
singular and plural, by " baggage." Cf. Liddell
and Scott, s. v. See, below, ik. .35, and the LXX.
at 1 Chron. v. 21. — A thousand men, x'^'acx'""
at'Spuiv. This Greek word is used in the LXX.
(Numb. xxxi. 48) to designnte a division of a
ihoLisand men standing under the command of a
chiliarch. Some (Michaelis and Scholz) suppose
these Gileaditcs would represent that an entire
tribe had been destroyed.

Ver. 15. Ptolemais =4cc/iO, the Modern St.
Jean d'Arre, a seaport town on the Mediterranean,
not far from the month of the little river Belus,
and thirty miles south of Tyie. — Galilee of the
Gentiles. The corrections of the text at this
point — for sucli they soem to be -^ were probal)ly
occasioned by ignorance of its meaning in the
original form. Cf Matt iv. 15, where this ex-
pression is used. Upper Galilee is meant, whose
poiiulation wns largely foreign.

Ver. 20. The size of the Jewish army, as con-
sisting of eleven thousand men, is considerably
larger than it was represented to be in the previ-
ous chapter (iv. 6). T^vo thousand are said to
have fallen (verse 60) in the battle which Joseph
and Azarias, contrary to the orders of Judas,
fought at Jamnia.

Ver. 23. Of Galilee, i. e., the Jews of that
province. They were transferred to Jerusalem
for the sake of greater securit}'. — Arbattis.
This place has been supposed by some (Ewald)
to be the district north of the Sea of Galilee
(Syr., Ard Boi). Others think the ^vortl to be a
corruption of ' KKpa^aTrivf], Acrabniiine, in Idu-
mosa. Others still (Hitzig, 6'escAi'c/i(e, p. 397) make
it the same as ilarbaitot [mountain of tlie abyart),
the Nap^ada of Josephns l./ud. Bell., ii. 14, § 5),
sixty furlougs from Ciesarea, towards Samaria.

Ver. 25. The length of a day's journey was
differently reckoned by the ancients in the East,
being from one hundred and fifty to two hundi'ed
and ten furlongs. At present it is about four
geographical miles. — Nabataei. According to
Noldeke (Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v.), an Arab
tribe which dwelt iu the southern part of Judiea,
in a region which had been yireviously vacated by
the Edomites. The latter had taken possession
soon after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebu-
chadnezzar. See Gen. xxv. 13, and Piod. Sic,
ii. 48, xix. 94-97.

Ver, 26. Bossora. Probably " Bostra," in
Hauran. — Casphor. According to Hitzig ( Ge-
schichte, p. 398), Chisfin, lying between the Jordan
and "Nava," on the way to Egypt, about sixty
miles from Damascus. — Maked. The same au-
thor holds this place to be identical with Maqadd,
on the border of Hauran, near Adhrailt. — Car-
uain. This was the residence of Og, king of
Bashau. Cf. Dent. i. 4.

Ver. 27. The meaning is that the enemy had
resolved to destioy, on tlie very next day, all the
.Tews whom they were now besieging in these
different cities.

Ver. 28. Edge of the sword, i. u., giving no
quarter.

Ver. 29. The fortress. Dathema (verse 11 j

504

THIS APOCRYPHA.

must be meant. The apparent inaccuracy of
using the plural was perhaps due to the incorrect
report of the Naliata:i, as Keil suggests.

Ver. 35. Maspha. Cleaily not the Mizpeh of
Moab (I Sam. xxii. 3), but of Gilead (Judg. xi.
29; X. 17).

Ver. 37. Eaphon. Prohably one of the ten
cities, namely, liaphana. Cf. Jos., Antiq., xii. 8,

§4-

Vers. 40, 41. This opinion of Timotheus is
hasfd on his knowledge of the impetuosity of the
assaults of Juila-^.

Ver. 42. Scribes of the people. The Greek
■word ypafiiJ,aT(vs, here used, is employed by the
LXX. to translate both ~!CD, nuinberer, scribe,
and "ItCCT, overseer, director. Probably the for-
mer is here meant. They were officers who kept
the muster-rolls, and looked after all matters of
this sort which required writing.

Vers. 43, 44. Carnain. See verse 26, above.
The soldiers of Timotheus seem to have supposed
that their lives would be spared if they took
refuge in this temple. Cf. x. 83, where a similar
case occurs.

Vers. 46-48. Ephron. It lay on the east of
Jordan, over against Scythopolis. There was an-
otlier place by this name in the possessions of
Benjamin. Cf. Keil's (.'om. at 2 Chron. xiii. 19.
Judas probably at first feared that the city might
prove to be too strong for his force, and for that
reason sought a peaceful passage through it.
The reason for its refusal is the more plain if this

was really the residence of the Syrian general
Lysias. Cf. 2 Mace. xii. 27.

Ver. 52. Great plain before Bethsan. This
was probably not the plain of Jczreel, or Ks-
draelon, as Grimm supposes, — as that lay behind,
not " before," Bethsan, — but the Joidan valley,
between Lake Tiberias and Saknt. Bethsan,
now Beisan (cf. Josh. xvii. 11), was named by
the Greeks Scythopolis.

Ver. 54. Not one of them had fallen, i. e.,
none had fallen from the time they cros-ed the
Jordan ; or it may refer simply to the non-
combatants whom Judas was conducting to Jeru-
salem.

Ver. 63. The man Judas. The same expres-
sion is used of Moses. Ex. xi. 3 ; Numb. xii. 3.
It means the man par excellence, the noted man,
the hero.

Ver. 65. Hebron. This is the old patriarchal
city of the name, situated south of Jerusalem, on
the mountains of Judah. Its present name is Et-
Khalil.

Ver. 66. Passed through Samaria. Keil,
with Grotius, Miehaelis, and others, accepts the
reading of the Old Latin, Mapiaaav (Mareshali),
which is also that of Josephus (Antiq., xii. 8, § 6).
It certainly agrees better with the context, this
city lying in the low country of Judah, directly
on the line of his march.

Ver. 67. On that day, ;. e., apparently on the
day of the march through Mareshah. The in-
habitants probably showed hostility to the army
of Judas. Cf. 2 Mace. xii. 35.

Chapter VI.

1 And the ^ king Antiochus passed ^ through the upper ° countries, and ^ heard that

2 in Elymais in Persia there was a city renowned * for riches, silver, and gold ; and that
the temple which was in it was very rich ; and that there were there armors * of
gold, and breastplates, and weapons,' which Alexander the son ° of Philip, the '

3 Macedonian king who reigned first among the Grecians, had left there. And ^^ he
came and sought to take the city, and to spoil it ; and ^^ he was not able, because the

4 matter was known to the citizens.-'^ And they " rose up against him in battle, and "

5 he fled, and departed thence with great grief to return ^^ to Babylon. And ^^ there
came one who brought him tidings into Persia, that the armies, which went into the

6 land of Juda " were put to flight ; and that, Lysias went forth as commander **
with a strong force, and was put to flight before them ; ^' and Uiat they were made
strong with weapons, and material, and many ^'' spoils which they had taken from '''■

7 the armies that ^^ they had destroyed ; also that they had pulled down the abomi-
nation which he built ^^ upon the altar in Jerusalem, and that they had surrounded ^*

8 the sanctuary with high walls, as before, and his city Bethsura. And it came to

Ver. l. — i A. V. : About that time (Kill). ^ travelling. > high. < omif.s and. ' «ay that Elymais (the

reading I have adopted, with Kritzsche and Keil, is kv "EAufi-atSt, and it is supported by many of the best authorities
that i.^, as far as the preposition i.^ concerned : IH. X. 23. 55. 56. 71. al. Co. Aid. Besides, there was no city ** Elymais "
in Per.sia ; it was the name of a province. This reading is also supported in a general way by Polyb. (sxxi. 11) and
Appian iSi/r., c. Ixvi.)) in the country of Persia was a city greatly renowned.

Vers. 2, 3. — " A. V. : thai there was in it a very rich temple, wherein were coverings (marg., shielj.i. Cf. iv. 6 where
the A. V. renders the same word " armour '■). ' shields (57r*.a). » A., .sore. o (Kritzsche adopts the'articla

seforc pao-iAris from III. X. 2-3. 66. al.) i" -Wherefore. " but. K they of the city, having had warning thereof.

Vers. 4-6. — 13 A. V. : omil.^ And they. " so. lo heaviness, and returned. lo Moreover. " against ....
Judea. " who went forth first (ei- irpiirois — inter primes, i. e., as leader). i» ^reat power, was driven away ot

tits Jews (there is slight MS. authority for the words in italics). ™ by the armour, and power (fivi-afiei. It refers to

supplies of various kinds), and store of. 21 gotten of. 22 whom.

Ver. 7 — 23 ^_ V. : had set up. 24 compassed about.

1 MACCABEES. 505

pass when * the king heard these words, he was astonished and sore moved ; and

he took to his ^ bed, and fell sick for grief, because it had not befallen him as he

9 desired.' And he was there * many days ; for great grief came ever anew upon

10 him,'' and he thought that he should die." And' he called for all his friends, and
said unto them, Sleep departeth ' from mine eyes, and my heart faileth because of

11 care.' And I thought with myself. Unto-"' what tribulation have ^■' I come, and
what great flood '^ is it wherein now I am ! For I was bountiful '^ and beloved in

12 my power. But now I remember the evils that I did at Jerusalem, and that I took
all the vessels of gold and silver that were " therein, and sent forth ^^ to destroy

13 the inhabitants of Juda without a cause." I perceive therefore" that for these
things ^* these troubles have come ^' upon me ; and behold, I perish through great

14 grief in a strange land. And he called^" for Philip, one of his friends; and he

15 made him ^^ ruler over all his kingdom.''^ And he ^ gave him the crown, and his
robe, and the ^* signet, to the end that he might guide his son Antiochus, and train "^

1 6 him up for the kingdom. And the ^ king Antiochus died there in the hundred

17 forty and ninth year. And ^ when Lysias learned '" that the king was dead, be
set ^ Antiochus his son, whom he had trained up as a youth,*' to reign in his stead;
and his name he called Eupator.

18 And they of the fortress *^ shut up ''^ the Israelites round about the sanctuary,

19 and sought always their hurt, and the strengthening of the heathen. And Judas
purposed "^ to destroy them, and '^ called all the people together to besiege them.

20 And ** they came together, and besieged them in the hundred and fiftieth year, and

21 he made shooting towers and other engines^" against them. And some of them
came forth from the confinement, and unto them certain of the '' ungodly men of

22 Israel joined themselves ; and they went unto the king, and said, How long ^* ere

23 thou execute judgment,*' and avenge our brethren ? We were well pleased *" to
serve thy father, and to walk according to his orders,^^ and to obey his command-

24 ments. And for this cause the sons of our people encamped against the fortress,*^ and
were ^* alienated from us ; moreover as many of us as they lighted on ^* they slew, and

25 our inheritance was spoiled.*^ And they stretched not ^^ out their hand against us

26 only, but also against all their borders. And behold, this day are they besieging"
the fortress "" at Jerusalem, to take it ; and the sanctuary ^ and Bethsura have they

27 fortified. And ™ if thou dost not anticipate ^^ them quickly, they will do greater
things than these, and thou wilt not be able to restrain them.^^

28 And ^' when the king heard it,^"* he was angry, and gathered together all his

29 friends, and '*'' the commanders °" of his army, and those over " the horse.'* There
came also unto him from other kingdoms, and from isles of the seas,*' hired soldiers.

Vera. 8 9. ^- ^ A. V. : Now when. ^ whereupon he laid Aitk down upon his. ^ looked for. * And there

he continued. ^ his grief was ever more and more. ^ made account .... should die.

Vei-S. 10-12. — 7 A. V. ; Wherefore. ^ The sleep is gone (cf., for a similar expression, Gen. xxsi. 40; Dan. vi. 18).

9 faileth (lit,, /alts together, ot falls away. He felt heartbroken) for very care. 1° with myself (lit., said to my

heart, but III. X. 23. 65. al. Aid. omit (tou), Into (i'ojs, i. e,, as far as). " am. « how great a flood of misery (the

italics are correct as a gloss, but more properly belong in a couijnentary than in a translation). " bountiful (xplir-

T<i5). " (Nothing representing " were " is found in the Greek.) ^ omits forth. i8 Judea without a cause

(6ta K^vrii, often found in the LXX. as 5ia Keviis rrpa^eta*;. In the classics it meant, rather, without result).

Vers. 18-15, — " Omitted by III. X. 28. 44. 71. al. Co. Aid. " A. V. : this cauBe. i» are come (eSpoj.). 2» Then
called he. ^^ whom he made. 22 realm. 23 omits he. 24 ^i/., (more emphatic to leave the article). ^ he

should bring up (here ayayetc, and followed, in the next line, by iKdpe\j/ai) .... nourish.

Vers. 16, 17. — 2° A. v.: So. 2' Now. ^s )[new. ™ get up. »» brought up, fteiji? young.

Vers. 18-20. - -=» A. V. : About this time (koii) they that were in the tower (for uniformity, I change. Of. it. 41, et
passim). ^^ sh\it n^t {condusum tenebant,'Wa.hl). 33 ^vheref ore J, purposing. ^i omits a.ai. ^ So. 38 mounts
for shot (^eAoorio-eis. Cod. III. has fitKiKTrairia., which form is found iu Polyb. It was an engine for hurling missiles)
. . . and other engines iij^rjxavis).

Vers. 21-24, — 37 x, V. : Howbeit certain of them that were besieged got forth, unto whom some. 38 long will it be.
33 (ttoi^ctt) KpCatv. Codd. III. 23. 44. 62. have for the former, wot^(Tei9, which is preferred by Grimm, as more in accord-
ance with the usage of the LXX. But cf. 2 Mace. xiv. 18,) *» have been willing, "■ do as he would have us.
« For which cause they of our nation besiege (I adopt TrepteKaflTji'To, with Fritz.^che and Keil, from X. 23 52,, and so,
too, afterwards, t]Wotploiivto, from HI, X, 23, 44, and most of the MSS,, in place of Trflpwafliji-Tai and aAAorpioiJcTat
respectively, of the text, ree.) the tower. « are, " could light on. «» spoiled our inheritance.

Vers. 25-27. — '*'* A. V. : Neither have they stretched. " (here 7rape/xPe^A.^Kacrt, which is a stronger word than the
one used at ver. 24, irepieKaeTii-To.) ■"» tower (cf, ver, 18), " jt ; the sanctuary also, so wherefore, 01 pre-
vent (i, e., get ahead of). 32 neither Shalt thou , . , , rule them (KaTatrxeti. auTwc := hold them in cheek).

Vers. 28, 29, 33 a. V. : Now, «* this. "3 (x„,-^ with the following article, is omitted by III. X. 44. 62. Co. Aid.)

i» captains. o' that had charge of (simply Jiri). 08 j" the reins," i. e., of the horses of the army.) 3» sea (plur.)
jands oX.

506 THE APOCEYPHA.

SO And ^ the number of his forces ^ was an hundred thousand footmen, and twenty

3 1 thousand horsemen, and two and thirty elephants exercised in ' battle. And they
went though Iduma;a, and pifclied against Bethsura, and fought' many days, and
made " engines of war ; and they ' came out, and burnt them with fire, and fought

32 valiantly. And' Judas removed from the fortress, and pitched in B»thzacharia,' over

33 against the king's army." And the king rose early and removed his army, eager
for tlie fray, toward Basthzacharia ; ° and the soldiers made ready for " battle, and

34 sounded the trumpets. And to the end they might provoke ^^ the elephants to fight,

35 they showed them the blood of grapes and mulberries. And " they distributed "
the beasts among the phalanxes,'^ and for every elephant they appointed a thousand
men, wearing chain armor, and on their heads helmets of brass ; and for every beast

36 there were appointed five hundred chosen horsemen." These were beforehand,"
wheresoever the beast was ; and whithersoever it ^* went, they went also, and de-

37 parted not ^^ from him. And upon them were ^^ strong towers of wood, which
covered every one of the beasts, and were bound upon him by certain contrivances ;
and ^' upon every one were two and thirty soldiers,''^ that fought upon them, besides

38 his Indian driver.''-^ And the rest of the horsemen they set ^ on this side and on
that side on the two wings of the army, to harass the enemy and serve as protec-

39 tion for the phalanxes. ^'^ And ^^ when the sun shone upon the shields of gold and

40 brass, the mountains glistened^' therewith, and shone ^^ like lamps of fire. And ^
part of the king's army spread itself out upon ^^ the high mountains, and part on

41 the lowlands ; and they came on confidently *^ and in order. And ^'^ all that heard
the noise of their multitude, and the marching of the multitude,'*^ and the striking
together of the weapons, trembled ; '^ for the army was very great and mighty.

42 And "^ .Judas and his army ** drew near to '^ battle ; and there fell ^' of the king's

43 army six hundred men. And Eleazar Avaran perceived one of the beasts that was
armed with royal armor, and *" was higher than all the other beasts, and he appeared

44 as though the * khig was upon him. And he gave his life,^^ to the end he might de-

45 liver his people, and get for himself an eternal ^^ name. And *^ he ran upon him
courHgeously into the midst of the phalanx, and put to death to the right hand

46 and ^'' the left; and*^ they were divided from him on both sides.^" And he slipped
in ^' under the elephant, and stabbed him from beneath,*' and slew him and he fell

Ver. 80. — 1 A. V. ; So that. 2 army. ' elSires, here skilled in.

Vers. 31-34. — ^ A. V. ; These. s which they assaulted. '^ making. ' itut fbaj of Betlisura. * Upon

this. 0 Bathzacharias (as 93. and Old Lat., as it respects the termination). 1° camp (cf. Ter. 33). ^^ Then the

king, rising very early, marched liercely with (ei' op^jLTj/Aari avrrj? ^ in its eagerness, impetuosity. It was eager for tho
fray ) his host toward Bathzacharia.s, where his armies made them ready to. ^3 TrapatrTTitTai, to bring to one's side and

so stimulate, encourage. Vuig., acuere.

Vers. 35, 36. — 13 A. V. : iMorcover, ^* divided. i" armies {(^dAayya?; ^dpayyas, TIT. 62. 71. 74. 243. Aid ).

1" armed with coats of mail (ec a\\iinSo>roU, preceded by TefltopaKto-neVovs), and luith helmets of brass on their heads ;
and besides this for every beast were ordained five hundred horsemen of the best. ^' These were reaiiy at every

oc asion (Trpo Kaipou ^ before tite time, i. e., the battle, and hence in previous exercises, and on the march). w ijig

beast. 1" neither departed they.

Vers. 87, 38. — ^^ A. V. ; the beasts loere there. 21 of them, and were girt fast unto them with devices : there were

also. 22 every one two and thirty strong men {SwaiMcays is omitted by III. 62. 71. al. Co. Aid.). 23 the Indian that
ruled him. 24 As for the remnant .... set them. 2c and that side [evdev Kal ev0ev) .... at ... . parts of the

host, giving them signs tviiat to do [KaTaoeiovTc^, lit., to shake doivn, tlirow down. The subject is the persons who
arranged the order of battle, and the present participle is used like the inlin. in Latin. Cf. Winer, p. 845, § 4), and
being harnessed all over amidst the ranks (xal Ka.Taj^paxT(r6ii.evoi iv rats ^dKay^tv, lit., and to protect thewseh'es in the
pha'anxe.^, i. e., the same persons spoken of before, the commanders with their men, not the horsemen. Fritzsche re-
ceives ij>i\ay^ii' from III. X. 55. 56. 62. 106. Old Lat. Syr. ; text, rec., (tidpay^w, which reading the A. V. notices in the
margin : defended with the valleys).

Vers. 39, 40 — =« A. V. : Now. 27 glistered. 2! ehined. 20550. ™ being spread upon. '■ on the valleys

belotu (Fritzpche receives m before Tajreivd from III. X. 23. 44. 66. 74. 93. 106. 243. Co.), they marched on safely (io-Aa-
Awf. The Vujg. has catite, and is followed by most commentators. More properly with Orimm and Keil, conji/lenter
firmo pede).

Vers. 41, 42. — »2 a. V. : Wherefore. »= company (irX.rjeov9, as just before). s< rattling (mryKpavo-piOv) of tho

harness, were moved (lit., .i/mArej!). 2e Then. 3" host. ^^ nesir, and entered \nto. ^'^ were slain.

Ver. 43. — s'-" A. V. ; E. also, simiamed Savaran (so text, rec.; 19. 23. 64. al. Co. Syr. Joseph., avapav ; X. 55. al.
avpav. Cf. ii. 5), perceiving that .... armed with royal harness, (Fritzsche adopts dtapa^iv ^ao-iAtKots from III. X. 23.
44. 55. al. ; text, rec , the sing.). *" the rest, and supposing that (u,/)5,j. The subject is to 07]ptoc) the.

Vers 44-46. — ^i A. V. : put himself in jeopardy {See Com.). '12 him a perpetual. 43 Wherefore. ^^ through

.... battle, slaying on ... . and on. "'^ so that. *i (Lit., hither and thit/ier.) *t Which done he crept (icai

tiaeSv). *" thrust him under (bo the Vulg., supposuit se, but it is an unusual employment of this verb, and would b»

1 MACCABEES. 50"

47 on the ground over ^ him, and there he died. And when they saw '^ the strength
of the king, and the impetuosity of the soldiers, they" turned away from them.

48 But* the king's army" went up to Jerusalem to meet them. And the king

49 pitched his tents against Judaea, and against mount Sion ; and ^ with them that
were in Bethsura he made peace ; and ' they came out of the city, because they
had no provisions there to endure the siege ; ' for it was a year of rest° to the

50 land. And " the king took Bethsura, and detailed " a garrison there to keep it.

51 And he besieged the sanctuary many days; and he set up there towers for shooting,
and engines and machines ^^ to cast fire and stones, and scorpions ^' to cast darts,

62 and slings. And" they also made engines against their engines, and fought a long

63 time.^^ But their magazines were without provisions, on account of its being the
seventh year, and they who had taken refuge in Judcea from the heathen, had eaten

54 up the residue of the store ; and tliere '° were hat a few left in the sanctuary," he-
cause the famine overcame them, and they dispersed '^ themselves, every man to his
own place.

55 And Lysias heard ^' that Philip, whom Antiochus the king while he yet lived ^°

66 had appointed to bring up his son Antiochus, that he might be king, had returned
.from ^^ Persia and Media, also the troops that went with the king, along with him,^^

67 and that he sought to seize the government.^" And he felt impelled to depart in
haste,^^ and said to the king and the leaders of the army and the men. We grow
weaker daily, and our provision is ^ small, and the place we lay siege unto is strong,

58 and the nffairs of the kingdom lie upon us. Now therefore let us be friends ^^

59 with these men, and make peace with them, and with all their nation ; and cove-
nant ^ with them, that they shall live ^" after their customs, as before ; ""^ for they
are angry,"" and have done all these things, because we abolished their customs."^

60 And the matter pleased the king and the princes ; and "^ he sent unto them to make

61 peace ; and they accepted thereof. And "'' the king and the princes made an oath

62 unto them ; whereupon they went out of the fortress."* And "^ the king entered
into mount Sion ; and "* when he saw the defenses "' of the place, he broke the
oath that he had sworn,"" and gave commandment to pull down the wall round

63 about. And he departed in haste,"^ and returned unto Antiochia, and found
Philip *" master of the city ; and *^ he fought against him, and took the city by
force.

a repetition of wliat is just said. Tke word rb ^C<\to? is rather to be supplied, as is done by 19. 56. 64. 93.). ^ where-
upon the elephant fell down upon .

Vers. 47-49. — ^ A.V. : llowheit the rest of the Jews seeing. ^ violence (cf. ver. 33) of A/> forces. * Then.

E (Lit., Those from the king's army, ol 5e ex, etc. Cod. III. omits the article, indicating that it was only a detacli-
ment.) ^ But. ' for. ^ victuals there to endure the siege (toO (rvyKeKKeladai Iv aiiT^). ^ It being ....

rest (cra)S^aTOl').

Vers. 50-54. — ^° A. V. ; So. ^^ set iancTa^ev). ^2 xs for the sanctuary, he besieged it ... . and set there

artillery with engines and instruments. ^^ pieces {tricopTriSia). " Whereupon. "» held them battle .... season.
10 Yet at the last, their vessels (a-yi'oty is adopted by Fritzsche from III. X. 56. 106. al. Syr. ; Old Lat., in ciultale ; text,
rec, ayyetoLs, which is accepted by Grimm and Keil. The former may have arisen from its use at ver. 54) being without
victuals, (for that ic was .... in .Judea, that were delivered from the Gentiles .... store ;) there. ^^ sanctuary (or

" holy places," /. e., here, the fortress of the temple mount). 1^ did so prevail against them, that they were fain to

disperse.

Vers. 55-58. — '^ A. V. ; At that time .... heard say. 20 whiles he lived (en fwrro? ovtoiI, III. X. 23. 44. 55. al. Co.
Aid. ; text, rec, ere ^uji/). 21 was returned out of. 22 and the king's host also that went with him (X. 23. 52. al. Syr.
have /xera before tov jSaat^e'ws which is omitted by the text, rec., while 55. Old Lat. omit the last two words). 23 take
unto him the ruling of the affairs. 21 Whei-efore he went in all haste (I adopt from Fritzsche, with Grimm and Keil,
the text, KoX KaHarreuSev Ka.1 iirdvevaev, employing the former verb adverbially. Cf., for this usage, Winer, p. 468.
For ein-eii/, there should also be read elwev, with III. X. 23. al.). 25 captains of the host and the company, We decay

daily, .... victuals are but. 20 Marg., Or., give hands.

Vers. 59-61. — 27 orno-tafiev. 28 Lit., go, walk. 20 a. V. : laws (po/xijtioti?), as they did before. so therefore dis-
pleased. 81 laws. 32 So the king .... were content: wherefore. 33 Also. 34 strong hold.

Vers. 62, 63.— '"A.V. : Then. so but. s' strength (to oxupufio). » brake his .... made. s" Afterward
departed he in all haste. *■* where he found Philip to be. *i bo.

Chapter VI.

Ver. 1. In Elymais. Another name for <S«S('-
ana, iu the western part of Persia. Those wlio
accept the text. rec. think the writer may have
given the name of the province to its chief city,
\io city by this name being known to geographers.

Such a custom was not unknown in ancient
times ; Araliic gcograpliers, for instance, having
given the name " ligypt " boih to Memphis and
Cairo. Grimm prefers the theory of a mistake
in translation, thinking that the Hebrew word for

508

THE APOCRYPHA.

province was rendered by t6\is. Cf. LXX. at
Dan. xi. 24. But the readinjr above, which is
adopted by Fritzsciie, seems sufficiently well sup-
poried.

Ver. 2. Eeigned first among the Grecians.
See emended text at i. 1. This statement is not
exactly true, since his father, Philip, had also
reigned over the Greeks. But the kingdom of
Alexander, through the conquests which he made,
quite overshadowed that of his father. The for-
mer was founder of the Greek empire in its widest
extent.

Vers. 3, 4. According to Appian, Antiochus
succeeded in robbing the temple but, in addition
to our book, the definite statement of Polybius
is against him. Cf. Text. Notes.

Ver. 7. Abomination. Of course, the mes-
senger did not use this word to Antiochus. It is
put in his mouth by the Jewish historian.

Ver. 13. Strange land. It belonged to his
own kiugdom, but was far from tlie seat of gov-
ernment. Doubtless the description of the last
liours of this wretched king is, for the most part,
imaginative. That there was some basis of truth
in the representation, however, appears from what
Polybius (xxxi. U) says: " Aaiix.ovr]aas, us ivioi
<l>a(TL." etc.

Ver. 14. Philip. According to 2 Mace. r. 22,
a Phrygian ; and 2 Mace. ix. 29, a friend of Anti-
ochus in boyhood. — Signet, sea/ ?-/n^. Cf. Tob.
1. 22, and Esth. iii. 10. See also Ravvlinsou,
Ancient Mon,, i. 94, 158, 170, 383 ; iii. 226, 342.

Ver. 15. Died there. It was at TabiB, in
Persia, on the authority of Polybius (/. c).

Ver. 17. Antiochus Eupator was at this time
but nine years of age, according to Appian {De
Jiehits Syr., xlvi., Ixvl). According to other an
thorlties he was fourteen. The former view is
probably the correct one.

Ver. 18. Shut up the Israelites [iiaav frvy-
KXefoj/TEs). They hindered the people from go-
ing in and out, by holding possession of the jias-
sages.

Ver. 22. Our brethren. See, in the following
ver^e, our /icojde. The garrison was composed of
foreign soldiers, together with apostate Jews.

Ver. 23. EiiSoKov/xeif, we were well pleased.
The word is found only in the later Greek, and is
really but a stronger form for SoKeTc, to think it
good. Cf. Acts xxvi. 9.

Ver. 28. When the king heard it. What is
said of the king here is probably to be referred to
Lysias.

Ver. 29. Other kingdoms. Those of Asia
Minor: Perganios, Bithyuia, Pontus, and Cappa-
doeia.

Ver. 30. Gieat as this army is here repre-
sented to be, the numbers are still further In-
creased in 2 Mace. xiii. 2. Both seem too high.
One half the army of Lysias was still in Persia,
under Philip (veise 14). While the entire army
of Syria, at an earlier period, when the empire
was in its bloom, as at tlie battle of Magnesia,
numbered only eighty tliou.sand men. Still, as
Michaelis and Cirimm have shown, there was a
eijecial reason why Lysias should raise as large a
force as po-.slljle at this time, inasmuch as it was
not simply to operate against Juda;a, but against
his riv;d, Philip, and to sustain the yet unac-
knowl dgcd claims of Eupator to the throne.

Ver. 32. Baethzaeharia. It lay, according to
Josephus (Antig., xii. 9, § 4), between Jerusalem
and Bethsura, about eight miles north from the

latter place. It is identified with the modern
Beit Sakarieh,

Ver. 34. Showed them the blood of grapes
and mulberries, ;. p., spirituous liquors made out
of these fruits, which were much relished by these
animals. Cf. 3 Mace. v. 2. If it had been really
given to them, they might have been rendered
unmanageable. On the use of elephants by the
Persians in battle, cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon.,
iii. 182, 532. The Romans had declared their
unwillingness that the Syrians should use ele-
phants for warlike purposes.

Ver. 37. Two and thirty soldiers. The
number commonly fighting in this way on the
back of an elephant was, at the mo.st, only four
or five. Besides, a structure capable of holding
thirty warriors would have been quite too large
for an elephant's back. Whether the obvious
error is due to an exaggeration or a mistransla-
tion, two or three being taken for tivo and thirty, it
is impossible to say ; but, considering the gener-
ally trustworthy character of our book, the latter
theory is preferable. — His Indian (driver). The
elephant came from India, and often, though not
always, had drivers from that country.

Ver. 38. Phalanxes. It seemed to us better
to retain this term, which is descriptive of the
well-known Macedonian order of battle, that was
in use also among the Syrians. The cavalry on
each wing had for its object to prevent any flank-
ing movement on the part of the enemy.

Ver. 39. Shields of gold. There must have
been veiy few indeed. Possibly, however, a thin
covering of gold is meant.

Ver. 44. Gave his life. Lit., himself. Cf.
Gal. i. 4 ; Tit. ii. 14.

Ver. 47. The brevity of this narrative has
been observed by commentators, and asciibed to
the desire of the Jewish histoiian to get over an
unpleasant subject as soon as possible. But it
may have really been a comparatively small and
unimportant battle, owing to the nature of the
country.

Ver. 48. This verse seems to presuppose that
Judas took refuge with his force within the forti-
fieatii>ns of Jerusalem. So also Josephus (.xii. 9,
§ 5) ; although in another place the latter affirms
that he was not in Jerusalem at all at this time,
as was probably the case. Otherwise we should
expect some notice of the fact in what is said
later concerning the conclusion of a peace.

Ver. 49. A year of rest to the land. Cf.
Dent. XV. 1 ff ; Keil's Archdol, p. 392 f . ; and
Caspari in Stud. u. Kritilc. for 1877, p. 181 f.
The last author says: "This" — ('. e., what is
narrated from vi. 20, to vi. 52, 53 — "all hap-
pened in the (Seleucian) year 150 ; for the events
of the year 149 are described chap. vi. 1-16, and
those of the year 151 in chap. vii. 1 ff. The vear
150 was therefore the Sa.bbatic year. With'this
position of the Pirst Book of Maccabees agrees
almost literally the report of Josephus {Antig.,
xii. 9). According to him, also, the events belong
to the Seleucian year 150. The want which the
besieged in the temple suffered, he ascribes to the
Sabbatic year. With these two concordant re-
ports that of 2 Mace. xiii. 1 is in contradiction,
where the date 149 instead of 150 is found. But in
that book rules an evident chronological confusion,
since in chap. xi. 33 the royal confirmation of the
capitttlation of the temple is improperly put iu
the year 148, since it took place in consequence
of what is related in xiii. 1.. The dates of 1

1 MAGCA-BEES.

609

Maccabees and of Josephns must then be held for
correct, and the year 150 of the Seleiiciaii era
liave been the Sabbatic year." " Tbe epoch of
the Si'leiician era is (October, or Tiscliri, b. c.
312, 442 of Home. The tii'st year of the era,
accordingly, is reckoned from "Octobir, !^\3, to
Octolier, 312. The Selcncian era 150 is n. c.
312-130 = 163, i.e., from October B.C. 163 to
October B. o. 162. This is tbe Sabbatic year.
Some chronologists think it extended froin'n. c.
164-163, because in this way the want experi-
enced in the Seleucian year 150 could be better
explained. Both reports, however, say with the

utmost definiteness that the Seleucian year 150
was the Sabbatic year : iKeii/o! tS «t€i . . . . ri)
i&ioixov iros. Moreover, tlie want in the Sabbatic
year itself is explained by the fiict that every
cultivator of tbe soil held a stock for two yciirs
on hand for himself, and hence tbepnblic mnrkcts
and niasaziues were less cured for, and so the
want was perceptible immediately after the har-
vest of tlie si.stb year."

Ver. 61. The princes joined in taking the
oath, on account of the fact that the king had
not yet attained his majority.

Chapter YTI.

1 In the hundred and fifty-first ^ year Demetrius the son of Seleucus departed
from Rome, and came up with a few men unto a city of the sea coast, and reigned

2 there. And it came to pass ^ as he entered into the palace of his ancestors, the sol-

3 diers seized* Antiochus and Lysias, to bring them unto him. And when the

4 matter was known to him.* lie said, Let me not see ** their faces. And the soldiers °

5 slew them, and ' Demetrius sat* upon the throne of his kingdom. And° there
came unto him all the transgressors '" and ungodly men of Israel, and Alcimus, who

6 was desirous to be high priest, was their leader.-"^ And they accused the people to
the king, saying, Judas and his brethren have slain all ^^ thy friends, and driven ^'

7 us out of our land." Now therefore send a ^^ mtm whom thou trustest, and let him
go and see all the ^^ havoc he hath made amongst us, and iu the king's land, and let

8 him punish '" them with all them that aid them. And '* the king chose Bacchides,
one of the friends ^^ of the king, who ruled beyond the river,^" and was a great maa

9 in the kingdom, and faithful to the king. And he sent him and the godless ^^ Alci-
mus, whom he made high priest,"^ and commanded that he should take vengeance

10 on the sons ^ of Israel. And ^* they departed, and came with a great force ^° into

the land of Juda. And he ^'' sent messengers to Judas and his brethren with words

-11 of peace ^ deceitfully. And they did not give'^' heed to their words ; for they saw

12 that they had ^^ come with a great force.*" And there assembled*' unto Alcimus

13 and Bacchides a company of scribes, to seek *^ justice, and the Asidseans were the

14 first among the sons*^ of Israel that sought peace of them. For said they. A**
priest of the seed of Aaron hath ^^ come with the soldiers,'* and he will do us no

15 wrong. And'' he spake with '* them peaceably, and swore '^ unto them, saying,

16 We will not seek to harm you or*" your friends. And they trusted in him; and he
seized threescore men of them," and slew them in one day, according to the word

17 which one*^ wrote. The flesh of thy saints have they cast out, and their blood have

18 they shed round*' about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them. And ** the
fear and dread of them fell upon all the people, for they *^ said. There is neither

Vers. 1, 2. — i A. V. : one and fiftieth. 2 omits it came to pass. ^ .?o it was that hi.t forces had taken.

"Vers. 3-5. — * A. V. : Wherefore when he knew it. 0 (f^jt,, skew me not.) " So Ids host. ' Now when.

" was set. 0 omits And. l" the wicked (ai^ojuot). n having A for their captain.

Vers. 6-8. — 12 I'ritzsche receives irdi'Tas from III. X. 23. 44. 66. 66. 62. 71. al. Old Lat. Co. Aid. ; text. ree. omits.
^ Lit., dispersed, iaKipjiitrav ; III. X. 23. 62. Old Lat., the sing. 1* A. V. : own land. i" some. i» what {iraaav
is omitted by 52.}. 1' For KoAao-irw, III. X. 23. 62. 106. Syr. Old Lat. have eKoAocraTO, so making the words refer

to Judas. But it is rejected by the best critics.

Vers. 9-11. — i** A. V. : Then. i'' a friend. 20 flood. 21 him he sent with /Aai wicked. ^~ (JAt., anrl made
the higJi priest/ioorl sure to him.) 23 of tbe children. 2i go_ ^3 power. 20 jujeg, (so 23.), where they {44. has
the plur.). 27 peaceable words. 2a jjyt they gave no. 20 were. ^ power.

Vers. 12-14. — ^^ A. V. : Then did .... assemble. 82 require. ^ Now the Asideans CFritzsche receives KaC

before irpiToi from lit. X. 55. 62. Co. Aid. Old Lat.) .... children. " One that is a. s" is. » this army.

Vers. 15-17. — ^^ A. V : So. 88 upto. ^o sware. *■* procure the harm neither of you nor. <l Whereupon

they believed him : howbeit he took of them threescore men. ^2 words which he (56., " David ■' ; 55. Old Lat., in

Cod. S. Germ., " Asaph " ; and the last two, with 19. 64. 93. Syr., add 6 7rpo«f)^T7j?. Codd. III. 44. 65. 56. al. the words
which, for the sing.). « There is but one verb, e^e;^eai', which, however, is meant to cover both thoughts. C£

ver. 19.

y^f. 18^-^ « A. V. : Wjpreffite. « .who.

510 THE APOCRYPHA.

truth nor righteousness in tliem ; for they have broken the treaty ' and oath that

19 they swore. ^ And Bacchides removed ^ from Jerusalem, and pitched liis tents m
Bezetli ; and * he sent and seized '' many of the men that had deserted from liim,'
and certain of the people,' and when he had slain them, he cast them into the great

20 pit. And he committed " the country to Alcimus, and left with him an army ° to
aid him ; and ■"' Bacchides went back " unto the king.

21,22 And^^ Alcimus contended ^^ for the high priesthood. And unto him as-
sembled " all those who stirred up their people, and they got ^^ the land of Juda

23 into their power, and slew many ^° in Israel. And " when Judas saw all the evil "
that Alcimus and his followers " had done among the Israelites, even above the

24 heathen, he went out into all the borders '" of Judoea round about, and took ven-
geance on the men ^^ that had deserted,^^ so that they durst no more go forth into

25 the country. On the other hand,'^ when Alcimus saw that Judas and his followers
gained strength,^* and knew that he was not able to withstand them,^^ he returned ^°
to the king, and accused them wickedly.^'

26 And ^' the king sent Nicanor, one of his honored chief officers, one that hated

27 and was hostile unto Israel, and commanded him ^ to destroy the people. And ^°
Nicanor came to Jerusalem with a great force, and sent unto Judas and his breth-

28 ren deceitfully with friendly words, saying, Let there be no war '' between me

29 and you ; I will come with a few men, that I may see your faces "- in peace. And
he came*^ to Judas, and they saluted one another peaceably. And^* the enemies

30 were prepared to take away Judas by violence. And the thing became "^^ known
to Judas, that he had come ^^ unto him with deceit, and, in dismay, he withdrew

31 from '' him, and would see his face no more. And Nicanor,^' when he saw that

32 his plan ^° was discovered, went out to fight against Judas by Chapharsalama ; and
there fell on ^'' Nicanor's side about five hundred ^* men ; and they fled *^ into the city

33 of David. And after these events ^^ went Nicanor up to mount Sion. And there
came out of tlie sanctuary some of the priests and some ■** of the elders of the peo-
ple, to salute him peaceably, and to show him the burnt sacrifice that was offered

34 for the king. And"*^ he mocked them, and laughed at them, and defiled them,**

35 and spoke insolently." And he swore ''* in his wrath, saying. Unless Judas and his
army be at once ''^ delivered into my hands, it shall be,™ if ever I come again in

36 peace,^' I will burn up this house. And he ^^ went out in great wrath. ''^ And ^^
the priests entered in, and stood before the altar and the temple, and wept, and

37 said,'° Thou O Lord,^* didst choose this house to be called by thy name, and to be

38 a house of prayer and petition for thy people. Be avenged on **' this man and on ^*
his army,"' and let them fall by the sword ; remember their blasphemies, and suffer
them not to continue.^"

39 And ^^ Nicanor went out of Jerusalem, and pitched his tents in Bethoron ; and

40 there joined him a force from Syria.^^ And*^' Judas pitched in Adasa with three

41 thousand men ; and Judas prayed, and said,*'* When they that were sent from the

Vers. 18, 19. — 1 A. V. : covenant (oratrti'). 2 made. 3 After this removed B. * where. B took.

0 forsaken him (I adopt the reading of the tfxt, rer., with Grimm, Keil, and others, oiTr* aurou auTO^ioATja-ai^ii)!' avBputv ;
Fritzsche receives for the first two words fi-er' avrov, from IIX. X. 23. 44. 52. 56. al. Co. Aid. The reference is prohably
to Jews who had once joined the S^-riau party and after\vard withdrawn from it. Cf. Com.). 7 people aiso.

8 Then committed he (Kat KaTeVnjtje, which the Old Lat. renders by commisit). o a power. 'O go^ ii ^vent.

Vers. 21-23. — '2 A. V. : But. ^3 (i. e., with arms.) ^^ resorted. ic such as troubled the .... who, after they
had gotten. ^^ did much hurt {lit., ?na//fl a g-rea/ rfp/>aO- ^^ Now. ^ mischief. ^^ company.

Vera. 24-26. —™ A. V. : coasts. »' of them. 2^ revolted/com Aim. '-^ side. =» company had gotten the

upper hand {ev axvaev). =5 abide their force. 2C went again. =7 gaid all the worst of theai tiiat he couiil.

28 Then. 20 honourable princes, a man that bare deadly hate unto I., with commandment.

Vers. 27-29. —»» A. V. : So. =' battle (fiixi, hemfigtiting, war). =2 you (I adopt the marginal rendering).

83 lie came therefore. 34 Ilowbeit.

Vers. 30-32.-3'' A. V. : Which thing after it was. 3» to wit, that he camo. "i iie was sore afraid of (tirro^Sii

an avTov). 38 more. Nicanor also. 3ii counsel. " beside {(caTa) Capharsnlahia : where there were slain of.

*i thousand (so the text rec. Pritzsche receives Trci-TaKiia-tot from X. 19. 44. 65. al. Syr. and Old Lat. by Cod. S. Genu.}.
<2 t/ie rest lied.

Vers. 33-35. — *3 j^. y_ ; After this. ** certain .... certain (an-o, followed by the gen.). ^^ But. "^ abused

them shamefully. ^^ spake proudly. <3 And sware. <« host be now (to (oii'). "^ om//.*! it shall be (as 71.).

*' safety. ca ^jji/i ijim iig 03 a great rage (cf. ver. 3o).

Vers. 86-38. —" A. V. ; Then, "! weeping, and saying. M (Omitted by III. X. 23. 55. al. Co. Aid.) w of

" omits on. ^ host. ^ continue any longer (lit., and give not to tlit:m continuance).

Vers. 89-42. — « A. V. ; 80. «> where a host oiit of S. met him 63 But. « (Abk he .... easing, 0 Lord (th»

1 MACCABEES.

511

king of the Assyrians ^ blasphemed, thine angel, O Lord, went forth,^ and smote

42 an hundred fourscore and five thousand among' them. So* destroy thou this
army ' before us this day, that the rest may know that they spoke wickedly °

43 against thy sanctuary ; and judge thou him according to his wickedness. And on '
the thirteenth day of the month Adar the armies " joined battle ; and Nicanor's

44 army ' was discomfited, and he himself fell first '" in the battle. But when the
army " saw that Nicanor had fallen,'^ they cast away their weapons, and fled.

45 And '^ they pursued after them a day's journey, from Adasa until tliey came to

46 Gazera ; " and they sounded an alarm ^^ after them with the " trumpets. And "
they came forth out of all the villages ^* of Judcea round about, and closed them in ;
and they turned against one another ; and all fell by '^ the sword, and not -even ^

47 one of them was left. And '^' they took the spoils, and the booty .'-^^ and smote off
Nicanor's head, and his right hand, which he stretched out insolently,^'' and brought

48 them away, and hanged them up by ^* Jerusalem. And ^^ the people rejoiced

49 greatly, and they kept that day as'^° a day of great gladness. And^' they ordained

50 to keep yearly this day, heing the thirteenth of Adar. And "^ the land of Juda was
at ^' rest a little while.

last two words are more properly inserted below). i (Omitted by III. X. 23. 55. 62. al. Co. Aid.) 2 thine angel

went out. 3 of [iv). * Et-en so. 0 host. 0 he hath spoken (III. X. 23. Old Lat. have the sing., but it

looks like a correction ; plur. in the tfxt. rec.) blasphemously.

Vers. 43-46. — ' A. V. : So. * ho.its. » but N.'s host. i" was first slain. " Now when N.'s host.

^2 he was slain. i^ Then. " Adasa unto Gazera (the intervening words are omitted by 62.). i" sounding an

alarm (cf. iv. 40). '"their. '^ Whereupon. 18 towns. 16 so tliat they, turning back upon them (Aai^ifr^ifed
them, were all slain with (lit., and these turned about against those, and alLfftl). 20 omitx even.

Vers. 47-50. — 21 a, y. : Afterwards. 2a prey. 23 so proudly. 24 towards (n-apa, i. e., in the neighborhood of
the city. Of. 2 Mace. xv. 32). 20 For this cause. 2a omiis as. 27 jMoreover. 23 Thus. 20 in.

Chapter VII.

Ver. 1 . This Demetrius liad been a hostage in
Rome since his ninih year. In his twenl;y-tliircl
year, on the occasion o£ the ikath of Antiochiis
Epiphanus, lie sought permission from the Ko-
mans to tnkc possession of the Syrian tliroiie, but
was rrfused. At tlie time now under considera-
tion, he aslied for no jiermission, but Hed from
Rome on a Cartliagiiiian vessel. — Came up. The
Hebrew writer cannot rid liimself of tlie idea
tlial: a journey toward Vjiles'tine, even by wal;er,
is an ascent. Keil, however, thinlts the reference
is simply to his disemb:irliing. — A few men.
Tliis is supported l)y I'olybiiis (.sxxi. 22, 11), l}nt
not by the Second Book of JMaccabees. The city
where Demetrius landed, if we may trust ,Io-
eephus and 2 IVIaccabecs, was Tri|joli. — Beigued
there, i. e., \v:\s there recognized as king.

Ver. 2. Palace. 'J'lie translation roi/al city,
i. e., Antioch, is also allowable. Cf. Dan. iv. 29;
Esth. i. 9. — The soldiers, at Suyd/xeis. The Syriac
translates by principes coplanun.

Ver. 3. Demetrius probably did not wish to
hear their pleas for mercy. It was at least a
snBicient hint to the bloodthiisty soldiers.

Ver 5. Desirous to be high-priest. Accord-
ing to 2 Mace. xiv. 7, lie had already been high-
priist, and been deprived of the office liy the
Jews. The statement of the |ireseut verse might
simply mean that be wished to be reinstated and
confirmed in this ofhce.

Ver. 8. Friends of the king = one of his
high officials. — The river = Euphrates.

Ver. 12. A company of Scribes. We might
expect the article here if the Sanhedrin proper
were meant. (Cf. Bertlioldt, Eiideit., i. 69, 73.)
These Scrihes were .-imply those who made the
study and interpretation of the Old Testament
their special object. Gnietz holds that they
formed one party with the " A.-idieans." Ue-
schichte, iii.. 7. — Seek justice. Erobably (with

Grimm) toseelc the conltrmation of the concessions
granted them hy Eupator, or freedom from any
new demands which might have been expected.

Ver. 13. The Asidaeans. The present pas-
sage bears against the theory tliat the Asidceans
and the party of Judas Maccahseus were identical,
as some have sujiposed. Cf. ii. 42.

Ver. 1.5. He swore, i. e., Alcimus, the new
high-priest, swore it. His treachery, therefore, as
dcsirilied in the next\erso, was the more unex-
pected and monstrous. Judas and his troops were
at this time probably hovering about somewhere
in the neighboring mountains.

Vers. IB, 17. According to the word. Aa
Glrinim and Keil have shown, we have here the
familiar formula of quotation from the Scrip-
tures, or at least one analogous to it, ami that
special weight was meant thereby to be laid on
the Scriptures as snch, and on the Psalm here
quoted as a part of the written word. (Cf. in the
LXX. Ps. Ixxix. 23.) The usual forinula is in-
deed us yeypairrai, or Kara rh yeypa/j.fX€vot/ ; but
the aorist. eypaij/e, in Scripture citations is analo-
gous 10 the same word as used in John (v. 46),
where Jesus, sjiealsing of Mosls, says, " he wrote
of me." 'J'he subject of eypx\fie, 6 ypitf/as, is to be
taken from the vtrb itself, according toacomtnon
Hebiew u.sage, as also that of the Hew Testament.
Cf. Winer, p. 598.

Ver. 19. Bezeth. The exact position of this
place is uncertain, though it obviously lay not tar
from Jerusalem. — If wo adopt the readiu-.;' of
Eritzsche, as above, insteiul of that of the " re-
ceived te.xt," there would still be room for ques-
tion what its real meaning would be. Hitzig
thinks that stndling liands of soldiers would be
meant ; Grimm, de-serters to the Jewish army
under Judas Alaccabaius; Ewald, the Jewish
apostates that were about him. — The great pit.
The article shows that it was a well-known ci»

51^

THE APOCUTPHA.

tern at the time our book wns written. Cf. art.
" Briinneu " in Ikiclini's llandivoiierlivch.

Ver. 21 . Contended for the high-priesthood.
He used force in carrying cut his purpose, hs the
next verse plninly shows. But cf. Jose])hns
(Antlq., xii. 10, § 3), where a different account is
given.

Ver. 25. According to 2 Mace. xiv. 26, Al-
cimus ■\\a3 vexed on account of the apparent
good uTiderstiindinj; between ^'icanor and Judas,
and fur that reason went to Antioch to complain
to the liiug. In the opinion of Grimm, this is
but a mutilated form of the present history.

Ver. 26. Hated and was hostile. Cf. iii. 38 ;
iv. 6 ff.

Ver. 31. Chapharsalama. Unknown, except
that it seims to have been situaied in the moun-
tainous region south of Jerusalem.

Ver. 32. According to Joseihus it was Nica-
nor who won this victory, and Jndas who fled to
Jerusalem, Jt is bard to decide how he arrived
at such an opinion, if he had it. It may have
been merely a slip of the pen. Keil susrgests that
he mixed up this account with that of 2 Mace,
xiv. 17, where a defeat of Simon by Nicauor is
mentioned. The present battle ia not at all men-
tioned in 2 Maccabees.

Ver. 33. Offered for the king. This was
customary with the Jews. Cf. Ezra vi. 10.

Ver. 35. Come again in peace, i. e., from
the campaign against Judas.

Ver. 39. Bethhoron. See above, iii, 16,

Ver. 40. Adasa. It was, according to Ku-
sebius, about thirty furlongs from Bethhoron.
Josephus {Aniiq., xii. 10, § 5) allows Judas but
a thousand men ; and to the hostile army, nine
thousand; wliile in 2 Maccabees (xv. 27) it is

stated that the number of the latter's dead was
thirty-five thousand !

Ver. J3. Adar, It corresponded to parts of
our February and March, but mostly to the latter.
It was the sixth month of ihe Jewish civil year,
and the last of the ecclesiastical year,

Ver. 46. Closed them in. Lit., outflanked
thf'jn, i)wefjiK€p(uv. Syriac ; ventiUibant cos corint.
— They turned against, etc., hveinpitpov oZtol
irpii! Toirovs. This would seem at first sight to
n.ean that the pursued turned upon their pursu-
ers. But it is better (with Grimm and Keil) to
refer it wholly to the pursued. They turned
upon their own friends, so great was their haste
to escape. — Not even one. A rhetorical expres-
sion for a total overthrow.

Ver. 47. The spoUs and the booty. The
last word iTTpovo/j.T}v} may refer to the spoil which
the Syrians had previously taken, and which
was now retaken from them. It was used in the
clas-ics im- furarje ; but in the LXX. generally, as
here. Cf. Dcut. xxi. 10.

Ver. 49. Some have held that this day is still
kept by the Jews. But the obsei\ance seems to
have lasted only to a period a little after the be-
f;iniiing of the Christian era. On the 14th of
Adar, i.e., the following day, was the Fea.»t of
I'urim. This may have been, at last, the occa-
sion for giving up the former festival, Michaelis
sees in the failure of our author to mention this
fact, i. e., the occurrence of these two feasts at the
same time, a reason for believing that the Book
of Esther was then unknown to him, or was not
regarded as canonical ! The same is true of Jo-
sephus, who yet knew of botli feasts. Cf. also
2 Mace. XV. 36.

Chapter VIII.

1 And Judas ^ heard of the fame of the Eomans, that they were men of great valor,'^
and that they took pleasure in ' all that joined themselves unto them, and made ■*

2 a league of amity with as many as ^ came unto them ; and that they were men of
great valor. It was told him also of their wars and valiant " acts which they did '
amongst the Galatians,* and that they " conquered them, and brought them under

3 tribute ; and what they did ^° in the country of Spain, to get possession of the

4 mines of silver ^^ and gold which are '^ there ; and that by their prudence and per-
severance ^^ they got possession of the whole land," though the land was ^^ very far
from them ; and of the kings '" that came against them from the uttermost part of
the earth, till they " discomfited them, and gave them great overthrows," and that

6 the rest gave " them tribute every year ; and that "■"' they ^^ discomfited in battle
Philip, and Perseus, king of the Macedonians, and the others that lifted up them-

6 selves against them, and overcame *^ them ; and that ^' Antiochus the Great, kino- of
Asia, who ^^ came against them in battle, having an hundred and twenty elephants,
witli horsemen, and chariots, and a very great army, was also '^^ discomfited by them ;

7 and that ^^ they took him alive, and covenanted with them that both he " and such

Vers. 1-.3.— ■ A. V, : Now .7, had. - mlglity and valiant men (cf. last part of verse). 3 gu^h as would lovingly

icccpt. < make. c a« that, "noble, ' had done, « (marg,, Frene/ime/i, See Com,) » how they had

» had done, " Spain (Fritzsche adopts Siraw'as from III. X, 23. 44. 66. 71. 106. 243. ; text rec., -lo-TOvias) tor the

winning of ... . the silver. 12 jg, "

Vers. 4, 6. — " A, V. : that by ... . policy and patience (if ^mKjj avriv koX -rfi iieucpoBviii:}). w had conquered all
the place (roiros is not infrequently used lor a whole country in the LXX,, as at 1 Sam, xii, 8, and in the classics)
M it were, ■" and the kings also. " they had. " given them a great overthrow (i, J,, a series of them the
sing, standing distributively for the plur, Cf. Winer, p. 174). » so , . . . did give. m besides this Aou>

»i they had. ^ Citims (marg., JVfacerfonmtts. el. i, 1) with others mat lift had overcome. '

'V*ts.'«, 7— •"A. V.:Aou>aWo. "that. '"'ot^itfiim. MtSeto. " wwentnitol that ho.

I MACCABEES. 613

as reigned after him should pay a great tribute, should ' give hostages, and a part

8 of the empire, namely,'^ the country of India, and Media, and Lydia, and of their »

9 goodliest countries, which they took from * him, and gave to king E^umenes ; and

10 that* the Grecians" determined to come and destroy them ; and that the matter
became linown to them, and they ' sent against them a certain general,* and fought
against tliem and many of them were liilled ; ° and they '" carried away captives
their wives and their children, and spoiled them, and took possession of their land,"

11 and pulled down their strongholds, and made slaves of them" unto this day ; and
that " they destroyed and reduced to servitude the rest of the " kingdoms and the ^*

12 isles as many as '^^ at any time resisted them ; but with their friends and such as re-
lied upon " them they kept amity.; and that they had gotten possession of the "
kingdoms far ^' and nigh, and that ^° all that heard of their fame ^' were afraid of

1 3 them ; also that,^" whom they would help and have reign, they ^ reign ; and whom '*

14 they would, they displace ; and that ^° they were greatly exalted. And in all^°
this none of them put on '•" a crown, or clothed himself ^* in purple, so as ™ to be

15 magnified thereby; and that'" they had made for themselves a senate, and that *'
three hundred and twenty men sat in council d.iily, consulting alway for the people,

16 to the end they might be well governed; and that they intrusted it to one man
every year to govern them, and rule over '^ all their country, and that ^^ all were
obedient to the "' one, and that '^ there was neither envy nor jealousy '* among
them.

17 And ^^ Judas chose Eupolemus son " of John, the son of Accos, and Jason son '' of
Eleazar, and sent them to Rome, to make a league of amity and an alliance '' with

18 them, and that they might*' take the yoke from them ; for they saw that the king-

19 dom of the Grecians would bring Israel wholly into '^ servitude. And they went*"
to Rome, and it was ''^ a very great journey ; and they came into the senate, and

20 spake *^ and said, Judas the JNIaccabee *^ with his brethren, and the people of the
Jews, sent** us unto you, to make an alliance ** and peace with you, and that we

21 might be registered your allies ** and friends. And the *' matter pleased them.*'

22 And this is the copy of the epistle which they *^ wrote back on *" tables of brass,
and sent to Jerusalem, that it might be by them there *^ a memorial of peace and
alliance : *^

23 Good success be to the Romans, and to the nation'' of the Jews, by sea and by

24 land for ever ; the sword also and enemy be far from them. But '* if there be
at hand first war for Rome '^ or any of their allies ''" throughout all their domin-

25 ion, the nation ^' of the Jews shall help them, as the circumstances permit,*' with

26 all their heart. And the Romans shall not give to them that make war nor sup-
ply provisions, weapons, money, ships, as it seemeth ^ good unto the Romans ;

Yer. 7. — ^ A. V. : and. ^ that which Tvas agreed upon (Gr., StaoroA,]!/. I render with Druslus, Grotiua,

Wahl, Grimm, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and Keil, as aboye, in the sense of a separation, i. e., a part of the empire separated
from the rest), and.

Vers. 8-10. — •< A. V. : the (avTii'; airoS, 56. 64. 93.). 'of. i^ moreoTer how. « 0. had. ' (/mi they,

having Icnowledge thereof. ^ captain. ^ fighting with them slew many of them. i" omUs they. " lands.
12 and (received from III. X. 23. 62. 106. Co. Aid.) brought them to be their servants.

Vers. 11, 12 — ^^ A. V. : it was toid kim bcRides, liow. i* brought under their dominion all other. i^ omits the.
ic that. IT (Cf. Greelt of LXX. at ilicah iii. 11.) i^ had conquered. ^^bothinr. 20 ingomuch as. 21 name
(see ver. 1).

Vers. 13, 14. — ^^ A.V. : tkat. 23 to a kingdom, //jo.^e. '^i \rhom again. 2^ finally, i/ia/. 26 yet for all.

21 wore [iuieeTO ; III. X. 23. 93., the plur.). 28 „a8 clothed. 29 umits so as (iSerre).

Vers. 15, 16. — 3° A. V. : moreover how. ^i senate house (cf. ver- 19), wherein. 32 ordered : and that they com-
mitted their government (Kritzsche receives apxeiv from III. X. 23. 44. 52. 55. Co. Aid. ; text, rec, rriv dpx^f) • . . -
every year, who ruled over. 33 that. 3i emulation.

Vers. 17-20. — 35 a. V. : In consideration of these things. 3o the son. 37 confederacy. 38 ^q intreat them that
they would. 30 ^[^ oppress I. with. ^0 xhey went therefore. *i which was. *2 where they spake (lit.,

answered). « J. Maccabeus (III. X. 44. 74. Aid., 6 xal Mokk.). <* have sent. *5 jj confederacy. 4C con-

federates.

Vers. 21-24. —*' A. V. : So that. *^ the Romans well. *o the senate. co back again in (Fritzsche adopts the
sing, of these verbs from III. X. al. Old Lat. Syr. ; text, rec, plur.). ^^ there thet/ might have by them. ''2 con-

federacy. 33 people. 1^ omits But. "3 come (^I'crTjJ) first an?/ war upon the Romans ('Pdj^jj. Pritzsche adopts

ec before it, from III. X. 19. 23. 55. al. Rome and its dependencies are meant). "" confederates.

Vers. 25, 26- — '^ A. V. : people. f" the time shall be appointed (6 xaipb^ v7roypa<^jJ. i. e., the time and its relations

may prescribe). 3D neither shall they give {i. e., the Romans shall not give, as is evident from what follows just

after, wy Ifiofc 'P., and in ver. 28, where <rvnna.xoiJi7ty is employed instead of iroAejwoi/trw. This is the rendering of Mi-

chaelis, Giimm, K«U, and many 9tb«i9) any thing iwtg them that swiu war u^o/t tltfm (rather, for tittm, ii^o. JBfunana)

33

314

THE APOCRYPHA.

27 aud ^ they shall keep their covenants without receiving anything.^ In the same
manner also, if war come first upon the nation of the Jews, the Romans sh;ill help

28 them heariily/ according as the circumstances permit;* and there shall not be
given to the allies provisions, weapons, money, sh>ps,* as it seemeth ° good to
the Konians ; and' they shall keep these' covenants, and that without deceit.

29 Thus " according to these articles have the Romans made covenant ■"' with the

30 people of the Jews. But if after these articles are in furce'^^ the one party or the
other shall wish to add or take away ^^ atiy thing, they may do it with the consent

31 of the others, '^ and whatsoever they shall add or take away shall be valid.^'' And
as touching the evils that the king ^^ Demetrius bringeth to pass against them,
we have written unto him, saying, Wherefore hast thou made thy yoke heavy

32 upon our friends and allies " the Jews ? If therefore they complain any more
against thee, we will execute for " them justice, and fight against ^' thee by sea
and by land.

or aid them with victuals . . , , or ships .... hath seemed (the Romans leave the matter open to do it, or not, as they
please). > Komans ('Pii/ijj, III. X. 23. 65. 62. 106.) ; but. 2 taking any tiling ikatfort.

Vers. 27-29. — = A. V. : thrm with all llieir heart (ex tlivx^l)- * time shall be appointed them (of. ver. 25).

» neither shall victuals .... them that take part against (i-ols <niiiiiixxovatv. Cf. ver. 26) them, or weapons, or money,
OT ships. 0 hath seemed. ' but. ^ their [aini^v, but yiitzscbe receives ravTa from III. X. 23. 44. 62. 65. 62.

106. al. Co. Aid.). » omits thus (which f ritzsche receives from III. X. 19. 23. 62. 62. 64. 93. al.). " did the R.

make a covenant (etrnjaav 'P.).

Vers. 30-32. — " A. V. : llowbeit if hereafter (eii/ 8e /xera roii Xdyout tootovs). '^ shall think meet .... diminish.
" at their pleasures (ef aipeVeai^ airili'). " ratified. " onlits the king (as X.). l» doeth to the Jews. " and

confederates. ^^ do. "■ with.

Chapter VIII.

Ver. 1. With reference to what is said here
and in the following verses concerning the lio-
maiis and their lelaiions to the Jews, most critics
express great doubts of its reliability. Michiielis
remarks that as liistori.m it was not the writer's
pi'uvince to coriect the iiiforniatiou he received,
but to cinTiiiiuinL-iite it. But Giirnin well answers:
*' It is hardly qnestionalile whether, in case of his
ability to correct, he would not hH\'e done so, in-
asmuch as Jc\vish Avri.ers are accustomed invol-
untarily to refer what is present to the past.
And if sve had not aKso, in veise 10, the clear
pniof that the author treats of soinethiug which he
himself had learned with re.spect to the Komans.
as thnuuh it were information which had come
to Judas, still the suspicion wiiuld be likely to
arise that he luixes whut he knows him.-elf of
the lioinans witli that which was known to Judas,
iu>t as soon as it is considered how much of the
contents of tlie speeches reported in the book (ii.
60) and the original documents (see especijillv
xii. 2."J) is due to the revision of the writer."
(Cf. Grimm's Com., p. 119.) Josephus at tliis
point in the hi.^tory reports what i.s said of Al-
ciiniis at 1 Mace. ix. 54-56, and says that Jiidas
was made iiigh] riest ; and in his AntitptltifS (.\ii.
11, %'i), that iifter Jiiilas had been three years
high I riest (Alcimus In Id the oftice three }ears)
he ilieil. The picsent book seems to know noth-
ing (jf this, aiul it ap] ears, moreover, to have no
hiisis ill fact. j\nd .lu.-eihiis contradli'ts him-elf
ill this stateiiKnt, since lie clsewlure [Antlij , \x.
Ill) tillirnis that the i Itice of high-|irie.-t remained
vacant for si\iu years after the death of Al-
ciiiiii^, and then was given to .Jonathan! — Heard
of the lame, tu Jro^a. The LXX. translate by
this Gicek word the Hebrew, JJ^F'. (Cf. Numb.

^i^■. 15, ^i />f/.s'.s/';;i.)

Vir. 2. Galatians. A iicople, as some supjiose,
that .settled in Asia Minor ahout i). c. 240, and
were conquered by the Komans A. D. 189. 'They
were also called Celts. Mommsen, however.

thinks the Gauls of It.aly are meant, for the
following reasons : It was only the latter that
owed trihute to the Romans. They are men-
tioned next to Spain. The war of Kome with
the Gauls of Italy was the event which would
have been earliest and most widely reported in
the East. Keil and others, also, sup|)ort the
latter view. Cf. an article by Grimm iu Stud. u.
Krit., 1876, ii , p. 201 f£. : " b'eler die NationalitSt
der kieinasiatisrh'H Galater."

Ver. 3. Spain. This land was b. c. 201 given
up to the Komans by the Carthaginians, but uot
till B.C. 19 wholly subdued. The form of the
word siipijorted by" III. and other MSS.,as above,
was the Grecian ;'while TairaWas was the Koman,
earlier 'I0npia.

Ver. 5. Philip. The third of this name. He
was son of Demetrius II., and was defeated B. c.
197 by Flaminius. — Perseus. An iliegitiinate
.son of the former, and his successor. He was
defeated by jEmilius I'aulus E. c. 167, at Pydna.

Ver. 6. Antioohus. Antiochus III., king of
Syria from B. c. 22.'3 (or 224) to 187. lie carried
on a war with the Komans from 192 to 189, when,
after the battle of Magnesia, he was compelled to
make a humiliaiing jjeaee wi.h them.

Ver. 7. And that they took him alive. This
statement does not agree ^vitl^ those of the Greek
and Koman clas~ics. (Cf. l.ivy, xliv. 45.) How
it originated it is impus-ib'e to say. — Should
pay a great tribute. This seems also not to he
literally true. What he was obliged to ]i:iv was
the inimen.se co-ts of the war. Cf. I'olyh.J xxi.
14, 4-6 ; liry, xNxviii. .'ig f.

^'er. 8. India, and Media, and Lydia. This
statement, also, is nntrnstwdrihy. He had never
had any pos-essions in India, nor bad any earlier
king of S.vria. lie was obliged tn i;ive up unly
the countiies on the sid;^ of the Taurus towards
Home. Eumenes (U.l,towbom the lands were
given, was king of Pergainos n. c. 198-I5S.

Vers. 9, 10. Contemporaneous history does

1 MACCABEES.

515

not infoi-m us of any such resolution of tlie
Greeks. In n. c. 192 an ^^toliaii militarv Iciiler
dill indeed give to Flaminius the answer, when
he declined to siinctiuu a treaty of theirs with
Aniioihus III., that he would pur.-^ue llie snhjeet
in It;ily (Liv., xxxv. 33 ; .\xxvi. 24). This fact,
however, could hardly have come to the ears of the
Jcw-i. Moreover, what is here sjid of ilie Honians
spoiling the (iroeks, and carryiiii? away their wives
and chililien as captives, it would heem, could only
be properly referred to the war of the HonianV
a'jninst the Greeks b. c. 147-146, ;'. e., fifteen
years after the deatli of Judas. Keil remarks
{Com., p. 141) : " In order that a too nufi-iendly
judgment conceiuin;,' the credibility of our book
may not be drawn from this aniiehrouism, it
should be considered : ( 1 ) that the author wrote
from iwejity to twenty-tive years after the de-
struction of Corinth by "the Romans; (2) that the
Jews of Palestine wure not accurately informed
concerninjr the wars of the Romans with the
Grerks; and (3) that by onr author only the final
event of the war of the Greeks against the Ro-
mans is given in the way of a summary.

Ver. 12. Kept amity. This ])ictnre of the
Romans is drawn in colors quite too fair to corre-
spond with well-known facts. Grimm remarks
on the present passage: "That did they only so
long as it suited their political views, and until
the time came to make these provinces with which
they had formed a treaty a constituent part of
the Roman empire."

Ver. 15. Three hundred and twenty. It
consisted, on the contrary, of only three hundred
men at first, and after tlie year b. c. 123 of 600.
Moreover, it is not true that they held daily sit-
■ tings. The fact that the sime number is given
iu 5 Mace, xii., xiii., and xlii. can have little
weight, since that wofk is based so largely on the
First and Second Bo<iks of Maccabees, with Jo
se[)lins, and cannot he regarded as having any
independent auihoiity. — Well governed, ei-
Koufj.^'iv. This Avord is found only hei'e ; t] €u-
Kotrfiia. and rh iijKofffxou, iu a similar sense, are
Used by Aristotle (Pulit., iv. 15) and Thucydi-
des (i. 84, 3), respeciively. — One man. There
were, on the contrary, two consuls, as is well
known.

Ver. 1 6. Neither envy nor jealousy. Again
not strictly true, as the contentious between the
people ami the Patricians, and the troubles of the
Gracchi, prove. Stanley (iii. 350) thus sums up the
ohjections which might be urged against the trust-
worthiness of this suj>posed letter: "(I.) Spain
was not wholly reduced till the reduction of Can-
tal)ria, b. c. 19. (2.) The elephants at the battle
of .Maiiaiesia were not one hundred and twent}', but
fifty-four (Liv., xxxviii. 39). (3.) Autiochus was
not taken prisoner. (4.) His dominions ilid not
Include India. (5.) The coniiuest of jEtoha was
fifteen years later. (B.) The Senate was not
t-hree hninired and twenty, but three hundred.
(7.) One consul is substituted for two. (8.) The
Komau factions are ignored. The total omission

of the conquest of Carthage is difficult to ex-
plain."

Ver. 1 8. Kingdom of the Grecians, i. e., the
Syrian kingdom.

Ver. 19. Great journey. Paul's required
half a year. Cf. Acts xxvii. 1, 9 ; xxviii. 1 1-16.

Ver. 22. Tables of brass. The usual method
of sending such documents. Cf. Polyb., ili. 26,
1. Josephus adds, in harmony with this citation
from Poiybius, that the original was depo.sited in
the capitol at Rome, and only a cojjy sent to
Jerusalem.

Ver. 23. Grimm notices that our author, while
using both terms, " Israelites " and " Jews," of
his people, when speaking of them himself, em-
ploys only the latter terra in these public, inter-
national documents.

Vers. 25, 26. The provisions of the treaty are
somewhat wanting in clearness, ii fact which has
been explained by some by supposing that it
comes to ns only after being twice translated,
once from the oiiginal document into Hebrew,
and then from the Hebrew into Greek.

Ver. 28. As it seemeth good to the Bomans,
its ^So^e 'Vdifxri, Michaelis exphiins: '' ut. Roiuanis
visum fiierit, i. e., the Romans will perhaps do it,
if they think best. They will not, however, bind
themselves so to act." The treaty after all was
not as advantageous to the Jews as to the Romans.
Properly this should have lead in such a case, and
may in fact have stood in the original document,
ws e5o|€ 'louSafots, to correspontl with what is
said in ver»e 26. Still, the Romans not iufre-
quently made treaties in which they took the
lion's share of the privileges. Cf. Polyb., iii. 25,
3f.

Vers. 31, 32. These verses form properly no
part of the treaty. They are simply an additional
document which the Senate sent to Judas and his
brethren as answer to their letter. In fact, it
may not have been written at all, but have been
communicated orally. Demetrius at this time
had not been really recognized as king by the
Romans, and it is probable that the contents of
the communication, whether wiitten or oral, are
given in a \'Q\'y fi'ce and general way. The ques-
tion whether Judas ought to have made this treaty
with the Romans is one which we caimot enter
upon here. It doubtless was one, however, which
was much discussed among the Jews themselves.
It may, iu fact, as Graetz ( Gesclu'clite, ii 2, p. 374,
iii. p. 8) suggests, have been one of the reasons
why at a later period the Asid jeans no longer
coiiperated with him so cheerfully as they had
previously done. An 1 it is also true, as remarked
by Michaelis {Com., ad hic ) : "Had Judas re-
ceived true informatioti respecting the Romans
instead of that which is found in verses 1-12,
nnnuly, that they craftily, under the pretense of
friendship, brought their allies into bondage to
themselves, and t;hat as soon as a people entered
into treaty with the Romans it lost its indeptmd-
cuce, he truly would never have desired to make
a treaty with them."

516 THE APOCEYPHA.

Chapter IX.

1 And ^ when Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his army had fallen " in battle,
he sent again " Bacchides and Alcimus into the land of Juda a * second time, and

2 with them the riglit wing.^ And they " went forth by the way tliat leadeth to Gal-
gala, and pitched their tents against Maesaloth,' which is in Arbela, and they won

3 it and slew many ' people. And in' the first month of the hundred and fifty sec-

4 oiid^° year they encamped against" Jerusalem. And ^^ they removed, and went to

5 Berea, with twenty thousand footmen '' and two thousand horsemen. And " Judas

6 had pitched his tents at Elasa/^ and three thousand chosen men with him. And
when they saw ^^ the multitude of the soldiers, that they were many, they " were
sore afraid ; and" many conveyed themselves " out of the army ; there were left^"

7 of them not more than " eight hundred men. And when Judas '^'^ saw that his army
slipped ''■'^ away, and that the battle pressed upon him, he was much cast down, be-

8 cause ^* he had no time to gather them together. And he was discouraged, and^'
imto them that remained he said, Let us arise and go up against our adversaries,^'

9 if peradventure we may be able to fight with them. And they wonld not listen to ^
him, saying, We shall not '•'' be able ; let us for the present ^^ rather save our own'"
lives, and ^^ we will return with our brethren, and fight against them ; but we are

10 too few."^ And*^ Judas said, Be it far from me that I ^^ should do this thing and
flee away from them ; and ^'^ if our time be come,^" let us die manfully for our

11 brethren, and leave behind us no stain upon ^' our honor. And the army removed
from the camp,'"* and stood over against them ; and ^ their horsemen were *"
divided into two troops, and their slingers and archers went before the army, and

12 all the valiant men marched in the van." But Bacchides was on *^ the right wing ;
and the embattled line^" drew near on the two wings," and sounded their trumpets.

13 They also on *° Judas' side, they" sounded their trumpets also, and ^^ the earth
shook from ■** the noise of the .armies ; and the battle raged ^' from morning till .

14 evening. And™ when Judas perceived that Bacchides and the strength of his

15 army were on the right," he took with him ^^ all the brave-hearted men, and they

16 drove before them ^^ the right wing, and pursued them unto mount ^■' Azotus. And^'
when they of the left wing saw that the ^'^ right wing was ^^ discomfited, they turned
back and followed after ^^ Judas and those that were with him hard at the heels from

17 behind. And^' there was a sore battle,™ and" many were slain on both sides. ^^
18, 19 And Judas fell,"^ and the rest"* fled. And"" Jonathan and Simon bore off"'

Judas their brother, and buried him in the sepulchre of his "' fathers in Modein.

20 And "* they bewailed him, and all Israel made great lamentation for him, and

21 mourned many days, saying. How is the valiant man fallen, that delivered Israel !

Vers. 1,2. — i A. V. : Furthermore. ^ host were slain. ^ (,;n/r,v again {Trpo(r€0eTo, followed by airocrrelAai. Cf. iii.
15). * Judea the. ^ chiet strength of his host (so Grotius, but incorrectly. CI. Com.). "^ who. 'before

(^n-i) MaJ'aloth. ^ after they had won it, they slew much.

Vera. 3, 4. — "A. V. : Also. '" fifty and second. ^^ before. ^- from whence. i^j^ooimen (as antithetic to
** horsemen," unnecessarily italicised).

Vers. 6-7. — » A. V. : Now. »= Eleaia (so text rec. I read as above with X. 23. 62. 64. 93. ; III. 55. Syr., •AAaird).

w who seeing. " oi/ier army (plur.) to be .«o great. 18 whereupon. i" {i^epft\iri(Ta.v,Jtowed out, disappeareiJ.)

20 host, iiisomudi as there abode. ^^ no more but. 2- When J. therefore. ^ host slipt (an-eppuT). Cf. ver. 6).

2* sore troubled in mind and much distressed (I begin, with Fritzsche, a new sentence with Kai e^eXiie,)) for that.

Vers. 8, 9. — 25 a. V. ; Nevertheless {cf. preceding note). 211 gQemiea. 27 But they dehorted. 28 neyg]._

211 now (to vvv). ^ omits own. 3i anQ hereafter (Fritzsche strikes out the Kai before the verb, as wanting in III.

X. 23. 55. al., and has received after the verb, Kal oi aSeAt^oi i^^on* for ^era tok/ o.h^K^v rjtx., from the same authorities).
32 for «e are but few (see Com.).

Vers. 10-12. — =3 A. V. : Then. *" God forbid that T (n,j fioi -yeVotTO. The pronoun is omitted by X. 23. 55.).

83 07mts and. sii (Lit., hath come near.) ^7 let us not stain (^ij KaToAtVw/xci' alriav. Marg., Gr., let us not leave

any jitsl rnuxe behlnel us why our ^lory sliould be spoken against). 38 H'ith tb.^t the host of Bncchiiies (see Com.)

removed out of tlteir tents. 3U omits and. *o being. *^ going before the host, and they that marched in the

forward were all mighty vien. *2 ^g for B., he was in. ^ so the host. " parts.

Vers. 1-3-15. — i'- A. V. : of. *« even they. ^^ so that. "at. ^i* continued (lit., 6fcajwc fng-flg-et/, eyevero

with the perf. pass. part, of crvi'ttTTTw). w night. Now. ^^ right sirfc. ^'^ (jAt., there ivenL with hiin.) w j^^rdy
men who discomfited. ^ the mount.

Vers. 16-20. — t^" A. V. ; But. &■ they o/the. ^^ were. ™ followed upon (lit., turned about, but the verb waa
used in a pregnant sense for turned and followed). 03 whereupon. "> (Lit., the battle was heavy.) 01 insomuch
as. "2 parts. «3 j,lso was killed. "• remnant. »• Thea "i" took ('(par). «' (" their," X. 64. 93.)

w Moreover

1 MACCABEES. 517

22 And as for the rest of the ^ things concerning Judas and his wars, and the valiant ^ acts
which he did, and his ' greatness, they are not written ; for they were very many.

23 And it came to pass after* the death of Judas the transgressors showed them-
selves * in all the borders ' of Israel, and there rose up ' all such as wrought iuiq-

24 uity. In those days there occurred ' a very great famine ; yea, the land revolted ^

25 with them. And ^^ Bacchides chose out " the godless ^^ men, and made them lords

26 of the country. And they sought out and made search ^' for Judas' friends, and
brought them unto Bacchides ; and he took vengeance on them, and mocked them."

27 And there arose "^ a great affliction in Israel, such as had not occurred ^^ since the

28 time that a prophet appeared not " amongst them. And '* all Judas' friends came

29 together, and said unto Jonathan, Since thy brother Judas died, there is ^° no man
like him to go forth against the enemy,^" and Bacchides, and ^' against them that

30 are adversaries of our nation.^^ Now therefore we have chosen thee this day to be

31 our ruler and leader ^ in his stead, that thou mayest fight our battles.''* Aud Jon-
athan assumed the rule ^' at that time, and took the place ^' of his brother Judas.

32, 33 And "" when Bacchides learned of it,^* he sought to ^ slay him. And '" Jona-
than, and Simon his brother, and all that were with him, learned of it and fled '^
into the wilderness of Thecoe, and pitched their tents by the cistern °^ Asphar.

34 And ^' Bacchides learned of it on the sabbath day, and he and all his army crossed

35 the Jordan.** And** Jonathan*^ had sent his brother as leader*' of the people, to
pray his friends the Nabattei,** that they might leave with them their baggage,*'

3G which was much. And*" the sons of Ambri " came out of Medaba, and seized*^

37 John, and all that he had, and departed with the things in their possession.** But
after these events ** came word to Jonathan and Simon his brother, that the sons of
Ambri ** made a great marriage, and were bringing the bride, a daughter of one of

38 the great princes of Chanaan, from Nadabath with a great escort.*^ And *' they
remembered .John their brother, and went up, and hid themselves under the covert **

39 of the mountain. And they lifted *° up their eyes, and looked, and behold, a tumul-
tuous noise and a great train ; " and the bridegroom came forth, and his friends

40 and brethren, to meet them with timbrels, and music,*^ and many weapons.'''' And
they ** rose up agiiinst them from the place where they lay in ambush, and slew
them ; and many were killed, and the rest ^* fled into the mountain ; and they took

41 all their spoils. And the marriage was *^ turned into mourning, and their strains of

Ver. 22. — * A. V. : As for the other. 3 noble. * Text, rec, " their." Fritzsche adopts avrov from III. X. 55
64. 93. 106. Old Lat. Syr.

Vers. 23-26. — * A. V. : Now after. ^ wicked (ot aco/iot) began to put forth their Jieafis (lit., peep out), " coasts.

' (The Greek word is used in the LXX. to render n~lQ, especially to put forth bufJs, tojlourisk.) ^ also was there.

" by reason whereof the country revolted, and went (ef. Com. Lit., the land became a deserter). w Then. '• omits

out. 12 wicked. ^^ made inquiry and search (e^ef^TOVw Kot e^rjpeuVwc). " who took .... of them, aud used

them despitefully (marg., " Gr., mocked them "').

Vers. 27-29. — i" A. V. : So was there. '« the like whereof was not. " was not seen. is for this cause.

10 we have. -" our enemies. -' (i. e., and^ in general.) 22 of our nation tliat are adversaries to us {kv tois

ex^paiVoutri Tou Idi'ou? ii^iav. The participle is used substantively, and so limited by the gen.).

Vers. 30. 31. — ^ A.Y. : our {rjfi.Zu) prince and captain. 24 (Lit., war our war.) 20 Upon this J. took the govern-

ance upon him. 20 rose up instead.

Vers. 32-34. — " A. v.: But. ^ g^t knowledge I/ierco/. 2» for to. so Uien. si perceiving (/wl fled.

82 water of the pool (iJSwp \dKKov 'Xtrtftdp. The second word corresponds to the Heb. ~)S^ and "I'lS, an artificial col-
lection of water). ss which when. ^4 understood, he came near to Jordan with all his host upon the sabbath day
(cf. Com.).

Vers. 35-37. —3= A. V. : Now. M (Fritzsche strikes out this word with III. X. 23. 44. 55. 62. al. and the Old Lat. by
Cod. S. Germ.) 27 /o/ifl, a captain. 3' Nabathites. so carriage. ^o But. ^i children of Jambri (i^a:/. rcc,
viol 'laix^pi Fritzsche receives the article before the former from III. X. 65. al., and 'A/i^pi from 44. al. Jos. Syr.
Co. ; X. 64., 'A^i)3pei). *^ took. *s went their way with it. 44 After this (jneTa 5e tovs Awyouy toi/tou9. Cf. vii. 33).
*5 children of Jambri (cf. ver. 36). *o bridf from Nadabatha with a great train, as being the daughter ....

Canaan.

Vers. 38, 39. —" A. V. : Therefore. ^ itnceTrtiv = "TltD). " where they lift. ^ there was much ado (SpoOs)
and great carriage {aTrotTKeorj = properly, baggage. I render by train, as it consisted apparently of wagons and beasts
of burden taken along to receive the dower. Cf. Corns, of Grimm and Keil). ci them (i. e., the train of the bride),

with drums (cf . 1 E.^d. v. 2 : Judith iii. 7, xvi. 2) and instruments o/musieU (/louo-iKwi'). *2 jjot only weapons, but

torclies, vessels of various kinds, etc., which might be required at a wedding.

Vers. 40,41. — '^ A. V. ; Then Jonathan aud they that were with him {Fritzsche strikes out 01 wepl tov 'I. after iveSpov,
as wanting in III. X. 23. 52. 55. al. Old Lat. It was probably first written as a gloss). " made a slaughter of them
in such sort as many fell down dead, and the renuubttt. *^ Xkus Was tb« tilarriag«.

518 THE APOCRYPHA.

42 music-' into lamentation. And'' when they had avenged fully the blood of their

43 brother, tliey returned to the marsh ^ of Jordan. And ^ when Bacchides heard of
it,'' lie came on the sabbath day as far as " the banks of the' Jordan with a great

44 army.' And * Jonathan said to his men," Let us go up now and fight for our lives,

45 for it is not " to-day, as in time pa^t,^^ for leliold, the battle is lefore us and be-
hind us, and the water of the Jordan is on " this side and that side, and marsh " and

4G wood ; there is no place '^ to lurn aside. Wherefore cry ye now unto heaven, that

47 ye may be delivered from the hand of your enemies. And "^ they joined battle ;
and Jonathan stretched forth his hand to smite Bacchides, and he turned away

48 from him backwards." And " Jonathan and they that were with him leaped into the
Jordan,'" and swam over unto the farther bank ; and they '^ passed not over the ^'

49 Jordan unto them. And there fell from ^^ Bacchides' side that day about a thou-

50 sand men. And he returned -^ to Jerusalem, and built fortified ^^ cities in Judoea,
the fort in Jericho, and Emmaus, and Bethoron, and Bethel, and Thamnatha-Phar-

51 athon,^" and Tephon,"' with high walls, and '^'^ with gates, and with bars. And in

52 them he set a garrison, that (hei/ might carry on hostilities against ^' Israel. He
fortified also the city Bethsura,^" and Gazara, and the fortress,^" and put forces in

53 them, and stores of provisions. And ^^ he took the chief men's sons in the country
for hostages, and put them into the fortress ^^ at Jerusalem to be kept.

54 And''* in the hundred fifty and third year, in the second month, Alcimus com-
manded that the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary should be pulled down; he

55 iDoidd have pulled ^* down also the works of the prophets ; and he ^ began to pull
down. At that**' time was Alcimus smitten,*' and his enterprises hindered, and **
his mouth was stopped, and he was paralyzed,*" so that he could no more speak a

56 word,"" nor give orders "' concerning his house. And "^ Alcimus died at that time

57 with great torment. And ** when Bacchides saw that Alcimus was dead, he re-
turned to the king; and''" the land of Juda was at rest two years."*

58 ^ And "" all the transgressors took "' council, saying. Behold", Jonathan and his men
live "* at ease, and " without care ; now therefore we will bring Bacchides hither,

59 and he shall seize ^^ them all in one night. And ^' they went and consulted with

60 him. And he removed, that he might come ""^ with a great army,^* and sent letters
privily to all " his adherents in Judtea, that they should take Jonathan and those
that were with him ; and "* they could not, because their plan ^* was known unto

61 them." And they** took of the men of the country, who were authors of the

62 wickedness,*" about fifty men,** and slew them. And "^ Jonathan, and Simon, and
they that were with him, got*^ away to Bethbasi, which is in the wilderness, and

63 they ** repaired the ruined portions *" thereof, and made it strong. And when Bac-
chides learned of it,** he gathered together all his host,** and sent word to them that

64 were of Judaja. And he went *' and laid siege against Bethbasi, and fought **

Vers.41,42.— ' A. v.: the noise of their melody 2 So. 3 turned again to the marish (I have, for tlie salte ol

clearness, changed the form of the last word, although it is still in use in the sense of bog, viarsk).

Vers. 43-45. —* A. v.: Now. » /iereo/(contained in the context). "unto. ' - omits tho 8 power

"Then. i» company. " standeth not ,cilA ,w. ^'' (Ut., as ytsterUmj and the third day ) " of f on'

" the marish likewi.se. '^ neither is there place/or us.

Vers. 47-49. - i« A. V. : With that. i' but he ... . turned biick from him. i» Then lO leapt into J

2» how-beit tlie olhir. 21 omits the. « So there were slain (6ieVeo-or. The verb means usually, in the classics to

€sra,,e, or, lo cut lhrovj;h, a3 fpckeu of an army. But it is used a.s here in the LXX. at Deut. ii. 14 Codd X 19 '23
64. 93. have eTreo-oi/) of. ' ' ....

^ Vers. 60-53. -=» A. V. : Afterward returned Bacchides. -^ repaired the strong (the idea of reh„ildi„g and repairin.^
i,s not excluded, but the verb 1., a,KoS6^,cr.). --r. Thamnatha, Pharathoni (I read *apaW.., with III" ■'& 65 6'' 64

106 bee Com.). » laphon (IV^ci. , T„(,^, 23. 65. 55. al.), ti.ese did he strengthen. 2, '„„„■;, ^„j " ' is ^"k

ma Ice upon. =» (So X. 66. 64. 93. Old Lat. , '■ in Bethsura," text. rec.). =0 „wcr. =t and provision of

victuals. Besides. ''■' tower. piuvisiou oi

Vers 54-57. -- »3 a V : .yoreover. « he pulled (this seems to refer to the intention of Alcimus ; what he actually
began /o,/o IS stated just after). »» o.s he. 3» «-,n at that. =' plagued =» for »» taken ^vrthT

«a,„ thing. ..order. « go. „ Now. «,, hereupon. « ,n rfst Uvo years taken .v .th a palsy.

Vers. 68-61. - .« A. V. : Then. " ungodly v,en held a. « company are. » aid dwell. =0 ^j.^ ,hall taka
"So. " Then removed he, and came. ta host. M.om/teall. =» howbeit '» counsel "y°'\'"^r.^

omitted by X. Old Lat. by Cod. S. Germ. ; 19. 64. 93, have for it ■I^.iflav). m Wherefore the v, the JLZT

than). « r/m( K-e™ authors of (to mischief. 00 p^sons ""lereiore they (the party of Joua-

Jr- ''tyuZ*::^^: ^"^"™''- " ■=■" "'^■"- " '^'''' '^ ^'■'^•^ " ■^-y- - ^^^^ ^^Z when B
Ver. 64. — " A. V. : Then went he. " they fought (verb in sing.).

1 MACCABEES.

519

65 against it a long season, and made engines of war. And' Jonathan left his brother

Simon in the city, and went forth ^ into the country ; and with a small number''

Gfi went he. And he smote Odomera * and his brethren, and the sons ^ of Phasiron

C7 in their tent ; and ° he began to smite,' and to come up in stronger force. And

68 Simon ' and his men" went out of the city, and burnt up the enghies of war, and
fought against Bacchides ; and he was '" discomfited by them, and they afflicted him

69 sore ; for his plan and expedition were '^ in vain. And he was very wroth ^'^ at
the transgressors '^ that gave him counsel to come into the country ; and ""^ he slew

70 many of them, and purposed to return to his land.'° And when Jonathan had
knowledge of it,'^ he sent ambassadors unto him, in order to make peace with him,

71 and that he should" deliver" them the prisoners. And he accepted,'" and did ac-
cording to his terms,'" and swore ^' unto him that he would not seek to harm him ^^

72 all the days of his life. And he ^ restored unto him the prisoners that he had taken
previously ^ out of the land of Juda, and '^ returned and departed to his land, and

73 came not again ^^ any more into their borders. And "" the sword ceased from Israel,
and^' Jonathan dwelt at Machmas ; and Jonathan ^" began to judge ^° the people,
and caused the ungodly to disappear ^' out of Israel.

Vers. 66, 66. — i A. V. : But. 2 forth himself. » certain number (ef api0^t3, i. e., a number which one might

easily count). < he forth (fritzsche receiTes JiKdev from III. X. 23. 44. 65. al. in place o£ i(i)>Sev of the text, rec.)

.... Odonarkes (marg , Odomarra. I read, with Fritzsche, as III. X. 23. 44. 62. 62. 71. 74. 106. Co. Aid. ; text, rec,
'OSoaappiif ; Old Lat., Odaren). 0 children.

Vers. 67-69. — <J A. V. : And when. "^ ^mite tliem. 8 and came up with his forces {" against Bethbasi ■' is

understood), Simon. " company. ^^ who was. ^^ counsel and travel was. ^2 w'herefore he ... . wroth

(verb in plur. in III. X. 56. al.). " wicked men. '* insomuch as. "> into his own country.

Vers. 70, 71. — >= A. V. : Whereof .... had knowledge. " to the end he should. »« and deliver. " Which
thing he accepted. 20 demands (Xdyous). 21 gware. 22 never do him harm (cf. vi. 18).

Vers. 72, 73. — 23 a, v. : When therefore he had. 2* aforetime. 25 jujea he. 2u went his way into his own
land, neither came he. 27 ijjus. 28 but. 29 oim(s J. (as 44. 71.). » govern (marg., yurfge). si he destroyed
{ri^avLae} the ungodly men.

Chaptee IX.

Ver. 1. The riglit wing. It means perhaps
tliat part of tlie .'^yriiin army wliicfi wms stationed
to tlie rigtit of tlie Euphrates towards the west,
(Grimm), or ihat to tfie south, i. e., nearest to
Judaea (Hitzi.i,' iinJ otiiers).

Ver. 2. Galgala. Possible Gilrfal, between
Jericho and the Jordau ; or, a CanManiti>h city
now called .liljiiUh, situated a short distance from
Anti|iatris, or .Jilgilia, a little to the north of the
ancient Gophna. — Msesaloth, either Mesilloth,
(/. f., stairs, terraces), refening to fortified caves,
or a place between Gilead aud Arbcla, in Pellii,
east of the Jordan.

Ver. 3. First month. At the middle or end
of the month Nisan the Syrian army could have
reached Jerusiilem and possibly it was at the time
of the celebratiou of the Pussovcr.

Ver. 4. Berea. This place has not been iden-
tified.

Ver. .5. Elasa. This place is also unknown.
According to .ro.sephus the camp of Judas was at
Bflkzetho, which Ewald would identify with the
piesent I3ir-el-zeit, a couple of miles noithwest of
Jifna. In " Bcrca," on the other hanil, he finds
Bi'eroih, the modern El-Birth, eight or nine miles
north of Jernsalem and about four miles south of
Jifna. Hilt the form of the word is against it. —
Three thousand. According to Josephus he liad
but oue thousand at first.

Ver. 8. Fight with them. The meaning is
Jight siiccesfifnH//.

Ver. 9. Dehorted. (A. V.) 'Airea-Tpf^av is
better translated as above, lliey turned awaij from,
would not listen to, him, since the aorist is not
properly u.sed of an endeavor. Cf. Kiihner's
Gram., p. 346. This is also the translation of the

Syriac. — '0\ljai in the sense of too few. Cf.
Herod , vi. 109 ; vii. 207 ; Thucvd., i. HO.

Ver. 11. The Israelitish force may be meant.
— And stood, 1. e., took a position. This refers
to the Syrians, as tlie context shows.

Ver. 15. Mount Azotus (.4sA(fo(n). Josephus
has 'Af3 upovs, the battle mii/ht have taken place
only three or four miles from Ashdod, so that it
woulil have been within reach of the flying Syrians.
But it seems more likely that the word is a mis-
translation for inn rmtf.'S, declivities of the
moiinlain. So Michaelis and Hitzig.

Ver. 19. Josephus has einl)ellished his account
of the mjitter by .saying that it was by special
iirrangemeiit with the enemy th;it the brothers
olitained the body of Judas. Cf. Antiq., xii. 11,
§ 2. — Modem. See. ii. 1.

Ver. 22. Not written. They were neither
recorded by the author of the jircsent book nor
in tlie (supposed) work which he used as bis au-
thority. The same expression is ofteu found in
the Books of the Kings.

Ver. 24. 'H x<"P". here, is referred liy most to
the iuliabitiints uf the land. But it seems better
with the Syriac, followed by Ewald, Giimm, and
Keil, to refer it to the land proper. It became
false, .as it. were, .along with its apostate inhabitants.

Vei'. 26. Mocked them. ']"his jiiobalily refers
to their religious customs. He ridiculed them
aud sought to bring them into contempt.

Ver. 27, Since the time that a prophet ap-
peared not. This was since the time of Malaclii.
Grimm remarks : " His choo.'ing tiiis termiiius a
quo rather than the destruction of the temple or,
as Josephus does, the Babylonian exile, shows that
he regarded the extinction of the spirit of proph-
ecy among their great national calamities, at least

620

THE APOCRYPHA.

as on a level witli them. The assertion of the
writer, however, Feems here fomewhat exngeer-
ated, since the sufferings of Israel in the lime of
Aiitiochus Epi]iliancs must have heen quite as
great.

Ver. 29. The Kat hefore arlp at the hegiiming
of tlie apiidosi.-i, aftc r a preceding relative clause,
is Ilebrai-tic. Cf. Thiersch, De PnitnlevrJii f'ers.
AU.r , ]). 181, See, also, remarks at Judith v 20.

Ver. .3.3. Wilderness ol Thecoe, the district ly-
ing .'il out 'J'ckoa, espciiallv to the east of it. It
is called MidUir ((ireck," epTj/jos), desert, in 2
Chron. XX. 20. — Cistern (or ire//] Asphar. This
spot is at present unknown.

Ver. 34. Eaeehides douhtless marched im-
mediately on the rit'cption of the news. But
why did he cross the Jordan 1 It would seem
that verges 3.5-42 gi^■e the reason, and are to be
regarded as parentheticiil. What is said in verse
43 is essentially agoing back to the thotightof the
present ver.-e. Tlic fact that verses 3.5-42 form
a parenthesis is ]iroperly indicated in the A. V.,
the aorist being rendered in certain cases as plu-
perfect.

^'er. .35. Natateel. Cf. remarks at v. 2.5.

Ver. 3G. Medaba. Originally Mcd'lia, a city
of the Monbites, and subsequently a pos^e>siou of
the Ainoritcs. It was taken from the latter by
Isr.ael, and assigned to the tril'e of Kenhen.
(JCiinib. xxi. 21-30.) Cf. Knenckcr in Scheukel's
Bill. Lcj., a. V.

Ver. 37. With a great escort, napairo^ir^s
prohaljlv refers here to an armed escort. Cf.
rolvh.xv, 5, 7.

Ver. 42. The marsh of Jordan. At certain
seasons of the year the Jordan overflowed its
banks to a ciinsiderable extent, especially at a
point on the east bank, just before (mptying into
the Dead 8ea, which pjlace seems to be here re-
ferred to. Hence a morass (eAor) was formed,
wliieh, as the article shows, was well known at
that time.

Ver. 43. AVith this verse the thought, broken
off in verse 34 for the |iurpose of making an ex-
planation, is agiiin re-nmed. Baechides had
crosseil over to the west side of the river and taken
possession of the usual ford at this point : also, as it
would appear from verse 45, of one farther up
the liver, in order to attack Jonathan as well in
the retir as in front.

Ver. 47. To smite Baechides. Giimm thinks
the furce of Baechides is here meant. But Keil
justly dissents. The contests of individuals formed
no small part of ancient warfare.

Ver. 48. The farther bank, i. e., the west
bank, rb Trepay, being understood here from the
point of view of the combatants. Jonathan took
the opportunity to cro.ss the Jordan while the mo-
mentary withdrawal of Baechides made it pos-
sible.

Ver. 49. About a thousand. Josephus says
2,000, and some MSS. of minor importance, 3,0o"o.

Ver. 50. Thamnatha.-Pharathon. This is
probably the Hebrew, ^^t^^l, or H.^^cn, Tim-
nath (cf. Josh., xv. 57; xi'x. 43, and Judg. xii.
15), and tlie Pharathon seems to have been added
to distinguish it from some other place of tlie
.same name. The latter word is joined to the for-
mer in the Vulgate, Syriae and in Josephus by
Kal, but. as we judge, impropeily- — Tepnou.
'I'lffiih west of Hebron (Jo.sh. xv. 53).

Ver. 52. Bethsura. See iv. 29. — Gazara.
See iv. 15, " Cazcra."

Ver. 54. The one hundred and fifty-third year
of the Seleucian era would be B. c. 160. — Wall
of the Inner court of the sanctuary. This was
the Willi that separated the couit of the priests
from that of the people. (Cf. art. " Temple " in
Smith's Bib. Diet , and Scluiikcl's Bib. Lex., s. v.)
By razing this wall Alcimiis meant to destroy the
sp'ecial theoeratical character of the temple. And
it is called " the works of the prophets" as hav-
ing been (ilanneil and bnilt under the direction of
proyihrfiic inspiralion (cf. Ex.xxv. 9, 40; 1 Chron.
xxviii. 19), jiiinicularly — the temple of Zerub-
babel — through the enthusiasm for the work in-
spiied by Haggai and Zechariah.

Ver. 55. Was smitten. Grimm calls atten-
tion to the moderation of the writer here, who
does not sny that it was God who brought this
aftiietion upon Alcimus, but leaves it to the mind
of the reader to supply that thought.

Ver. 57. Baechides . . returned. It was
at the desire of Aleimus that he had gone to
Judaea in order to support the former In his aspi-
rations for the office of high jiriest (cf. vii. 5 ff.),
and now that he was dead he apparently did not
think it needful to remain any longer.

Ver. 61. And they took. Josephus would
make this refer to the party of Baechides, but
Joniithan and his friends are doubtless meant.

Ver. 62. Bethbasi. This jjlace has not been
identihed. Josephus names it (Antiij., xiii. 1,
§ 5.), Bethalai/a.

Ver. 63. Sent word to, i. e., he called out his
adherents, the apostate Jews and others.

A'er. 66. The Odomera, here mentioned as
having been smitten by Jonathan, was, appar-
ently, a Bedouin chief, as was the Phasiron spoken
of.

A''er. 67. The forces of Jonathan had become,
perhaps, stronger, and were, at least, in better
courage, through their recent victories.

Ver. 73. This interim of peace lasted until B.
c. 152, /. e., to the time of tlie war betn-een Deme-
trius and Alexander for the throne of Syria (x.
1.). — Maohmas. On the borders of Benjamin,
nine Eoman miles north of Jerusalem, now MUkli-
nids. Jonathan's privileges at this time as a sub-
ject of the Syrian kiug, seem not to have been
very extensive, as we learn from x. 6 ff. in what
is offered to him by Demetrius in case he will es-
pouse, with his adherents, the latter's cause.

Chapter X.

1 And ^ in the hunclred and sixtieth year Alexander Epiphanes, the son of Anti-
ochus,'-' went up and took Ptolemais ; and they ^ received him, and'' he reitrned

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : omits And. 2 a,, the son of Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes (I have chaaaccl the ord

the Bake q£ cleamdSB). * for the people had. ^ by m«aaa whereof. '

I MACCABEES. 521

2 there. And * when king Demetrius heard of it,' he gathered together an exceeding
S great army,' and went forth against him to fight. And * Demetrius sent letters

4 unto Jonathan with conciliating '' words, so as to enhance his greatness." For said
he, Let us be beforehand in making ' peace with him, before he join with Alexander

5 against us ; for * he will remember all the evils that we have brought to pass ° against

6 him, and against his brethren and his nation.'" And " he gave him authority to gather
together an army,'^ and to provide weapons, and that he should be his ally ; " he
commanded also that the hostages that were in the fortress '* should be delivered

7 to ^^ him. And Jonathan came '° to Jerusalem, and read the letters in the audience

8 of all the people, and of them that were in the fortress. And they ^^ were sore afraid
when they heard that the king had given him authority to gather together an army.

9 And they of the fortress " delivered the ^° hostages unto Jonathan, and he delivered

10 them unto their parents. And Jonathan dwelt ^^ in Jerusalem, and began to build

11 and restore ^^ the city. And he commanded the workmen to build the walls and
mount ^^ Sion round about with square stones for fortification; and they did so.

12 And "^ the strangers that were in the fortresses which Bacchides had built, fled ;
13, 14 and^ every man left his place, and returned into his land.^^ Only at Bethsura^'

certain of those that had forsaken the law and the commandments remained be-

15 hind ; '^ for it was their ^ place of refuge. And when tlie king ^' Alexander heard '"
what promises Demetrius had sent unto Jonathan, and '^ it was told him of the bat-
tles and valiant'^ acts which he and his brethren had done, and of the toils and

16 troubles'' they had endured, he said, Shall we find another such'^ man? And

17 now ^ we will make him our friend and ally. And ^* he wrote a letter," and sent "
unto him according to these words, saying,

18, 19 King Alexander to Ms brother Jonathan sendeih greeting. We have heard

20 of tliee, that thou art a man of great valor,'' and meet to be our friend. And *"
now this day we have appointed thee as ^' high priest of thy nation, and to be called
the king's friend ; (and '^'^ he sent him a purple robe and a crown of gold) and thou
art to be thoughtful of our affairs,*' and keep friendship with us.

21 And ** in the seventh month of the hundred and sixtieth year, at the feast of the
tabernacles, Jonathan put on the holy robe, and gathered together forces, and pro-
vided many arms.**

22, 23 And when Demetrius heard of these things,*' he was sorry,*' and said. Why
have we done this,*' that Alexander hath anticipated *' us in making™ amity with

24 the Jews to strengthen himself ? I also will write unto them words of encourage-

25 men t, and joromwe ^/jem dignities and gifts, that I may have their aid. And he
wrote to them *^ to this effect :

26 King Demetrius unto the nation*^ of the Jews sendeth greeting. Whereas you
have kept the *' covenants with us, and continued in our friendship, and have not
joined ** yourselves with our enemies, we have lieard of it, and have been " glad.

27 And " now continue ye still to keep faith toward " us, and we will repay you with
'28 good things for what**' you do in our behalf. And we"^^ will grant you many im-
29 munities, and give you presents.'" And now I do free you, and '^ release all the

Vers. 2-5. — 1 A. V. : Now. ^thereof. » host. * Moreover. c joving (eipvji/tKorg). o Ae magnified him.
' first make. ' else. » done. i" people.

Vers. ft-9. — ^^ A. V. : Wherefore. ^^ a host ^ weapons, that he might aid him in battle. " tower.

J» omi/j to. w Then came J. " tower: who. '" a host. Whereupon .... tower. '" iheir.

Vera. 10-14. — ■' A. V. : This done, 3. settled himself (of. ix. 73). =' repair. » the (the article seems out of place
.in Eng.) mount. ^ Then. ^ away ; insomuch as. ^r, .(vent .... own country. . » (The form is BaiSaovpois
in III. X. 23. 44. 65. al.) ^7 still. » x. 23., els for avrotj.

Vera. 15-18. —=° A. V. : Now when king. »» had heard. »< tcAere also. M noble. =3 the pains that.

" such another. so now therefore. so confederate. Upon this. »' a letter (the word la plural in form, but

:clearly only one letter is meant. Of. XI. 29, xii. 5, 7, 19, xiv. 20, xv. 1). "' sent it.

Vers. 19-21. — ™ A. V. : power (SuraTos itrxvi, but his brat-erij is referred to, as at ii.42, ft passim). *' Wherefore.

■" ordain.thee (the form Ka9e<rT«(ta (So-raica, 1 Mace. xi. 34) for «a9ecrr.)/<«i is found in the LXX. also at Jer. Ti. 17) to be
the. « and tlierewitlicU. '=' require thi-e to take our part (</>p(.i'sii' tA ^fidi/. These words are to be ponuected by

zeugma, with Ka9sirTaieafj.ii/ o-e). " So. <= much armour.

Vers. 22-25. — " A. v.; Whereof .... heard. " t-ery sorry. <» What have we done. « prevented. »» (for
icaTneeffSai, III. X. 19. al. offer KaToXafiiaBai, but it is not allowed with the dative following ) " He sent unto them
.therefore.

Vers. 26-31. " A. V. : people. "> omits the. " friendship, not joining. «= hereof, and are. =» Wherefore.

« ibalaiUif ul unto. « weU lecompeaBo you for 1A« 'Aijiffi. "omittwe. «> rewards. " and for your sake

522 THE APOCRYPHA.

30 Jews, from tributes/ and the tax on ^ salt, and from the crown taxes ;^ and^
that which falleth to' me to receive for the third of ^ the seed, and half the
fruit of the trees, I leave off,* from this day forth, to take it from the land of Jiida,
and from " the three provinces " which are added thereunto from " Samaria and

31 Galilee, from'- this day forth and" for evermore." Let Jerusalem also be holy

32 and free, with the borders thereof ; so the tenths and the gifts. ■"" And I yield up
my authority over the fortress which is at Jerusalem, "'' and give it to the high priest,

33 that he may place in it men whom " he shall choose to keep it. And as a free gift
1 '' set at liberty every one of the Jews, that have been carried '° captives out of the
land of Juda ^° into any part of my kingdom ; and I will that all my officers remit ^^

34 the tributes also ^^ of their cattle. And -^ I will that all the feasts, and the ^* sab-
baths, and new moons, and solemn ^'^ days, and three ^° days before the feast, and
three ^^ days after the feast, shall be full ^' days of immunity ^' and freedom ^^ for

So all the Jews who are '" in my realm. And no man *' shall have authority to bring

36 action against,''^ or to molest any of them in any maitter.^' And ^ I will *'' that
there be enrolled amongst the king's forces about thirty thousand men of the Jews,

37 and pay shall be given them,'' as is suitable for ^' all the king's forces. And of them
some, shall be placed in the king's great fortresses,^' of whom also some shall be ap-
pointed to the offices ^'^ of the kingdom, which are of trust ; and I will that their
officials and rulers be from""* themselves, and that they live after their laws, as

38 also *^ the king hath commanded in the land of Juda.^^ And concerning the three
provinces that have been ^^ added to Judaaa from the country of Samaria, let them
be joined to Judaea, and be reckoned with it so that they may be '*'' under one, and

39 obey no other ''^ authority than the high priest's. Ptolemais,''^ and the land per-
taining thereto, I give as a present to the sanctuary at Jerusalem for the proper

40 expense*' of the sanctuary. And*' 1 myself give every year fifteen thousand

41 shekels of silver out of the king's revenues*^ from the places fitting.™ And all the
additional,*' which the officials *^ paid not in, as in the *' former years," from

42 henceforth they shall give '''' towards the works of the temple. And besides this,
five '''' thousand shekels of silver, which they took from the requirements " of the
temple out of the income '"' year by year, these also™ shall be released, because they

43 belong™ to the priests that minister. And as many as may flee''' unto the temple
at Jerusalem, or to any of its precincts,*^ being indebted *' unto the king, or for any

44 other matter, let tliem be at liberty, and all that they have in my realm. For the
building also and restoring''* of the works of the sanctuary the"* expense ^^ shall

45 be given also from "' the king's revenue."' And "^ for the building of the walls of
Jerusalem, and the fortifying //icreo/ round about, the expense shall also be'" given
out of the king's revenue, as also for the building " of the walls in Jud^a.

1 (62. 74. Co. Aid. add viiXv to the verb). l [i^iiptav, apparently, poU taxes.) "^ from the customs of (Ttjuijs — lit.,
p^'ce — Toi) aAos). 3 from crown /axes (rail/ oTe(|>a»'(Di'. See Cowi.). 4 and from. f" appertaineth unto. ^ pari
of. '< the half of. ^ relea.se it. '^ so that they shall not be taken of ... . Jndea, nor of. i" governments
(pee Com.). ■' out of the country of. " (xhe koli' found before this word in the text. rec. is omitted by III. X. 23.
64.93. IOC. Old I.at.) " omii., and. " (^'or aiira, III. X. 19. 2.3. al. Old Lat. otter oiroKTa. Cf. xi. 36. It is
better Greek, is therefore to be suspected.) i'* both/j-ow tenths and tributes (these words look back to ai^etixevr], i. e.
a(|)eifi€'va eaTwo-ac are to be supplied). The form ^tw for Itrrco, here used, is also the common one in the New Testament,
It is the Doric inflection. Cf. Winer, p. 79.

Vers. 32, 33. — "' A. V. ; as for the tower .... I yield up my authority oi'er it. " set in it such men aa.

'8 Moreover I freely. ^ were carried. 20 Judea. 2i [hit. ^ let alt remit.) 23 even.

Vers. 34-36. — 23 A. V. : Furthermore. ^ omits th^. '^' {itroStSeiynivixi., appointed, d. Com.) 2' the three.
2^ all (here, wliole^ i. e.,fttll). 28 (ireAeiay = freedom from tax and service.) 20 {a<})iiTeu'; = remission of taxes

and service. Both words are used tor emphasis.) '■" omits yiho are. 3i Also no man. ^2 n,eddle w/(/i (Aem (for
the use of Trpaao-eiv rivd in this sense, cf. Liddell and Scott's Lex., s. v.). 83 (/_ g^ suit.) 3* omits And. 8c ^m
further. so unto whom .... be given. 87 belongeth to.

Vers, 37, 38. — "8 a. V. : strong holds. 80 apt over the affairs. *" overseers and governors bo of. <i own laws

even as. ''- .ludea. <8 governments (see Com.) that are. « with .Tudea, that tlieij may bo ... . reckoned to

be [lit., jolnefi t'i J. to be reckoned {with it), to the end that, etc.). *8 nor bound to obey other.

Vera. 39-41. — "J A. V. : As for P. « it ass. free gift .... necessary (Fritzsche receives ;rpocrKa9.ji!ouo-a>. from 62.

65. al. including, virtually. III. 44. 106. Aid. ; te.ct. rec, Ka»riKov(Ta.v) expencos. *s Moreover I. «» accounts.

O) appertaining (ii/ii«u.v = TrpotnJKu)^. Cf. Eph. T. 4). m the overplus (jrAtoi-ifov — not a balance in the treasury',

which would be a very unlikely circumstance, but what was outstanding in dues to the temple service. Cf. Com.).

02 oflicers. '■'^ omits the. 84 time. 80 ghall be given.

Vers. 42, 43. — "'A. V. : the five. "'uses. 8S accounts. »» even those rtni^.i. oo appertain.

•" whoFoever tliey be that fl^o. 82 or be within the liberties (kv iria-i t. op., but probably a mistaken translation for els

nivTo. TO opi'o. airoO, as dependent on ^oyut^iv) thereof. «3 oi^ei'Aioi/, III. X 62. 74. 106. Old Lat. ; text, rec, nom. plur.

Vers. 44, 45. — '» A. V. : repairing. "s omits the. ao exponces. «' of. <» accounts. «> Yea and'

» expences sliall b«. 'i accounts, as also for building. '

1 MACCABEES. 623

46 But* when Jonathan and the people heard these words, they credited them not ^
nor received them, because they remembered the gieat evil that he had done in

47 Israel, and how he' had afflicted them very sore. And* with Alexander they
were well pleased, because he was the first that proposed a ^ peace with them, and

48 they remained allies" with him always. And the king Alexander gathered to-

49 gether ' great forces, and camped over against Demetrius. And ' the two kings
joined^ battle, and Demetrius' army" fled ; and Alexander '^ followed ii/!'e/- him,

50 and prevailed against them. And he ^'^ continued tlie battle very sore until the sun
went down ; and that day Demetrius fell.^^

51 And " Alexander sent ambassadors to Ptolemy " king of Egypt with a message
to this efifect :

52 Forsomuch as I have returned " to my realm, and have seated myself on" the
throne of my fathers," and have gotten the dominion, and overthrown Demetrius,

53 and recovered our country; yea, I '" joined battle with him, and^° he and his host
were discomfited '^^ by us,'and we have seated ourselves on ^^ the throne of his king-

54 dom ; so now ^' let us make a league of amity together, and give me now thy daugh-
ter to wife ; and I will be thy son-in-law, and will give thee ^* and her gifts worthy
of thee.^"^

55 And^" Ptolemy the king gave answer, saying,

Happy be the day wherein thou didst return into the land of thy fathers, and

56 satest on " the throne of their kingdom. And now will I do to thee, as thou hast
written ; but meet me ^ at Ptolemais, that we may see one another ; and ^' I will
marry my daughter '" to thee as thou hast said.''

57 And"^ Ptolemy went out of Egypt, he and'' his daughter Cleopatra, and they
68 came unto Ptolemais in the hundred threescore and second year. And the king ^

Alexander met him, and he '* gave unto him his daughter Cleopatra, and celebrated

59 her marriage at Ptolemais jiist as kings rfo," with great glory. And the" king

60 Alexander "wrote" unto Jonathan, that he should come and meet him. And he
went in state " to Ptolemais, and ■"> met the two kings, and gave them and their

61 fi-iends silver and gold, and many presents, and found favor in their sight. And*'
pestilent fellows iVom *^ Israel, men who had apostatized,*' assembled themselves

62 against" him. to accuse him; and*"^ the king gave them no attention.*" And*'
the king commanded to take off Jonathan's *' garments, and clothe him in purple ;

63 and they did so. And the king *' made him sit by himself, and said unto his chief
officers,'" Go with him into the midst of the city, and make proclamation, that no
man complain against him concerning any suit," and let no man trouble him con-

64 cerning any matter.^^ And it came to pass when the =' accusers saw that he was
honored according to the proclamation," and that he was =* clothed in purple, they

65 all fled.=« And" the king honored him, and enrolled^' him amongst his chief

66 friends, and made him a general and governor. And " Jonathan returned to Jeru-
salem with peace and gladness.

67 And "" in the hundred threescore and fifth year came Demetrius son of Demetrius

Vers 46-60 — i A V • Now. « gave no credit unto them. = for he. * But. = entreated of true.

« were 'confederate ' Then gathered king A, ' And after. » had joined. i° battle, Demetrius' (Fritzsche

adopts A. here, and 'A. immediately after, with III. X. 44. 71. 74. 93. 106. Co. ; tM. rec. reyerses the order Grimm
and Keil do not favor it) host. " bat A. (see preceding note). " (H A. is subje 't, as seems probable from what

follows the Tiew of Fritzschc appears less likeiy to be correct. Of. Com.) " was D. slam.

Vers 51-54 - " A V ■ Afterward. >o Ptolemee (I shall write hereafter as in the text). '" am come again-

" am set in. ' " progenitors. " for after I had. '' both. =i was discomflted. =' bo that we sit in. ^^ now
therefore. '' bolli'thee. =' according to thy <Iig-nity. , .„ ,

Vers 55-57. — ^" A. V. : Then. "in. m meet me therefore. ™ for. ^ {emyaii^fcvaui = I wiUmake a con-
nection by marriage. Cf . ver. 64.) « according to thy desire. "'- So. =» with „ ■ • >

Vers.E8-60. — «A. V. : where king. «"■' meeting him, he. » (P., with great glory, as //« manner o/kings is.)

" Now =' had written. s" Who thereupon went honourably (nera Sifij;). " where he.

Vers '61-63 — •" A V : At that time rertain. " of. " men of a wicked life {iuBpf; n-opivo^m). " (Trpoi, but
III 44' 55 62 74 Co Old Lat. read in.) « but. « would not hear them. " Yea, more timn. that. " his
■(lit' "'And the king commanded and they took off from J. his," etc.). « Also he. » princes (ipxov>r,r). " of
any'matter (cf. -ver. 35). «2 and that (the construction is changed to the imperative) no man trouble (A. V. mole.'H at
ver. 35) him for any manner oAcause. , »,. j ■, 1. \

Vers 64-67 — k A V. : Now when his. » (Lit., " saw his glory as one heralded it, and him clothed, etc.)

K omits that he was. «> fled all away. »' So. » wrote. «» duke and partaker of hii dominion (cf. Com
andEsd. i.6). Afterward. eo Furthermore.

524 THE APOCETPHA.

68 out of Crete into the land of his fathers. And ^ when the king Alexander heard

69 of it, he was very '^ sorry, and returned unto * Antioch. And Demetrius appointed
Apollonius, who was over Ccelesyria, general; and he^ gathered together a great
army,^ and camped in Jamnia, and sent unto Jonathan the high priest, saying,

70 Thou quite" alone liftest up thyself against us, and I have become a laughing
stock and reproach ' for thy sake ; and why dost thou vaunt thy power' against us

71 in the mountains ? Now therefore, if thou reliest on thy forces,' come down to us
into the plain," and there let us measure our strength together ; for with me is

72 the power of the cities." Ask and learn who I am, and the rest that take our part,
and they will say that your ''^ foot is not able to stand before us ; " for thy fathers

73 were " twice put to flight in their '^ land. And "" now thou shalt not be able to
withstand " the horsemen and so great an army ^* in the plain, where is neither
stone, nor pebble," nor place to flee unto.

74 But ''■'' when Jonathan heard these words of Apollonius, he was very indignant ; ^
and he chose out ^- ten thousand men and went '^ out of Jerusalem ; and ^* Simon

75 his brother met him to "^^ help him. And he pitched his tents against Joppe ; and

76 they of the city shut him out,^' because Apollonius had a garrison in Joppe; and
they fought against^' it. And '^ they of the city let him in for fear; and so Jona-

77 than won Joppe. And '^ when Apollonius heard of it,™ he ordered ^^ three thou-
sand horsemen, with a great force of footmen under arms,'^ and went to Azotus as
though he would pass through it,^*and suddenly he advanced '* into the plain, because

78 he had a great number of horsemen, and relied on them.'*^ And Jonathan '' followed

79 after him to Azotus, and " the armies joined battle. And °' Apollonius had left be-

80 hind them^" a thousand horsemen in ambush.^" And Jonathan learned'*' that there
was an ambushment behind him ; and they closed in around his army, and cast ^

81 darts at the people, from morning till evening." But the people stood still, as Jona-

82 than had commanded them ; and their horsemen got " tired. And Simon advanced
his force, and engaged *^ the footmen, for the horsemen were spent ; and they **

83 were discomfited by him, and fled. The horsemen, also, were ^' scattered in the
plain ; ^' and they " fled to Azotus ; and they ^^ went into Beth-dagon, their idol's

84 temple, for safety. And ™ Jonathan set fire to " Azotus, and the cities round about
it, .and took their spoils ; and the temple of Dagon, and ^^ them that had fled to-

85 gether"^" into it, he burnt with fire. And^'' there were burnt and slain with the

86 sword about ''^ eight thousand men. And from thence Jonathan removed,^* and
camped against Ascalon, and they " of the city came forth, and met him with great

87 honors.'** And Jonathan returned to Jerusalem with his troops,'^ having many

88 spoils. And it came to pass when the ™ king Alexander heard these things, he

Vers. 68, 69. — ■ A. V. : whereof. ^ heard tell, he ivas right. ' into. < Then D. made [icaTiimine. Others,

covfinvttl) A. the goTeinor of Coelonyria hia general (Others would not supply this thought, but it seems to be plainly
suggested by the Greek. So the Vulg., constitiiit ApoUonium ilucem), who. c host.

Vers. 70-73. — » A. V. : omits quite (supei-l. of jidi-o;. Of. 2 Mace. x. 70; 3 Mace. iii. 19). ' and I am laughed

to scorn for thy sake, and reproached. 8 (Lit., hust thou authority, i. e., here, exercise, arrogate, it. Cf. the lleb.

ti^t*' atEccles. ii.l9 ; viii.9.} o trustest in thine own strength. l" plain field. " try the matter .... (64. Old

Lat., 7roAf>ii.»'). ■= s/idH tell Mee (/inl thy. i^ our face. " have been '» their own. "Wherefore. " abids
18 a power. ^^ flint.

Vers, 74-76.-2" A. V. ; So. *i moTed in his mind (too tame. Syr., iratus et commatus est). 22 choosing.

K> he went. 2* where. 2a for to. 2« but they (i'ritzsche receives oi from III. X. 66. 62. 64. al.) of Joppe . .. .

out of the city. 2r tiiere. Then JonarAan laid siege unto. 28 ^iiereupon.

Ver.s. 77, 78. — =" A. V. : Whereof. '■" omits of it. 3i took (-napcve^aKe. I render by " ordered .... under

arms.' This verb, with the accus., is used in the classics to signify to put an army in battle array, and so Wahl's Claris
would render here. But ct. the following Kai e)to(jeve>). There is no intimation that he went with only a part of his
arm> to AshUod. Hence Grimm renders by " marsrliftrti^ madien;' " maile ready for the march ; " Kcil, " Selling fertig
OTilnen," ''put them in readiness for battle "). S2 host of footmen. »» one that journcj ed (I adopt the marg.'rcad-
ing). 3< therewithal drew him forl:h (marg., " led his company." The meaning is rather that on approaching the

place he suddenly diverged into the plain so a.s to draw the Jewish army in that direction). 3' in whom he put his

trust. w Then .1. (Iritzsche strikes out the proper name, with III. X. 23. 44. 65. al.). 8' where.
^Vers. 79-82. — 3» A. v.: Now. =» omiW behind them. « (e" «pvTTc5 ; III. X. 23. 44. al., ,pu,rTw.) "knew.
<2 for they had compassed in his host and cast (lit., shook out). « (Vritzsche adopts SeiXiji from III. X. 19. 28. 44

al. ; text, rec,, 4o-7r.pac). " so the enemies' horses were. « Then brought (lit., drew) S. forth his host . . . .' set
tkem against. ^i* who.

Vers. 83-85.— « A. v.: being. « field. «» omifj they. "But. Hon. m with. » were fled.

M Thus. '-^ well nigh.

Vers. 86-88. -MA. v.: removed Aw Aoj«. " where the men. "pomp. « After thU returned J. and his

host, unto Jerusalem. so ^q^ when.

1 MACCABEES.

525

89 honored Jonathan yet more. And he ^ sent him a buckle of gold, such as it is cus-
tomery to give to the relatives of kings ; ^ he gave him also Accaron with all ' the
borders thereof in possession.

Ver. 89. — > A. V. : omils he. ' as the use Is (I render freely, accoraing to the sense) to bo given to such as are

o£ the kings' blood {cf. Com., and Ters. 31, 32, chap. xi). 3 omits all.

Chapter X.

Ver. 1. In the hundred and sixtieth year.
This was E. c. 1 5.3. — Sou of Antiochus. He was
not really a son, but was i-o called for political pur-
poses. The enemies of Demelrius put him for-
ward as sou of Autiocluis, chnnged his name to
Alexander, introduced him to the Konian Senate
as the proper htir to the Syrian throne, and there-
by secured for him an iirmy by which his preten-
sions were sustained. Cf. Polyb., xxxiii. H, 15;
Diod. Sic. in Miillcr's Fiaiim. IJist. Gruc, ii.
xii. ff. ; l.iv., Ejiil., 1., Hi. ; Appian, Si/r., Ixvii. :
Joseph., Aiitii/., xiii. 2, § 1 . It is hardly like'.y that
prejudice in this kind's favor ou account of his
friendliness to the Jews kd our author, as Grimm
SMfryests, to give him this t'tle, " Son of Anti-
ochus." The report was assidnou-ly circulated in
Syria and Asia Minor as true, and he seems really
to have believed it. Coins have been discovered
in which this kinj,' beais the title " Epiphanes; "
hence the supposition of Grolius and Michaelis,
that TOO 'EirKpavaOs should be read is of no account.
Ver. 7. And of them that were in the for-
tress. The documents may not have been read at
the same time to both, but to the latter possibly
by means of a flag of truce

Ver. 8. Sore afraid. This may refer both to
the Greek, and the believing, party. War was
dreaded alike by both. By the one, because of
fear of Jouiitlian's revenge ; by the other, on ac-
count of the cruelties in geucral which would be
likclv to attend it.

Ver. 11. With square stones for fortifica-
tion. Michaels reimirks: ".lon.ithan must liave
had a verv good idea of the art of fortifying, since
jcriiSidem so fortified that ihe temple was at the
same time the city's citadel, became one of the
largest fortresses of the old world who^e capture
cost ihe Ronuuis, in their three sieges (under
Pompey, So>ius, and Vespasian), not a little time
and trouble."

Ver. I'J. 'We have heard. In all documents
issued bv kings to be found in the Hooks of Macca-
bees, excepting 2 Maec. ix. 20 ff., the plural form
(pinr. of maJB-ty) is used as here. This is not
customary iij the canonical books of the Old 'I'es-
tament. Cf. Ez. iv. 18-22; Uan. iii. 29. The
plural, however, in the present book is generally
used oulv at the bcgiuuing of such documents, the
singular' being sulisecpiently employed.

Ver. 20. As high priest. 1 he office had re-
mained vacant .-iiiee the ileath of Aleimus, seven
years before. Strictly spenkiug, .loinithan had no
riglit to this position since it was hereditary. Hut
itiiad .alieadv for a hmg time been subordinated
to the local "secular authority. Moreover, there
wa-; no legitimiite successor to the dignity then
living, while Jonathan himself was of priestly de-
scent] — And he sent him a purple (robe),
namely, as a token of royalty (viii. 14), or of spe-
ciiil favor (Ksth. viii. 15). This S"ntence, which
the writer throws in paVentheiically, shows that
if he derived the contents of this letter from orig-
inal sources, he did not consider it csseutial that
they should be given in their literal form.

Ver. 21. Jonathan officiated for the first time
as high priest at the Feast of Tabernacles, on
the iDth of the month Tisri (October) e. c. 153.
This is the same year in which the events de-
scribed X. 1 ff. took place. Hence Michaelis,
Grimm, Wieseler, and others (cf. remarks at i. 10),
think that the author of the present book must
have begun the computation of the Seleucian era
from the beginning of Nisan (April) and not from
Tisri, since these events couhl not have all taken
place within the short space of fourteen days. But
it is not hehl that the Seleuciiin era began pre-
cisely with the beginning of Tisri, but only that it
began in the fall of the year. Hence, the Eeast of
Tabernacles here spoken of mm/ have taken ))liice
nearly a year laier than the events mentioned in
versc'l S., i. e., ot ihe. dose of the year. Cf. Ex.
xxiii. 16. The Jcwi^h civil year did in fact be-
gin with Tisri. Cf. Keil, Coin, in loc, and Schii-
rer, Neutest. Zeiiijeschi elite, p. 17 f.

Ver. 25. Unto the nation of the Jews. Alex-
ander had written directly to Jonathan. Per-
haps the reason for this difference, whicli Jose-
phus notices and seeks to avoid, by asserting that
Alexander wrote to Jonathan and the pcojile,
arises from the reallv different relations of the
rival kings to the Jewish people. Grimm sees in
the statement proof of the genuineness of our
book at this point.

Ver. 29. Tax on salt. This salt was taken
from the Dead Sea (xi. 35), and hitherto the Syrian
kings had demanded a tax ou all that was ju'o-
diiced. — Crown taxes. This tax consisted, at
first, of golden crowns, for which gold of equal
value was often substituted. Cf. xiii. 37 ; 2 Mace,
xiv. 4.

Ver. 30. The oppressiveness of such a tax may
he imagined. But that the amount is not exag-
gerated is shown by Winer (liealworterhueh, under
"Abgaben"), whocites Pausanias (iv. 14, 3), re-
specting a tax levied by the Spartans on the
Messenians, amonuting in times of need, to one
half of what was harvested. — Noyuaii', provinces,
'['he word was used to designate the departments
into which ancient Hgypt was divided and the
satrapies of the ohi Babylonian empire. Raw-
linson translates it in Herodotus (ii, 165) by "can-
ton," and in the notes speaks of them as " nomes."
Cf. Liddell and Scott's Lex., s. v. These three
provinces are elsewhere (xi 34) de-iguated as
Aphoerema, Lydda,aiHl li'amathem, and as having
been added to Jiidoea from Samaria (v. 39). 1'he
words and Galilee, in the present verse, are gen-
erally lODked upon (so Grimm, Keil, and others)
as a corruption, or a b'nnder of the writer. Jo-
sephus thought of the di.-trictsof Samaria, Gali-
lee, and Pcriea. Ewald conjectures that the words
hirh -riii are to- be repeated before FaAiXaiat, and
that the latter was meant so to he coordimitecl
with Jnihea. But why is not then Galilee in-
cluded with Judte.i in the .inme connection below 1
Ver. 31. Holy, i. e., sacred, dedicated to God.
— The tenths and the gifts. As necessary to
the support of the teraple and its service, these

526

THE APOCRYPHA.

were also to be free from taxation. Every adult
Israelite was expected to contribute, every year,
half a shekel iu silver for the uses of tlie tem-
ple.

Ver. 33. Every one of the Jews, TlSiray
i|/KxV 'luvSalojy. The language is emphatic and
means all, whether old or young, men or women,
evert/ [sraeliiish person. — Tributes also of their
cattle. The sense is not clear. The reference
may be to a road tax which was imposed on beasts
of burden. Josephus, however, regarded it as
giving to the animals of the Israelites immunity
from a forced courier, and other similar service.
Cf. the LXX. at 1 Kings, ix. 21 ; 2 Chron. viii. 8,
where ^6pos is used to render 'OtZ, as also in
other places.

Ver. 34. Solemn days. It means days espe-
cially set apart for religious ceremonies, and refers
in a general way to the feasts already mentioned,
and others of a like character. — Three days be-
fore the feast and three days after the feast.
This time was allowed iu order to give those liv-
ing at a distance from Jerusalem opportunity to
go and return.

Ver. 36. By thi.s apparent privilege of enter-
ing his army which Demetrius grants to the Jews,
he doubtless means to put a check upon all at-
tempt at revolution on their part, as well as to
provide himself with a potent ally against Alex-
ander.

Ver. 39. A very sagacious stroke on the part of
Demetrius, since this city was now in the possession
of Alexander, although properly belonging to the
former, and a great inducement was thereby of-
fered to the Jews to join the party of Demetrius
and dislodge his enemies from this strongliokl.

Ver. 40. Fifteen thousand shekels of silver.
Cf. on the different values of the shekel, Keil,
ArchdoL, p. 599 ff. ; Smith's Bih. Diet., under
"Shekel" and "JMoney." — From the places
fitting, i. e., where the money could best be spared.
This offer of Demetrius will not appear strange,
when it is remembered that other sovereigns, as
Darius and Artaxerxes (Ez. vi. 3, 7 ; viii. 25) had
devoted money to a similar purpose.

Ver. 41. All the additional, irav rh irX^ova^ov.
Some (Scholz, Gaab) make this refer to any sur-
plus found in the royal treasury after the ex-
penses were paid ! Grimm, with JVlichaelis, sup-
poses that it relates to what was behind in the
amounts pledged to the support of the temple by
previous kings. Tliis immense, outstanding sum
was now to be gradually {kirh rov vvv) paid. But
this seems to us very unlikely on the face of it and
not true to the Greek. The Avord irKfovi^op looks
both backwards and forwards, but is especially
limited by the following relative sentence, " all the
additional, which the officials paid not in as in
the former years," i. e., since the time of the Per-
sians down to Antiochus Epiphanes, this yearly
sum pledged to the support of the temple was
" from now on," to be regularly paid.

Ver. 42. This five tliousand shekels was the
royal tax on the income of the temple from tithes
and gifts (see ver. 31), and on things like wood,
salt, and cattle that were required in Us service.

Ver, 43. The right of asylum in the temple for
insolvent debtors is .something of which the Mosaic
law has nothing to say, but is derived from Greek
custom. Cf. VViner, RenhoBrterbuch, under "Frei-
statt." — And all that they have. None of their
property in the king's realm could in these cir-
cumstances be seized for debt.

Ver. 44. King's revenue (\iyov). This word
is used in the sense of " reckoning," " account,"
in Matt. xii. 36, xviii. 23, and often elsewhere.
Here, as in verse 40, it is to be taken for that
which is reckoned, that is, the income, " ratio, i.
e., impensoriim et expensoram coliatio." Wahl s
Clauis, s. V.

Calovius quoted by Grimm, says properly that
Alexander was not spoken of as first to make
peace in the sense of time but of rank, dignity :
" Princeps pads dicitur non ordine temporis, sed
dignitatis." He had named Jonathan at once
high priest, called him a friend of the king, and
sent a crown and purple mantle as tokens of his
real intentions.

Vers. 49, 50. Grimm and Keil contest Fritz-
sche's reading as given above, the latter urging
that since Demetrius is mentioned in the latter
part of the 50th verse the unknown subject of
iiTTepfaia-e in the previous clause should be Alex-
ander, which would favor the common reading.
What has caused vacillation among authorities is
probably the fact stated by Justin (xxxv. 1, 10),
that there were really two battles between these
kings, in the former of which Demetrius was suc-
cessful. Josejjhus, like the writer of the present
book, seems to speak only of the latter and de-
cisive conflict.

Ver. 51. Ptolemy = Ptolemaeus VI. Philom-
eter, who reigned B. c." 180-145.

Ver. 54. These gifts were simply the usual
presents (~)nD) made on such occasions.

Vers. 62, 63. Cf. the treatment of Joseph
by Pharoah (Gen. xli. 43), and of Mordecai by
Xerxes (Esth. vi. 11).

Ver. 65. Previously (ver. 6), Demetrius had
promised Jonathan the rank of (rrpar-qyis, military
leader, general, and now Alexander gives it to
him in fact. — MepiSdpxv^, governor. He was to
have control, under the king, over one of the
provinces into which, since the time of Seleucus I.,
Ccele-Syria had been divided.

Ver. 67. This landiug of Demetrius II. Nica-
tor, in Cilicia, B. c. 147, took place three years
after Alexander's marriage.

Ver. 68. As Keil remarks, the choice of the
word ^Auiri)8r), to describe the feeliugs of Alexan-
der, is quite in place, since in his luxury and de-
bauchery it was more a feeling of sorrow at being
disturbed by the arrival of Demetrius than of fear
for its consequences to his kingdom. Others sus-
pect a false translation (Michaelis), or give the
word a forced meaning.

Ver. 69. This ApoUonins is supposed to be
the trusted friend of Demetrius I. mentioned by
Polybius (xxxi. 19, 6, xxi. 2), which would ac-
count for his going over so soon to the party of
the son. — Jamnia. Cf. iv. 15.

Ver. 71. Power of the cities. The rich cities
of the coast.

Ver. 72. The allusion to victories which had
been won over the Israelites is probably to be re-
ferred to the two great battles which occurred in
Eli's time, in one of which (1 Sam. iv. 10) the ark
was taken and in the other Saul slain (I Sam.
xxxi). — In their land, i. e., where they had their
choice of position.

Ver. 75. Joppe, the present Jaffa. It was sit-
uated about three geographical miles from Jam-
nia, where the force of ApoUonius was encamped.

Ver. 81. Covered by their shields, the force of
Jonathan received little injury from the hostile
arrows, while the cavalry of ApoUonius became ex-

1 MACCABEES.

527

hausted in a fruitless endeavor to break through
the close ranl<s.

Ver. 83. It was clearly not the cavalry that
fled to the protection of tlie idol tem])le, but the
infantry. 'J'he former could at least keep out of
the way of the Jewish soldiers. — Beth-dagon
= house (temple) of Dagon. J)agon was the
well-known divinity of the Philistines, whose
image was a horrible monstrosity, half fish, half
man.

Ver. 86. Ascalon. The well-known Philistine

city on the coast between Gaza and Ashdod, now
called Askaldn.

Ver. 89. A buckle of gold. Such buckles
were used for fastening the mantle or outer robe
on the shoulder or chest. It would seem that the
right to wear such golden buckles was granted
only to persons of rank. Of. xi. 58 ; xiv. 4+. —
Acoarou. One of the five great Philistine cities,
now known as Akir, from four to five miles east
of Jamnia. — In possession. This may refer
only to the right of levying taxes upon it.

Chaptee XI.

1 And the king of Egypt gathered together many soldiers, as the sand which is ^
upon the sea shore, and many ships, and sought ^ through deceit to get possession

2 of ° Alexander's kingdom, and join it to his kingdom.^ And he went forth ^ into
Syria with words of peace, and ^ they of the cities opened unto him, and met him ;
for king Alexander had commanded that they should meet him,' because /)e was his

3 father-in-law. But when Ptolemy * entered into the cities, he placed' in every one

4 of them his soldiers as a garrison.^" And when he ^^ came near to Azotus, they
showed him the burnt temple of Dagon, and Azotus and the destroyed suburbs
thereof, ^^ and the bodies ^^ cast abroad, and those burnt that Jonathan " burnt in the

5 battle ; for they made ^ heaps of them on his route. And ^'' they told the king
what Jonathan did," to the intent he might blame him ; and ^* the king held his

6 peace. And '^ Jonathan met the king with great honors^ at Joppa, and''^ they

7 saluted one another, and spent the night there. And "'' Jonathan went ^ with the

8 king as far as ^ the river called Eleutherus, and ^^ returned ^^ to Jerusalem. But
the king Ptolemy became master ^' of the cities on the sea coast as far as Seleucia

9 by the sea, and meditated evil plans against Alexander. And ^* he sent ambassa-
dors unto the ^ king Demetrius, saying. Come, let us make a league betwixt us,
and I will give thee my daughter whom Alexander hath, and thou shalt rule '" thy

10 father's kingdom ; for I repent that I gave my daughter unto him, for he sought to

1 1 slay me. And he blamed '^ him, because he was desirous of his kingdom. And ^^

12 he took his daughter from him, and gave her to Demetrius, and became estranged
from Alexander, and ^' their hatred was openly known.

13 And ^* Ptolemy entered into Antioch, and put on the crown of Asia ; yea, he

14 put two crowns upon his head, that*^ of Asia, and of Egypt. But the king Alex-
ander was in Cilicia during this time, because the inhabitants of those parts were in

15 revolt.'* And °' when Alexander heard of it,'* he came to war against him. And

16 Ptolemy ^ led out a mighty force to meet him,*" and put him to flight. And'*'

Vers. 1,2. — ^ A. V. : a great host, like .... that lietk. * went about. * omits possession of. * own.

5 Whereupon he took his journey. ^ in peaceable manner (A6yot? tip-rjvLKoii. Dative of accompaniment), so as.

' theTn so to do.

Vers. 3-5. — 8 a. V. : Now as Pcolemee (Cod. III. 23. al., " Ptolemajs."' Hereafter I shall write this proper name as
above). "set. i» them a garrison o/ soWi'era to keep i(. " (X. 62. 74. 106., the plur.) >2 the temple of D. «Aa(
was burnt .... the suburbs thereof that were destroyed. i3 bodies that were. " them that he bad. ^o had
made. ^^ by the way where he should pass. Also. " yrhatsoever J. bad done. ^^ blame him (see Com.) : but.

Vers. 6, 7. — ^^ A. V. : Then. so pomp. 21 ^h ere. ^^ lodged {€KOL[x.rieij(rav. This verb corresponds to ]^V

in Hebrew, and means to remain over night). Afterward. 23 when he had gone. " to. 26 omits and.

w returned again.

Vers. 8-10. — 27 j^_ y. : King Ptolemee therefore, having gotten the dominion. 25 by the sea unto S. upon the sea
toast, imagined wicked counsels. Whereupon. 29 omits the. *o reign in.

Vers. 11, 12. — 3^ A. V. : Thus did he slander (cf. ver. 5. Codd. III. 23. 64. 74. 106. employ the same verb here as
there). ^2 Wherefore. S3 forsook A. {riWoititdrj toO 'A. The idea of separation is involved in the verb, hence the
Gen. See Buttmann, p. 157 f.), so that.

Vers. 13-16. — 3i a. V. : Then. ^c Antioch, where he set two crowns upon his head (I adopt ihe words above given,
with Fritzsche, from III. X. 23. 52. 55. 62. 64. 106., text. ret. omits), the crown. ^ In the mean season was king A.

in C, because those that dwelt in those parts had revolted yrom him. " But. " of this. ^ whereupon Icing P.
w brought forth his host {rrtv 6ui/a/xiv. Fritzsche strikes out, as wanting in III. X. 23. 52. 55. 62 al.), and met him
With a mighty power (lit., *' And P. led out and met him with a mighty force ''). ^^ So.

528 THE APOCETPHA.

Alexander fled into Arabia, in order to find protection there ; ^ but the king Ptolemy

17 was exalted. And ^ Zabdiel the Arabian took off Alexander's head, and sent i<

18 nnlo Ptolemy. And the king Ptolemy ^ died the third day ;* and they that were

19 ill his* strongholds were slain by the inhabitants of the strongholds.^ And'
Demetrius became king ' in the hundred threescore and seventh year.

20 At that ° time .Jonathan gaihered together them that were of " Juda;a, to take
the fortress '^ that was in Jerusalem ; and he made many engines of war against it.

21 And certain apostates,'^ who hated their nation, '^ went unto the king, and told him

22 that Jonathan besieged the fortress. And on hearing it," he was angry ; but when
he had heard it he at once removed, and'* came to Ptolemais, and wrote unto Jona-
than, that he should not lay siege to it, and that he should meet him for an inter-

23 view at Plolemais as soon as possible. But '^ Jonathan, when he heard iliis. com-
manded to can y on the siege ; " and he chose some out of " the elders of Israel

24 and the priests, and put himself in peril. And he '^ took silver and gold, and rai-
ment, and otlier presents '" besides, and went to Ptolemais unto the king, and^' found

25 favor in his sight. And certain apostates from the nation made '^ complaints against

26 him. And^^ the king treated^'' him as his predecessors treated him,^ and promoted

27 him in the sight of all his friends. And he ^"confirmed him in the high priesthood, ^'
and in all other honors ^' that he had before, and caused him to be reckoned -'

28 among his chief" friends. And'' Jonathan desired of ^^ the king, that lie would
make Juda-a free from tribute, as also the three toparchies of Samaria,^' and he

29 promised him three hundred talents. And '■* the king consented, and wrote letters
unto Jonathan concerning'* all these things after this manner :

30 King Demetrius unto his brother Jonathan, and unto the nation of the Jews,

31 sendfth greeting. We write to you also the copy of tlie letter which we wrote unto

32 our kinsman "^ Lasthenes concerning you, that ye may know of it." King Deme-

33 trius unto his '' father Lasthenes sendeth greeting. We have '" determined to do
good to the nation ^^ of the Jews, who are our friends, and observe their obligations

34 towards ^' us, because of their good will to *'^- us. Wherefore we have ratified unto
them both'" the borders of Judi3ea, and " the three provinces,** Aphserema and
Lydda and Kamatliem, that are ** added unto Judaea from Samaria,*' and all things
aiipertaining*' unto them. To *° all such as do sacrifice in Jerusalem, me cemii
what WHS to he paid in place of the revenue *° which the king formerly received

35 from *' them yearly out of the products *'^ of the earth and of the fruit trees,*' and
the** other things that belong unto us from this time forth,** of the tithes and cus-
toms that belong*'' unto us, also *' the salt pits, and the crown taxes that belong*'

3G unto us, we remit all freely to them.*" And nothing hereof shall be revoked from

37 this time forth for ever. Now therefore see that thou make a copy of these things,
and let it be delivered unto Jonathan, and let it be placed *" upon the holy mount
in a conspicuous place.

38 And when the " king Demetrius saw that the land was quiet before him, and
that no resistance was made against him, he discharged *^ all his soldiers,*^ every

Vers. 16-19. — I A. V. : there to bo defendetl. 2 for. s l^jng p. also. « day a/ier. 5 the

(FritzPche receives ixvrov from III. X. 23. 52. al. ; text. rec. omits). o oue of another (lit., by those in the strongholds).
' By this means. 8 reigned.

Vers. 20-23. — ^^ A. V. : tlie same. ^o in. 'i take (^Kn-oXe/irja-at) the tower. 12 Then .... ungodly persons.

*3 own people. ^* tower : Whereof yf\icT\ he heard. *" and immediately removing, he. 'O tjje tower (the word

oKpa is striclten out by Fritzsohe as wanting in 111. X. 23. 52. al.), but come and spealt with him at P. in great baste.
NeverthelefJS. i' hwxtt^a it still. is rerlaiii oi.

Vers. 24-26. — 1" A. V. : omits he. 20 divers presents (^eVia, i. e., guest-gifts). 21 where he. ^- though ceTt&m
ungodly me<i of the people had made. 23 ygt, 21 entreated. 25 iiad done before.

Vers. 27-29. — =« A. V. : omits he. 27 ( Lit., " the high priesthood to him.") " all the honors. 20 gave him
pre-fmincncc leTTot^irei' . . . t ^yeio-eai). ^'^ his {rihv) chief. 3i 'piien. ^^ omits of . ^^ governments with the
country of S. (see Com.). s* Ho. 35 of.

Vers. 31-34. — 3" A. V. : send yon here a . . . . did write unto our cousin. 37 might see it. 38 i^s (^jj so ara
10 penple. " keep covenants with. ^2 towards. *3 omits both fre). « with. *r. governments of.

M that are (see Com.). " the country of S. « ImyitvpovyTct. One of the derived meanings is to be eontisruous to.
Elsewhere in the LXX. at Numb. xxxy. 4. So, too, Polyb. iii. 59, 7.) "> For. » .1., instead of (see Com.) the

payments. " king received of. »2 aforetime out of the fruits. <" of trees (aKpoSpiiiui-).

Vers. 35-37. — ^ A.Y. . And as for. w omits from this time forth. eg pertaining. tn as also. M crown

taxes, which are due. ™ discharge them of them all for their relief (iirnpicis irapieiiti'. FriUsche adopts liropm'oB-

lieK from III. 23. 66. al. ; X. 44. 71., eirap«eVii)fiei'). «" and set.

Ver. 38 — <» A. V. : After tliis, when, 02 sent away. «3 forces.

1 MACCABEES. 529

one to his own place, except the foreign mercenaries/ whom he had enlisted ^ from

39 the isles of the heathen ; and ^ all the" forces of his father hated him. But Tryphon
was earlier an adherent of Alexander ; and wlien he saw * that all the soldiers ^
murmured against Demetrius, he ° went to Imalcuaa ' the Arabian, that brought

40 up Autiochus the young son of Alexander. And he * lay sore upon him in order
that he might" deliver him to him,'" that he might reign in his father's stead.
And ^^ he told him all '^ that Demetrius had done, and of the enmity which his soldiers

41 felt towards ^^ him ; and he remained there " a long season. And ^^ Jonathan sent
unto the '* king Demetrius, that he would remove those of the fortress from " Je-

42 rusalem, and those in the strongholds, because" they fought against Israel. And"
Demetrius sent unto Jonathan, saying, I will not only do this for thee and thy

43 nation,-^" but I will greatly honor thee and thy nation, if opportunity serve. Now
therefore thou wilt •^' do well, if thou send me men to help me ; ^■' for all my soldiers

44 have revolted. And ^^ Jonathan sent him three thousand valiant ^^ men unto Anti-

45 och; and they went'-"* to the king, and the king was tJer-y gladof their coming. And
the inhabitants of the city ^^ gathered themselves together into the midst of the city,
about ■^' an hundred and twenty thousand men, and would have slain the king.

46 And ^° the king fled into the palace ; and the inhabitants ^' of the city took possession

47 of the streets ^° of the city, and began to fight. And^' the king called on ^^ the Jews
for help, and they assembled ^^ unto him all at once ; and they dispersed themselves
all at once in ^^ the city ; and they ^ slew that day in the city about *^ an hundred

48 thousand. And '' they set fii'e to ^' the city, and took ^' many spoils that day, and
4'J saved "" the king. And when the inhabitants " of the city saw that the Jews had

got possession of the*'' city as they would, their courage gave out;" and" they

50 cried as suppliants to the king,'"' saying. Grant us peace, and let the Jews cease

51 lighting against*' us and the city. And" they cast away their** weapons, and
made peace. And the Jews were honored in the sight of the king, and in the sight
of all that were in his realm ; and they returned to Jerusalem, having great spoils.

52 And the *" king Demetrius sat on the throne of his kingdom, and the land was quiet

53 before him. And he proved false respecting ^° all that he promised,^^ and estranged
himself from Jonathan, and repaid him not according to'^^ the benefits which he
had received of him, and oppressed him^^ sore.

54 But after this Tryphon returned,'^* and with him the young child Antiochus ; and

55 he became king, and put on a crown. '^^ And ^^ there gathered unto him all the men
of war, whom Demetrius h id discharged,^' and they fought against him, and he fled

56, 57 and was routed. And^' Tryphon took the elephants, and won Antiooh. And
the ™ young Antiochus wrote unto Jonathan, saying, I confirm thee in the high
priest-hood, and appoint thee over ^ the four provinces,"^ and thou shalt be one ^-^ of

58 the king's friends. And ^^ he sent him a service of gold,'** and gave him leave to

59 drink in gold, and to be clothed in purple, and to wear a golden buckle. His brother

Ver. 89. — ' A. V. : «r/am bands of strangers. ^ gathered. a wherefore (see Com.). * MoreoTer there was one
Tryphon, that had been of Alexander's part afore, who seeing. '> host. o omiis ho. ' Simalcue (I read with

the majority of the best MSS. The 2. probably came from the preceding word).

Vers. 40-42. ^ A. V. : omits he. t* him to. ^'^ him tkis youn^ Antiochus. ii om/i5 And. ^^ therefore aU.

»3 how his men of war were at enmity with. " there he remained. ^ In the mean time. " omits the.

17 cast .... tower oat of. ^^ also in the fortresses : for. i^ So. ^° people.

Vers. 43-45. — ^^ A. V. : shalt. 22 (Fritzsche receives /xoi from III. X. 23. 55. al. ; text. rec. omits.) 23 forces

are gone from m«. Upon this. 2^ strong men (see Com.). ^ when they came. 2» Howbeit they that were of

the city. 27 to the number of.

Vers. 46-43. — ^^ A. V. ; Wherefore. 20 court, but they. 30 j^ept the passages (cf. on 5io3o?, the LXX. at Deut.
xiii. 16 ; Jer. Tii. 81 ; Is. xi. 15 ; .ludith vii. 23). '^ Then. 32 to. 33 ^ho came. 3' and [the Antiocbians]
dispersing themselves, through (Fritzsche strikes out n-dires a/xa with III. X. 23. 44. 52. al.). 35 omits and they

(= the Jews). 30 to the number of. 31 Also. 38 on. 39 gat. M delivered.

Vers. 49-51. *' A. V. : So when they. *2 got the. « was abated. 4* wherefore. *5 made supplication to

the king and cried. " from assaulting. " With that. *» Only the article in the Greek. The Antiochians are
meant.

Vers. 52 53. ^^A.V.: So king, ca j^evertheless he dissembled in. ci ever he spake (lit., " he falsified all things

as many as he said "). ^•- neither rew.irded he him nrrnrdiii^ to iKa.Ta). "3 but troubled him very.

Vers. 54-57. ■'^ A. V. : After this returned T. "3 w'no reigned, and was crowned. 30 Then. "7 put away (III.

23. 44. 62. al., aireo-icopdicta-ei', ca^t off utterly, i. e., sent off in disgrace). 3S Demetrius lavTov), who turned his back

and fled. Moreover. 30 At that time. 3" ruler over. 3i governments. 32 to be one (lit., and t/iat thou

ie of).

Vers 63-€0 °^ A V. : Upon this. " golden vesselj to be served in (lit., golden vessels, namely (Kai), a sep-

34

630

THE APOCRYPHA.

Simon also he appointed military governor from the ^ ladder of Tyrus unto the bor-

60 ders of Egypt. And ^ Jonathan went forth, and passed over the river, and through
the cities,* and all the forces of Syria gathered themselves unto him as allies in war ; *

61 and when he came to Ascalon,^ they of the city met him with honors.' And he de-
parted from thence unto Gaza ; and ' they of Gaza shut him out. And * he laid

62 siege unto it, and burned the suburbs thereof with fire, and spoiled them.' And ■"'
they of Gaza made supplication unto Jonathan, and '^ he made peace with them,
and took the sons of their chief men for hostages, and sent them to Jerusalem, and

63 passed through the country unto Damascus. And ^'^ Jonathan heard that Demetrius'
generals had ^^ come to Cades, which is in Galilee, with a great force, ^* purposing

64 to remove him from his office. And he ■'* went to meet them, but ^' left Simon his

65 brother in the country. And " Simon encamped against Bethsura, and fought

66 against it a long season, and shut it up. And ■'* they desired of him to grant them
peace, and he granted it to them ; '^ and he '"' put them out from thence, and took the

67 city, and set a garrison in it. And ^' Jonathan and his army ^ pitched at the water

68 of Gennesar, and early ^^ in the morning advanced ^ to the plain of Asor.^ And
behold, an army of foreigners ^' met them in the plain ; and they had laid an am-

69 bush ^^ for him in the mountains, but ^° came themselves to meet him.^* And ^ they
that lay in ambush rose out of their places,*^ and joined battle. And *^ all that

70 were of Jonathan's side fled, not even ^^ one of them was ** left, except Mattathias the

71 ion of Absalom, ^^ and Judas \h& son of Clialphi,"' leaders of the army. And''

72 Jonathan rent his clothes, and cast earth upon his head, and prayed. And he turned

73 around against them*' to battle, and "^ put them to flight, and they fled.^° And"
when his own men that fled *'■'■ saw this, they turned again unto him, and with him

74 pursued tliem to Cades, as far as their camp ; *' and there they camped. And there
fell of the foreigners " that day about three thousand men ; and ^^ Jonathan re-
turned to Jerusalem.

Tice," 8t.aKQvia.v. This word was often so used by Athenseus, and is so rendered here by the best critics). ^ made

captain from the place called The. 2 Then. 3 passed through the cities beyond the water (the order is different

in the Qreelt. The river Jordan is meant). ^ for to help A/m. '•{Of. x. 86.) ^ honourably.

Vers. 61-64. — ' A. V. : From whence he went to Gaza, bat. » wherefore. ^ {o-vtol ; avTas, III. X. 23. 44. al.)

10 Afterward, when. ^i omits and. 12 No\y when. 13 princes (Fritzsche receives rCiv ap. from III. X. 23. 44. 55.
al.)were. "power. i» out of the country (so 44. 71. 76. 93. 134. Co. Aid.). He. "and.

Vers. 65-71. — ^^ A. V. : Then. ^^ but. 1" desired to have peace with him, which .... granted them.

^^ then. 21 4g for. 22 host, they. 23 from whence betimes. 24 they gat them. 25 Nasor (Fritzsche adopts

A(T(6p from X. 44. al. Joseph. Syr. Old Lat. ; text, rec., Nao-top. The last letter of the previous word was probably the
occasion of the change). 26 the (the art. is found in X. 23. 64. 93.) host of strangers. 27 .^i^q having laid men in

ambush (ele^aAoM ei'eSpoi'). as o?nits b\it. 29 over against Aim. so So when. 31 (Cf. ix.40.) 32 ojnits

And. 3;) insomuch cts there was not. 34 o7Tiits was. 35 (The Greek of Fritzsche's text is 'Ai//aAu»/iou, as III. 23.

55. al. ; text, rec, 'A^etro-aAwfiou, which is the usual form in the LXX. of the Heb. word for " Absalom.") 36 Calphi
(which is another form for 'AA(/)atosJ. 37 the captains of the host. Then.

Vers. 72-74. — 38 ^^ y. ; Afterwards turning again. 39 he. " so they ran away. *l Now. *2 were fled.

*3 even unto their own tents. " So there were slain of the heathen. *3 but

Chaptee XL

Ver. 1. The view here taken of Ptolemy dif-
fers from that of Diodorus Siculus (cf. Miiller,
Fragm.Hist.Graec, ii. p.xvi.,No. 19) and Josephiis,
xiii. 4, § 5, according to whom, on account of liis
relationship to Alexander he came with honor-
able intentions and sought to help him. That
may indeed have been his ostensible object ; but
he really intended, as it afterwards appears, to
gain the kingdom for himself.

Ver. 5. To the intent (he) might blame, eis
r'b ^oyriaat. Thi.s verb is a less usual form for
ij/eyw and means literally to make smaller, but is
always used metaphorically, and means to lessen In/
evil report, to disparage. (3odd. III. 23. 64. 74. 106.
read ^oylcrai from 4071^01.

Ver. 7. Eleutherus. This river formed a
boundary line betvv( en Syria jind Phoenicia. It
now bears the name of N'uhr-el- Keber . Cf . xii, 20.
It is a very small stream in summer, but in winter
becomes a large and swift river.

Ver. 8. Seleuoia by the sea. So named to
distinguish it from other cities founded by Seleu-
cus Nicator and similarly named. It was situ-
ated not far from the mouth of the Orontes, and
from twelve to fifteen miles from Antioch.

Ver. 10. For he sought to slay me. Our
author seems to represent that this was a simple
pretense on the part of Ptolemy. But Josephus
(Antiq., xiii. 4, § 6) states that a favorite of Alex-
ander, a certain Ammonius, had really attempted
to assassinate Ptolemy. Cf. Liv., Epit., chap. 1.

Ver. 12. Openly known. It was a matter of
fact, he means to say, before, at the verv outset of
his campaign, and now became openly known.
Neither the account of onr author nor that of
Josephus, who follows in the main Diodorus Sic-
ulus at this )ioint, can be cons-idered free from
prejudice. The one represents Alexander in too
favorable a light, the other, Ptolemy. Grimm thus
characterizes the whole matter (Com., in loc.) :

1 MACCABEES.

531

" No doubt he undertook the campaign spoken
of under the guise of acting as ally of Alexander
( 1 Mace. xi. 1 ), but with the real intention of recov-
ering Coele-Syria (Diodorus), and assuring to him-
self the actual dominion of the remainder of Syria.
(His promise to the citizens of Antioch with refer-
ence to Demetrius, mentioned by Josephns, proves
this.) For this purpose he required a pliant tool
that would be vassal and ward of the Egyptian
crown, while holding the title of king of Syria,
whether this were his son-in-law or Demetrius II.
Alexander, becoming cognizant of this plan,
brought about the attempted assassination ( Jose-
phus), upon which Ptolemiius threw off the mask
and came to an understanding with Demetrius re-
specting the ceding of Coele-Syria, and played his
rSle at Antioch, of which Josephus speaks."

Ver. 16. 'Was exalted. This may mean :" He
attained to the highest degree of power," or " he
was highly esteemed." Keil prefers the former.
Cf. i. 3.

Ver. 17. Diodorus' account is {Mixller, Fragm.
Hist. Grcec, ii., p. xvi., No. xxi.) that Alexander
was murdered by two officers who accompanied
him in his flight, as recompense for a pardon
promised by Demetrius II.

Ver. 18. Died the third day. Cf. Josephus
{Antiq., xii. 4, § 8), Polyb. (xl., xii. 1), and Liv.
{Epit., lii.) Josephus states that Ptolemy's horse
became frightened during a battle, by the roar of
an elephimt, that he was thrown from it, severely
wounded in the head by the enemy, and only with
difficulty was rescued by his body-guard; and
that after lying unconscious for four days he be-
came conscious on the fifth, and saw with pleasure
the head of his enemy, which was shown him.

Ver. 20. The garrison of Syrian soldiers in
Jerusalem was not therefore included in the state-
ment of the 18th verse.

Ver. 22. 'Afa^ei5|ar. Lit. having yoked up. Cf.
1 Esdras ii. 30, viii. 61 ; Judith xvi. 21. The
word is also used of an army when it breaks up
its encampment, and Josephus ha.s so understood
its use here, although clearly without sufficient
ground.

Ver. 26. As his predeoe^ors. Alexander
Balas and Philometor.

Ver. 27. Confirmed, iaT-riaev. Cf. vii. 9, 29,
x. 69.

Ver. 28. And the three toparchies of Sama-
ria. According to the Greek the three toparchies^
Kai T7JI/ "Siaiiapilriv. It is not easy to understand
why Jonathan should include the hated Samaria
in his request. In fact, while the reading above
given is found in all the MSS., still it is plain
that it is false, and to be corrected from x. 30
and ver. 34 below. The privilege here asked for
had been promised by Demetrius I., but rejected
by the Jews. It is not possible to decide from
the text whether the three hundred talents here
spoken of were to be paid every year, or once for
all. But in view of what is said in ver. 35, it is
likely that the latter was the case.

Ver. 29. And the king consented. Whether
the words or the presents of Jonathan had the
greater influence is not said.

Ver. 31 . The Lasthenes, whom Demetrilis here
calls " kinsman " (<rvjyivei), and in the next
rerse irar'fjp, was, according to Josephus (Antiq.,
Kiii. 4, § 3), the Cretan who rai.sed an army for
Jiis king, when he made his fir.'^t descent upon
the coast. The letter was directed to Lasthenes
probablv because he held some such position as

first minister in the kingdom, or was governor of
Ccele-Syria. It depends, as Grimm has shown,
upon the question whether the first title men-
tioned is meant to be taken in the usual sense, or
as a sort of court title. In the latter case Las-
thenes was probably prime minister, or grand
vizier, of the kingdom.

Ver. 34. Aphserema and Lydda and Kam-
athem. The first place is thought to be Ephraiin,
where our Lord found refuge just before his cru-
cifixion. Cf. John xi. 54. Lydda is the Lud of
the Old Testament (1 Chron. viii. 12, "Lod"),
and still bears the same name, lying between
Joppa and Jerusalem. It was at one time called
Diospolis. Raniathem is thought by some to be
tlie " Arimathea " of Matt, xxvii. 57 ; Luke xxiii.
51 ; John xix. 38 ; by others, the Rama which
lay north of Bethel in the neighborhood of Shiloh ;
and by still others, Ramleh, situated southwest
from Lydda. — In place of the revenue. The
sense is not quite clear. Something is probably
wanting in the Greek before avrl toiv ^aaiXiKiav.
Michaelis would supply the thought that Jona-
than was to pay 300 talents for the privilege here
granted. Grimm, however, would simply insert
tA. before iivri. I have adopted the latter suppo-
sition, rendering it, however, freely as above, sup-
plying the verb which is found at the end of ver.
35, and repeating it again there. A new sen-
tence seems to begin with iraai rots Svutd^ovctv.
Fritzsche, on the contrary, places a full stop after
aKpoSpijajVy strikes out c'Itlv^s before irpoaeT^Q^ffav
as wanting in III. X. 44. 62. al., begins a new sen-
tence with the latter, and joins ttSo-i toIs Botni^ov-
(Tiv with Tr6,vTa tk auyKvpovvra kvTots. Keil re-
marks, that he is not able to get any reasonable
sense out of the passage as thus constructed. If
the construction above be followed, it would ap-
pear that the Samaritans and the Greek party
among the Jews would be excluded from the pro-
visions here made for those worshipping at Jeru-
salem.

Ver. 38. Isles of the heathen. Rhodes, Cy-
prus, and the islands of the Archipelago.

Ver. 39. Tryphon. His real name was Dio~
dolus. The name Tryphon (debauchee) was given
to him later. Cf. Liv:, Epit., lii. and Iv.

Ver. 40. According to Livy [Epit., lii.), this
son of Antiochus was at this time but two years
old. — Eemained there a long season. He did
not leave off importuning the guardian of the
child until he gained his consent to his own plans.
Cf. below, ver. 54.

Ver. 43. AU my soldiers have revolted. In
verse 38 we read that the king himself had dis-
missed these soldiers. Still, he bad done it, as it
would seem, because he was afraid of them, hav-
ing got their hatred through cruelty and neg-
lect. So Livy [Epit., Hi.) ; "06 critdeiitatem, quam
per tormertta in suos exercebat." Others (Justin,
xxxv. 1, 9) allege different reasons.

Ver. 44. AvyaToiis laxvt This expression cor-
responds to the Hebrew 7^n ^7/'^—-! ^^^ means
" brave men," " heroes," who would not hesitate
to give their lives for any cause for which they
fought. Cf. ii. 42, X. 19, and the LXX., at 1
Chron. vii. 2, 7, 40.

Ver. 47. An hundred thousand. This cannot
be regarded as anything more than an estimate,
j The present account, moreover, is properly to be
emended by that of Josephus, in that it seems to
' represent that the 3,000 Jews were the only sol-

532

THE APOCRYPHA.

diiTs figlitiiiij on tlie side of the king. Joseplius,
on tlie coinrHiy, speaks of tlie king's foreign sol-
diers ,'is lieing tilso engMgeil. [Aittiq., xiii. 5, § 3.)

^'er. 53. Oppressed him sore. Aeeovding to
Josei Ims, it ivns hy tluTiiieiiing liiiii witfi war if
he (lid not pnv the tnxos which tlie Jews had been
aeciis'onied to pay to ji'evioiis Syiinn kings.

Ver. .'j6. The elephants. Cf. rcni.nrks nt vi.
3.5. It was re(|nired of ihe Syrian kings, on the
part of tlie Honiiuis, that they shonid not nse
elephants in haltle. Keil an<l (iiinini tliiiik that
these animals may ha\c come into the possession
of Deinetrins frnm the Kgyptian army after the
de:ith of Pioletny Philometor.

Ver. 57. Four provinces. Jndsca (so Ganb,
Scholz, Grimm) is .enpjiosed to he meant in addi-
tion to tlie three mentioned in verse 34. Mieha-
elis and Keil, however, think it must have been
Ekron, siuee Jiidiea would liardly have been
called a yoix6s, and [ilaced on ahvel with theothers.

Ver. 59. The ladder of Tyrus. According
to .Josephus (/Jel. Jnd., ii. 10, § 2) this was a liigh
mountain a hundred furlongs nortli of I'tolemais,
the lids en-Ndkiiriih of the present day.

Ver. 60. Forces of Syria. The disaffected
troops of Demetrius are meant.

Ver. 61. Shut (him) out". They hiid es]joused
the cause of IJemetrins II. and still remained
faithful to him. Cf. x. 75.

Ver. 63. Cades (tT'lP), the Levitical city on
the mountains of Naphtali. Cf. Josh. xii. 22.
There is still a village hero bearing this name.

Ver. 65. Bethsura. Cf. iv. 29, vi. 50, ix. 52.

It was the key to Juda;a from the side of Idu-
miea.

Ver. 67. Genncsar. This is the ^^ oil-known

lake of Gennesareth. — Asor, Ileb. ~l1"'n. It
was a city belonging to ihe tribe Naplitali, and
lay .'■ouih of Cadesli.

Ver. 68. Army of foreigners. This refers to
the mercenaries in the service of Dcnietrins. Cf.
iv. 12, uhcre the word is used for Philistines.

Ver. 71. Jonathan was high priest, and accord-
ing to the Mosaic law was only jjermitted to rend
bis clothes on occasions of greiit national calami-
tics. Cf. Lev. X. 6; Malt. xxvi. 65. — Earth, i.e.,

dust, ipy . Cf. Ps. xviii. 42.

Ver. 72. If this statement is to be taken liter-
ally, it could have been nothing less than a mir-
acle which enabled Joniitlntn to win a victoiy
against such odds. It is probable that his forces
juined him early in the conflict. Grimm remarks
that the iiresent ]3articijjle shows that the soldiers
of Jonathan were in the act of flight, hence per-
haps, did not simply partici]nitc in the pursuit of
the enemy as the historian states in verse 73, but
contributed also toward deciiliug the conflict it-
self.

Ver. 73. They camped. They desisted from
further battle, ajiparently finding the position of
the enemy too strong for them.

Ver. 74. Three thousand men. Josephus
says there were two thousand slain.

Chapter XII.

1 And ^ when Jonathan saw that the time served him, he selected ^ men, and sent

2 ihe7n to Rome, to ° confirm and renew the mutual' friendship with"* them. He

3 sent letters also to the Spartans, ° and to other places, of the same import.' And ^
they went unto Rome, and entered into the senate, and said, Jonathan the high
priest, and the nation ° of the Jews, sent us,^° to the end that we should renew for

4 them the mutual friendship and " league, as in former time. And they '^ save them
letters unto the people from place to ^^ place, that they should escort " ''them into

5 the land of Judtca in peace.^^ And this is the copy of the letter ^^ which Jonathan
wrote to the Spartans : "

6 Jonathan, high " priest, and the council of elders '' of the nation, and the priests,
and the rest of the people ^^ of the Jews, unto the Sjjartans their ^^ brethren send

7 greeting. There were letters sent already '•'^ in times past unto Onias the high
priest from Arius,^" who reigned '^ among you, to signify that you are our brethren,

8 according to the inclosed copy.^*^ And Onias gave an honorable reception to the
man that was sent,'" and received the letters, wherein full announcement was made

9 concerning '" the league and friendship. And we therefore,^* albeit we need none
10 of these things, since ^' we have the holy books "" in our hands to comfort us, have

' tor to. • omils mutual (the middle voice = " to renew on

" Lacedemonians. ' for the same pttrfiose ((cara ri aina. Tho
0 us uyito you, ii you should renew tlie friendship

" bring. 13

w tlie elders.

peaceably
2» otlier

Ver.s, 1-3. — ^ A.V. : Now. 2 chose cerlolit.

both aide.^, mutually "). 0 that tkei/ had with,
art. is omitted by III. X. 62. al.). « So. " people

wtiidi you haJ with them and.

Vers. 4-6 — '- .4. V. : Upon this the Romnijs. 13 thf govemoTS (aiiTov's) 0/" every.

'» letters (cf. .^. 17, and Winer, p. 176). " Lacedemonians. i» tjie (so 23. 00.) high,
people (see rnm.). 21 I.ruedcmonians (Ae/r (Tor?).

Ver. 7. — =■- k. V. : onuls alreaily (for in., 64. Aid. have iirci). 2= Darius (so the MSS., but Fritz'che receives

kpdov from JoseuUus (xii. 4, §10|, and the Old Lat. Cf. ver. 20, where the corrupt form 'Oi-iap,; suggests the original
form of the word). =* reigned tken. ^ as the copy here underwritten doth specify (lit., ■' as the copy under-

lies '■).

Vers. 8-10. — ^o A. V. : At which time 0. entreated the ambassador .
the. 2» Xberefore we also. 2» for that. so boolia of scripture.

. honourably. 27 declaration was made of

I MACCABEES. 533

undertaken ^ to send for the purpose of renewing, mutually, the ^ brotherhood and
friendship with you,^ lest we should become strangers unto you ; * for there hath ^

11a long time passed since you sent unto us. We therefore at all times without
ceasing, both at the" feasts, and the remaining suitable' days, do remember you
in the sacrilices which we offer, and in our * prayers, as it is needful and fit to remem-

12, 13 ber" brethren ; and we rejoice at your glory. But as ^^ for ourselves, we have
had many afflictions ^^ and many ''^ wars on every side, and " the kings that are

14 round about us have fought against us. We did not wish now to " be troublesome

15 unto you, nor to the rest ^^ of our allies " and friends, in these wars ; for we have
the help of " heaven that succoreth us, and we have been ^^ delivered from our ene-

16 jnies, and our enemies have been humiliated.'" So we have selected ''" Niimenius the
son of Antiochus, and Autipater the son of Jason, and sent them unto the Romans,

17 to renew the mutual^' friendships'^ with them, and the former league. AVe com-
manded them therefore to go ''^ also unto you, and to salute you, and to deliver you

18 our letter s* concerning the renewing^ of our brotherhood. And now ye will '" do

19 well to give us au answer thereto. And this is the copy of the letter ^^ which they
sent to Onias : ^' '

20,21 Arius s" king of the Spartans'" to Onias, high"' priest, greeting. It hath
been '^ found in writing, that the Spartans ^ and Jews are brethren, and that tliey

22 are of the race '* of Abraham. And now,''^ since this hath come to our knowledge,'"

23 you will " do well to write unto us of your prosperitj'. And "^ we will "" write back
also *" to you, that your cattle and your ■" goods are ours, and ours are yours. We
do command therefore our ambassadors to make report unto you on this wise.

24 And *^ when Jonathan heard that Demetrius' generals had returned " with a more
numerous force than before ^* to fight against him, he removed from Jerusalem,

25 and went to meet ^° them in the land of Amathitis ; *^ for he gave them no respite "

26 to invade *' his country. He sent spies also into *" their camp, and they returned,^"
and told him that they were arranging for this purpose, to fall ''''■ upon them in the

27 night.^^ But when the sun went down,""' Jonathan commanded his men to watch, and
to be in arms, that all the night long they might be ready ^* to fight ; and ** he sent

28 forth sentinels round about the camp.^^ And " when the adversaries heard that
Jonathan and his men were ready for battle, they feared, and trembled in their

29 hearts, and they kindled fires in their camp, and departed.^* But^^ Jonathan and

30 his men^° knew it not till the morning, for they saw the fires" burning. And^^
Jonathan pursued after them, and °^ overtook them not, for they went "* over the

31 river Eleutherus. And *^ Jonathan turned against "" the Arabians, who are •" called

32 Zabadseans,^* and smote them, and took their spoils. And removing thence, he came

33 to Damascus, and ^^ passed through all the country. Simon also went forth, and

Vers. 10-12. —1 A. V. : nevertheless attempted. ' unto you for the renewing of (t^V). " omits with you.

« you altogether. " is. " in our. ' other conTenient. " our (Taii). » reason is, and as it hecometh us

to thinli upon our.

Vers 12-15. — "> A. V. ; and we are right glad of your honour. As. " great troubles. "- omits many.

IS forsomuch as. " Howbeit (Fritzsche strikes out Kai, with III. X. 23. 44. 62. al.) we Ti'ould not. 1= others.

M confederates. " hiiTC help from. " so as we are. '° are brought under foot.

Vers. 16-lS. — ™ A. V. : For this cause we chose. ^t omits mutual (cf. Ter. 3). "-' amity that we had. « also
to go. =* letters (cf . -per. 6). » (/(ai = namely.) '" Wherefore .... shall.

Vers. 19-21. - 2' A. V. : letters. 2» Oniares sent (S,v iireVT^Aa.' 'Oz-i,. Fritzsche receives the plur. of the verb from
III X 23. 62 al. The reading of the proper name, as in the A. V., seems to have arisen from running together the
two words -Ow-, and'Apfios). '" Areus (cf. ver. 7. and Com.). <"> Lacedemonians. " the high. 32 is.

83 Lacedemonians. 34 stock.

Vers. 22, 23. — 33 A. V. : now therefore. 36 is come knowledge (lit., " since we learned these things ).

a' shall. ' 33 omits And. =0 do. " again (SI). " omits your.

Vers '4-26 — " A. V. : Now. « princes were come. " with a greater host than afore. '■• and met.

«« Amathis (see Com.). «' (ivoxv = a /mldivg bark, especially of hostilities, an nrmistiee.) «» enter (T adopt marg.
reading). " unto. to their (III. X. 23. 44. al., the sing.) tents, who came again. " appointed to come (ovras —
text, rec , ovrta — Taaaovrai ^ntireaeiv). ^- night season. .,».,. *. ■

Vers '7-2^ —'" A V : \Vhercfore as soon aa was down {iiv). " (the Kai before r,TO,.ii.a.(e^Ba.i is wanting in

III X 4 00 62 74 106 Co., and is rejected by Fritzsche). »3 also. 3n host. 37 But. ^ (l.-ritzsche receives
■,arav,x<^PW<^v from 19. 62. 61. 93. Syr. and Jo.-^cphus. Of. Com.) 3° Uowbeit. «<- company. »' lights (cf.

Vera 30-32 —«2A V : Then. « but. »« were gone. 03 ivhcrefore. »3 to. "were. «8 (Fritzscho
adopts this form of the word from X. III. 23. 64. 74. 106. Co. ; text, rec, Za^.iaiov,. Josephus has Na^aTawvj, but it
is clearly a mistake.) '" and so.

534 THE APOCRYPHA.

passed through the country unto Ascalon, and the neighboring fortresses, and ■^ he

34 turned towards ^ Joppe, and won it. For he had heard that they would deliver the
fortress ^ unto them that took Demetrius' part ; and he placed * a garrison there to

35 keep it. Ajid Jonathan returned, and when he had called ^ the elders of the peo-

36 pie together, he consulted with them about building strong holds in Judoea, and mak-
ing the walls of Jerusalem higher, and raising a great mount between the fortress °
and the city, to ' separate it from the city, that ' it might be alone, so that they

37 could ^ neither sell nor buy.'" And ■'^ they came together to fortify the city, and
part of the wall toward the brook on the east side fell ; ^^ and they repaired that

38 which Mas called Chaphenatha." Simon also fortified Adida in the lowland," and
provided it with strong ^^ gates and bars.

39 And ^° Tryphon sought " to get the kingdom of Asia, and to put on the crown,

40 and to stretch out his hand against Antiochus the king. And ^^ he was cautious
lest ■'' Jonathan would not suffer him, and lest ^° he would fight against him ; and ^
he sought a way to take him,^^ that he might kill him ; ^^ and ^* he removed, and

41 came to Bethsan. And ^ Jonathan went out to meet him with forty thousand men

42 chosen for the battle, and came to Bethsau. And ^^ when Tryphon saw that he '"

43 came with a great '^^ force, he durst not stretch his hands '^ against him. And he re-
ceived him with honors, and introduced*" him unto all his friends, and gave him
gifts, and commanded his men of war to be obedient *^ unto him, as to himself.

44 Unto Jonathan also he said. Why hast thou put all this people to trouble,^^ seeing

45 there is no war threatening^* us ? And now send them to their homes ; but choose
for thyself ** a few men who shall be with *^ thee, and come *" with me to Ptolemais,
and *' I will give it over to *' thee, and the rest of the strongholds and the rest of
the *^ forces, and all that are over the offices, and *" I will return and depart ; for

46 this is the reason why I am here. And he trusting in *^ him did as he bade him,

47 and sent away his forces, and they departed *^ into the land of Juda.^* But " with
himself he retained three '^ thousand men, of whom he sent two thousand into Gal-

48 ilee, while ^' one thousand went with him. But when^'^ Jonathan entered into
Ptolemais, they of Ptolemais shut the gates, and took him, and all them that came

49 with him they slew with the sword. And Tryphon sent a force of footmen ** and

50 horsemen into Galilee, and *^ the great plain, to destroy all Jonathan's men.^ And "
when they learned that he °^ and they that were with him had been ^ taken and
slain, they encouraged one another, and marched with closed ranks,^^ prepared to

51 fight. And when the pursuers saw that it was to be a life and death struggle, they *^

52 turned back.*^ And" they all came into the land of Juda in safety ; and ^ they
bewailed Jonathan, and them that were with him, and they were sore afraid ; and^^

53 all Israel made great lamentation. And ™ all the heathen that were round about

Vers. 33-36. — ' A. V. : holtls there adjoining, from whence. ^ aside to. 8 hold. * wherefore he set.

^ After this came J. liome again, and calling. 8 tower. ^ for to. ^ that go. ® that wen might. M buy

in it.

Vers. 37, 3S. — " A. V. : Upon this. 12 build up the city (njv wikw. omitted by HI. 62. 62. 106.), forasmuch as

part {marg., " Or, according to the Roman reading, amj he came near to the wall oftlie brook toward the east ").... was
fallen down (iirnntv. III. 19. 65. 64. 93. 106. Aid. ; the same, with krri prefixed, 23. 62. 62. ; X., latter in the plur. ; text.
rec.,fiyyme). " capjigu^tha (see Com.). " set up Adida in Sephela (see Com.). '» made i( strong ot(A, etc.

((iJX''pw(7e 0i5pas).

Vers. 39-41. — ■» A. V. : Now. " went about. '» to kill Antiochus the lung, that he might set the crown upon
his own head, llowbcit. i» afraid that (so text. ree. ; HI. X, 23. 44. 66. ai., evAoi/3^8i,). J" that. zi wherefore.

2' how to take J. (so the text. rec. 1 follow, with Fritzsche, III. X. 23. 44. 52. al.). a him (Eritzsche strikes out

aVToi- with III. X. 23. 44. 62. al.). ^' So.

Vers. 41-43. — 26 A. V. : Then. M Now. 2' Jonathan (so text. ree. I follow, with fritzsche. III. X. 23. 44. 55.
el.). 28 so great a. 2» hand. =» but .... honourably, and commended. =1 as obedient.

Vers, 44-46. — 32 A. V. : so great trouble (e/toi|/ai). M betwixt (ewo-niitiTos). " Therefore send them now home

again, and choose. »» to wait on. =« come llwu. 37 for. s» omits over to. so omits the rest of the (HI.

106., troAAii). •>» have any charge : as for me. «i cause of my coming. So Jonathan believing. " his host,

who went. *3 Judea.

Vers. 47-49. —*4 A. V. : And. « but three. « and (5e'). " Now as soon as. « Tiien sent T. a host 0/

footmen. *" And into (III. 62. have eis). « company.

Vers. 60, 61. — n A. V. : But. K knew that .Tonathan (I strike out J. with III. X. 23. 65. 62. 71. 74. 106. 134. Co.).
K were. « „.ent close togetlier. »= They therefore that followed upon them, perceiving that they were ready to

figia for their lives (lit., that it was to them concerning their lives, i. o., that the Jews looked upon it as a matter of
fighting to the end). co back again.

Vers. 52, 63. —" A. V. . 'IVhereupon. 6» Judea peaceably, and tlure. w wherefore. «» Then.

1 MACCABEES.

635

them sought to destroy them ; for said they, They have -no ruler, nor helper ; ^
now therefore let us make war upon them, and take away their memorial from
amongst men.

Ver. 53. — i A. V. : captain, nor any to help them {see Com.).

Chapter XII.

Ver. 6. The council of elders. What the
nature and exact authority of the .Jewish senate
was at this time is not Ic'nown. In 2 Mace. (iv.
44, xi. 27) it is represented as existing under the
same name in the time of Antiochus IV. and
Antiochus v. — People, Stj^os. It seems to be
used in the sense of the Latin populus, as opposed
to )jlebs, i. e., the privileged order of citizens, the
Jews being thereby characterized in this public
document, as a free and independent people.

Ver. 7. Arius. There were two Spartan
kings by the name of Ariiis {or Areus), and three
Jewish high priests, called Onias. But as only
Arins I., who rei>rned from B. c. 309-265 and
Onias I., who was high priest at the time of Alex-
ander the Great (Jos., Antiq., xi. 8, § 7), were con-
temporaneous, most critics iix upon them as the
persons referred to in the present passage. —
Copy inclosed, i. c, what follows, verses 19-23.

Ver. 8. Josephus names this ambassador, De-
moteles.

Ver. 9. Holy books. The value of these
books had been increased, in their estimation, by
the very persecution wliich had been directed
against them. Cf. i. 56, 57 ; iii. 48.

Ver. 10. Have undertaken. The reference,
according to Michaelis, is to tiie uncertainty of the
success of their undertaking on account of the
great distance. Grimm, however, supposes that
they mean that they have done this notwitlistand-
ing that the fact just mentioned — their reliance on
the God of the Bible — might be urged as a reason
against it. While Keil, with more apparent reason,
holds that it is simply a fine turn given to the mo-
tive of their action in order that it might not ap-
pear as though they were too anxious to secure
this alliance. Tliey may, in fact, have been influ-
enced by both of the latter reasons.

Ver. 11. On the remaining suitable days,
t. €., on the sabbaths and new moons. Cf. vii.
33.

Ver, 12. A(i|7;. Grimm would translate either
hy fame, or make the word analogous to the He-
brew lillS, i. e., to be great in wealth, or num-
bers. But it seems better, with Keil, to give the
word its more usual sense as above.

Ver. 16. Numenius . . . and Antipater.
These persons were probably selected, among
other reasons, because of their acquaintance with
the Greek language. They have, moreover, as
will be observed, Greek names, although these
may be simply translations of their real Hebrew
names. Nothing further is known of them.

Ver. 21. What particular document is referred
to is not known.

Ver. 23. Do write (A. V), rather wi7/ write,
the present being used to indicate an unchange-
able resolution to write again. The present letter
is not a reply to Jonathan's, which precedes. See
verse 7. Cf. Winer, p. 265, who says that the
present is used only in appearance for the future,
" when an action still future is to be designated
as good as already present, either because it is
already resolved upon, or because it follows ac-

cording to some unalterable law.'' — That your
cattle and your goods are ours, i. e., we will
stand by and support one another as well in peace
as in war. — To make report unto you. A
fuller, oral report seems to be meant. Josephna
(Antiq., xii. 4, § 10) has misplaced this letter of
the Spartan king, giving it, with some apparent
additions of his own, in connection with a report
concerning the high priest Onias. On the entire
section, verses 5-23, there are several points that
seem to require further inquiry. (1.) Were the
Spartans and Jews really of the same lineage % It
has never been proved (cf. Winer, RealwOHerh., un-
der " Sparta "). Hitzig ( Geschichte, p. 347) conjee-'
tures that some other Sparta is meant. Michaelis
holds that there was a failure in translation and
that for " Spartaner " we should read " Sephara-
dener," cf. Aniner/c. zum ersten Buck d. Mace, p.
264 ft. In 2 Mace. (v. 9), however, the name of the
people is given as " Lacedemonians." Ewald would
explain the oi'igin of the belief in this relationship
on the supposition that in Peleg. son of Eber,
an ancestor of Abraham (Gen. x. 25; xi. 16), was
found the ancestor of the Pelasgians, while the
Spartans were regarded as Pelasgians. It has
been well Objected, however, to this supposition
(Keil), that even if the above points concerning
the relationship of the Spartans to the Pelasgians
and of the latter to Peleg were granted, the for-
mer would still not have been ix jevovs 'A^pad/j,.
Moreover, it is remarked that the Spartans had
made this discovery in some document. The
most that cau be snid then on this point is that
the belief in a relationship between the Jews and
Spartaus seems to have prevailed at the time our
book was written. But (2.) did such an alliance,
offensive and defensive, actually e.xist between the
-lews and Spartaus "? It is scarcely to be doubted.
Whether they were really of the same descent or
not, does not seriously affect the question. Be-
sides there is no apparent reason for such an alli-
ance being feigned if it did not actually exist, but
quite the contrary. And as Grimm remarks :
" There is nothing against the making of such a
treaty in the fact that already in the year b, o.
146 the independence of Greece was destroyed by
Home. Since, according to Strabo (viii. p. 365),
Sparta also, after this catastrophe, rejoiced in a
quite independent position and was simply obliged
to lend assistance to Rome, among which, indeed,
that rendered the Jews may have belonged." If
now (3.) such an alliance between the Spartans
and Jews did exist there must have been doc-
uments like the one given in our book which
passed between them ; but it does not follow,
therefore, that the present ones are genuine.
Grimm argues against their genuineness on the
following grounds: The letter of Arius contains
no traces of Uorieisms, or diplomatic formulas,
and is signed only by himself instead of by himself
in connection with his royal coUeiigues and the
Ephors • while that of Jonathan is unnecessary.
For the present he needed no help (ver. 15), and
he does not ask for it for the future. Much less
could the letter be an indirect appeal for assistance,

536

THE APOCRYPHA.

or a mere diplomatic compliment. Conseqneiith',
it must bean iridepenjiiit effort of the writer of
the hook, or of his iiiiiiioriry, to re.^tore the ori^'-
iiial (locumeiits wiiich li:ul been lost. Iveil rc)i!ies
to tlie olijectioiis ai;niii.st the gcniiiiiene.ss of the
let'er of iKiius ili;it ihey are ouly siiHirient to
prove tliiit tlie ilocium lit as here pres;'rved is not
///crn//// col rect. While re.^pectiiig- tli;it of .Ioii:i-
tliaii he sa_\ s : "If Joiuiih:ui would iiy iiis letter
simply i\ue\v the existiiif;- frirmlship with the
Spartans, witlioiif e.\pi-Ctiiif^ aid from them fur
tile pre.-eiit, \vitli a \ iew of heiii^ able to ciaiin
tiiiir as.-^istaiicc in eiises tliat mij^iit arise in tlie
fiitiue, thill the letter boih iu form and contents
coirespoiids to tlii.s aim."

Ver. 24. The narrative of the further conflicts
of Jouaihan and Simon, broken off at xi. 67, 74,
is here aj;aiu taken up.

Ver. 2o. Amathitis. This in the Greek name
for the Syrian " llamnth." A city of this name
(Hamah) on the Orontes, at the base of Lebimon,
to ihe nortli. still exists. Other forms of the
word in the LXX. are Ai/xaB (Xumb. xxiii. 21 ;
xxxiv. 8, etc.), 'HfidB (2 Sam. viii. 9, etc.), and
'Efxdd (Josli. xiii. 5 ; 2 Kind's xsiii. .'33).

\'er. 28. They built tires in their camp, to
make it appear as tbongli they were still there.
1'he addition of Ka) a.v^x^P'nf^°-^^ whieii we liave
adopted with Fritzsche and otiiers from some cur-
si \e iMSS., seems iiidisiieiisalile to tlie sense of the
passage. Otherwise what wiis it that .Jonathan
and liis troops knew not until morning?

Ver. 29, The words to (pmra. are used for
watch-fires in camp also by Xenopbon. Ci/rop.,
vii. 6, 10. Cf. also iS'Iark xiv. 54 ; Luke xxii.
56.

Ver. 30. Eleutherus. Cf. xi. 7. Jonathan did
Dot wish to pursue the enemy info Syria itself,
and lieiiee did not cross the river which was its
boundary.

Ver. 31. Zabadseans, The name seems to be
preserved iu Zebedauy, a city and district north-
east of Dauiaseus, on the way to Baalb;'C. On the
general subject of the " Arabs in Palestine," see
Qiiartirlij iUilement of the Palestine Exploration
Fund, for Octolier, 1875.

Ver. 33. Ascalon. Cf. x. 86 and Richm's
Jliiniluoiterhneli, s. v. — Won, TrpoKareKd^iTa. The
idea of taking- it by a sudden, unexpected onset, is
meant to be indicated by the piepositiuu prefi-xed.
Cf. V. 8.

Ver. 36. Neither sell nor buy. Apparently a
proverbial expres.-ioii for carrying on any kind of
intercourse. Some, however (Gaab), think it re-
fers to tlie selling-, by the soldiers of the garrison
to the citizens, that which they had obtained as
spoil.

Ver. 37. Toward the brook. It is the brook
Cedrun. The Wiill spoken of fell cither at an
eai-lier period, or at the present time, while men
Wire building it, or building upon it. — Cbaphe-
natha. Apparently tlie name given to that part
of llie Willi which had fallen down Aceonling
to Lighffnot the word is derived from Cap'uiioth,
the Talmudie cxpre.-siiin for uniijie tigs. Giiab,
on the other liaiid, makes it mvaii something like
focea, and thinks tlint it was so called from the
fact that tlie Cedruu had made the ground at
that point marshy and so caused the destruction
of the wall.

Vei'. 33. Adida. It is generally identified
with the Hadiil of Ez. ii. 33, Neh. vii. 37, a place
situated near Lydda and the present Ch.iditheh.
Vespasian erected at this point a fortified camp iu
order to control the road to Jerusalem from the
west. — 'Ey rfi 2e<pfi\a. The lowlands stretching
between the mountains of Judaea and the Mediter-
ranean are meant. The northern jiortion of it
was known as Sharon. In other parts of the
Bible this word has been translated by *' the vale,"
" the valley," " the plain," thus taking from it its
peculiar character as a proper noun.

Ver. 40. A way, Tt^pov = means and oppor-
tunity.

Ver. 41. Bethsan. Cf. v. 52. It is the present
Beisiin on the road from Damascus to Egypt, a
short distance from the Jordan.

Ver. 45. Choose for thyself, eVfAfJai Se ire-
auTw. 'Ihe reflexive force of the miildle voice is
often so slight that a reflexive prououn is not in-
frequently used, especially in ease of an antith-
esis, to emphasize it. Cf. Kiihner, p. 235. —
Ptolemais. This city would be of particular
value to the people of Galilee on account of its
opening to tliein a way to the sea. Demetrius I.,
moreover, had given the Jews (.x. 39) the promise
of it. — The rest of the strongholds and the
rest of the forces. By the remaining strong-
holds, probably those of the seacoast are meant,
stretching from Ptolemais to Joppa. The troops
referred to seem to be those stationed in the
country in addition to tho»e found in the various
citadels.

Ver. 48. How far so called criticism some-
times avails itself of the baldest conjecture, is
seen in the fact that Hitzig imputes the composi-
tion of the 119tli Psalm to Jonathan during his
imprisonment.

Ver. 49. Jonathan's men. The two thousand
men spoken of in v. 47 are meant.

Ver. 53. Nor helper, 'i'hey were not able,
as previously, to make use of the differences ex-
isting between the rival kings of Syria to their
own advantage. They must stand alone.

Chapter XIII.

1 ^ And ^ when Simon heard that Tryphon had gathered together a great army ^ to

2 invade the land of Juda,'' and destroy it, and saw tliat the people were * trembling
and affrighted,"^ lie went up to Jerusalem, and gathered the people together, aud

3 gave them exhortation, and said to them," Ye yourselves know what^'l, and my
brethren, and iny father's house, have done for the laws and the sanctuary, the bat-

Vers. 1, 2. — 1 A V. : Now. 2 host. 3 Judea. • was in great. = fear (ftitzsche adopts liciioSo!, lot

i(ii|>o3ot, from III. X. 23. 62. al.). o saying.
Ver. 3. — ' A. V. : what great things (oo-a).

1 MACCABEES. 637

4 ties also and troubles which we have seen,^ by reason whereof all my brethren per-

5 ished ^ for Israel's sake, and I am left alone. And now " be it far from me, that
/ should spare ray ^ life in any time of affliction ; i* for 1 am no better than my

6 brethren. But ° I will avenge my nation, and the sanctuary, and our wives and '
children ; for all the heathen are gathered to destroy us on account of enmity.'

7, 8 And " as soon as the people heard these words, their spirit revived, and they

answered with a loud voice, saying. Thou art ^° our leader instead of Judas and

9 Jonathan thy brother. Fight thou our battles," and whatsoever thou commandest

10 us, that will we do. And '^ he gathered together all the men of war, and made

11 haste to finish the walls of Jerusalem, and he fortified it round about. And " he
sent Jonathan the son of Absalom," and with him a sufficient force,'^ to Joppe ; and
he cast '° out them that were therein, and " remained there in it.

12 And " Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with a great army " to invade the land

13 of Juda,™ and Jonathan was with him inward. But Simon pitched his tents at

14 Adida, over against the plain. And ^^ when Trypljon learned ^* that Simon had '■^
risen up instead of his brother Jonatlian, and was on the point ^* to join battle with

15 him, he sent messengers unto him, saying, We '^ have Jonathan thy brother in hold
because of ^° money that he owed^' unto the king's treasury, on account of offices

16 which he held. And ^' now send an hundred talents of silver, and two of his sons
for hostages, that being set ™ at liberty he may not revolt from us, and we will let

17 him go. And ^^ Simon, albeit he perceived that they spake deceitfully unto him,
yet sent he the money and the children, lest peradventure he should procure to him-

18 seZ/" great hatred from ^^ the people ; who might have said,''^ Because I sent him not

19 the money and the children, ./orta^^an perished. And ^ he sent them the children
. and the hundred talents ; and ^* Tryphon dissembled,''^ and did not^° let Jonathan

20 go. And after this came Tryphon to invade the land, and destroy it ; and he went ^'
round about by the way that leadeth unto Adora ; and ^° Simon and his force '^
marched side by side, over *" against him in every place, wheresoever he went.

21 But ^^ they that were in the fortress *^ sent messengers unto Tryphon, to the end
that he should hasten his coming unto them by the wildei-ness, and send them pro-

22 visions.*' And " Tryphon made ready all his horsemen to come ; and that night
there was *^ a very great snow, and** by reason of the snow he " came not. And *'

23 he departed, and came into Galaad. But *^ when he came near to Bascama, he

24 slew Jonathan, and he ™ was buried there. And Tryphon turned about and de-
parted ^^ into his own land.

25 And Simon sent,^^ and took the bones of Jonathan his brother, and buried him ^'

26 in Modein, the city of his fathers. And all Israel made great lamentation for him,

27 and bewailed him many days. And Simon ^^ built a moiiummit upon the sepulchre
of his father and his bretiiren, and raised it aloft to the view,'^^ with hewn stone be-

28 hind and before. And ** he set upon it ^' seven pyramids, one over ^^ against an-

29 other, for his father, and his mother, and his four bretiiren. And on ™ these he en-
graved artistic ™ devices, and placed about them '^^ great pillars, and upon tlie pillars
he eno-raved weapons of all sorts for an eternal memorial, and along side of the

Vers. 3-5. — > Or erperiencerl , elSojJci'. 2 a. V. : are slain. ' Now therefore. « mine own. " trouble.

Vera. 6-11. 0 A. V. : Doubtless (irA^c). 7 o«r wives, and our. ^ oi verij md.\\ce. » jjqw. ^^ p}jalt be

(el, which 71. omits). " (n-oA«|i»o^.) 12 So then. "Also. " (III. X. 23. 44. al , 'A^oXiinoi/, which is adopted
by Tritzsche ; text, rec, as at xi. 70.) "> great power. "» who casting. " omits and.

Vers. 12-16. —" A. v.: So. "power. 2» Judea. "> Now. z' knew. =3 was. "meant.

28 Whfreas \fe. ^^ it is for. 27 jg owing. 28 treasure (see Com. ), concerning the business that waa committed
unto him. Wherefore. 20 when he is.

Vers. 17-19 — ™ A. v. : Hreii.non. =1 of. 3= (\eyorre!, as III. X. 23. 44. al. ; (f^(. re<-., the sing.) "3 there-

fore is Jonathan dead {koX awuhero). So. '* howbeit. ao (jjither had lied, or denied it, namely, that he had made
such a promise.) ^o neither would he.

Vers.' 20 21. — »' A. v.: going. 38 but. so host. « omi(s side by side, OTer (cf. Com.). "Now.

*2 tower. *3 victuals.

Vers '"-''4 "IV: Wherefore. " come that night : but (I read xai before kv Tjj tokti, with III. X. 23. 44. al.,

instSiid of a'fter it, with the text, rec.) there fell. « omits and. " whereof he. " So. " the country of G.

And. ^ who. ''1 Afterward T. returned and went.

Vers 25-''8 — k A V • Then sent S. » them (so text. rec. I read a.vriv. with ITI. X. 23. 44. al). " Simon

also. ' «= sight. ™ Moreover. " up (III. X. 19. 23. 65. 62. 64. al. Syr. Old Lat. omit jir' aira). " omitt

OTer.

Ver. 29. — «* A, V. : in. *® made (I lender iirovfae freely) cunnmg. '^^ about the which he seti

538 THE "apocrypha.

30 weapons ships in carving,^ that they might be seen by " all that sail the ° sea. This

31 sepulchre^ which he made at Islodiem, standeth^ unto this day. But* Tryphon

32 dealt deceitfully '' with the young king Antiochus, and slew him. And he reigned
in his stead, and put on the crown * of Asia, and brought a great calamity upon the

S3 land. And ^ Simon built ^° tue strongholds of " Judaea, and walled them ^^ about
with high towers, and great walls, and gates, and bars, and laid up provisions in the

34 strongholds." And " Simon selected ^^ men, and sent to the ^* king Demetrius, to
the end he should give the land an immunity, because all that Tryphon did was to

35 spoil." And the king Demetrius sent to him according to these words, and an-
swered him, and wrote to him such a letter as foUoweth : '*

36 King Demetrius unto Simon high ^^ priest, and friend of kings, and^" unto the

37 elders and nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. The golden crown, and the palm
branch,'" which ye sent,''^ we have received ; and we are ready to make a full ^

38 peace with you, and ^* to write unto our officials, to grant you immunities.^^ And
whatsoever covenants ^* we have made with you shall stand ; and the strongholds,

39 which ye have builded, shall be yours.'" Oversights on the other hand, and the
faults ^* committed unto this day, we pass over,'^ also the crown tax,'" which ye
owe ; '^ and if there were any other tribute paid in Jerusalem, it need '^ no more

40 be paid.'^ And if there be any among you suitable to be enrolled in our body

41 guard,^* let them be enrolled, and let there be peace betwixt us. The '^ yoke of

42 the heathen was taken away from Israel in the hundred and seventieth year, and'*
the people of Israel ^^ began to write in tlieir documents "^ and contracts. In the first
year of Simon, high priest, and general,'' and leader of the Jews.

43 In those days he *" camped against Gazara,''-' and besieged it round about ; ^^ he
made also an engine for sieges,^' and brought it up to ** the city, and battered a

44 certain tower, and took it. And they that were in the engine leaped into the city ;

45 and there arose a great commotion in the city. And they of the city *^ climbed upon
the wall with ^^ wives and children, their clothes being rent," and they ^' cried with a

46 loud voice, beseeching Simon to grant them peace. And they said, Deal not with

47 us according to our wickedness, but according to thy mercy. And *' Simon was
appeased towards them, and fought no more against^" them; and he^^ put them out
of the city, and cleansed the houses wherein the idols were, and so entered into it

48 with songs and thanksgivings. And he put every ^^ uncleanness out of it, and col-
onized '•' such men there ^* as would keep the law, and made it stronger than it was
before ; and he ^* built therein a dwelling place for himself.

49 They also of the fortress ^° in Jerusalem were hindered from going into the coun-
try, back and forth, as well as from buying and selling ; and ^^ they were in great
distress for want of provisions,^' and a great number of them perished through fam-

Vers. 29, 30. — ^ A. V. : made all their armour for a perpetual memory, and by the armour ships carved. » of.

8 on the. * is the sepulchre. ^ and it slandeik yet.

Vers. 31, 32. — "^ A. V. ; Now. ' /Luther, Michaelis, De Wette, and others render " took A. deceitfully around

with him," but the words mean rather to walk, i. e., deal, dectit/uUy, as rendered in the A. V. Cf. Prov. xxviii. 26,
TTopeveaflai uoij>la). ^ crowned himself king.

Vers. 33, 34. —» A. V. : Then. » built up (see Com.). " in. " fenced them. is rictuals therein.

'^ Moreover. ^^ cliose. i" omits the. ^^ Marg., " Gr., all Trypkon^s doings were robberies.''

Vers. 35-37. — '^ ^_ y. ; Tjnto whom king D. answered and wrote after this manner (64.93. omit avTi^ after aTT€<rrei\€v.
Cod. 93. omits avTfo after sypaipev, and 106. omits both with the preceding Kat). i" the high. so as also.

21 scarlet robe ((ex(. rec. , TT)C ^aii'T/c. See Com.). ^^ sent unto us . 23 gtedfast (jueyaAYji/). 24 yg^, and.

2^ officers, to confirm the immunities (oK^teVai .... a^^fiara. Cf. x. 28) which we have granted (too much is assumed
in saying this).

Vers. 3S'40. — 20 j^ y^ ; covenants (contained in the verb eo-TTjfcajuet'). 27 your own. 28 ^g foj. any oversight or

fault. 21] forgive it. 30 and the crown (aa; also. ^i owe us. S2 shall. 8^ (The verb is TeKtovslv, to take toll,

and here, as just before, is used in the sense of taxing, or collecting taxes.) 34 igoj^ who are meet .... to be in our

court (eis Toil? Tiept >)fid5. The preceding word ■ypat^TJrat is a military term, and so used by Xen., Cyrop., jv. 3. 21).

Vers. 41, 42. — 31 A. v.: r/mj the. 3» Then. s' (X. 23. 44. 64. 93. omit.) S8 ,Aj,> instruments. =» the high
priest, the governor.

Vers. 43, 44. — ■"> A. V. ; Simon (Fritzsche strikes out with III. X. 23. 44. 55. al.). '^ Gaza (cf. Com.). « (x^it.

enclosed it toith camps.) ^3 engine (eAeVoAti', X. 44. 55. 62. al. ; text, rec., eXen^Aeis) of war. ** set it by. ^ where-
upon there was a great uproar in the city ; insomuch as the people of the city rent their clothes, and. ^ walls with
their. ^' 077]/(.i their clothes being rent. ■"* omits Va^y.

Vers. 47, 48. — ^^ A. V. : So. w {i. e. , did not treat them as the rights of war permitted.) ^^ but. *2 Yea, ho

put all. ra placed (KaToI/tio-ci/). "MHI- X. 28. 55. 62. 106., Jk auTn-) » omilj he.

Ver. 49. — cu A. V. : tower. 07 {^ept go strait, that tliey could neither come forth, nor go into the country nor

buy, nor sell : wherefore. ^^ victuals (lit., /tWTig-ererf eiccerfij?^^?/).

I MACCABEES.

539

50 ine. And they cried * to Simon, to make peace ^ with them ; and he granted it
to ' them; and when he had put them out from thence, he cleansed the fortress''

51 from its ' pollutions. And he " entered into it the three and twentieth dai/ of the
second month, in the hundred seventy and first' year, with praise, and palm
branches,^ and with harps, and with ^ 'cymbals, and with viols, and with^ hymns,

52 and with ° songs ; because there was destroyed a great enemy out of Israel. He
ordained also that that day should be kept every year with gladness. And " the
hill of the temple that was by the fortress " he made stronger than it was, and

53 there he dwelt himself with his household." And when Simon saw that John his
son was a valiant man," he made him leader of all the forces ; and he " dwelt in
Gazara.

Veifl. 50, 61. — ^ A. V. : Then cried they. 2 beseeching him to be at one. ' which thing he granted. • tower.
» omits its (the art.). « omits he. ' one. » thanltsgiving, and tranches of palm trees \ct. ver. 37). » omits
with {iv. See Com.).

Vers. 52, 53. — i" A T. : MoreoTer. "tower. 12 company (here not as at li. 72. C£. Mark iii. 21). ^^ ((jf, y,
63.) " omits he.

Chapter XIII.

Ver. 4. All my brethren. It seems to have
been generally believed that Jonathan had been
already put to death. *

Ver. 8. Simon appears also, at the same time,
to have been chosen high priest. Cf. xiii. 36 ;
xiv. 35, 36.

Ver. 10. Made haste to finish. Tax""'e">' fol-
lowed by the infinitive in the genitive case is
found a number of times in the LXX. : Gen. xviii.
7 ; xli. 32 ; Ex. ii. 18 ; 2 Sam. xv. 14.

Ver. 11. Absalom. Cf. xi. 70. — Since Joppe
was already garrisoned by Jewish troops (xii. 33),
the hostile people of the city must be here.referred
to.

Ver. 13. Adida. Cf. xii. 38.

Ver. 15. Ti &a.cn\iK6v ^ pecnnia ad regem per-
tivenx, Wahl's Clavis, s. v. — Offices, xpf'«. His
oiBeial position as high priest and vassal prince
are meant. Tryphon makes this statement sim-
ply as a pretext. It had no foundation in fact.
Cf. V. 17.

Ver. 20. Adora. It was situated In Judaaa to
the south. The name is shortened by Josephu.s
{Anliq.. xiv. 5, § 3) and the MSS. into Dora. It
is the present DUra, one of the largest villages in
the district of Hebron.

Ver. 20. Simon managed to keep his troops in
such a position in the mountains while Tryphon
was marching around them, as continually to con-
front the latter, being himself, by virtue of his
surroundings, safe from attack.

Ver. 21. By the wilderness, i. e., the wilder-
ness of Judaea. — Send them provisions. They
were beginning to experience the ill effects of the
wall which Jonathan had caused to be built be-
tween the city and the fortress. Cf. xii. 36.

Ver. 22. A very great snow. Snow falls
often in the mountainous parts of Palestine to
the depth of a foot or more, but remains only a
short time. — Into Galaad, i. e., he marched
around the south point of the Dead Sea.

Ver. 23. Bascama. This place has not been
identified. From the circumstances of the case
it could not well be Bozkath, in Judah.as Grotius
and some others have supposed. Josephus (An-
tiq., xiii. 6, § 6) names it Basca.

Ver. 24. Into his land, i. e., Syria.

Ver. 27. Hewn stone, Att(j> ^etrTtp. Dative of
material. Cf. Kuhner, p. 418. The expression
«lso occurs in Homer, IL, vi. 243. See also, 1
Esd. vL 9. — Behind and before. This refers

not to the hewing of the stones, but to the monu-
ment which was provided on two sides with such
stones, wliile the other two may have been built
of stones in a rough state.

Ver. 28. Seven pyramids. Consequently
there was one for himself.

Ver. 29. Ships in carving. A probable rea-
son for this was the possession on the part of the
Jews — and secured to them through the heroic
efforts of this family — of the important sea port
town of Joppe. Cf. x. 76 ; xii. 33 ; xiv. 5.

Ver. 30. (Standeth) unto this day. Eusebius
in his Onomaalicon S3.ys: *^ Modeim .... wide fa-
erunt Maccabaei, quorum hodieque ibidem sepitlchra
monstrantur." According to Fritzsche (in Schen-
kel's Bib. Lex., s. v.), the true situation of this
place has been recently discovered in El-Medlyeh,
two hours and a half east of Lydda. Cf. also,
Palestine Exploration Fund for 1873, p. 93. Stan-
ley ( The .Tewish Church, iii. 361 ) says of this tomb :
" A monument at once so Jewish in idea, so Gen-
tile in execution, was worthy of the combination
of patriotic fervor and philosophic enlargement of
soul which raised the Maccabtean heroes so high
above their age."

Ver. 31. But Tryphon. The fact here stated
is thus given by Livy (Epit., Iv.): " Alexandri
Jiiius, rex Syrite, decern annos adinodum habens, a
Diodoto, qui Tri/phon cognominabatur, More suo,
per fraudem occisus est ; corruptis medicis, qui enm
calculi dolore consumi ad populum mentiti, dum
secant, occiderunt." Cf. Joseph. (Antiq., xiii. 7, §1)
and Diod. Sic. in MuUer's Fragin. Hist, (rraec, ii.
p. xix. n. 25.

Ver. 33. Built, aiKoSS/iTtire. This Greek word
means sometimes to build and sometimes simply
to repair. Since 6xvp(afj.aTa has the article, it is
evident that it is to be taken in the latter sense
here.

Ver. 36. Friend of kings. The plural h.as
given some difficulty to critics. According to IVIi-
chaelis it means that Simon should be regarded
not only as friend of Demetrius, but also of his
successors. Winer {Realwbrterbuch, i. 266, note)
thinks the plural arose from a misunderstanding
of the original Aramaic word S'^'^O which might
be either singular or plural. — Elders = members
of the principal governing body among the .lews.
Cf. i. 26 ; xii. 6 ; 2 Mace. i. 10 ; iv. 44 ; xi. 27.

Ver. 37. Palm branch, t);;/ $ah. Some
(Trommius, Ewald) would supply eVS^ro with

540

THE APOCRTPHA.

fiaiinfv (of the text, ifc), and underf?tancl that a robe
enibroidt'red with piilin liranclies H nieaiir, some-
tliiiif^; after the maimer of the Komaii pnfina/a {cf.
1 Kind's X. -'5.) W.mIiI (Vlari<, s. v.) and others,
in haiinony wirh 2 Maec. xiv. 4, ^vonld supply
jidSdov, su|ipo.>ing that a staff iu the form of a
jialin liraneh i.i referred to. Keil, followin<f
(Jiiiiiin, inelini'S to aecept the re:idi!if^ ^ai'v (a^
III. 52. 62. on the uro'.imi that tlie ending tjj/ tniiy
liiive easily heeome attaehed, that lieing tlie fol-
lowing word, while the adjective ^u'iv6s onlv occurs
in one other jilace (Sym. in Gen. xl. 1,6), and that
in a sense that is not clear. The Old Lat. favors
this view, liaving IJiihem. The word could not be
PaiTny, mantle (l)ru.-ins, Michaelis),as that means
a shepherd's, or peasant's, cont of skins.
Ver. 39. Crown tax. See at x. 29.
A'^er. 41. In the hundred and seventieth
year, i p., e. c. 14.3-142. After this period the
high juiest managed the affairs of the Jewish
people nith the title " Etlinareh," but still as re-
sponsilile to the Syrian king.

Ver. 4'!. Gazara. This reading, which Fritz-
sche, with Pridiaux, Wernsdorf, Stark, Ewald,
Hitzig, Grimm, Keil, and others adopt, is sup-
ported by Josephus (Antic/., xiii. 6, § 7 ; Dell, .hid.,
1. 2, § 2) and other passages in the present book,
as : xiv. 7 ; xv. 28 ; xvi. I . — An engine for sieges.
eAeVoAij/, i. e., " city-destroying." It was an
enormous machine, used in sieges and invented by

Demetrius Poliorcetes. Cf. Diod. Sic, xx. 48
and Liddell and Scott's Lex,, ». u.

Ver. 48. Every uncleanness. Everything that
pertained to idol worship.

Ver. 49. 'J'he garrison had been cut off from
intercourse with tlie city by the wall which Jona-
than had had built. Cf. x'ii. 36.

Ver. 51. In the year E. c. 142. Simon took
possession of the fortress. — And with ( ec) harps.
The pro|)o.siiiou is repeated before each of the
mu.sical instrnments named, tlius giving to each a
separate significance and importance. Cf. Winer,
p. 419. The Syriac has the following clause in
addition : " Kt f/ntevissent edienitfenie a belli'/erando
cnm Israels," which Grimm thinks it must have
found in its Greek copy, since some of the codices
(64. 93.) have something similar.

Ver. 52. This festival seems not to have been
kept up for more than a brief period. Josephus
does not mention it. — And there. It is not
clear whether the hill on which the temple wa.s
situated was meant, or that which had the for-
tress. Grimm decides, with Scholz and Grotius,
for the former, Keil for the latter.

Ver. 53. Tliis John was afterwards known
under the title, John Hyrcanus. Simon had two
other sons, Judas and Mattathias, wlio were treach-
erously killed with their father, by the son-in-law
of the latter, one Ptolemy.

Chapter XIV.

4
5

6

7

1 _ And ' in the hundred threescore and twelfth year the ^ king Demetrius gathered
his forces together, and went into Media, to get him help to fight against Tryphon.

2 And ^ when Arsaces, the king of Persia and Media, heard that Demetrius had come

3 into ■* his borders, he sent one of liis chief officers ^ to take him alive. And he"
went and smote the army ' of Demetrius, and took him, and brought him to Arsaces,
and he put liim ° in ward.

And" the land of Juda had ^^ quiet all the days of Simon ; and ^^ he sought the
good of his nation, and '^ his authority and his " honor pleased them always." And
along with all his olher honor '* he took Joppe for a haven, and made a place of
entry for the isles " of the sea. And he '' enlarged the bounds of his nation, and
recovered " the country. And he ^^ gathered together a great number of captives,
and had the dominion of Gazara, and Bethsura, and the fortress ; and he removed

8 the uncleaiinesses from it, and there was none ^^ that resisted him. And they
tilled 21 their ground in peace, and the earth gave her products,^^ and the trees of

9 the fields -" their fruit. Elders sat on the streets ; all communed ^^ together of o-ood

10 things; '^^ and the young men put on honors and ^^ warlike apparel, "lie furnished
provisions ^ for the cities, and equipped them with means for defense,^' so that ^

11 his honorable name was renowned unto the end of the earth.™ He made peace in

12 the land, and Israel rejoiced with great joy. And^i every man sat under his vine

13 and his fig tree, and there was none to make them afraid. And no one was left in

2 omas the. 3 But. < was entered within. » princes. " who. ' host.

Vers. 1-3 — ' A. V. : Now.
8 by whom he was put.

Vera.4 6. — » A. V. : As for
pucli wWii, a.^ thjit evermore,
his acts, so in this, that,
iharge acconliiigly),

Yers. 7, 8 — 1» A. V
21 Then ilid they till.

Vers. 0-12. — 2J A. V
Wahl, th salute publica

i» Judea (it is omitted by III. 44. 62. 64. al. Co. Aid.), that was. <■ for '= in

" om/l.i his. » wM (71. omits „iaM tAs wtp«)- '" as be was honourable in all

an entrance to the isles (19. 64. 93. Syr., Tor? vavaC, and Micbaelis and Grimm would

omits he. " eicpdTTjo-e, better, perhaps, Utlil, kept.

omiis he. !» tower, out of the which he tooli all uncleanncss, neither was there any

"^increase. » field (lit., pia/ns). o.eaiij.

The ancient men sat all in the streets, communing. == (Qr perhaps, of the common weal

'"^ glorious (Sofos) and (or even). 2' provided victuals. =» set in them all manner of

■ „ , ' o-"-'^ — " \^^h,*,,i i.iiyi\\jL cueiij. - pioviueu Victuals. -^ sct in them al

munition. » (em orou for Jus Toiirou iiioii = ius toutod Sum, to the degree that). *> world. si for.

1 MACCABEES. 541

the land to iight ^ against them ; and ^ the kings ' were overthrown in those days.

14 And* he strengthened all those of his people that were brought low ; ^ the law he
searched out ; '' and every contemner of the law and wicked person he took away.

15 He glorified ° the sanctuary, and multiplied the vessels of tlie sanctuary.'

16 And ° when it was heard at Eome,and as far as Sparta, that Jonathan was dead,

17 they were very sorry. But when' they heard that his brother Simon had become ^°

18 high priest in his stead, and ruled the country, and the cities therein, they wrote
unto him on ^^ tables of brass, to renew mutually with him ^^ the friendship and

19 league which they had made with Judas and Jonathan his brethren. And they "

20 were read before the congregation at Jerusalem. And this is the copy of the letter "
that the Spartans sent :

The rulers of the Spartans, and " the city, unto Simon high '* priest, and the
elders, and the " priests, and the " residue of the people of the Jews our brethren,

21 send greeting. The ambassadors that were sent unto our people informed ^' us of

22 your glory and honor ; and ^^ we were glad of their coming. And we recorded ^^
ihethings that they spake, in the records '' of the people,^^in this manner : Numenius
son of Antiochus, and Antipater son of Jason, the Jews' ambassadors, came unto us

23 to renew ^' the friendship with^* us. And it pleased the people to receive the men
with honors,^^ and to put the copy of their words in the public records of the peo-
ple,^^ to the end that the people of the Spartans '' might have a memorial thereof;
but ^' we have sent the ^ copy thereof unto Simon the high priest.

24 After this Simon sent Numenius to Rome with a great shield of gold of a thou-

25 sand minas^ weight, to confirm the league with them. But ^^ when the people °^
heard of these things,^' they said, What thanks shall we return "* to Simon and his

26 sons ? For he and his brethren and the house of his father stood firm,^'' and they ^°
chased away in fight the enemies of Israel °' from tliem, and established for it'* lib-

27 erty. And ^' they wrote on *" tables of 'brass, and placed jj^em *^ upon pillars on*'
mount Sion. And this is the copy of the writing :

The eighteenth day of the month Elul, in the hundred threescore and twelfth year,

28 and this " the third year of Simon high ** priest, at Saramel,*^ in the great congre-
gation of priests,*'' and people, and rulers of the nation, and the *' elders of the

29 country, it is promulgated by us.*' Forsomuch as oftentimes there have arisen *°
wars in the country, so ^° Simon the son of Mattathias, of the posterity of Joarib,^^
together with his brethren, put themselves in jeopardy, and resisted the enemies of
their nation that their sanctuary and the law might be maintained, and covered their

30 nation with great glory .^^ When Jonathan had gathered their ^^ nation together,

31 and become ''* their high priest, he ^^ was added to his people; and^* their enemies
purposed to invade their country, that they might destroy their country, and stretch

Vers. 13-15. — ' A. V. : fray them : neither was there any left (lit., " And there disappeared." The art. hefore wokt-
IJ.UV i6 omitted by in. X. 23." 62. 74. 134. Co. Aid.) .... to flght. = yea. s kings themselves. ' Ittore-

OTer. 5 (Cf. Cmn.) " beautified. ' temple.

Vers. 16-20. — » A. V. : Now. » as soon as. " was made. " in. '' omits mutually with him (Terb in

the middle Toice, and followed by irpbs avrd^). « which writings. » letters (cf. x. 17). " Lacedemonians,

with. M the high. " o??7i(s the.

Vers. 21, 22. —"A. v.: certified. i» wherefore. =» did register. « council (cf. Com.). 22 (Marg.,pKWici
records.) 23 (pres. part., used of that which one is on the point of doing.) 24 tiiey had with.

Ver. 23. — '^ A. V. : entertain .... honourably. 20 ambassage (Aoyoii/. It might be rendered by message or

report) in publick records. 27- end the .... Lacedemonians. 2» furthermore. 2» written (lit., but the sense is
as giTen) a.

Vers, 24-27. — =» A. V. : pound (see Com.). « Whereof. S' (i. e., the .Jewish people, and not as the Vulg. has

it populiK Vomanus, which Luther followed.) »•' omits of the.'ie things (Tii/ Aiiyaiy toiJtuv, namely, what is said,

vers 15-'3) S4 give. 3b have established Israel (cf, third note following). ^ omits they. S7 their enemies.

M confirmed their. «> So then. " it in. " which they set. « in. " year, being. « the high. '•> at
Saramel (Fritzsche retains the reading of the text, rec., h XapaiJ.4\. Codd. X. 19. 23. 64. 93., with Old Lat., eraaapa-

/«eX ; 60., ii' Sapanei/. See Coot.). _ ..„.,.

Vers. 28 29. — " A. V. ; the priests. " mnits the. i» wen these things notiSea-anto ns {cyviupKrevriiiiv. Codd.
19. 64.'93.'Ald. Syr. read lyvi»pi(ra.ijLev iiitv. It is better, howeyer, with Gaab, Jritzsche, Keil, and others, to suppose
that there has been a failure in translating into Greek, the Uophal of VT^ (cf. Lev. ir. 23, 28) being rendered as
Hiphil It should have been rendered aa in our text, Cf. Gaab's Com. m ioc). "been. ™ wherein for the

maintenance of their sanctuary and the law (cf . close of Terse). " Jarib (so text. ree. I read with III. X. 23. 64. 93.
See Com. Lit., it would be, " the son of the sons of Joarib "). « resisting .... nation, did their nation great

honour (see second preceding note). ^ . , .^ ■ 3

Vers. 30,31. — » A. v.: for after that J., having gathered his (so 23.). "been. !^ omits he. » o»i«s and.

542 THE APOCRYPHA.

32 out their hands against their ^ sanctuary. Then^ Simon rose up, and fought for
his nation, and spent much of his own substance, and armed the soldiers * of his

33 nation, and gave them wages, and fortified the cities of Judaea, and * Bethsura, that
lieth upon the borders of Judsea, where the weapons ° of the enemy " had been be-

34 fore ; and he placed ' a garrison of Jews there. And * he fortified Joppe, which
Nefh upon the sea, and Gazara, that lieth upon the borders of ° Azotus, where the
enemy ^^ dwelt before ; and he colonized ^^ Jews there, and placed in them whatever

85 was needful for their maintenance. And the people saw ^'^ the acts of Simon, and
unto what glory he thought to bring his nation, and they " made him their prince "
and chief priest, because he had done all these things, and because of ^* the justice
and the fidelity ^^ which he kept with '" his nation, and sought in every way •" to

36 exalt his people. And^' in his time things prospered in his hands, so that the
heathen were taken out of their country, and they that ^^ were in the city of David
in Jerusalem, who had made themselves a fortress,^' out of which they issued, and

37 polluted all about the sanctuary, and did much harm to its purity. And''* he
settled ^ Jews therein, and fortified it for the safety of the country and the city,

38 and raised up the walls of Jerusalem. And the king Demetrius ^ confirmed him

39 in the ^^ high priesthood according to those things, and made him one of his friends,

40 and honored him with great honor. For he had heard ^* that the Romans had
called the Jews '" friends, and allies,'** and brethren ; and that they had met ^ the

41 ambassadors of Simon with honors.^" And it hath pleased well '' the Jews and
the^^ priests that ^^ Simon should be their prince ^ and high priest for ever, until

42 there arise a trustworthy ^^ prophet ; and *° that he should be general over them,^'
and should take charge of '* the sanctuary, to set men over its services,^' and over
the country, and over the arms,^" and over the fortresses, and that he should take

43 charge of*^ the sanctuary; and*^ that he should be obeyed by*' every jreara, and that
all documents ■** in t^e country should be written ^ in his name, and that he should

44 be clothed in purple, and wear gold ; *^ also that it should be lawful for none of the
people or the " priests to set aside ^* any of these things, or to gainsay his words,
or to gather an assembly in the country without him, or to be clothed in purple, or

45 wear a buckle of gold ; but *° whosoever should do contrary to these things, and
should set aside ^° any of these things, he should be liable to punishment for it.^^

46 And it hath pleased well all the people to determine for Simon, that he should^'* do

47 as hath been said. And ^' Simon accepted hereof, and was well pleased to be high
priest, and general and ethnarch " of the Jews, and priests, and to stand before all.

48 And *^ they commanded that this writing should be put on ^^ tables of brass, and
that they should be set up within the compass " of the sanctuary in a conspicuous

49 place ; but ^' that the copies thereof should be placed '^ in the treasury, to the end
that Simon and his sons might have them.

Vers. 32, 33. — • A. V. : it (so 62. 64. 93.), and lay hands on tho. ^ at which time » raliant men. • to-

gether with, 5 armour. " enemies. ' but he set.

Vers. 34-36. — * A. V. : moreover. & bordereth upon (see preceding line). 1° enemies had. " but he

placed. ^- furnifibed them with all things conTenient for the reparation thereof (irpbs t^ toutuji' eTfavopSwo-et. Not

simply for repairing it, but for keeping it, in all respects, in a defensible condition). The people, therefore, seeing.
13 vm'Us and they. ^^ governor (of. ver. 41). ^^ for. is faith (ttiotij', as III. X. 19. 44. 52. al. : text rec, irpa^tv.
See Com.). '^ to. ^^ yo,. j/ia; ije sought by all means. lo por. 20 a/.^o that. 21 tower. 22 hurt in the holy
place (niarg., unto religion) : but. 23 placed.

Vers. 37-40. — ^ K.y .: King D. also. ^^ (Lit., " confirmed to him the." But Keil would give the verb the force
of *' recognized.") 20 heard say. 27 Jews tkeir (lit., that the Jews were called by the R.). 28 confederates.

20 entertained. 80 honourably.

Vers. 41-43. — 3i A. V. : also that (ort is wanting only in 71., but cf. Com.). "2 omits the. 23 ^ere well pleased

that. M their (fritzsche adopts axnSiv (X., aipT<5) from III. 55. 62. 74. 106. 134. Co. ; text. rec. omits) governor (S"'ti73).
88 should (cf. first note in ver. 41) arise a faithful (cf. Com.). so moreover. ^^ their captain. 3^ take charge of
(^c'\ot, for which Fritzscho adopts /xeA^, here, and at ver. 43, from III. X. al., the subjunctive being the customary
mood in the dependent clause, in Hellenistic Greek. Cf. Winer, p. 287 f. Lit., the clau.'ie would be, " that it should
be a care to him concerning •'). a" to set them (avTouy. It is used indefinitely) over their works. *•* ar-

mour. ^1 that, I say, he should take charge (apparently repeated by mistake, either here or above. Cf . Com.).

<2 besides this. " of. ■" the writings. '^ made. »» It refers, doubtless, to the golden buckle. Cf . ver. 44,
and X. 20, 69.

Vers. 44-46. —•' A. V. : omi« the. "break. ■"and. »> otherwise, or break. 5i be punished. « Thug
it liked .... deal with Simon, and (Eritzsche strikes out the Kal before »oiij<rai, with III. X. 44. 62. al.) to.

Vers. 47-49. —MA. V. : Then. " captain and governor "^ defend (irpoirTaT^aai) '*«"• all So. "in.

w (See Com.) ™ also. ^^ laid up.

1 MACCABEES.

543

Chapter XIV".

Ver. 1. Hundred three score and twelfth
year, i. e., of the Scleucian era, or B. o. 141-140.
Jo.sephus (Antig., -uni. 5, § 11) places this cam-
paign of Demetrius II. against Media before the
time of the murder of Jonathan, that is, two years
earlier, the same writer agreeing with the present
book as to the period when the Jews obtained
their freedom. Of. Aniiq., xiii. 6, § 7 and 1 Mace,
xiii. 51. Eusebius, however, agrees essentially
with our book in the former date, while Josephus
has tlie support of other Greek authors only as it
respects the time of the murder of Antiochus VI.
On the chronology of the four kings, Demetrius
II., Antiochus VI., Tryphon, Antiochus VII., and
on the authorities in general used by Josephus in
his Antiquities, cf . Nussbaum, Observationes in Fla-
vii Josephi Antiq., lib. xii. 3 - xiii. 14, Gottingen,
1876, and a notice of the same by Schiirer in the
Theotoff, Literaturzeitung for the same year, No. 13,
col. 331 ff. — To get him help. He meant, it
would appear, first to conquer the country and
then compel it to furnish him auxiliaries for fur-
ther wars. According to Rawliuson {The Sixth
Great Oriental Monarchy, p. 82) ; " All the prov-
inces which Parthia took from Syria contained
Greek towns, and their inhabitants might at all
times be depended on to side with their country-
men against the Asiatics. At the present junc-
ture, too, the number of malcontents was swelled
by the addition of the recently subdued Bactrians,
who hated the Parthian yoke, and longed ear-
nestly for a chance of recovering their freedom."

Ver. 2. Arsaces. This was a common name
of the Partliian kings, but the one here meant was
Mithiidates I. He is called king of Persia and
Media because these were the most important
provinces of his emiiire.

Ver. 3. Por the details of this campaign, cf.
Kawlinson, /. c. Demetrius was at first success-
ful but was put off his guard by proposals of
peace on the part of Arsaces, who then attacked
him and made him prisoner.

Ver. 4. AU the days of Simon. This was
not strictly true. Cf. xv. 27, 40 ; xvi. 3 £E.

Ver. 5. To speak of a harbor for the " isles of
the sea " sounds somewhat peculiar. Grimm with
Michaelis, following the Syriac, with 19. 64. 93.
would read therefore, vaual for vhaois, and claims,
that if the former were not the original reading
of the Greek, there may have been a misunder-
standing of the original Hebrew word for ship
which might easily have been taken for that
meaning island. Keil, however, dissents from
this view and adheres to the common residing, un-
derstanding by the islands, " the inhabitants of
the isl.inds and countries on the coast of the Med-
itei'raneau."

Ver. 7. A great number of captives. These
were probably Jews who had been caiTied away
to other countries. He freed them and brought
them back to their native land.

Ver. 8. The trees of the fields their fruit.
See an interesting article on the fertility of an-
eient Palestine in the Qnarterly Statement of the
Palestine Exploration Fund for July, 1876, p. 120
ff. Cf. also, Repertorium fur Biblische und Mor-
t/enlandische Literatur, 'I'heil xv., p. 176 ff.

Ver. 9. Honors and warlike apparel. The
warlike accoutrements weie rather for ornament
than actual use, although soldiers were still
needed for garrison duty.

Ver. 1 2. For a like figure, see 1 Kings iv. 25 ;
Micah, iv. 4; Zech. iii. 10.

Ver. 16. Sparta is thought of as more distant
because it was latest visited by the Jewish ambas-
sadors.

Ver. 18. Grimm doubts whether the Romans
would have taken the initiative in proceedings
looking to a renewal of the treaty, since it was
customary for the successors of allied kings and
princes themselves first to ask for it. Obviously,
as it appears from the verses next following (vers.
21, 22), the statement here made is chronolog-
ically out of place.

Ver. 20. The letter of the Romans is not
given because it was not directed to the Jewish
people (xv. 16-24), but to the various kings and
governments in alliance with Rome.

Ver. 20. The rulers. These were the Ephors.

Ver. 22. In the council of the people. (A.
V.) " Nicht in conciliis populi (Vulg. ; vgl. Fritz-
sche zu 1 Esd. v. 73), sondern in plebiscilis."
Grimm. Cf. v. 23. The ambassadors are .the
same as those sent by Jonathan. Cf. xii. 16.

Ver. 24. The Greek mina was a little less
than the English pound avoirdupois, being 15J
ounces.

Ver. 27. At Saramel, iv 'Sapa/j.eX. Grimm,
Fritzsche, and many other critics following X. 23.
19. 64. 93. and the Old Latin would read eraa-apa-
lie\ at the end of verse 27. In the first case it is
supposed by Ewald, Keil, and others that the
word is an effort to transfer by the use of Greek

letters, the Hebrew /S DV "l^PT, in the fore court
of the people of God, i. e., " the fore court of the
temple." If the second reading is adopted, the
words are to be taken as a second designation of

Simon, 7S DJ? "Itt?, prince of the people of God.
Keil objects that this theory does not account for
the preposition iv, which must in this case be re-
garded as an arbitrary addition of the copyist ;
and further, that there is no just ground why the
Hebrew words should be transferred in such a title
of Simon any more than in other titles given him,
like apx^epfis. Cf. xiii. 42 ; xiv. 35, 41 f. ; xv.
2. According to Graetz ( Geschichte, iii., 447), who
refers for support of his view to the Syriac, Sara-
mel is but a corruption of the word Israel. See,
however, Michaelis, Com., in loc.

Ver. 29. Joarib. Cf. ii. 1, and 1 Chron. iv
24.

Ver. 32. Gave them wages. This does not
necessarily mean that Simon paid them out of
his own pocket, but only that he attended to the
matter of their being paid.

Ver. 34. Gazara that (lieth) on the borders
of Azotus. This properly describes the situation
of Gazara (see iv. 15), "if this city was situated
on the site of the village El-Kubab or near Umm-
el-AmdSn, not far from Selbit (see iv. 15 and Josh,
x. 33), since the district of Ashdod might well
have stretched in a northwesterly direction as far
as the beginning of the mountainous country, so
that there is no reason for regarding this expres-
sion, with Grimm, as an erroneous addition."
Keil.

Ver. 35. The common reading itpa^iv seems
to be preferable since the other_might easily have
arisen from the abbreviation TIN, or through the
occurrence of irlanv in the same verse, just be.
low. So Michaelis, Grimm, Keil, and oihers.

544

THE APOCETPHA.

Ver. 41. According to the usual reading we
have here a second reason given why Demetrius
confirmed Simon in the liigh priest's office. J3ut
Michiielis, Ewald, Grimm, Hitzig, Keil, and others
regard on as a corruption for the following rea-
sons : (1.) that on the sup])Osition of its genuine-
ness a most awkward construction would result,
aU tliat follows as far as ver. 47, being made de-
pendent on on euSd/cjjo-ai' ; and (2.) the principal
thought concerning the merits and services of
Simon would thus be consigned to a sabordinate
clause. The particle may have easily been re-
peated through mistake from the preceding verse.
— For ever. The idea that the office should be
hereditary seems to be here plainly intimated.
Cf. also, vers. 25, 49. — Faithful (A. V.) prophet.
The meaning of ■inaT6ii, in this case, seems rather
to be truslworlhy. Michaelis translates by beglau-
bif/fer and Grimm by zuveiidssicjeT. Most of tlie
old commentators, and even Luther, supposed
that the passage referred to the Messiah. But
there is no reason for supposing that this thought
was in the mind of the people of that time, and
the omission of the article is sufficient proof to
the contrary.

Ver. 42. And should take charge of the
sanctuary. The repetition of this clause seems
out of place, and some critics, as Gaab, Grimm,
Ewald, conjecture that it is to be omitted in the
first instance. Keil argues justly, however, that
if it is omitted in either case it should be in ver.

43 rather thau in ver. 42, since it is needed in the
first instance as justification for the airav after
iirl Tuv ifjaiv, which otherwise would have no
sense. — The variation, Si' avrov. for auroiJr, ac-
cepted by Fiitzscho and others (cf. Text. Notes) is
characterized by Grimm and Keil as an unautiior-
ized correction.

Ver. 44. Gather an assembly {(rv(rrpo(priv).
A meeting of the people for political or other
purposes. The word is used for an assembly of
conspirators by the LXX. at Ps. Ixiii. 3, as a
translation of TID-

Ver. 48. 'Within the compass {ev ircpi^iAif)
of the sanctuary. It is not clear what special
part of the temple is referred to. Probably,
however, it was the outer court where the people
were wont to assemble themselves. Cf. Ecclus.
1. 11.

Ver. 49. In the treasury. This probably
means the treasury proper and not, as some have
supposed, a special place where important docu-
ments were kept. Cf. 2 Mace. iii. 6, 28, 40 ; iv.
22 ; V. 18 ; 4 Mace. iv. 6. Whether the foregoing
document is to be regarded as genuine, has been
much discussed, among others, by Michaelis and
Gaab who are against, and Ewald and Hitzig
who are for its genuineness, Grimm holds it to
be simply a free reproduction by our author of
the original. And this view seems to have the
most in its favor.

Chapter XV.

1 And * Antiochus, son of Demetrius the king, sent a letter ^ from the isles of the

2 sea unto Simon, priest ' and ethnarch * of the Jews, and to all the nation ; ^ and ^ the
contents thereof were these : King Antiochus to Simon, high ' priest and ethnarch,*

3 and to the nation ■"• of the Jews, greeting. Forasmuch as pestilent men " have
gotten possession of ■'^ the kingdom of our fathers, but '^ my purpose is to contend
for the kingdom,-'* that I may restore it as it was before,^' and to that end have en-

4 listed ^^ a multitude of foreign soldiers,^' and prepared ships of war, and ^^ my pur-
pose is to disembark and pass ^^ through the country, that I may punish ^ them that

5 have destroyed our country,^^ and made many cities in the kingdom desolate ; now
therefore I confirm unto thee all the immunities ^^ which the kings before me

6 granted thee, and as many other gifts as ^ they granted. And " I give thee leave ^^

7 to coin money for thy country with thine own stamp, and ^° Jerusalem and the
sanctuary shall be ^ free ; and all the arms^' that thou hast made, and the ^° for-

8 tresses that thou hast built, and boldest in possession, shall ^^ remain unto thee. And
if any thing be, or shall be, owing to the king, it shall be given up to ^' thee from

9 this time forth and for all time.*^ Furthermore, when we have gotten possession
of '" our kingdom, we will honor thee, and thy nation, and the "* temple, with great
honor, so that your honor shall become manifest in all the earth.^

Yere. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : Moreover. 2 gent letters. » the priest. * prince c people. 0 omiis and.

t whereof. e the high. " prince 61 his nation (52. 62. 71. omit Kai e^cei, and the two former, koX idvapx-o)'

1- people. 11 certain pestilent men (III. X. 19. 23. 62. 62. 106. read TiVes for ai'fipes). ^- usurped. " and.

" challenge it again. is to the old estate. " gathered. 1^ soldiers together. 10 omits and. " meaning
also being to go {eK^rivai. Both ideas of disembarking and passing t/trougk are included in the verb, and the aoriat de-
notes that it is to be done at once). 20 ijg avenged of. 21 jt.

Vers. 5-7. — 22 A. V. : oblations (see Com.). =3 whatsoever gifts besides. 2* 07?ii/5 And. 2D leave also ( Kai

JireTpeif/d trot). 20 And as concerning. '" let them be. 28 armour. ^ omits the. "O keepest in thy hands

let them (the construction changes to the imper., but I render according to the sense).

Vers. 8, 9. — » A. V. : let it be forgiven. 33 lorth for evermore. » obtained (III. 19. 52. 62. al. Syr., ituTaoT^-
iriu/xev with the ace. ; Vulg., obtinuerimus regnum. Of. ver. 8.). « thy. » be known throughout the world.

1 MACCABEES. 645

10 In the hundred threescore and fourteenth year went forth ^ Antiochu8 into the
land of his fathers ; and ^ all the forces came together unto him, so that there were

11 few' with Tryphon. And the king Antiochus pursued him and* he fled unto

1 2 Dora, which lieth upon the sea.^ For he saw that these misfortunes " came upon

13 him all at once,' and <A(/< /ms forces had forsalcen him. And' Antiochus besieged
Dora, and there were ^ with him an hundred and twenty thousand men of war, and

14 eight thousand horsemen. And he *" compassed the city round about, and the ships
attacked from ^^ the sea side, and" he pressed upon'" the city by land and by sea,
and suffered none ^* to go out or in.

15 And ^^ Numenius and those with him came '° .from Rome, having letters to the

16 kings and the" countries, wherein were written these things: Lucius, consul of the

17 Romans unto king Ptolemy, greeting. The Jews' ambassadors, our friends and
allies,^* came unto us to renew the old " friendship and league, being sent from

18 Simon the high priest, and the '^^ people of the Jews ; and they brought a shield of

19 gold of a thousand minas.^^ We thought it good therefore to write unto the kings
and the ^^ countries, that they should do them no harm,^' nor fight against them,
nor ^* their cities, nor their country, ^^ and that they should not ^° aid their ene-

20, 21 mies.^' It seemed also good to us to receive the shield from ^* them. If tliere-
fore any ''^ pestilent fellows have^" fled from their country unto you, deliver them
unto Simon the high priest, that he may punish them ^^ according to their *■' law.

22 And he wrote the same things '^ unto Demetrius the king, and Attalus, and Ariara-

23 thes,'* and Arsaces, and to all the countries, and to Sampsames,^^ and Spartans,**
and to Delus, and Myndus, and Sicyon, and Caria,*' and Samos, and Pamphyiia, and
Lycia, and Halicarnassus, and Rhodus, and Phaselis,*' and Cos, and Side, and Ara-

24 dus, and Gortyna, and Cnidus, and Cyprus, and Cyrene. And the copy hereof
they sent"^ to Simon the high priests

25 But*° Antiochus the king camped against Dora the second day, assaulting it*'
continually, and making engines. And ^'^ he shut up Tryphon, that he could neither

26 go out nor in. And ^^ Simon ^ent him two thousand chosen men to aid him ; sil-

27 ver also, and gold, and many weapons.** And*^ he would not receive them, but set
aside " all the covenants which he had made with him before,*' and was alienated

28 from ** him. And *' he sent unto him Athenobius, one of his friends, to negotiate *"
with him, and say. You are in possession of ^'^ Joppe and Gazara, and the fortress ^^

29 that is in Jerusalem, cities ^^ of my realm. The borders thereof ye have wasted,
and done great hurt in the land, and got the dominion '* of many places within

30 my kingdom. Now therefore deliver the cities which ye have taken, and the trib-
utes of the places, whereof ye have gotten dominion, excepting ^^ the borders of

31 Judiea. But if not,^^ give me for them five hundred talents of silver ; and for the
desolation that you have wrought," and the tributes of the cities, other five hun-

32 dred talents ; but *' if not, we will come and fight against you. And ^^ Athenobius
the king's friend came to Jerusalem ; and when he saw the glory of Simon, and the

Vers. 10-12. — ^ A. V. : went {k^ri\dev]. ^ at which time. ^ that few were left (Fritzsche strikes out tovs

/caTii\eiiJ.9£'i/T09 after eli/ai. It is wanting in III. X. 23. 44. 52. 62. al.). « Wherefore being pursued by lling A. ^ by
the seaside. '^ troubles (rd Kaiea). ' Fritzsche adopts €7ncn;(^«Tat from III. X. 19. 62. 71. al, ; text, rec, trvvrtKTtu.

Vers. 13, 14. — ^ A. V. : Then camped. ^ against B., having. lo when he had. ^^ joined (m/inji/fa;', often

used in our boolt for armies joining in battle. Of. iv. 14) ships close to the town on. »= omits and. " vexed.

" neither suffered he any.

Vers. 15, 16. —« A. V. : In the mean season. "> came N. and his company. " omits the.

Vers. 17-19. — " A. V. : confederates. 1° (H ipxi'i '• ^■' ^'^°'^ ""^ beginning of their intercourse.) " from the
(not needed, or if needed, is provided for in the previous iiro). ^i thousand (i!iirriu<.t.ax.Mi^v, III. 44. 55. 62. al. Cf.
Jos., Antiq., xiv. 8, 5) pound. 22 omits the. » (= n5J") tt'i73.) ^' omits nor {<m). m or countries. 20 nop
yet, ^t enemies against them.

Vers. 20-24. —2» A. V. : of. '" there be any. 8° tliat have. " (ef aiirois ; III. X, 44. 55, 62, al., aurovs.)

=2 their own. » The same things wrote he likewise. ^ to (Fritzsche receives xal from III, X. 23. 55, al. Old Lat,)
Ariarathes (marg,, Amthes {'Apden, III, 23, 65. al. Co. Aid,)), ^' (Marg., Sampsaces, as III, 106. Aid, ; Old Lat,,

Lampsaco.) so the Lacedemonians, " (HI. 62. 71. al. Co., Kapi'Sa,) s« (Marg., fiziidj, as III, 106.)

BO wrote (lit,, but in the sense of *' sent "),

Vers, 25-27, — " A. V. : So. '^ (Marg., " Gr., bringing h\3/orees to it.") " by which means. " At that time.
w much armour. « Nevertheless. « brake. *' afore. " became strange unto.

Vers. 28 29, *o j^. y. ■. Furthermore. ^ commune (for KotvoXoyrjo-a/xecoi', Kotvo\oyy}<ro^evov is to be read, with

Grimm, Fritzsche, and others, from 111. X. 44, 71. al. Co.), "■ withhold, '2 with the tower. ei ^Mch are

titles. "* iKvpLevaare.

Vers. 30-32. — ^ A. V. : without. » or else. 5' liarm .... done. » omits but. ™ So.
35

646

THE APOCRYPHA.

sideboard with ^ gold and silver plate, and his great attendance, he was astonished,

33 and told him the king's message. And Simon ^ answered, and said unto him. We
have neither taken other men's land, nor gotten possession of ^ that which belong-
eth * to others, but the inheritance of our fathers, which our enemies had wrong-

34 fully in possession a certain time. But ^ we, having opportunity, hold on to ° the

35 inheritance of our fathers. But concerning Joppe and Gazara, which thou de-
mandest,' they did great harm among ' the people throughout ° our country, yet
will we give an hundred talents for these.^" And he ^^ answered him not a word ;

36 hut returned in a rage to the king, and made report unto him of these words,'^ and
of the glory of Simon, and of all that he had seen ; and '' the king was exceeding

37, 38 wroth. But Tryphon embarked on a ship and fled " unto Orthosias. And
the king appointed ^^ Cendebaeus as chief commander ^' of the sea coast, and gave

39 him a force " of footmen and horsemen. And he ^' commanded him to encamp
against ^^ Juda;a ; he also commanded him to fortify Cedron,^" and to make sure ^

40 the gates and to ^^ war against the people ; but the king ^' pursued Tryphon. And ^*
Cendebaeus came to Jamnia, and began to provoke the people, and to invade Judaea,

41 and to take the people prisoners, and slay them. And when he had fortified "^ Ce-
dron, he stationed ^^ horsemen there, and a force of infantry,^' to the end that sally-
ing forth ^' they might make forays ^ upon the roads °'' of Judasa, as the king had
commanded him.

Ver, 32. — ^ A. V, : cupboard of. ^ Then .... Simon. ^ holden. * appertaineth.

Vers. 34-36. — '^ A. V. : Wherefore. ^ omits on to. ' And whereas thon demandest J. and G., albeit.

6 unto. ^ in. 10 them. ^i Hereunto Athenohius (the latter is stricken out by Fritzsche, as wanting in III. X.
44. 55. — not " 64.-' as improperly printed in Fritzsche's notes — 74. 106. Co.). ^^ speeches. ^3 whereupon.

Vers. 37-39. — ^* A. V. : In the meantime fled T. by ship. lo Then .... made. l" captain (Fritzsche adopts

eTTLapdnjyoi' from III. X. 19. 23. 44. 62. al. Aid.; text, rec, crrpaTiriyov). " host. 18 oinits he i" remoTe his host
toward. 20 build up (marg., Gedor, as Vulg.). 21 fortify. 22 ^^^^'^ oirws- The former is omitted by X. 64. Aid.

The latter here, instead of the iniin., but with weakened force.) 23 but as for the king himself, he.

Vers. 40, 41. — ^4 A. V. : So 25 built up. 20 get. 27 j^ost of footmen. 28 issuing out. 20 outroads.

80 ways.

Chapter XV.

Ver. 1. This Antioohus, called also Skletes from
the city Sida, in Famphylia, where he was edu-
cated, was a son of Demetrius I. Soter, and so
brother of Demetrius II. Nicatov, at this time a
prisoner in Parthia. He is the seventh of the
name. He took up the war aj^ainst Trypho, in
the absence of his brother, and finally, at Apaniea,
a strongly fortified place on tlie Orontes {see ver.
10) overcame him, Trypho being killed.

Ver. 5. ' Aipaipefiera, (III. X. 23., atpfjxaTa and
for S6iiaT0L below, 44. 52. al., the .'same ; III., &<()€-
pf/iara). Here used as a softened expression for
tributes, or, aceordinp; to the sense, fiecdom from
tributes. It means literally that which is taken
aw,ay , and in the LXX. refers generally to tlie peace
offerings. Hence the rendering of the A. V., fol-
lowing the Vulgate and Syriac, which, however, in
this passage would make no sense. — As many
other gifts, namely, the golden crowns and other
things not especially determined by law.

Ver. 6. And I give thee leave. The aorist
€7r€Tep;//a denotes that it \vill be an accomplished
fact, when the notice shall have reached Simon.
In letters €ypa\pa is often used in this sense for
7pcJ<f>a>. Of, Winer, p. 278. There are at the
present time no coins extant, which were coined
by Simon. See a contrary statement in Cotton,
p. 138. The royal cabinet at Berlin has, how-
ever, coins of this period, among others some that
bear the " image and superscription " of Autiocbus
VII. Hasmonffian coins are also extiint. They
are inscribed with the names of the persons issu-
ing them .and their rank, in the old Hebrew lan-
guage and character, which, liowever, at a later
period, give place to the Greek. The value of the
coin is given as shekels, half shekels, quarter

shekels, and some of them designate the year of
their coining, or of the " Redemption of Zion."
They have also various emblems : a cup, a grape
leaf, a cluster of grapes, an entrance to the tem-
ple, etc. Cf. Eoskofi in Schenkel's Bib. Lex.,
art. " Geld," and Schiirer, Nentest. Zeitgeschichte,
p. 63, note 4, and p. 101, note 3.

Ver. 10. In the year B. c. 139-138, Antiochug
made a landing in " the laud of his fathers," go-
ing from Seleucia, wdiose queen, Cleopatra, had
given him her band and throne. She was the
daughter of Ptolemy VI. and Cleopatra, and was
first married to Alexander Balas (x. 58), then to
Demetrius Nicator (xi. 12), and now, to the latter's
brother, although her husband was still alive in
Parthia. She was a, woman of great ambition,
and finally died from the effects of poison which
she had prepared for her own son.

Ver. 11. Dora. This place now bears the
name of Tantura, or ToHura, near which are ruing
of considerable extent. It lies a short distance
north of CiJesarea.

Ver. 15. The kings and the countries. The
latter word refers, it would seem, to lands, cities,
and islands which had no kings, but which stood
in some dependent relation to Rome.

Ver. 16. Lucius. It is not certainly known
whether Lucius CfEcilius Metellns, or Lucius Cal-
puinius Piso, is meant. The weight of probability,
however, is in favor of the latter, who was consul
with M. Popillius Lamas, b. c. 139. To the olijec-
tion that his name was not Lucius, but Cneius, it is
to be answered, ( 1 ) that the Fasti Capitoliiii are de-
fective for this year, giving but a fragment of the
name of Popillius, the associate consul of Lucius.
(2) The reading Cn. Calpurnius by Cassiodorus, is

1 MACCABEES.

547

probably an error of transcription caused by
names in the lists ^ust previous. (3.) Valerius
Maximns (i. 3, 2) is improperly cited in support of
the reading Cneius, Pighius, in his edition (1567)
of the same, having himself introduced the change
in deference to the above false reading of Cassio-
dovus. Previously, for sixty years, his text had
this form, without variation, " L. Calpurnio."
Of. in addition to the commentaries Westcott in
Smith's Bib. Diet., art. " Lucius." The fact that
only one consul is here mentioned, the manner in
which he is designated by his first name only, the
omission of all mention of the Senate from whom
such documents were wont to emanate, the want
of any date, and other circumstances of form and
matter, have led many to hold that our hook gives
only a free reproduction of the original document.
These reasons are too numerous and weighty to be
much wealiened by any efforts to prove that at
that time the associate consul of Lucius was in
Spain. Of. Keil, Com., in loc. Still to admit
that we have not before us an accurate copy of
the original, does not hinder us from regarding it
as essentially correct and quite trustworthy. —
Unto king Ptolemy. This was Ptolemy Euer-
getes II. or Physeon (xi. 18.)

Ver. 17. The old friendship. It had now
lasted about twenty-three years.

Ver. 20. To receive the shield from them.
He speaks as though it were a favor the Romans
were conferring on the Jews to accept the valu
able present they had made.

Ver. 22. Demetrius. It was probably not
known in Rome, at this time, that he was a pris-
oner in Parthia. Moreover, the fact that Deme-
trius and not Antiochus was written to is strong
incidental evidence of the virtual truthfulness of
tlie history. — Attalus. He was king of Perga-
mos, but it is doubtful whether Attalus Philadel-
phus, or Attalus Philometor is meant. — Aria-
rathes. Ariarathes VI. Philopator, king of Cap-
padoeia. — Arsaces. He was king of Parthia.
He was not a vassal of the Romans, and their
letter to him must have been of a somewhat dif-
ferent character from the others. Of. Rawlinson,
The. Sixth Oriental Mon., pp. 42-45.

Ver. 23. Sampsames. It seems probable
from the connection that a country and not a
king is meant, and critics find it in the present
Samsun situated on the coast of the Black Sea. —
Delus, i. e., Delos, the smallest of the Cyclades,
at present Dili. It reached its highest commercial
prosperity in the second century before Christ.
The Romans made a present of it to Athens, B. c.
166, and raised it to the dignity of a free port. —
Myndus, a town on the coast of Caria. Its ships

were known in very early times. Herodotus (v.
33) says: "As Megabates went his rounds to
visit the watches on board the ships, he found a
Myndian vessel on which there were none set."
It is probably to be identified with the ruins of
Gumishlu, nearly at the extreme west of the
Halicarnassian peninsula. — > Sieyon. The deriva-
tion of the word shows that it was the place of a
periodical market. It was situated on the north
coast of the Peloponnesus, west from Corinth.
Cf. Smith's Bib. Did,, s. v. — Carta, at the south-
west point of Asia Minor. — Samoa, a well-known
island on the coast of Ionia. — Pamphylia. In
Asia Minor between Lycia and Clicia, the latter
place lying southeast of Caria. — Haliearnassus,
the chief city of Caria and at an earlier period the
place where its kings resided. — Phaselis was a
city of Lycia. — Cos. A small i.sland lying oppo-
site to Cnidus and Haliearnassus. — Side. A
harbor of Pamphylia. — Aradus. The name of
an island and a city at the mouth of the Eleuthe-
rus, on the coast of Phoenicia. — G-ortyna. An
important city on the island of Crete. — Cnidus
was a city of Caria. — Cyrene was the principal
city of Upper Libya. In the enumeration of these
several places no proper order is observed, and it
is apparent that the writer of the present book
was quite unfamiliar with the geography of ad-
jacent countries.

Ver. 25. The narrative interrupted at verse 15
is here resumed. — The second day. On the
first day the city had been thoroughly invested.
See ver. 14. — Taj x*"^?""- Used like the Latin
manus and vis for a body of men, especially sol-
diers. Cf. Herod., i. 174; v. 72.

Ver. 27. The reason why Antiochus conducted
in this way is obvious. He expected to be able to
conquer Try phon without the Jews' aid, of which he
had previously sought so earnestly to avail himself.

Ver. 28. Athenobius. He is not elsewhere
mentioned. Antiochus calls the places mentioned
his, because they had been built by Antiochus IV.
Epiphanes, his great uncle. Cf. i. 33, xiii. 49.

Ver. 32. (His) great attendance, i. e., the
great number of servants.

Ver. 33. The inheritance of our fathers.
Cf. Ex. xxiii. 31 ; Deut. xi. 24; Josh. xi. 23. It
surprised him to see this in one who was simply
a vassal of the Syrian king.

Ver. 37. Orthosias. It lay southward from
the mouth of the Eleutherus on the coast of Phoe-
nicia and north of Tripoli, a few miles distant
from the latter place.

Ver. 39. Cedron. Probably the modern Katra,
or Ktitrah, lying three miles southwest of Akir
(Ekron).

Chapter XVI.

1 And John came up ' from Gazara, and told Simon his father what Cendebaeus

2 brought to pass.^ And= Simon called his two eldest sons, Judas and John, and
said unto them, I, and mv brethren, and my father's house, have^ from our youth
unto this day fought against the enemies ^ of Israel ; and things have prospered m

3 our hands, so ' that we have delivered Israel oftentimes. But now I have become

Vers 1-3 -1 A. v.: Then came up J. 2 had done. = Wherefore. • have ever. » (toX<^o«!, III. X., by a
iBrrector, 23. 55. 74. Syr. Cf. ii. 54.) = so well in. ' omits so. ' am

548 THE APOCRYPHA.

old, and ye, by God's mercy, are of a sufficient age ; be ye instead of me and my
brother, and go forth ^ and fight for our nation ; but ^ the help from heaven be '

4 with you. And * he chose out of the country twenty thousand men of war with
horsemen, and they went '' against Cendebseus, and they spent the " night at Modein.

5 And they ' rose in the morning, and went into the plain, and ' behold, a mighty
force ' of footmen and horsemen came against them ; and ^° there was a water brook

6 betwixt them. And" he and his men ^'^ pitched over against them. And when he
saw that the men ^^ were afraid to go over the water brook, he went first over,"

7 and when the men saw '' him, they went over" after him. And" he divided the"
men, and set '^ the horsemen in the midst of the footmen ; for ^^ the enemies' horse-

8 men ivere very many. And they sounded °' with the trumpets ; ^^ and ^ CendebiEus
and his army ^■' were put to flight, and there fell many ^ of them slain ; but those

9 left fled ^^ to the stronghold. Then^' was Judas, John's brother, wounded; but
John ^ followed after them, until he came to Cedron, which Cendebaiis had built.

10 And ^^ they fled as far as ^^ the towers in the fields of Azotus ; and ^^ he burnt it
with fire ; and tliere fell of '^ them about two °^ thousand men. And he returned
into the land of Juda in peace.

11 And ^'^ in the plain of Jericho was Ptolemy the son "^ of Abubus made general,'"

12 and he had abundance of silver and gold; for he was the high priest's son-in-law.

13 And*' his heart was *° lifted up, and * he wished to get possession of the country ;

14 and he * consulted deceitfully against Simon and his sons to remove " them. And ^^
Simon was visiting the cities that were in the country, and taking care for their
needs ; *^ and *^ he came down to Jericho, he and *^ his sons, Mattathias and Judas, in
the hundred threescore and seventeenth year, in the eleventh month, that is the

15 month *^ Sabat. And^' the son of Abubus received ^* them deceitfully into the little
fortress,^' called Doc,™ which he had built ; and he made them a great banquet,

16 and ^^ hid men there. And ^^ when Simon and his sons were drunk,^* Ptolemy and
his men rose up, and took their weapons, and came in " upon Simon into the ban-

17 quet,*^ and slew him, and his two sons, and some^° of his servants. And he^' com-

18 mitted a great treachery,™ and recompensed evil for good. And^' Ptolemy wrote
these things, and sent to the king, that he should send him forces ^ to aid him, and

19 deliver him their ^' country and cities. And*^ he sent others to Gazara, to remove ^
John ; and unto the chiliarchs '^^ he sent letters to come unto him, that he might

20 give them silver, and gold, and presents.^^ And others he sent to take Jerusalem,

21 and the mountain of the temple. And one ran ahead ^^ and told John at Gazara,"

22 that his father and brethren were slain, and he ^^ hath sent to slay thee also. And
on hearing it,^^ he was sore astonished ; and he seized the men that came to kill '"
him, and slew them ; for he had learned '^ that they sought to kill him.'"

Vcr. 8,— » A. v.: 0OTi(.! forth. = and. 3 lirru ; tj™, III. 44. 62. al. Cf. x. 31.

Vers. 4-7. — * A. V. : So. 6 who went out. o rested that (eKoifi^drjtrav. Cf . li. 6). ^ when as they.

■ omits and. " great host both. lo howbeit. ^* So. ^^ people (cf . ver. 7). ^ people. i* oTer himself,
IE I/ien the men (here acSpes) seeing. i" passed through. ^^ That done. ^^ his. ^^ (The Kat may be regarded
as expHcatiTe, and inrffetZ, SteiAe being understood.) ^^ for (Se. As a gloss, correct).

Vers. 8-10. —21 A. V. : Then sounded they. ^ holy (it is wanting in III. X. 19. 44. 62. 62. al. Cf. ill. 54) trnm-

pets. 23 whereupon. 24 host. ^e go tj^t many. 2a were slain, and the remnant gat them. 27 At that

time. 28 John stiU. 20 built (cf. zv. 39. Codd. 19. 64. 93., with Syr., the plur., which Qrimm would adopt, but

not Fritzsche, or Eeil). So. ^ even (ews, omitted by III. X. 23. 106.) unto. 31 wherefore. 82 go that there

were slain of. »3 III. 44. 66. 106., " 1000 ; " 19. 64. 93. Syr., " 3000."

Vers. 11-13. — ^4 A. V. : Moreover. ^^ (No word for " son " in the Greek.) so captain. 37 Wherefore.

38 being. 30 omits and. *" thought to get the country to himself and tliereupon. 'i destroy.

Vers. 14, 15. — *2 A. V. : Now. " the good ordering of them (I take en-ifieAeiM as referring to the object of care.

" SoUidtu.^ (It cura eormn.^^ Wahl). " at which time. *c himself to J. with. " month, called. " where.
*» receiving. « a little hold. ■«' Docus (Smith's Bib. Diet., s. v., in a foot-note, says it would be interesting to

know whence the form found in the A. V. is derived. It seems to have come from Aid., which has to koXovilevov
^wKos). ci iiad built, made .... howbeit he had.
Vers.16-18. — »2 A. V. : ™ So. ra had drunk largely (so many of the older commentators, but it is not the meaning

f JfieeiVeij). '^ omits in. K banqueting place (<rv(itrd(j-io>'). co certain. »' In which doing he. 3*111.62.
1.06., adetav, goctlcssness.

Vers. 18-20. — c" A. V. : Then. co a host. 01 he would deliver him (III. 62. 71. 106. Co. omit) the (avTW is

omitted by 19. 64. 74. 93.). «2 omits And. «3 others also .... to kill. « tribunes. "5 rewards.

Vers. 21, 22. — »" A. V. : Now one had run afore to Gazara. «' omits at Gazara (see preceding note). <" and

quoth he, Ftolemee. "o Hereo/vrhon ho heard. ™ so he laid his hands on them that were ooma to destroy.

^1 knew. '2 make him away.

1 MACCABEES.

549

23 And 1 as concerning the rest of the acts of John, and his wars, and his valiant ^
deeds which he did, and the building of the walls which he built,' and his doings,

24 behold, these are written in the chroaicles * of his high = priesthood, from the time
he became ' high priest after his father.

Vers. 23, 24.-
« was made.

-* A. V. : omits And-

' worthy.

8 made.

* (ejrl ^L^Xi'if) TjiLtpuv.)

8 omits higli.

Chapter XVI.

Ver. 3. And my brother. "We might have
expected the plural here, so as to include Judas.
Some suppose the translator read T1K instead of
''P^. But Keil thinks the singular is properly
used, Simon having on]jr the period in mind in
which he had been associated with Jonathan.

Ver. 4. With horsemen. The Jews had not
in previous wars been accustomed to use cavalry.

Ver. 6. And he. It is not clear which of the
two brothers is meant, but probably John. Cf.
xiii. 53.

Ver. 7. Horsemen in the midst. This was
contrary to the usual custom, and it was probably
done because he had not yet sufficient confidence
in them to assign to them the protection of the
flanks.

Ver. 8. The corruption lepaij, " holy," before
trumpets, probably arose from the well-known fact
that the trumpets belonged to the temple and
were used by the priests. Cf. Numb. x. 8 f. —
The stronghold, namely, Cedron. See xv. .'59, 41 .

Ver. 10. And they fled, i. e., such as did not
find refuge at Cedron. — Burnt it, namely, Azo-
tns, or Ashdod. Cf. x. 84, where it is stated that
Jonathan also once burnt this place. This took
place ten years earlier.

Ver. 11. This Ptolemy was son-in-law of
Simon, and owed to him both his position and

wealth. The position he occupied at Jericho was
a prominent one, the ford of the Jordan at this
point making it of considerable military impor-
tance.

Ver. 14. Mattathias. Not before mentioned.
The date is B. c. 136, — Sabat. The eleventh
month of the ecclesiastical, and the fourth of the
Jewish civil, year. The Hebrew form was tDDt27,
Shehdt.

Ver. 15. The (son) of Abubus. He seems to
be so named out of disrespect. So Saul was wont
to call David simply "the son of Kish." — Doc.
Josephus has falsely, Aayiijj', the Syriac, Doak,
and Luther, with the Vulgate, Dock. The name
is still preserved in Ain-Dflk, certain springs
about four miles northwest of Jericho. Cf. Text.
Notex for origin of the form of the word found in
the A. V.

Ver. 24. In the chronicles. JAt. on the booh-roll
of days. Sixtus Senensis affirms (Bib. Sancia,
i. 39) that he saw in the library of Pagninus, at
Lyons, the manuscript of a very Hebraistic Greek
book of the Maccabees, which included the his-
tory of thirty-one years, and began with the words :
" After the murder of Simon, John his sou became
high priest in his stead." It is not impossible
that this may have been, in some form, the work
here referred to. This library of Pagninus was
shortly after destroyed by fire.

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION.

The book opens with two brief compositions in epistolary form. The first (i. 1-9) pur-
ports to be a letter from the Palestinian Jews to their brethren in Egypt, and is dated in the
year 188 of the Seleucian era (b. c. 125). They had already written in the year 169 (b. c.
144), during the reign of Demetrius, concerning their oppressed condition since the treachery
of Jason, and the burning of the gate of the temple. Now, however, the temple service had
been again restored, and they desired that their Egyptian brethren might participate in the
festival of reconsecration. The second letter (i. 10-ii. 18) is not dated, but must have been
written, if genuine, immediately after the report of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes reached
Jerusalem. It emanates ostensibly from the people of Jerusalem and Judaea, the Sanhedrin
and Judas Maccabeus, and is directed to the priest Aristobulus, teacher of King Ptolemy,
and the Egyptian Jews. It first relates how their oppressor, Antiochus Epiphanes, had per-
ished in an attempt to plunder a temple in Persia, and that they are on the point of celebrat-
ing the festival of the dedication and of the rediscovery — at the time of Nehemiah — of the
holy fire, to a participation in which services the Egyptian Jews are invited. Then follows
an account of the wonderful manner in which this fire and various articles of the furniture of
the temple had been hidden away and subsequently found, together with other statements
concerning Solomon's feast of dedication, the commentaries of Nehemiah, his collection of
national writings, and the one made by Judas. The letter closes with a repetition of the in-
vitation to the dedicatory feast.

Next after these letters comes the preface of the epitomizer, in which he gives the sources
and aims of his work (ii. 19-32). He then proceeds to narrate in two principal sections
(others say five, corresponding to the five books of Jason and ending, respectively, with iii.
40, vii. 42, X. 9, xili. 26, xv. 37), the course of events in Jewish history from the reign of Se-
leucus IV. Philopator (b. c. 175), to the death of Nicanor (b. c. 161). The principal events
noticed in the first section are the fruitless attempt of Heliodorus to rob the temple (iii.); the
purchase from Antiochus Epiphanes of the high priest's office by Jason and the latter's
promise to introduce Greek customs among the Jews (iv. 1-22); the succession of Menelaus
to the high priesthood, who outdoes Jason in his subserviency to the heathenish tendencies
of tbe time (iv. 23-50); portents in the skies; an attack of Jason on Jerusalem; the bloody
retribution which Antiochus Epiphanes exacts for the same ; and the coming of Apollonius
with a hostile army still further to oppress the people (v. 1-vi. 17). Then follows (vi. 18-
vii. 42) an extended account of the martyrdom of Eleazer, and a mother with her seven sons.
At this point Judas Maccaba^us appears in the foreground, assembles about him an army of
patriots, and makes war upon the oppressors of his people, as well during the reign of Anti-
ochus Epiphanes as during that of his successor, Antiochus V. Eupator, until the final defeat
tind death of the great Syrian general, Nicanor. There is first noticed (viii.) a defeat of the
Syrian army led by Nicanor, Timotheus, and Bacchides; then, the miserable death of Anti-
ichus Epiphanes (ix.), and finally, closing the section, the cleansing of the temple (x. 1-9) and
the establishment of a yearly festival in commemoration of the same. The new section opens
with an account of a campaign undertaken against the Idumseans; a victory over Timotheus:

THE SECOKD BOOK OF MACCABEES. 551

the capture of Gazara (;x. 10-38); the defeat of an army under Lysias, and the securing of a
treaty of peace through him (xi.). The Syrian governors, however, manifesting their hostil-
ity soon after, Judas punishes them severely, and conquers not only Timotheus and Gorgias
(xii.), but an immense force led by Lysias and the king in person, the latter being compelled
to make peace (xiii.) on terms most favorable to the Jews. Three years later, on the acces-
sion of Demetrius I. to the throne, Nic-inor was sent again against Judaea, but his army was
utterly routed and he himself killed. The day of this victory, the 13th of Adar, was set
apart to be observed as a yearly festival (xiv. 1-xv. 36). The epitomizer closes with certain
characteristic remarks concerning the nature of his work (xv. 37-39).

The Two Introductory Letters.

Even from this bare summary of the contents of our book it will be seen that the two letters
•with which it opens have no historical connection with it. Whether they were placed in their
present position by the original compiler of Jason's work, as some suppose (Eichhorn, Vai-
hinger, Keil, Ewald, Fritzsche), or by a later hand (Bertholdt, Grimm, Paulus), it is evi-
dent that they could not have been composed by either. In that case^%e should have ex-
pected to find them in a different part of the history, namely, after x. 1—9, where they chron-
ologically belong. The language and style, too, are quite different from those of the principal
work. Besides, they show in some particulars the baldest contradictions to it, such as could
not well have escaped the attention of our compiler had the letters passed through his hands
(cf. i. 11-16 with ix.). The particle 5e' which connects them with the body of tjie work
might, after the analogy of the Hebrew, have properly stood where it now does, without refer-
ence to anything going before. The obvious aim of the book, as in the main coincident with
that of the epistles, would have furnished a sufficient occasion for their being prefixed by a
later hand. Bertholdt (^Einleit., p. 1075) suggests that it may have been he who first con-
nected them with the version of the LXX. But this is mere conjecture.

The two letters had different authors as is evident from strongly marked differences in lan-
guage and style. Whether one or both were originally composed in Hebrew it is not now
possible to decide with certainty. There is more reason, however, for suspecting this of the
first than of the second, while the latter, in its form, bears more than the former the stamp
of an official document. They are without any real connection with one another, external or
internal, except in the one matter of an invitation to the Egyptian Jews on the part of their
brethren at Jerusalem to observe the feast of dedication. Where they were expected to ob-
serve it, whether at Jerusalem or in their own temple at LeontopoUs, is, indeed, not directly
stated, but it seems to be implied throughout, that it would be celebrated with more propriety
at Jerusalem. This appears, at least, to be one motive for the narrative contained in the
second letter concerning the miraculous manner in which Jehovah had protected and honored
the temple on Mount Zion.

The second of the letters is very generally considered by critics to lack genuineness. Some
of the reasons adduced for this opinion, however, have no great force. It is not absolutely
necessary, for instance, to suppose, with Grimm and most others, that the observance of the
festival referred to in i. 18 was the Jirst dedication which occurred after the cleansing of the
temple in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. It might have been some other of the later
yearly observances of the same. If so, the letter would not, in this particular, come in con-
flict with the acknowledged historical fact that the/re( celebration of this kind took place be-
fore the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, while our letter was not written, according to data
furnished by itself, until after his death (cf. Keil, Com., in loc). Again, the fact that the let-
ter contains such legends as that concerning the rediscovery of the holy fire, would not cer-
tainly, in itself, prove it spurious, though it is not so easy to understand how the Sanhedrinat
Jerusalem could have given countenance to fabulous stories of this sort. So too, it is possible
to regard the acknowledged contradictions to veritable history which the composition contains
(cf. i" 13 ff. with 1 Macc° vi. and 2 Mace, ix.), as being actual reports in circulation at that
time, to which the Jews, high and low, gave a willing ai^ too credulous hearing. Further,
it is by no means certain, as Grimm (Einleit., p. 23), Movers (Loci Quidam, p. 13), and
others seem to suppose, that our letter (ii. 1, 4, 13), sent out under the direction of the San-
hedrin, cites certain apocryphal works as Scripture (ypc'P'fi). Still, all these suspicious cir-

552 THE APOCRYPHA.

cumstances taken together must be regarded as having no little weight, even if there were
nothing of a more positive character to throw liglit upon them. But at one point (i. 18), we
find tlie obviously false statement that Nehemiah rebuilt the temple and the altar, that is, that
is ascribed to him which was done b/ Zerubbabel. Such a distortion of fact would not have
been possible in a composition really emanating from Judas Maccabaeus and the learned and
influential men who made up the Jewish Sanliedrin at that time.

It has been urged against the genuineness of the first letter, that it contains an invitation to
the Egyptian Jews to participate in the celebration of the feast of dedication in the year 188
of the Seleucian era (b. C. 125), or forty years after this festival was first established. To this
objection it is replied (so SchlUnkes), that the letter itself refers also to another communi-
cation of the same purport, sent nineteen years earlier, when under the government of Ptolemy
Philometor there was danger that the newly-built temple at Leontopolis might attract more at-
tention to itself than that at Jerusalem. And the fact that one such letter was written a score
of years after the establishment of the feast of dedication, would favor the view that another
might have been written another score of years later with the same general purpose. It is
by no means certain, however, that the building of the temple at Leontopolis took place, as
Scbliiukes, relying on Josephus (Antiq., xii. 9, § 7 ; xiii. 3, §§ 1-3), supposes, between the years
160 and 165 of the Seleucian era. (Cf. Ewald, Geschichle d. Volk. Is., iv. 462 ff.) Josephus
in these passages may have been influenced by the logical, rather than the chronological con-
nection of events. Still, the bai-e fact of an allusion to a former letter might be considered,
if taken alone, a strong, incidental proof of genuineness. But Grimm, following Wernsdorf,
Eichhorn, and others, finds an anachronism in verse 7, where " the extremity of trouble "
(iv -rfi 6Al\p€i Kcd if -rf aKjxfl) is spoken of as existing in the year 169 of the Seleucian era (b. c.
144), when, as a matter of fact, the enemies of the Jews were at that time becoming divided
amongst themselves, and the acme of distress for them had consequently passed. The Jews,
at this time, had already united themselves with the party of Antiochus VI. against Deme-
trius 11. (Cf. 1 Mace. xi. 54 if.) Hence the author probably meant by " Demetrius," Deme-
trius I. Soter. In that case, however, he gave the wrong date, and so betrayed his hand as
that of a forger. The effort of Schliinkes (cf. also Paulus in Eichhorn's All. BibUothek d.
Bib. Lit., i. 240) to turn the edge of this argument by translating the preposition iv by iiber,
concerning, on the supposition that it is a Hebraism and stands for D, cannot be regarded as
successful. This Hebrew preposition could not have that meaning in such a connection.
Again, to the chronological objection it is replied (cf. Bertheau, Diss, de Secundo Maccabce-
orum Libra, p. 15), that the representation of the letter may have been true in the frst part of
the year 169 of the Syrian chronology, the letter of Antiochus VI. to Jonathan proposing an
alliance not being sent until later in the same year. (Cf. 1 Mace. xi. 57 ff.) But even were
this view of the chronology probable, which is not the case, the wished-for conclusion would
not follow. It is assumed that the crisis of diflaculties did not pass for the Jews until An-
tiochus VI. proposed a Jewish alliance. But it had passed several years earlier. In fact,
the experiences of the Jews during the entire reign of Demetrius II. were of a far milder
character than they had been for a long time previous. It was he who sent letters with '■ lov-
ing words " to Jonathan, in order to secure his aid against Alexander Balas. And the lat-
ter's conduct was quite as conciliatory as that of his rival (cf. 1 Mace. xi. 66). We must
therefore hold that the exception to this statement in the first letter is well taken, and that
in all probability there is a chronological error, Demetrius I. and not Demetrius II. beimr re-
ferred to.

Aim of the Entire Work.

The object of the compilation, as such, was clearly not to prepare a consecutive and trust-
worthy history of the period of which it treats, but rather to furnish instruction and admoni-
tion to the scattered and oppressed Jewish people. A more special object seems to have
been to do honor to the temple at Jerusalem, particularly in connection with the celebration
of the two great national festivals: that of the purification of the temple and that of the de-
feat and death of Nicanor. The vftrious historical events which might be considered as fur-
nishing illustration for such a leading purpose, and as giving point to it, are brought into the
foreground with but little effort to preserve a chronological sequence. From the first (ii.
19) the attention is directed to the "great temple," and the honors which even heathen

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES.

553

kings bestowed upon it, "magnifying" it with "their best gifts" (iii. 2; ix. 16; viii.
23). It is carefully explained why Jehovah permitted, for a time, his house to be pol-
luted (v. 17-20), and how, subsequently, he raised it out of its fallen condition (x. 1). It is
shown that He protected it by marvelous interpositions on various occasions, and visited with
the severest punishment those who sought to dishonor it (iii. 24; xiii. 6-8; xiv. 32; xv. 32).
And finally, how the Jewish people recognized these divine favors by the establishment of
the two great festivals already mentioned.

Around these two festivals, in fact, the whole material of the book, in a sense, is made to
crystallize. For this reason, probably, the account of the establishment of the first is not
given in its historical order, before the death of Antiochus Epiphanes (see viii. 33, and cf. x.
1, and 1 Mace. iv. 36), but for rhetorical effect, after that event. For the same reason
the important facts connected with the death of Judas MaccabaBus are wholly omitted, in
order, as it would seem, to concentrate the interest of the reader on the contest which pre-
ceded it, and which terminated with the death of Nicanor and its commemorative festival.
Moreover the two introductory letters already considered, by whomsoever composed and
placed in their present position, must be regarded as witnesses of the strongest character,
in confirmation of the view that the emphasizing of these two festivals, particularly in the
estimation of the Jews living in Egypt, was the principal aim of our work in its present
form.

Historical Worth.
The First and Second Books of the Maccabees show no dependence on one another (so
most critics against Hitzig, Geschichte, ii. 415), and although for a part of the period which
they cover traversing the same path and handling, in general, the same events, their dif-
ferences both in the order and form of their statements, are very marked. From chap. iii.

-where the present book properly begins — to iv. 6, it is, for the most part, the only source

of information concerning the events of which it treats. This includes, however, a period of
only a year or two. From iv. 7 to vii. 42, the narrative corresponds in its main outlines with
that of 1 Mace. i. 10-64, and, with some exceptions, iiiidit be received as but another en-
larged and, on the whole, tolerably trustworthy histiiry of the same events. The representa-
tion, for instance, that Antiochus IV. Epi[)hanes was present at the martyrdoms mentioned
in chap, vii., must be regarded as false and incredible (cf. Com., in loc). But other state-
ments concerning this ruler which the present work contains and which are not to be found in
the First Book, are confirmed by contemporaneous profane history (cf. iv. 21 ; v. 1). The re-
mainder of the work (vili.-xv.) is, in its principal features, parallel with the history of i
Mace, iii.-vii. But this can only be said in the most general sense. In details, the accounts
differ not only as it respects order and form, but in essential contents and statements of fact
to such a degree that all attempts to harmonize the two have been hitherto without success.
As an illustration of the sequence in which different events are narratde in the two books
relatively to each other, the following table may be helpful: —

1 Mace.

2 Mace.

iii.-iv. 27.

viii. 1-35.

First battle of Judas against the Syrians and his victory over Nicanor
and Gorgias.

iv. 28-35.

xi. 1-12.

"War with Lysias.

xi. 13-38.

His treaty of peace vfith the Jews.

iv. 36-61.

X. 1-8.

Cleansing of the Temple.

X. 10-38 & xii.

War of Judas against the Idumsaans.

ix. 1 29.

Death of Antiochus Epiphanes.

vi. 17-69.

xiii.

Campaign of Eupator and Lysias against Judsea and the treaty of

vii.

xiv.-xv.

War under Demetrius until the death of Nicanor.

There can bo but one answer given to the question which of the two books, in the case of
irreconcilable discrepancies, is to be followed. It has virtually been already given in our pre-
vious characterization of the First Book and in the statement made above of the obvious spirit

554 THE APOCRYPHA.

and aim of the present one. Some examples of such discrepancies may be noticed. Accord-
ing to 1 Mace. iv. 28-35, the Syrian general, Lysias, invaded Judsea by way of Idumsea, and
was defeated by Judas Maccabseus at Bethsura. Lysias, thereupon, retired to Antioch to
prepare for a second campaign. This was before the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. The
Second Book of Maccabees also speaks of a defeat of Lysias at Bethsura (xi.), but puts it
under the reign of Antiochus Eupator and makes no mention of this general at all, until the
accession of Eupator to the throne (x. 11). Both books speak of another invasion of Judaea
by Lysias, under the same ruler (1 Mace. vi. 17-50; 2 Mace. xiii. 2 ff.), in which lie was suc-
cessful, having possessed himself of the stronghold, Bethsura. Hence, one of two theories
seems to be necessary : either there were three campaigns of Lysias, one of which, and a dif-
ferent one, was omitted by each of the books, or the Second Book has misplaced the one
spoken of in the First as havingoccurred under Antiochus Epiphanes. And between these
two alternatives no candid mind can well hesitate when, in connection with the highly trust-
worthy character of the First Book, the circumstances of the case are considered in detail.

Again, according to 1 Mace, v., between the cleansing of the temple and the death of
Antiochus Epiphanes there were campaigns undertaken by Judas Maccabteus against the
neighboring heathen peoples, and also against the Syrian general Timotheus. In the Second
Book, on the contrary, these events are separated by the first campaign of Lysias (2 Mace,
viii. 30, A. 14-39, and xii. 2-45), and are described so differently that they can scarcely be
identified as the same. In fact, in the latter part of the Look, the war is said to have been
carried on against a Syrian leader, who, as it would appear, had been previously killed (x.
37, xii. 10, 18, 21). Again, at ix. 29, Philip is falsely and absurdly represented as leaving
his own friendly army, immediately after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, and taking ref-
uge with Ptolemy Philometor in Egypt. Here and there, too (x. 11, xi. 14, 18 f.), Antiochus
Eupator is spoken of in such a way as to give the impression that the author was quite igno-
rant of the fact that he was simply a boy of nine years on liis accession to the throne. Most
improbable, also, is the statement, found at xii. 3-7, concerning the drowning of the Jews by
the inhabitants of Joppa, and almost equally so, the relations described as existino- between Ni-
canor and Judas (xiv. 24 ff.). And finally, the fortress at Jerusalem was not in possession of
the Jews at the time of Nicanor's death (cf. xv. 31, 35, with 1 Mace. xiii. 49-51), although our
author evidently supposes that it was. Now, for these various anachronisms and historical
blunders, and others which might be mentioned, it is impossible to find the same ground as
we have already given above for the misplacing of the date of tlie consecration of the temple,
after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, that is, rhetorical considerations. Other peculiar-
ities of the book, however, might be thus explained, though, of course, not justified. For
instance: the obviously exaggerated account of the martyrdoms recorded in vi. 18 to vii. 42;
the false statement concerning the place and manner of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes
(ix.) ; the incredible circumstances connected with the suicide of Razis (xiv. 37 ff); and the
fact that the writer ascribes in almost every instance such immense numbers to the hostile
armies and allows but an inconsiderable size to that of the Jews (viii. 24, 30; x. 23, 31 ; xi.
11; xii. 19; xv. 27). It is, indeed, not a history which is attempted in our work, but a warn-
ing and an appeal to the force of which the chronicles of the Maccabsean era are made to
contribute as far as possible, and even beyond this, submitted to an extraordinary amount of
enlargement, tawdry ornamentation and distortion, as well as, now and then, to actual falsi-
fication. Just where the responsibility for error in particular statements lies, it is not always
so easy to decide. One might be pardoned, however, for assuming that some part of it, at
least, is chargeable to the epitomizer, who sets out with the positive declaration that he
shall make the entertainment of his readers his principal aim (ii. 24-32). It may be true in
the main, that his faults are those of one " who interprets history to support his cause rather
than one who falsifies its substance." (Westcott, in Smith's Bib. Diet., s. v.) Still, that
there are some instances of a substantial falsification, could hardly be denied.

To make a work true in substance, though highly embellished in form, is an ideal which
many writers have set before them, but few, probably, under circumstances less favorable to
success than the present one. The strength of the political and moral current on which he
is borne and against which he makes, it should seem, no struggle, is everywhere apparent.
That for the most part it set in the right direction may be admitted, without denying its
power to shape all that came in contact with it. Now it shows itself in the contemptuous
epithets which are heaped on the oppressors of Israel (iv. 1, 19; v. 9 ; viii. 34, 36; ix. 8, 18;

THE SECOND BOOK OE MACCABEES. 555

xii. 35; xiii. 4; xiv. 27; xv. 32); and now, in the pathetic, almost passionate outbursts of
lamentation over the miseries that have come upon them (iii. 15-52). But God would never
suffer the insolence of the enemy to go unpunished (vii. 37). He that had compelled many
to flee from their native land for conscience' sake should become at last himself a wretched
exile (v. 9). He that had put others to torture on account of their religion, must be made
himself to experience the pangs of insufferable agony (ix. 5). The trifler with the coals of
the holy altar justly finds at last, amidst glowing coals, his own dreadful death (xiii. 8). The
hand that was stretched out in challenge against the temple pf God, was ere long smitten
from the body, and the tongue that uttered blasphemies against the same, cut out (xv. 32 f.).
The enemies of God and his people are compelled by the bitterest experience to confess the
power of Him whom they had despised, and to make good that which they had attempted to
destroy (iii. 38; viii. 36; ix. 17; xi. 13). There is nothing, in fact, too great or too strange
for God to do, in order, in the end, to deliver " his portion " (xiv. 15), whom, for a little
while, on account of their sins, he would chastise and correct. In the midst of hotly con-
tested battles, troops of angels appear and discomfit with lightnings the confident foe (x. 29 f. ;
cf. xi. 18). Horses with "terrible riders " charge upon those who enter with sacrilegious
purpose into the sacred precincts of the temple (iii. 23-40). Dreadful portents in the skies,
" troops of horsemen in array," the " shaking of shields," " drawing of swords," and " glit-
ter of golden ornaments," are made precursors of a coming evil (v. 2 f.), and other equally
marvelous portents signalize its end. Judas Maccabseus, on one occasion, sees in vision the
hoary Jeremiah, who reaches him a sword of gold, with promise of certain victory (xv. 12-16).
There are no miracles in the book, but only wonders. The coloring of supernaturalism which
it receives is as far removed from that peculiar to the Old Testament as is its history in
other respects. Providence appears no longer as God's providence, but man's, shaped by his
wishes and governed by his caprices. In short, we are here no longer in the realm of actual
history, but have come to that border-land where the actual and the ideal mingle in an almost
indistinguishable confusion.

But the present book is not, on this account, to be regarded as entirely without historical
worth. The chaff is, in general, easily recognizable as such. It is often possible to ascribe
a basis of truth to the legends which, in their details, are the most fancifully wrought up.
In not a few important points it agrees with the First Book, which is much to its credit, since
the two, as we have already noticed, must have been of wholly independent origin. (Cf. iv.-
vi. 10, with 1 Mace. i. 10-64.) It agrees, also, in several clear instances, with Josephus, who
seems never to have shown acquaintance with it, and that, in particulars of which the First
Book makes no mention, (iv., vi. 2 ; xiii. 3-8 ; xiv. 1. Cf. Josephus, Antiq., xii., xiii.)
Moreover, in some instances of minor difference from this Jewish historian, the present work
seems to have the better claim to trustworthiness.

Religious Character.

We have already alluded to the decided religious cast of the present work, when compared
with the First Book of Maccabees, and to the fact that this is something more than a matter
of simple coloring, — that it shows, indeed, a positive polemic and dogmatic tendency and
aim throughout. Nothing is here left, as in the First Book, to make its own impression;
everything is interpreted, and Jehovah himself seems sometimes to be used simply to set off
and enforce prevailing theological conceptions. In 1 Maccabees the very name of God is
left unspoken, here it is freely used. Rewards and punishments are apportioned according
to a fixed order of providence, which as little overlooks the covenant people as it spares
those who are hostile to them. The view, however, is everywhere an external and superficial
one. It never rises to the level of the higher spiritual uses of trouble, such as characterizes,
for example, the Book of Job. Indeed, there is comparatively little appeal to the Scriptures
for the support of doctrine. (Cf. 1 Mace. xii. 9.) Tradition, on the contrary, seems to have
already begun to tithe its mint, anise, and cummin, while the voice of prophecy is heard ever
more faintly. There is no evidence of a Messianic hope among the people. A gathering to-
gether in Palestine of all the scattered Israelites of the earth is the acme of expectation.
Even the doctrine of the resurrection of the body, which appears in such surprising definite-
Bess and fullness (vii. 36), seems not to have been developed as we might have expected, from

556 THE APOCBYPHA.

the later prophetic intimations, but to be based rather on some vague theory of the divine
covenant.

If Geiger was able in the First Book to find evidences of a Sadducsean tendency (see Ur-
schrifl, p. 206 ff.), he has still more solid ground under his feet in arguing that here we have
the work of a Pharisee of the Pharisees. That the two books are widely diverse in spirit
and drift is evident enough ; that they were written, however, w.ith positive antagonistic ref-
erence to each other, as this critic supposes, it is not so easy to show. The attitude of the
Second Book toward the priestly Macoabaean family is quite another one from that of the
First. Judas figures prominently, it is true, but even his heroic end is passed over in silence,
and we hear nothing of the family lineage, the family tomb, and the glory of the family name
in the later time. As little honor as possible, in fact, is conceded anywhere to the priestly
order, the Zadokites. Their weaknesses and sins, on the other hand, are painted in the
deepest colors (iv. 13, 17). It is Jason and Menelaus who form the central point of the apos-
tas}' to heathenism. Not a single priest is mentioned among the number of those who suffered
torture unto death for their religion, but it was one of " the principal scribes" (vi. 18 ff.
Cf. 1 Mace. vii. 12), who was the first to show a faith and courage superior to all that kingly
malice could invent to overcome them. This is the more remarkable, since it is quite other-
wise in the Fourth Book of Maccabees, where similar scenes are described.

But particularly in his doctrinal position and teachings does our author betray his partisan
leanings. Here we find no encouragement, as in the First Book, to even the slightest relax-
ation in the outward observance of the Sabbath, be the circumstances what they may (v. 25;
vi. 11; viii. 26; xii. 38; xv. 1). Scattered thick, however, are angel appearances, startling
wonders, prophetic visions, and other similar things which stamp the work as thoroughly
Pharisaic. And in nothing does this more clearly appear than in its teaching concerning the
doctrine of the resurrection. The abruptness with which we are here suddenly, without pre-
vious preparation, brought face to face with it in a certain dogmatic completeness is, in fact,
almost startling. It has the appearance, it cannot be denied, of polemic design. Again and
again, as to a favorite theme, he comes back to it and puts in the mouth of nearly all his
heroes (vii. 9, 11, 14, 23, 29, 36) allusions to it of greater or less distinctness. He seeks
even to bring the weight of Judas' influence to tell in its favor (xii. 43), declaring that his
conduct on a certain occasion admits of no other interpretation than that he was " mindful
of the resurrection."

The Chronology Followed.

It has been held by some critics that a part of the apparent discrepancies between the First
and Second Books of Maccabees may have arisen from the use of a different chronoloiry, and
not be real discrepancies. We have noticed in the Commentary below the various instances
of this kind as they appear. But a few words here on the general subject may not be out of
place. The following are some of the theories of critics touching this matter. Scalin-er,
Usher, Prideaux, and others, hold that while the First Book begins the Seleucian era with
Nisan (April), the Second begins it with Tisri (October) of the year B. c. 312. Wernsdorf,
again, thinks the First Book begins with Tisri, 312, and the Second, Tisri, 311. Further,
Ideler, whom Grimm follows, is of the opinion that the First Book reckons from Nisan, 312,
the Second, from Tisri, 311. And, finally, Wieseler, who has written a great deal on the
subject (cf. Com. at 1 Maec. i. 10), argues that the First Book begins with Tebeth, the tenth
Hebrew month, or January of the Roman year, B. c. 312, while the Second begins with Tisri
of the same year. In this Commentary we have adopted the view more recently advocated
by Keil (Com., passim) and by Schurer (Neutest. Zeitgeschichle, p. 16 ff.), that both books
receive the same chronology, that of the Seleucian year, which begins in the autumn of B. c.
312.

There is good evidence, indeed, that the months in both codes were reckoned according to
the Jewish method beginning with Nisan, corresponding with our April (cf. 1 Mace. iv. 52;
X. 21 ; 2 Mace. xv. 36), but it does not therefore follow that the era itself was made to begin
at this point. The " unanswerable" proof which Grimm finds at 1 Mace. x. 21, that the
author of that book dated the era from Nisan rests on the assumption that the Seleucian year
isually began with the beginning of Tisri (October), which is, however, not to be insisted on,
but only that it began in the autumn of the year b. c. 312. And the feast of tabernacles,

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES. 557

which is there spoken of, might have taken place at the end of the year, as in the case men-
tioned, Ex. xxiii. 16. The tlieory of Wieseler rests, principally, on the statement of Josephus
(Antiq., xiv. 16, § 2), that the year of the capture of Jerusalem by Herod (b. c. 38-37) was a
Sabbatic year, since the assumption which he makes, that Jewish tradition favors the view
that the year before the destruction of the same (a. d. 68-69) was a Sabbatic year, is not
correct. But this unsupported statement of Josephus must, for a number of reasons, be re-
garded as false. Cf., in addition to Schiirer, as above, Caspari, in Stud. u. Krit., 1877, i., p.
181 ff.

The various displacements of the Second Book are those of matter, rather than of dates.
There is, in fact, but one real instance where a difference of dates can be certainly predi-
cated of the two works (cf. 1 Mace. vii. 20 with 2 Mace. xiii. 1). On this Grimm (Com., in
loc.) well remarks: " One does the author of the Second Book quite too much honor, against
whom so many historical and chronological offenses have been proved, in seeking to harmo-
nize, at the expense of difficult combinations, the differences between it and the First Book,
or in explaining them through the supposition of a different beginning for the Seleucian
era." It is, indeed, quite possible that our author in the present case was led into error by a
previous misstatement at x. 3, where the desolation of the temple is said to have lasted but
two years, instead of three. (Cf. 1 Mace. iv. 62.)

Sources of the Work.

The work of Jason of Cyrene, from which the compiler of 2 Mace, professes to have de-
rived his material (ii. 19 ff.), is nowhere else mentioned. It consisted of five books, and
treated, according to this witness, of the deeds of Judas Maccabfeus and his brethren, of the
purification of the temple and dedication of the altar, of the wars against Antiochus Epiph-
anes and his son Eupator, of the heavenly portents, of the recovery of the temple, the secur-
ing of freedom to the city, and the vindication of Jewish rights. As the compiler mentions
no other literary sources which he used than this one work of Jason, so is it also probable
that he had no other. The reasons given by Bertholdt (Einleit., pp. 1065, 1070) for supposing
that he made use of the last-named authority only in what is included between chapters iv.-
xi. (Grotius, also, held that other sources were used for xii.-xv.), are not of sufficient weight
to carry conviction to many minds. They come mostly from ascribing too much originality
to the mere compiler, more, indeed, than in his prefatory remarks he claims for himself, or
is even willino' to have imputed to himself. The fact that in his general resume of the con-
tents of Jason's work he does not mention the circumstance that it included events which
took place under Seleucus IV. and under Demetrius I., furnishes no ground for suppos-
ino- that it did not. The most of what lie narrates took place, as he says, under Antiochus
Epiphanes and Eupator. There is every reason to suppose, indeed, from the position that
the epitomizer assumes at the outset, that if he had used other historical material he would
have felt bound to mention it, since he naively refuses to be responsible for his statements,
on the ground that he has merely collected, colored, and arranged what another, whom he
cites by name, has said. With this view, too, the structure and the style of the work suffi-
ciently well correspond. The discrepancies existing between different parts (cf. x. 37, with
X. 11, 10, 8, 21, and ix. 29 with xiii. 23) are generally, without doubt, faults which are
chargeable to the original composition, and not to the abridgment. The exaggeration and
highly wrought embellishments scattered here and there are another matter.

There is no a priori ground for holding that Jason of Cyrene would have written in any
other language than Greek, and the internal evidences of a Greek original for the present
book are next to indisputable, even if we had not the positive testimony of Jerome {Prol. Gal.)
to the same effect. Whether he bad written sources of information before him in the compo-
sition of his history it is now impossible to say. The citation of ostensibly original letters in
chaps, ix. and xi. can be allowed to have but little weight in settling the point, since in all
probability they are not genuine. IE Jason did have access to documentary authorities, it
would be unsafe to ascribe to them any great importance, as it respects either amount or trust-
worthiness. The section extending from chap. iii. to vi. 11, is by far the most likely of any to
have been based on some fixed historical data as ground-work, but the confusion and uncer-
tainty of oral tradition are to a greater or less extent everywhere apparent. The work,ia

558 THE APOCRYPHA.

fact, is decidedly anecdotal in style, and but little pains have been taken to make smootli
transitions from one subject to another. Cf. viii. 30; x. 19, 37; xii. 35; xiii. 24; xiv. 19.

Concerning Jason.

The question who Jason was and where he wrote, cannot be answered with any great degree
of certainty. That he was identical with the Jason sent by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. viii. 17)
as ambassador to Rome, as Herzfeld argues (Geschichle, i. 455), cannot be accepted on the basis
of the single circumstance that the names are the same, for this critic has little else of import-
ance to offer in the way of proof for his conjecture. Further, the theory that Jason gathered
his historical material in Palestine, as Scholz (Einleit., p. 661) maintains, is quite as destitute
of real support, besides having against it the consideration that, if such had been the case, he
could hardly have failed to discover the First Book of Maccabees, or, if that was not yet writ-
ten, or was not in t^eneral circulation, some of the documents on which it is based. On the other
hand, the fact that Jason is mentioned as being " of Cyrene," does not force us to conclude
that he usually resided there, or that this was his home at the time that his book was composed.
There is not a little evidence, indeed, that it had its origin in Syria rather than in Africa, or
in the nei<;hborhood of Alexandria (ct. Graetz, Geschichte, ii., note xvi.). In all that relates
to the Syrian kingdom and the cities of the coast, his information is relatively full and minute,
while in that which concerns Egypt and even Palestine, it is both inconsiderable and remark-
ably imperfect. He knows, for instance, not only Heliodorus, but the less important Sostra-
tus (iv. 27). He can give the name of a mistress of Antiochus Epiphanes (iv. 30). The
different rank and various antecedents of Syrian officers are stated with surprising detail:
Apollonius was /xuo-apxijs, that is, governing Mysia (v. 24). Ificanor had been Kv-rrpidpxns
(xii. 2); still another of the same name, an iKeipavTapxts (xiv. 12), and from these two he
distinguishes a third, a " son of Patroclus " (viii. 9). He knows the names of the persons
who set fire to the gates of the temple (viii. 33) , and that Timotheus had a brother called
Chareas (x. 32).

Respecting Palestine on the other hand, he shows acquaintance, indeed, with leading per-
sonages and events, but in details, a remarkable ignorance. Especially is this true in the
matter of geography, as will appear, for instance, from an examination of his description of
the campaigns of Judas Maccabseus in Perasa. The same is true of Egypt. It is not easy
to understand if the writer lived in Alexandria, or even in Cyrene, why he has omitted many
events occurring in this country which had the most direct connection with his history, or
why those which are mentioned appear in their present form. The evidences of inclination
towards the Alexandrian philosophy which Gfrorer and D'abne profess to find (iii. 24, 29 f.,
38 f. ; xiv. 16), are far from clear, particularly when taken in connection with other passan^es
in which the principles of that philosophy are, in effect, combated (cf. vii. ; xiv. 46 ; xii. 44).
The author seems, indeed, wherever he lived, to have belonged to the right winc^ of the or-
thodox party of the Jew,s, and to have remained thoroughly loyal to the theocratic spirit and
traditions of his fatherland.

Concerning the Epiiomist.

If it would appear too venturesome to attempt to decide with certainty from present data
on the place of residence of the author of the work before us, it might be thouo-ht more so
to seek to determine that of the epitomist. It is impossible to say just what relation the lat-
ter sustains to the composition as it now exists, whether he has simply controlled its form, as
he seems to intimate (ii. 28, 31; xv. 38), or has also modified, to a considerable extent, its
substance. Which it was, Jason or the epitomist, who first took as his aim that which, as
we have before noticed, is the evident object of the composition, it is impossible with abso-
lute positiveness now to decide, and on that decision depends for its solution the second ques-
tion relating to the manner in which the final editor has carried out his professed purpose, as
well as others that concern his probable place of residence, his party connections, relio-ious
views, and the like. "Without plain proof to the contrary, however, it would seem to be most
proper to take our compiler for what he claims to be, that is, for one who has sought to put
in a more pleasing and readable form the voluminous work of Jason while leavino- its sub-
Btance essentially unchanged.

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES. 559^

To ascribe to the epitpmist all that has a bearing on. what is obriously the final object of
the work would be clearly unjust. He distinctly disavows, for instance, his responsibility for
the staple of his narrative concerning the supernatural appearances, etc., which he describes
(ii. 21). But if the original work of Jason bore at all the stamp of an appeal to the Egyp-
tian Jews to do honor to the temple in Jerusalem, especially in connection with the two great
festivals commemorating respectively the dedication and Nicanor's death, then it is probable
that it bore it throughout and decidedly, and some part at, least of the blame relating to. the
confusion into which the history has been brought may be chargeable to him alone. It is also
favorable to the view that the epitomist had very little to do with tlie fundamental matter of
the work, that his style and his thought, where he is acknowledged to speak for himseK, as
in the prefatory and concluding words, are quite different from the rest of the book, and betray
an order of intelligence and literary taste considerably below that which prevails in other
parts. The work of Jason, it is certainly safe to say, found a warm admirer in the person
of our epitomist and in the circle to which he belongedL It. does not at all follow, however,
as Grimm appears to suppose (Einleit., p. 21), that because it seems to have been written for
Egyptian Jews, that therefore it must have been composed in Egypt, or at least put into its
present shape there. One might better, it should seem, draw just the contrary conclusion
from that circumstance. The additional fact that the compiler speaks of Jason as having been
from Cyrene might, indeed, be taken as evidence that he him.self was not from Cyrene, but
not that he was not a resident of some part of the Syrian empire. But to attempt to fix upon
anything more definite respecting either his person or his social surroundings would lead us
into the realm of pure conjecture.

Language and Style.

As we have before said, there can be no doubt that 2 Maccabees was originally written in
Greek. Naturally Hebraisms occur, but they are much fewer and less marked than was to
have been expected and than was common with works having such an origin, handling such
material, and written for such an object as the present book. They are mostly confined to
single expressions and do not extend to any great degree to grammatical forms. It is an in-
teresting circumstance bearing on this point, that the word for Jerusalem is nowhere rendered
by the Hebraistic form 'lepouiraA^fi, but always by the Greek 'Upov(r6\vfia. The Greek used is,
in general, that employed by profane wi-iters of the first or second centuries before Christ,
particularly by Polybius. The style is highly rhetorical. The author seems to delight in allit-
eration. We find, for instance, Syeii' a.yuii'a. (iv. 18), &\\os aWaxn (xii. 22), avrhs auT66i (xv.
37), and numerous other instances of the same sort. In fact, critics have availed themselves
of this marked characteristic of the writer, in order to determine the proper reading in some
cases of special doubt. He shows himself, also, to be master of an exceedingly rich vocabu-
lary of Greek words and expressions, in the different dress which he gives to the same thought,
and in the variety and splendor of his ornamentation (iii. 30; iv. 15; v. 13, 20; viii. 18. Cf.
iii. 28; vi. 25 f . ; vii. 21). Sometimes, however, his rhetoric degenerates into a mere striving
for effect, with little or no reference to the subject in hand. At xiii. 19, 22, 26, for example,
one might almost suppose he was trying to ring as many changes as possible on Caesar's
" vent, villi, vici."

Unusual words and expressions, moreover, or words used in an uncommon sense, are some-
what frequent. But as we have generally called attention to them when they occur, they need
not be here noticed except by reference (cf. ii. 25, <pi\o<!>povf'iv rftn; iv. 21, 34, 37; v. 20; vi.
6, 8, <^i](\>ia)i.a.\ viii. 19, 27; x. 13, 14, iTroKefwrpifsi; xi. 4, Tre<j>peyaifi.4vos ; xiii. 22; xiv. 1], 24,
t\iuxiicSis'). The writer shows a special liking for a certain circumlocution, that is, for the use
of the word iroieTo-flai with the verbal idea expressed by a substantive in the accusative. He
speaks of making a report, for instance (ii. 30), as woicierftai \6yoy, just as we often say, "he
made a report " instead of "he reported." This is common, too, in 3 Maccabees. The ob-
ject was not simply to give variety but emphasis as well. See other similar instances at 2
Mace. iii. 33; iv. 27, 44; viii. 29; ix. 2 ; xii. 23, 30 et passim.

Time of Composition.

The book itself offers but few data for determining witb exactness either the time when it
was compiled or originally composed. At xv. 37, the epitc«nist says that from the year JB. e.

560 THE APOCRYPHA.

161 the Israelites tad held Jerusalem. But this, it is clear, cannot be interpreted strictly.
The first of the two letters which precedes the composition and bears the dates, c. 125, proves
that the book could not have been written before that time. On the other hand, its scope
and aim throughout, as we have seen, presuppose the existence of the temple and its service,
and hence it must have had its origin previous to the destruction of Jerusalem, A. D. 70.
This follows also, from the generally admitted fact that 4 Maccabees, which is based upon
our work, was written before the final overthrow of the holy city. The estimation in which
the Romans were held, too, had changed not a little from that which appears to prevail in the
former work (viii. 10, 36). And the whole style of representation, in the Second Book,
shows that a considerable period must have elapsed since the events described occurred, dur-
ing which a fluctuating oral tradition combined with strongly developed doctrinal tendencies
had given them a different cast from that which they originally bore. The supposed remin-
iscence or citation of 2 Mace, in Hebrews xi. 35, which also was written before the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, is too uncertain to have much weight in the matter before us. The first
undisputed reference to it is found in Clement of Alexandria (^Strom., v. sec. 98), who speaks
of it as the " epitome."

Ecclesiastical Standing.

Josephus seems not to have been acquainted with our book. At least, where his history
runs parallel with it (cf. iv. 7 ff. with Antiq., xii. 5, § 1; vi. 2 with Antiq., xii. 5, § 2; xjii.
3-8 with Antiq., xii. 9, § 7 ; and xiv. 1 with Antiq., xiii. 5, § 1), the differences are, in detail,
too great to justify the theory of such an acquaintance. Jewish writers of a later day, while
making great use of certain parts of it for the purpose of illustrating and embellishing rab-
binical doctrine, never held it to be canonical (Zunz, p. 123). The history of the martyrs
which is found in it, was also a favorite subject of reference in the early church, subsequent
to the time of Origen, and by this means, as it would appear, it attained at the time of Jerome
and Augustine to a standing approaching that of the acknowledged books of Scripture. These
martyrs were praised in the highest degree by Chrysostom, and held up as examples worthy
of imitation. Although living under the old economy, they were reckoned among the "holy
choir of martyrs for Christ." (Cf. Grimm, Com.., p. 133 ) A festival in honor of the " Mac-
cabees," under which name all that suffered for the truth in their times were included , was
early instituted in both the Greek and Latin churches, and a commemorative basilica erected
in Antioch. The latest traces of the festival are found in the third century. The more definite
views of Origen and Jerome touching the canonical authority of the First and Second Books
of the Maccabees have already been given in connection with the former. The distinction
which they theoretically, at least, recognized as existing between books canonical and eccle-
siastical was far less emphasized by Augustine, who says (Ciw. Dei, xviii. 36) : " Horum
supputatio temporum non in scripturis Sanctis, quce canonicce appettantur, seel in aliis invenitur ;
in quibus sunt et Maccaba:orum iibri, quos non Judcei, sed ecclesia pro canonicis habet propter
quorundam martyrum passiones." In the canon of the Abyssinian church both Books of the
Maccabees were adopted, but less with reference to their contents and history than to the
wish to have as large a number of Biblical books as possible (cf. Dillmann in Ilerzog's Encyk.y
1., p. 168). The later history of 2 Maccabees is in general coincident with that of the remain-
ing Old Testament apocryphal literature. Protestants have ordinarily placed it consider-
ably lower in the scale than the First Book. Luther even wished that it had never had
existence, and found a specially hard knot in the account of Razis (xiv. 37 ff.). The Roman
Catholic view, on the other hand, may be judged from the decision given at the Council of
Trent, taken in connection with the fact that the so-called "relics of the Maccabees " con-
tinue to this day to be among their objects of superstitious regard.

Text and Versions.

The text of the Second Book of Maccabees is derived from the same codices as the First, ex-
cept that the former is wanting in the Sinaitic Codex and in 134., and the same remarks apply
here that were made above in the characterization of these several MSS. Two old versions
exist of the work, a Latin and a Syriac. The former was made before the time of Jerome and
corresponds closely with the Greek. The Syriac is more of tlie nature of a paraphrase and

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES. 561

shows also great ignorance and carelessness in tlie translation. Both versions are of consid-
erable critical importance, chiefly, however, as helping to establish in doubtful cases the
readings of the MSS. Tliere is no evidence in eitlier of the ver.-^ions that a different recen-
sion of the original text was followed. The Latin text of the Second Book exists but in one
form, and not, as in the case of the First, in two. The so-called " Second Book of Macca-
bees," which appears in Arabic in Walton's Polyglot, is, as we have abready observod, an
entirely different work from the present one.

THE SECOND BOOK

OF THE

MACCABEES.

Chapteb I.

1 To our brethren, the Jews throughout Egypt, greeting : Tour brethren, the
Jews in Jerusalem and in the land of Juda;a wish you the highest prosperity.^

2 And may ^ God be gracious ^ unto you, and remember his covenant with ^ Abra-

3 ham, and ^ Isaac, and Jacob, his faithful * servants ; and give you all a heart to

4 honor ' him, and to do his will ' with a good courage and a willing mind ; ° and open
6 your heart with respect to " his law and commandments," and give ^^ peace, and

hear your prayers, and be at one '^ with you, and not " forsake you in time of
6, 7 trouble.''^ And now we are " here prayingfor you. During " the reign of Deme-
trius,'* in the hundred threescore and ninth year," we the Jews wrote -° unto you in
the extremity of affliction ^-^ that came upon us in those years, from the time that
Jason and his adherents ^^ revolted from the holy land and kingdom,^* and men ^*-

8 burnt the gate,^^ and shed innocent blood ; and ^^ we prayed unto the Lord, and
were heard ; we offered also a sacrifice ^ and fine flour, and lighted the lamps, and

9 set forth the loaves. And now keep ^' the feast of tabernacles in the month Chase-
leu ^^ in the hundred fourscore and eighth ^° year.

10 The people in*' Jerusalem and in Judaea, and the council, and Judas, send '^
greeting and health unto Aristobulus, king Ptolemy's teacher, who is, moreover, of

11 the race ** of the anointed priests, and to the Jews that are ^* in Egypt. Inasmuch ^^
as God hath delivered us from great perils, we thank him highly as those who would,

12 ?/ raecrf ie, fight against the *^ king. For he himself *' cast them out** that fought

13 within the holy city. For when the leader came *° into Persia, and the army with
him that seemed to be *" invincible, they were slain in the temple of Nansea through *'•

Vers. 1,2. — >■ A. V. : The brethren, the Jews that be at Jerufialem and in the land of Judca, wish unto the brethren,
the JewB that are throughout Egypt, health and peace (see Com.). 2 omits And may. 3 (iyafloiroi^o-at, as a

compound peculiar to ecclesiastical Greek. Cf. Tob. xii. 14.) * that he made with. o omits and. * Cf.

1 Mace. ii. 62.

Vers. 3-5. — ^ A. V. : serve (ae'^eo-eat). 8 (Plur., 0e\^fiaTa, t. c, the various expressions of his will.) o {^x[i.
Cf. 1 Chron. xxviii. 9, Ueb. and Gr.) it* hearts (so 19. 62. 64. 93.) in (see Com.). il (ef rots Trpoorayjitaa-t.) ^2 gen^i

(iroi^irai; see Com.) t/ou (19. 62. 64. 93., ufiix). '» (gee Com.) " never. M HUT n373. Cf. Ps

xxxvii, 19.

Vers. 6-9— 10 A. v.: be. " What time as. M Demetrius reigned. " (See Com.) 2° wrote (perf., veypa<(>^-
Koficf ; III. 23. 44. 62. 64. al., yeypatfyafjiei', which is the earlier form of the same. See Com.). 21 extremity of

trouble (lit., in the affliction, and in tlie extremity, but by hendiadys as rendered). 22 company. 23 (/, g_ of Qod.

The idea is peculiar to this place in the Old Testament, unless we have it in Tob. xiii. 1 ; Wisd. vi. 4 ) 21 omits men
21. porch. 20 then. 2J also sacriflces (so 44. 55. 62. 64. 74. 93. 243. Co. Aid.). 2« see that ye keep (;Va iy^re!

There is an ellipsis, and ypicjiofiev might be supplied). 20 Casleu. '■"> eight.

Vers. 10-12. - 3i A. V. ; that were at. =2 ,„„(. 03 ptolemeus' ma.«ter who (Se". " The particle St' after oxTt as

introducing a somewhat new, differing from what went before, yet not exactly antithetic predicate is in accordance
with classical usage." Keil. Cf. Com.) was of the stock. 34 were (not in Greek). 36 insomuch. 3o ^s having
been in battle (for TrapaTtt^a^eVoug, Grimm and Keil prefer TrapaTao-crofieVouy, with III. 19. 65. 62. 64. 93. 106 ) acainj^t a
Isee Com.). 37 o-mits him.self (auTos, emphatic). 33 See Com.

Ver. 13. — 3^* A. V. : was come. <3 omits to be. ^ by.

2 MACCABEES. 563

14 the deceit of Nanaea's priests.^ For ^ ^s though he would marry her, came both An-
tiochus ° into the place, and his friends that were with him, to take the treasures

15 as * a dowry. And ° when the priests of Nanasa had set them out," and he had ' en-
tered with a small company within the inclosure * of the temple, they shut the tem-

16 pie when Antiochus had entered, opened the concealed' door of the roof, hurled
stones, and strucls down the leader as with a thunderbolt, and hewing " them in pieces,

1 7 and smiting ^^ off their heads, they cast ^^ them to those that were without. Blessed

18 be our God in all things, who hath delivered up ^' the ungodly. Since now we pur-
pose ^'' to Iseep the purification of the temple upon the five and twentieth day of
Chaseleu,^^ we thought it necessary to inform you of it,'" that ye also might keep
it, after the manner of the feast of " tabernacles, and in commemoration ^* of the
lire given ■'' when Neemias offered sacrifice, having built both ^° the temple and the

19 altar. For when our fathers were led into Persia, the priests that were then de-
vout took some of ^^ the fire of the altar privily, and hid it in an excavation of a
cistern having a dry place,^^ where they preserved it so sure ^^ that the place was

20 unknown to all men. But ^ after many years had elapsed,^ when it pleased God,
Neemias, having been sent by ^^ the king of Persia, dispatched the descendants of
the ^ priests that had hid it, for ^* the fire ; but '^ when they told us '" they found no

21 fire, but thick water ; he commanded ^^ them to descend and ^'^ bring it ; and when
that which pertained to ^' the sacrifices had been brought together,*^ Neemias com-
manded the priests to sprinkle both *° the wood and the things laid thereupon with

22 the water. But when this had taken place, and some time had elapsed, and the sun
shone out, which before was beclouded,^" there was a great fire °' kindled, so that

23 all ^ marveled. And the priests made a prayer whilst the sacrifice was consuming,
both '^ the priests, and all the rest, Jonathan beginning, and the rest responding

24 aloud,*" as Neemias did. And the prayer was after this manner :

O Lord, Lord God, Creator of all things, who art fearful, and strong, and right-

25 eous, and merciful, the*^ only and gracious King, the only giver,*'* the only right-
eous,** and ** almighty, and everlasting, thou that deliverest Israel from every evil,

26 thou that*^ didst choose the fathers,*'^ and sanctify them, receive the sacrifice for thy

27 whole people Israel, and preserve thy *' portion, and sanctify it.*' Gather those to-
gether that are scattered *' from us, set free '° them that serve among the heathen,
look upon them that are despised and abhorred, and let the heathen know that thou

28 art our God. Punish ^^ them that oppress us and treat us insolently in pride.^^

29 Plant thy people in^^ thy holy place as Moses hath spoken.

30, 31 And the priests sang besides the songs of praise.^* But^^ when the sacrifice
was consumed Neemias commanded the water that was left over, also ^^ to be

Vers. 13, 14. — ^ Lit., tke priests o/Nanasa making use of deceit. ^ A.y.: For Antiochus. 8 omits both Aati-

ochus (see previous note). * receive money (-ra xp^ij^o-to- to which Fritzsche would add irAeiofa from III. 19. 23. 52.

aJ. Old Lat.) in name oi {eU .... AoyoK, i. e., on account of, as).

Vers. 15-17. — ^ A. V. : Which. ^ set forth. ^ was. ^ into t]ie compass {irepi^oKov). " as soon as A.

was come in : anfi opening a privy. ^'^ they threw stones like thunderbolts, and stroke down the captain, hewed {see
Com.). " smote. '^ and cast. " For iropsSiunE, III. 23. 44. 56. 62. 71. 74. 106. 243. Co. Aid. read eSio/te, which is
received by Fritzsche, Grimm, and Keil. But it is in the sense of tradidit, as the Vulg. Of. John iii. 16 and 1 Mace,
vi. 44.

Ver. 18. — " A. V. : Therefore (Fritzsche rejects olv as wanting in III. 23. 44. 55. al. Co. Aid.) whereas we are now
purposed. i^ the month Casleu. "^ certify you thereof. " ti, as the feast of the (see Com.). " omits in com-
memoration of (see Com.). ^^ which was given us (I supply 6o0e'»'Tos, with Fritzsche. See Coin.). 20 after that he
had builded.

Vers. 19-21. — ^ii a, V. : omits some of. 22 it in a hollow place of a pit without water {a.vvhpov ; III. 23. 55. 62. 71.
74. 243. Co. Aid., avv5pov. See Com.). 23 it sure, so. 24 jvjow. 23 omits had elapsed. 2° being sent from

(in-6 ; i.rri, III. 106.). 27 m send o/the posterity of those. 2a ,{ to. 2» but (Se is omitted by III. 44. 74. 106.

Co. Aid.). 30 (Tj^ti^ is omitted by 64. 93. Syr. Cf. Com.) "i i/jen commanded he. 32 draw ?i up (cf. Co?«.) and
to. '^ omits that which pertained to (ra). '* were laid on {h.\rqvix6ri). ^5 omits both (as 19. 93.).

Vers. 22-25. — ^^ A. V. : When this (omitted by III. 44. 71. al.) was done, and the time came that the sun (no article,
but cf. Winer, p. 119 f ) shone, which afore was hid in the cloud. s? (,n)pi — the place of a flre : (1) a funeral pyre,

(2) an altar, also its fire, (3) flre in masses.) ™ every man. »° I say both. <" answering therennto (the word

im^avovvTuv implies an audible response. Of. Judith xvi. 1). " and the (as 64. Aid.). *2 giver of all things.

<3 just. « oOTt«and(as 71.). « all trouble, and. « (See Com.)

Vers, 26-29. — *^ A. V. : thine own. ^^ sanctify (a strengthened form, KaflayiWoi', and infrequent) it (added by 64.
33., but also contained in the context). « (Lit., " the Diaspora.") «« deliver. « (pao-oi'icroi'.) '2 ^it), prfijo
io us wrong. ^ again in.

Vers. 80, 31. — "i* A. V. : sung psalms (tovc ii^li/ows) of thanksgiving. w Now. " omits over, algo.

564

THE APOCRYPHA.

32 poured on great ^ stones. And when ^ this was done, there was kindled a flame _;

33 but it was consumed by the iight that shone'* from the altar. And* when the"
matter became" known, and' it was told the king of Persia, that in the place
where the priests that wei-e led away had hid the fire, there appeared water, and

34 that Neemias and his people' had purified the sacrifices' therewith, the'" king,

35 inclosing the place " made it. holy, after he had tested'^ the matter. And the king
3G took many gifts, ^'' and bestowed thereof on those whom he would gratify. And

Neemias and his people " called this thing Nephthar,'^ which is as much as to say,
a cleansing ; but by many it is called Nephthai.-'"

Ver. 32. —» A. V. : poured on (text, rec, KaTa(rxeiy, and 19. 64. 93. add to this toS riTrou. Pritzsche adopts KaraxKV
from III. — KoT-fxe"', 23. 62. 1U6. — and it is favored by Grimm and Keil. The common text malces no acoeptaWe
sense. Vnlg., Ex residua aqua Nehfwias jussit lapides wnjores perfundi. The verb Karaxeeiv may be construed with a
double accus. after it, see Winer, p. 220, or iiri has fallen out before Aiflous) the great. ^ W'hen. s shined.

Vers. 83-36. —* A. V. : So. <i tliU. "was. ' omi« and. » omils and his people (marg., JVc^miaj /iw com-

pany). « (Gr., as at ver. 21. Ufually, they were purified in other way<.) J" Then the. " (19- 62. 64. 93. Aid.

prefix Tov Toiroi/ to iepoi-. The former, being understood, is object of the verb.) "tried. "(gee Com.) l* omits
and hia people (cf. Ter. 33). " Naphthar (see Com. Text, rec, Ne.|)9aei ; N£(()«ai, 19. 23. ; Ntijied, 62. 106 ; Nt^9o(),

III. 71. 74. 243. Co. Aid. ; Old Lat., Neplii). i» but many men call it Nephi.

Chapter I.

Ver. 1. For remarks on the authenticity and
genuineness of tliis and the following lettei% see
Inlrotlnction. — ^'ipi]vnv ajaBi^v. This formula of
greetinj^ is Hebriiistic, the former, x'^^P^'^. trreek.
*Aya6ri is used to empiiasize and cnhauce the idea
of the word with which it is here associated. —
The land of Judsea, i. c, as distinguished from
Jerusalem.

Ver. 3. Good courage, KapSia fiiyaXri- Cf.
the LXX. at 2 Chron. xvii. 6, i)^pu>Sfj ^ Kapbla.

Ver. 4. '£v indicates here not tiie instrument
tlironijh ifhidi, but the ptace where, the heart should
be opened, i. e., be given insight, discerntuenl, in,
■with respect to the law. — Give peace, UMmely, in-
ward peace. It does not seem to relate at all, as
sonie have supposed, to a restoration of peaceful
relations between the Egyptian and Palestinian
Jews.

Ver. 5. Be at one, KaraWayelri. It means
first to pxchaitfje, then like biaWdaaeiv, to recon-
cile, both in one-sided and mutual enmity. Cf.
Cremer, Lex.,.^. o.

Ver. 6. And now. It refers to what had been
previously said. There is no evidence in what is
here recorded that a subtile condemnation of the
worship of the .Jews in the temple of Onias at
LeontO|iolis, in Egypt, is meant to be conveyed in
vers. 1-5. It is only what one Jew might say to
another in any circumstances. Cf. Geiger, Ur-
schrijl, p. 227. — Here, namely, in Judaea and Je-
rusalem.

Ver. 7. Demetrius. It is Demetrius J I. Nica-
tor. Cf. 1 Mace. x. 67; xi. l.-j-lQ. The dale
given is that of a previous, not of the present let-
ter. This is ])ro\ed by tbe use of the perfect
(y^ypa^ilKa^iv), and by the fact that the date of
such letters is uniformly placed at the close. So
GriiTmi and Keil against Gutmann, Ewald, and
others. — Jason, lie was high priest, second son
of Simon II. and brother of Onias III. He ob-
tained the high priesthood from Antiochus Epiph-
anes (c. B. o. 17.'5) to the exclusion of his elder
brother. Cf , further, 2 Mace. iv. 7-27. The
name is equivaknt to Jesus or Joshua, and was
frecpieutly adopted l^y the Helleuiziug Jew.s.

Ver. 8. And men burnt. ' According to the
A. v., the words might refer directly to Jason
and his adherents, which would convey an un-

truth. — Gate. What particular gate is referred
to is not known, possibly, the we.^t gate of the tem-
ple. The word, however, might be used by meton-
ymy for the city itself. But Keil supposes that
the word is used collectively for all the gates of
the temple.

Ver. 9. Feast of Tabernacles, ras riiiepas
T7)s (TKTii'oTrnytas. The word for feast is to be
supplied. It was not really the Feast of Taberna-
cles that was to be observed, but of the Dedication
of the Temple, wliieh was celebrated in a similar
manner to the former. This is clear from the
date given. The former took place in the month
Tisri and not in Chaseleu (Chisleu). Cf. also
2 Mace. X. 5. It is, moreover, evident, as Keil
remarks, that the writer of the letter does not
refer here to the first Feast of Dedication, but only
10 a general yearly observance of the same. — In
the hundred Courscore and eighth year. These
words properly belong to the ninth verse and are
to be regarded as the date of the foregoing letter.
See the letter in chap, xi., wheretthe date is at the
end. So most modern critics. The words iii the
month Chaseleu are not, however, a part of this
date, since accordi'ng to usiige they should, in that
case, follow the year.

Ver. 10. With the present verse begins a
second letter. It has no date, but seems to have
been written somewhere about the time of the
death of Antiochus Epiphanes. — And Judas.
This must be Juilas Maccabseus, as is indicated by
the date and by the position in which this person
stands relative to the people and the Sanhedrin.
He lived not quite four years longer than An-
tiochus Epiphanes. — Aristobulus. The well-
known peripatetic of this name, who flourished at
the time of Ptolemi/ VI. Philometor, who reigned
B. c. 180-145. Cf. Stanley, iii. 277 ff. The word
teacher, SiSd<TKa\os, does not, it is likely, express
the true relation of this person to the king. He
dedicated to the latter his allegorical explanation
of the Peutateueh, and it is probably to this fact,
in some measure, thtit allusion is here made. He
was doubtless one of the printipal, and perhaps
the chief representative of the Egyptian Jews,
and for this reason the presejit letter was ad-
dressed to him. — Of the family of the anointed
i priests. It was only high priests that were an-

2 MACCABEES.

565

ointed. Cf. Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16.— "Octi St. The
particle S4, here, according; to Grimm may be
used to introduce a sort of compurison, i. e., to
indicate that belonging to the family of the high
priest was of more importance than the office of
teacher to the king of Egypt. Cf. Text. Notes.

Ver. 11. As those who would |lf need be)
fight against the king. The article before the
last word is simply dropped, as is customary in
the classics with the Pei-siau kings and Koman
emperors. The idea of the passage is that they,
the Jews, would be willing {&v with the participle
TrapaTUffffSfievoi) , if war should arise against the
friends of the king, who was now dead, to engage
heartily in it. The Vulgate renders : " Utpote
qui adversus tal-em |1] regem dimicavimus." I>e
Wette falsely : " Since we have victoriously
fought against the king."

ver. 12. 'E^ePf a<r€, oast them out, i. e., as
the sea casts objects upon the shore.

Ver. 13. The leader. This was Antiochus
Epiphanes. Cf. ver. 11. — Cemple of Naneba,
(Noi-fas; in 1 &. .55. 64. 93. found as 'Avavalas). The
Syriac has Nani, the Latin, Nanete. This goddess
is generally held to be identical with the Numen
patrium of the Persians, mentioned by Strabo
(xi. 532), and the same as the Artemis and Tana'is
of the ancients. Other forms of the word are
Anoitis and Anitis. It is, however, matter of dis-
pute whether she is to be looked upon. as the god-
dess of the moon, or as the ^3!2 of Is. Ixv. 11, and
associated with the planet Venus. Eawlinson
(Herod, i. 653 f£.) says: "During all the best
known periods of liabylonian history, the name of
.Nana, phonetically written, is everywhere used to
denote the goddess in question," i. e., the 'AcrrapTTt
of the Greeks, and Ashtorethof Scripture. "As
far as our present experience goes, the local name
of Nana seems to have been unknown in Assyria,
and the local name of Ishtar to have been un-
known in Babylonia, until very recent times, and
we should, therefore, be almost justified in believ-
ing Ishtar and Nana to be absolute synonyms —
and the more especially as the two names are actu-
ally io use at the present time. Ashlar in Mendcean,
and Nani in Syriaij, to denote the planet Venus,
— were it not that in some of the lists of idols be-
longing to the different temples, Ishtar and Nana
are given as independent deities." — Nanaea's
priests. Accoi'ding to Plutarch {Artaxerx., 27),
she was served only by unmarried females.

Ver. 15. Within the inclosure of the temple,
CIS riiv Tcepi^oXov toO TejueVovs. The last \vord
refers to the temple grounds, often adorned with
altars and statues, the former to the wall sur-
rounding it. Htpi^aAos is sometimes used, how-
ever, in the sense here given to riii.(vos. — Shut
the temple (t!> i^piv), not the particular building
in which the goddess was, which would hiive been
called vait, but the entrance, the propi/lceum, to
the temple regarded as a whole, so as to prevent
the escape of Antiochus. The king himself and
a few attendants, as it would appear from what
follows, jienetrated even to the place wliere the
statue of the goddess was situated and where the
treasures of the temple had probably been col-
lected.

Ver. 16. The concealed door of the roof.
This may have served as the roof itself on ordi-
nary occasions, being removed only when special
festivals were held, or in other cases of need,
like the present one. But the epithet "con-
cealed " would seem to carry the idea of its being

a special opening in the ordinary roof. — And
hewing (them) in pieces and smiting off (their)
heads. The Old Lat. has Uucem et eos qui cum eo
erant, which seems to be a correct interpretation,
if K€<l)a\ds is read with the majority of MSS.
That is, both Antiochus and his attendants pressed
on into the inner temple and were treated alike
by the enraged priests. This, on the face of it, is
most probable. But the Syr. with 55 has /t£<(ietX'/)>',
understanding that Antiochus alone is referred to,
and Keil prefers this view, while Grimm seems
unable to decide between them. This account of
the death of Antiochus is undoubtedly fabulous.
Hoffmann {Antiochus IV. Epiphanes^ Leip. 1873,
p. 77) says: " We have different reports of the
manner in which his life closed. The most trust-
worthy is that of Polybius (xxxi. 11), the First
Book of Maccabees (vi. 1-16), and that of Jose-
phus {Antiq., xii. 9, § 1). The Second Book of
Maccabees contains two reports: one (i. 13-17) in
the unauthentic letter of the congregation in
Judiea to the Jews of Alexandria, the other in
chap. ix. The two, moreover, contradict each
other, and neither has any historical worth. If the
former has in itself nothing improbable, and must
be given up, simply on account of its disagreeing
with the other authorities mentioned, the latter
shows itself at once to be a fable, and similar to
what is described in chaps, vi. and vii. as the product
of the later Jewish fancy, which could not repre-
sent Antiochus as wicked enough and hence could
not picture the close of his life with colors suffi-
ciently dreadful. As simple matter of fact, foiled
in his attempt to spoil a temple of Artemis, in Ely-
mais, he turned about, fell sick in the Persian city
Tabae, and there died in the year 149 of the Seleu-
cian era, b. u. 164." The representation of our
book is thus explained by Keil (Com., in he). It
was written soon after the news of Antiochus's
death, and contains the first reports of it which
reached Jerusalem, and hence its contradiction of
accepted history is not to be taken as ground for
discrediting the genuineness of the entire letter.
But this is mere conjecture, and does not explain
the discrepancies in the book itself above referred
to. Others (Grimm, Holtzmann) think that the
presen* account confounds certain facts relating
to Antiochus III. the Great, with the history of
Antiochus Epiphanes. The former did attempt
to rob a temple of Bekis, in Elymais, but was de-
feated and driven back.

Ver. 18. The words in the common text, &yriTe
Ti)s (TKrivoirTijias, taken alone, make no sense.
Something must have fallen out, or the sentence
is to be regarded as elliptical and some such words
supplied as rhs rifiipas, or as ras rifiepaf before rijs
(Ticriyojrnytas, with avT6i' after &y-riTe, i. e., " cele-
brate the days (or ' it as the days ') of the Feast of
Tabernacles'" Cf. ver. 9 and the Vulg. agatis diem
scenopegice. Fritzsche would insert after ffK-qvoirti-
yias, the words Tp6Tvov Ka\ eis fj.vTiij.6(Twof, and after
nvp6s, Toi; SoOivTos, and in the uncertainty, I have
followed his text in the above translation. Keil
thinks that, as in verse 9, emphasis is to be laid on
the date given, the 25th of Chaseleu, by which this
feast is really distingui>ihed from the Feast of
Tabernacles, which was held in Tisri, and that t?j
<TKi)voTrr)yia.i is used in the same sense here as
above, tjJs ioprrii being understood with it. It was
the Feast of Tabernacles on the 25th nf Chaseleu.
— In commemoration of the fire. The fire is
meant which, at the dedication of the tabernacle
and of Solomon's temple, fell from heaven and con-
sumed the sacrifice upon the altar (cf. Lev. ix. 24;

566

THE APOCETPHA.

2 Chron. vii. 1.) This fire was looked upon ty
the later Jews as one that had never gone out.
But at the dedication of Zerubbabel's temple
nothing is said of such a fire as coming down
from heaven upon the altar, and a legend was
therefore invented that the previous fire had been
somewhert' preserved and thnt it had been found
and restored by Nehemiah. Our author does not,
indeed, invent the legend, since it must have had
an earlier origin, but seems quite ready to adopt
it as true.' — Having built. Nehemiah did not
rebuild the temple but simply restored it.

Ver. 1 9. Into Persia. The country beyond
the Euplirates was thus called by the later ,Jews
(cf. 1 Mace. iii. 31), from the fact that the Baby-
lonian exiles finally came under the dominion of
Cyrus and by him were set free. — In an excava-
tion of a cistern having a dry place, iv itoiKd-
jUttTi tppearos rd^it/ e;(;ofTos icvvdpov. Substituting
^yvSpof f or SraSpou, as the above mentioned MSS.,
with Fritzsche and others, the rendering would be
as given. This, howe^■er, requires an unusual
meaning for Ti^n/. (But cf. Wahl's Clavis, s. v.)
Ewald gives it the sense of Erdschicht, i. e., layer
of earth. Grotiua suggests the reading ^imv,
and Schleusner, -ir^lw. Grimm, Keil, and others
take rii^ts in the sense of a kind of, which the
later Greek allows and would translate : in an ex-
cn vation of a cistei-n, of a kin d that was without water.
This seems to us somewhat too labored. The
choice of the word rafis may have been influenced
by the fact ihat the place in which the fire was
kept was first put in order, arranged to receive it.
At least, the idea of hiding fire in a cistern, partly
filled with water, would not be a bad one. In ii. 1,
it is Sidd that this was done at the command of
Jeremiah and ihat it was matter of record !

Ver. 20. "When they told us. According to
Gaab, the Jewish people then living, with whom
the author associates himself. Grimm and Holtz-
mann, on the other hand, think that ri/uv is inad-
vertently introduced, by the author, from his au-
thor! lies. Keil understands by it, " our people,"
" the Jews of Jerusalem."

Ver. 21. To descend, ctn-o/3ai(/o>'TfS. This word
means "to dip entirely." It is used by Herod-
otus (ii. 47) of those among ihe Egyptiiwis who
washed themselves in a river, when defiled by
touching a pig : " He instantly huiTJes to the
river, and phingps in wiih all his clothes on." It
may refer here to the descent into the well to
procure this mysterious substance.

Ver. 22. Fire, iTvp6.. This word is used for the
fire on an altar, also by Herodotus, ii. 39.

Ver. 23. Jonathan. Regarded by Ewald and
Grimm as the person of the same name mentioned
in jS'eh. xii. 11. Holtzmann holds the latter for a
later Jonathan. But the name "Jonathan" in
Neh. xii. 1 1, should be " Jochanan," i. e. 'lasiwis,
as Josephus names him (Antiq., xi. 7, § 1), and
Keil tliinks that the mistake may have been intro-
duced into Nehemiah from the present book. Cf.
also, Schullz, Die Biidter Esra, Nehemia, etc.
(Leip. 1876), in loc. The statement of this verse
is S|]ecially interesiing, from the fact that it is
the only insianee known where public prayer is
represented as being made at the same time with
the offering of sacrifice.

Ver. 24. The heaping up and repetition of
epithets for the divine Being, as in this verse, is

characteristic of the later periods of Judaism.
Cf. Add. to Esth. iii, 2 ; 3 Mace. vi. 2 ; Prayer of
Manas, ver. 1 ; Matt. vii. 21 ; xxv. 11, and Wilke,
Neutest. Rhetorik, p. 403 f.

Ver. 25. The only giver, xopvy^'t I't. chorus-
leader. It was used at Athens to designate one
who paid the expenses for bringing out a chorus.
It was also employed as referring to any one, in
general, who paid the costs of anything. — Didst
choose the fathers. The words ■jtois'iv 4K\fKToii$
seem to mean somewhat more than that. It
might refer also to his work upon them in connec-
tion with this election.

Ver. 29. As Moses hath spoken. See Ex.
XV. 17. Cf . 2 Sam. vii. 10 ; Jer. xxiv. 6.

Ver. 30. Toils vf^vovs. The word has the arti-
cle as indicating that they were those usually sung
on such occasions.

Ver. 32. Was consumed by the light. This
story was doubtless invented for the purpose of
giving men proof for the fact, that the material
discovered was the real altar-fire which had been
lost. Otherwise it might have been held to be
nothing more than naphtha or petroleum.

Ver. 34. It was customary among the Greeks
and Romans, also, to inclose and regard as holy
the places where supposed miracles had been per-
formed. The present statement concerning the
Persian king, probably has its basis in this well-
known custom. That he really took the view of
the matter here represented is scarcely probable.
According to Holtzmann (Bunsen's Bihelwerk),
he could only have recognized therein, at most,
a sacred na])htha spring. Since the beginning of
the 17th century a well lying south of the valley
of Jehoshaphat has been named by European
travelers, with reference to our legend, the " well
of Nehemiah," but by the inhabitauts of the coun-
try, the " well of Job."

Ver. 35. Gifts, Sidipopa. This word means
first, different ; then distinguished, excellent ; and
thirdly, anything making a difference to another,
that is to his advantage, and so, gifts, and some-
times money. Polybius uses it in the last sense,
and it might be so rendered here.

Ver. 36. This verse has given great diflSculty
to critics. The various readings are given above.
It is probable that the word ^iipBap, in all its dif-
ferent forms, refers to nothing more or less than
naphtha. The writer's assertion that the word
meant "cleansing," is probably an invention of
his own, or was adopted by him from some source
without investigation. The fact that naphtha
might ignite under the sun's rays, besides having
in other respects the qualities ascribed to this
peculiar " water," would have furnished a suffi-
cient basis for the present legend. Strabo (xvi.
1, 15 ; i.,p. 43 of the edition used by us) speaks of
a naphtha spring in connection with a temple of
Anffia. The belief, in fact, seems to have been to a
considerable extent prevalent that there was some
subtile connection between the sacrificial fire and
that made from naphtha. Grimm has noticed
that while our author takes so much pains to de-
scribe how the sacred fire was preserved in the
time of Nehemiah, he has nothing to say of its
]ireservation during the ces-atiou of the tem])le
worship under Antiochus IV. to the time of ita
reestablishment by Judas Maccabaeus. (Cf. x.
3.)

2 MACCABEES. 667

Chaptee II.

1 It is also found in the records, that Jeremias ^ the prophet " commanded them that

2 were carried away ' to take some * of the fire, as it hath been signified ; and that '
the prophet, on giving ° them the law, charged them that were carried away ' not to
forget the commandments of the Lord, and that they should not be led astray in

3 their minds, on seeing * images of silver and gold, with their ornaments.^ And with
other such admonitions " exhorted he them, that the law should not depart from

4 their heart.^^ It was also contained in the writing, that '^ the prophet, being warned
of God,^" commanded that ^* the tabernacle and the ark should be brought along
after him; and that^^ he went forth into the mountain, where Moses climbed up,

5 and saw the heritage of God. And Jeremias, on coming thither, found a kind of
cave-dwelling, and he carried in there ^° the tabernacle, and the ark, and the altar

6 of incense, and closed up " the door. And certain ^* of those that followed him

7 came up " to mark the way, and ^ they could not find it. But when Jeremias
learned of it," he blamed them, and said, The place ^^ shall be unknown until ^*

8 God gather his people again together, and become propitious.''* And ^ then shall
the Lord show ^^ these things, and the glory of the Lord shall appear, even the
cloud,^ as it was also manifested under ^^ Moses ; as also when Solomon asked '^

9 that the place might be specially ^ sanctified. And ^^ it was also made known, that ^^
.he being wise offered a ^' sacrifice of dedication, and of the finishing of the temple.

10 And just^* as when Moses prayed unto the Lord, the fire came down from heaven,
and consumed the sacrifices, so ^^ prayed Solomon also, and the fire came down,^^

11 and consumed the burnt offerings. And Moses said, Because the sin offering" was

12 not eaten,^* it was consumed.- In the same manner, also,^^ Solomon kept the ^ eight

13 days. And" the same things also were reported in the records, namely, the me-
moirs of *^ Neemias ; and how he founding a library gathered together the books con-
cerning ^' the kings, and prophets,^* and those of *^ David, and epistles *° of kings "

.14 concerning holy** gifts.*^ And™ in like manner also Judas gathered together all
those books ^^ that had been scattered *^ by reason of the war we had, and they

15 are*' with us. If now, possibly,** ye have need thereof, send such as will bring**

16 them unto you. Since, now, we *^ are about to celebrate the purification, we have

17 written unto you ; ye will therefore *' do well if ye keep the same days. But we
hope ** that the God, that delivered all his people, and gave all the *^ heritage, and

Vers. 1, 2. — ^ A. V. : Jeremie (I shall hereafter write as above). 2 (W'e have eupto-Kerai .... 'I on for

EuptcrfceTat . . . . oTt *I. The former construction probably led the Old Lat. and Syr. to put the proper name in the gen.)
3 (Codd. III. 44. 55. 106. 243. read fAeTayei/ojLte'i/ouy for the dat., and 23. 52, 62. 71. 74., (ncTayo^eVou?. Cf. Com.)
^ oti Ills Bome, ^ how that. ^ having given. ' omi75 that were carried away. " err in i/ie/r (art.) minds when
ihey see. " Lit., " and the ornamentation about them."'

Vers. 3, 4. — ^° A. V. ; speeches. ^^ hearts. '2 ^ame writing, that. ^ (Lit., an answer luLving appeared.

See Com.) " omits that. '^ to go with (see Com.) him, as.

Vers. 6-7. — ^" A. V. : when J. came thither he .... a hollow cave (see Com.), wherein he laid. ^^ so stopped,

"some. 18 omiZ5 up (irpds in composition with the verb). 20 but. 21 which when J. perceived. 22 paying.

As for that place, it (the lud before ayi/oxTToy is omitted by 44. Old Lat. Syr., and rejected by Grimm and Keil as *' sense-
Jess.'') 23 until the time that. 24 receive them unto mercy (i'Aecos yerjjTat. The former word is the Attic for I'Aao?,
and is found also at ver. 22, vii, 37, x. 26. Codd. III. 23. 65. al. read for it here, fAeoi).

Vers. 8, 9, 25 a. V, : omits And. 20 stiew them. 27 and (the /cat seems to be epexegetical) the cloud also.

28 was shewed under (eiri, i. e., at the time of). 29 and as when S. (the form of the word in Oreek is SaAup-iui-)

desired (^^I'axrei'. It is frequently found in the present book in the sense of to ask for. Cf. also 1 Mace. xi. 28).
20 honourably (^eyoAws =: in a marked manner). si omits And. ^2 declared, that. ^3 the.

Vers. 10-12. — 3* A. V. : omits just. ^^ even so. ^ down/rom heaven. ^7 (7-0 Trepl tt79 ajuapTW. This is the

usual designation of the sin offering io. the LXX. ; but the article is sometimes omitted. Cf. Lev. x. 16, 17.) ^^ to

tie eaten. 3» So. " those.

Vers. 13 14. ^1 A. V. : omits And. *^ writings and commentaries of {Kara, as in the superscription of the Gos-

,pels. It is implied that the same subject had been treated by others). ^ acts [rd. Codd. 19. 23. 52. 55. 93. 106. add
6tJ3\La after /SouwAeioi', III. the same after irpoi^i)Tiii'. It is naturally to be understood with the article. Cf . Com.) of.
" the prophets. « ooti/s those (Ti) of (the gen.). *» the epistles. « the kings. « the holy. io {ivaSri-
HaTuv.) » omits And. "i things (ra refers to books, as in the preceding verse). k were lost (marg.,/etf out

during the war. Better, had fallen asunder and so, been scattered). ^ remain.

Vera. 15-17. ^ A. V. : Wherefore if. ^^ some to fetch. ^0 Whereas we then 67 and ye Bhall. ^ We hopo

also (the A. V. has brought forward kknCioiLcv from the beginning of the eighteenth verse. Lit., the construction
would be : " The God who delivered all his people and gave all the heritage .... the law — wo hope truly in God
thathe— -will shortly," etc.). ^ (Aem all an.

568

THE APOCETPHA.

18 the kingdom, and the priesthood, and the sanctification,^ as he promised through
the law, we hope truly in God, that he » will shortly have mercy upon us, and
gather us together out of everi/ land * under heaven into the holy place ; for he hath
delivered us out of great trouhles, and hath purified the place.

19 But the things^ concerning Judas the Maccabee,* and his brethren, and the

20 purification of the great ' temple, and the dedication of the altar, and further,* the

21 wars against Antiochus Epiphanes, and Eupator his son, and the manifestations'
from heaven unto those who did valiant things for Judaism, to their honor,^" so
that, being but a few, they got as spoil " the whole country, and chased the ^^ bar-

22 barous multitudes, and recovered again the temple renowned all the world over,
and freed the city, and restored ^' the laws which were about to be abrogated," the

23 Lord being propitious ^^ unto them with all mildness : " these things, related "

24 by Jason of Gyrene in five books, we will essay ^^ to abridge in one volume. For
considering the mass of the numbers,i^ and the difficulty which they find that desire
to make themselves familiar with ™ the narrations of the history, on account of the

25 abundance ^' of the matter, we have taken care,^^ that while ^ they that would ^
read may have entertainment,^ they that are desirous to commit to memory may ^

26 have ease, and that all into whose hands it falls may ^ have profit. And while ^
to us, who ^ have taken upon us the "^ painful labor of abridging, it was not easy,

27 but a ^^ matter of sweat and sleepless care,''^ even as it is no easy matter for ** him
that prepareth a banquet, and seeketh the benefit of others, yet for the sake of the

28 gratitude of the ^ many we will undertake gladly the painful labor,^^ leaving to the
author the accurate examination of all details, while we labor ^^ to follow the rules

29 of an '■" abridgment. For just "^ as the master builder of a new house must care for
the carrying out of the whole plan,''^ but he that uudertaketh to set it out, and
paint it,^" must seek out fit things for the adorning thereof, so ^^ I think it is also ^^

30 with us. To stand upon every point, and to make the round of matters,^' and to
bestow much labor on *^ particulars, belongeth to the first author of the history ; *^

31 but to strive after" brevity of expression,^' and to *^ avoid much laboring of the

32 work, ought *'' to be granted to him who maketh an ^^ abridgment. Here then
will we begin the history, having added so much to the preface ; for it is a foolish
thing to prolong the introduction, and cut short the history .^^

Ver. 18. — • A. v.: sanctuary (cf. LXX. at Ezek. xlT. 4, witli the rendering ol the A. V.). » in (Sii).

s omitt! we hope truly in God that he. * eTery (no word for it in the Greek) land.

Vers. 19-21. — « A. V. : Now as. « J. Maccabeus. ' (Codd. III. 19. 23.52. 65. 62. 6i. ha.ye iieylaniv toT fieyi-

Aou.) ^ omi(5 further (It[). ^ manifest signs that came (yei^ojuieVas ewii^ai'eia?). ^^ that behaved themselves

manfully to their honour for Judaism. ^^ overcame (19. has 7roAe/Aet»', Old Lat., vindiearent, for AojAaTeij').

Vers. 22-24. — '^ a. V. : omits the. ^^ upheld (lit., set up). " going down. ^ gracious. ^^ favour.

17 alt these {rd is omitted by HI. 19. 44. 62. 71. 74. al. Co.) things, Isay, being declared. 18 assay (obs. in this form}.
10 infinite number. 20 look into {daicvicKeZaBai means here to work oneself into, i. c, become familiar with).

21 stoi^, for the variety.

Vers. 26-28.-22 A. V. : been careful. 23 omits while (fieV). " will. '^ delight, and that. " might.

27 it corneal might. 28 Therefore. 20 that. ^'^ this. ^i (The def. art. in Greek is here better expressed by

the indef. in EnglLsb.) 22 watching. S3 ease unto. 34 pleasuring of (most authorities have the article before

iroAAiIii/). 2i i/iis great pains (cf. ver. 26). so exact handling of eyery particular, and labouring (for Stairovovvre^,

III. 44. o5. al. Co. have aTOVovvTe^). 37 Cf. note 2 on ver. 26.

Vers. 29, 30. — ss a. V. : omits just. 80 whole building (rather, the building of the whole. The Old Lat. renders

Kara^oXris hy slruclura). ^0 {&ee Com.) *i even so. ^ OTnits also. ^s go oyer /At'ii^s at large (Fritzsche

adopts Trept'jraTOi' 7roieio-6ai Koyiav from HI. 23. 44. 55. 71. 74. al. Co., for Trept TTavTiuv iroieitrflai \6yov of the text, rec.)
** to be curious in. ^^ story.

Vers. 31, S2. — *c A. V. : use. *' omits of expression. ^^ omits to. *t* is. *o that will make an (see note
vers. 26, 28.). ''i story, only adding thus much to that which hath been said, That it is ... . make a long prologue
and to be short in the story itself.

Chapter II.

Ver. 1. In the records, 4v raTs &Koypatpa7s.
See verse 13 below, iif Ta7s avaypa<pa'is, which is
Bvnonymous. Cf. Liddell and Scott's Lex., s. v.
The reference is to certain apocryphal writings of
which we liuow nothing. They were not writings
of Jeremiah, as the Old Lat. and Syr. falsely ren-
der.— Toits ixiraytvofxivov^. This word in the sense
of deported does not elsewhere occur. Hence,
probably, the change in some MSS. and in verse
2, to fj.€7ayofj.4voui.

Ver. 4. XprifiaTttxfiis = an oracle, a divine re-
sponse. Cf. Rom. xi. 4. " Bat what saith the
answer of God unto him t " Some have sup-
posed that our book means to say that the taber-
nacle and ark followed Jeremiah in a miraculous
way, and this mi^'ht be understood from the ren-
dering of the A. V. But it does not lie iu the
word ffvyaKoKovBe^f (cf. iKoXouBeTf at 1 Cor. x. 4)
and is not required by the context. Cf. ver. 6
where attendants of Jeremiah are spoken of.

2 MACCABEES.

569

Ver. 5. 'AvTpd^STjs^SLVTpoei^Tjs. Of. Xen.,^na6.,
iv. 3, 11. — Grimm would strikeout all tliat is said
of the " altar of incense," tince it is not mentioned
in the preceding verse, as having been taken along,
and did not really form a pa]-t, originallji, of the
furniture of the labernaule. But the passage has
the unanimous support of the JMSS., and we need
not suppose that the Jews at this time would lay
specinl emphasis simply on what belonged to the
original tabernacle.

Ver. 6. To mark the way. They came sub-
sequently to place landmarks, so as to be able to
find the place at a later day.

Ver. 7. This verse seems to point forward to the
times of the Messiah. At least, the hope here held
out doubtless rests on the prophetic utterances
respecting him. — With respect to the contents of
the previous verses, in general, they cannot be
made to harmonize with what we know of Jere-
miah from the canonical books. He was in prison
from the beginning of the siege of Jerusalem to
its end (Jer. xxxvi. 16, 18; xxxviii. 28). After-
wards he was carried to Rama (xxxix. 14; xl. 1),
and from thence, he went to Mizpah (xl. 4-6). In
the meantime the temple was destroyed. It is
not to be supposed that the events narrated in
our book occurred before the imprisonment of
Jeremiah, for in that case there would not have
been any suthcient occasion for the priests deliver-
ing over these sacred objects into his hands.
Further, if such an event as is here described
had actually occurred, the canonical Scriptures
would not have passed it over in silence. Noth-
ing is heard of the tabernacle, after the dedication
of Solomon's temple, while the ark of the cove-
nant seems not to have been in existence at the
time of Josiah. Moreover, Jeremiah himself (Jer.
iii. 16 f.) laid far less weight on the matter of
preserving these sacred objects, than our book
would lead us to suppose. There was to be an-
other and a higher revelation of God in which it
would no longer serve.

Ver. 11. What is here said of Moses finds no
direct support in the canonical books. Cf. Lev.
X. 16 ff.

Ver. 12. The eight days. It lasted but seven
days according to 2 Chron. vii. 8 f. The author of
the present book obviously misunderstood that
passage, adding the eighth day mentioned in verse
9.

Ver. 13. The same (things), {. «., whiit had
just been related, vers. 1-12. — Records, namely,
the memoirs. Some lost, uncanonital work is
undoubtedly referred to. Movers (Loci Qaidam,
etc., p. 13), referring to 1 Esd. ix. 37, Neh. vii.
73, viii. 18, and citing the present passage, says
that the writer of the Second Book of Maccabees
quotes the so-called Greek Ezra plainly enough as
among the Sacred Books, and accords to it the
same respect as to the canonical Book of Nehe-
miah! — Books (ret) concerning the kings, and
(art. omitted, and probably by mistake. So Grimm
aud Keil), prophets, and those (rd) of David,
and epistles of kings conoerning holy gilts.
The writer seems to have had here the canonical
books of the Bible in view, and it is natural, with
Grimm, Keil, and others, to suppose that he re-
fers, in the first named, to the Book.s of Samuel and
Kings, and possibly, also, to Judges, Ruth, and the
Chronicles. By those of David the Bsalms must be
meant, but not necessarily the entire Hagiogiapha
as at Luke xxiv. 44. That the entire Hagio-
grapha might be so designated, however, is not to

be disputed. By the epistles of Kings, etc., the
proclamations of the Persian kings, from Cyrus
to Artaxerxes, respecting gifts to the temple, are
clearly to be understood, and it is most natural
to suppose that the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah
are thereby indicated, as such proclamations are
scattered throughout these books and the books are
thus characterized, because precisely this fact was
a matter of preeminent interest to the Jews of
that time. Grimm, however, thinks that at the
most, only Ez. vii. 12 ff. could be referred to as
among these letters, and says that the whole pas-
sage is of very doubtful value for the history of the
Old Testament canon. Still, it is of considerable
value, making every exception for the obscurity
that rests upon the sources from which our author
professes to derive his information, and for the fact
that he ascribes tnuch to Nehemiah that more prop-
erly belongs to Ezra, or others, as in the previous
chapter (ver. 18), where he ascribes to the former
what was done by Zerubbabel and Joshua. The
failure to mention here the Pentateuch among the
canonical books might justly be imputed simply
to the fact that there was no occasion for it in
this place, The writer refers only to such works
as, in addition to the law, which had been pre-
viously cared for (see ver. 2), were in danger of
being lost, and must therefore be sought out and
collected together. The word iTncrvfiiyaye might
here, perhaps (so Keil, p. 300), indicate that ihu
other works were added to some present collec-
tion.

Ver. 15. If now, possibly, ye have need.
Grimm and Bunsen's Bibelwerk see in this ex-
pression the wish of the writer to recommend
certain apocri/pkal woviis to the Egypiian Jews;
but this is not contained in the text. Neither can
it be properly deduced from this passage that
Judas Maccabseus was the last great collector of
the Hebrew Canon. (Cf. Stanley, iii. 339 f.) The
books spoken of as having been gathered by
him were such as had been scattered during the
Syrian war (t4 5iaTre7rTc<j«(fra 5ia rbv Tr6Kefxov\.

Ver. 17. The heritage aud the kingdom.
Keil supposes the writer refers to the deliverance
of the people from Egypt. Grimm, with most oth-
ers, to the deliverance from the Syrian oppression
and the restoration of former privileges enjoyed
by them as the people of God. The latter seems
more in harmony with the context. The heritage
was the land itself ; the kingdom, the people in
their right of self-government; the priestlwod, the
privileges of temple worship, and all that was im-
plied in the peculiar sacerdotal character of the
Jewish people ; the saitclification, the prerogative
of being a dedicated aud holy people.

Ver. 18. The law was the basis of the divine
relationship to the Jews so far as they were pe-
culiar to them, and Sid may be rendered as above,
or through " by means of." — The holy place =
the place where the temple was.

Ver. 19. The great temple. It was great as
the temple of the only true God.

Ver. 21. 'Eiritpii/em is the word used by Greek
writers in referring to the visible appearing (the-
ophany) of a god for any purpose. — For Juda-
ism, i. e., in distinction from Hellenism. — The
word XerjAarfii' {= Aeiav eKavvetv) means to drive
away, get as spoil. The thought is that the op-
pressors were despoiled of the land. — Barbarous.
This was the very epithet applied to the Jews by
the Greeks.

Ver. 22. Benowned, Trepi^6r]Tov. This Greek

570

THE APOCRYPHA.

word is generally used in a bad sense, notorious,
infamous, but the meaning is here determined by
the context.

Ver. 23. Jason of Cyrene. Nothing is known
of this person except what is said of him in the
pre-ent book. Jason, equivalent to Jesus or
Joshua, was a very common Greek name.

Ver. 24. Mass of the numbers, i. e., of the
years, the months, the troops, etc.

Ver. 27. The figure employed, as well as that
in verse 29, is not the most appropriate, except in

so far as the object of an epitomizer is to enter-
tain. Moreover, the purpose which our compiler
professes to have is certainly not very encourag-
ing, as it regards the real historical value of his
labors.

Ver. 29. Set (it) out and paint (it), lyKaUiv
KoX (aiypa(t)€7v. The first word means to burn m,
and refers to the use of wax, by means of which
figures of various kinds were placed upon walls,
statues, tables, etc. The last word means, to paint
from life, then, in general, to paint.

Chapter III.

1 Now ^ when the holy city was inhabited with all ^ peace, and the laws were still '
kept in the best manner,^ because of the godliness of Onias the high priest, and his

2 hatred of wickedness, it came to pass that even the kings themselves honored ^ the

3 place, and glorified ^ the temple with the ' best gifts ; * so that also Seleucus the
king of A.sia out ' of his own revenues bore all ^^ the costs belonging to the ser-

4 vice of the sacrifices. But one Simon of the tribe of Benjamin, being appointed
chief ^^ of the temple, fell out with the high priest about the office of market mas-

5 ter '^ in the city. And since ■" he could not overcome Onias, he went " to Apollo-

6 iiius the son of ThrasEeus,^^ who was then general in Coelesyria and PhcEnice,^^ and
told him that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of unspeakable ■" sums of money,
to the extent ■'* that the abundance of its wealth could not be counted, and that it
held no relation to the outlay for sacrifices, but that it was possible that this should

7 fall -"^ into the king's power.^" And Apollonius on meeting the king, gave informa-
tion concerning ^^ the money which had been brought to light ; and he^^ chose out
Heliodorus his prime minister,^^ and having given him orders sent him to look' after

8 the removal of the aforesaid ^* money. So forthwith Heliodorus took his journey,
under the color indeed ^^ of visiting the cities of ^^ Cuslesyria and Phoenice, but

9 really ^' to fulfill the king's purpose. And having come to Jerusalem, and been
kindly ^' received by '^^ the high priest of '" the city, he told him concerning the in-
telligence that had been given, and made it clear "'■ wherefore he was present,^^ and

10 asked if these things yvere so indeed. And ^^ the high priest told Am that they

11 were deposits belonging to '* widows and orphans ; "' and that some of it belonged
also ^'^ to Hyrcanus *" the '^^ son of Tobias, a man of very high position,^^ and that it
was ■'" not as the ""■ wicked Simon had falsely stated, but the sum *^ in all was four

12 hundred talents of silver, and two hundred of gold; and that it was altogether
impossible that they ^ should be unjustly treated," that had trusted ^^ to the
holiness of the place, and to the majesty and inviolability *^ of the temple, honored

Vers. 1, 2. —I A. V. ; Now {toIwv Is omitted by III. 28. 44. 56. 71. al. Co. Aid.). 2 (Omitted by 19. 62. 64. 93. See
Com.) 3 omUf; still (for ert 64. 106., kni ; III. 44. 71., ort, which would serve to strengthen the superlative).

' very well. » did honour. "magnify. ^ their. » Cf. 1 Mace. ii. 18.

Vers. 3, 4. — » A. V. : insomuch that Seleucus king of Asia. i» bare all (see Com.). " joho was made governor

(.we Com.). 1= disorder (Grimm, Fritzsche, Keil, and others, receive ayopai/oixias from HI. 23. 44. 52. 66. 71. 106. 243.
Co. Aid. ; text, rec, Trapavofj.Ca^. See Com.).

Vers. 5, 6. — 13 A. V. : when. " gat him. <» Thraseas. M then was governor of Coelosyria and Phenice

(without further remark, I shall write these two proper names in the present book as above). " infinite (iwuftJTojv).
" so. 10 multitude of tlieir riches, which did not pertain to the account of the sacrifices, was innumerable (Fritzsche
and other critics properly adopt i.vapie,i.y]rav from III. 19. 44. 62. 65. 62. al. Co., instead of iva(,ie,L-r,TOv of the text, rec,
which makes no sense), and that it was possible to bring all (Fritzsche strikes out aira^ra as wantinK in 111. 19 44 bb
62. 64. al. Co. Aid.). =» hand. ...

Vers. 7, 8. — 21 A. V. : Now when A. came to (ovjinifus) the king, and had shewed him of. 22 whereof he was

told, the Icin^. 23 treasurer (I render with Grimm, Keil, Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and others. Cf. the Greek with x. 11

xiii. 2, 23). 2-1 sent him with a commandment to bring him the foresaid. 20 a, colour. 20 (Lit , " as Eointt the

rounds of the cities throughout,") -^ iwiw.i.

Vers. 9-11.— 2» A. V. : when he was come ... .hadbeen courteously. 2« of . so (gome Oodd 2365626493
with Syr., have «a.', which Grimm prefers ; Old Lat., in civitate.) »i what intelligence {i^<l,av.o-i^oi) was given of tZ
money, and declared. 32 came. 33 Then. »• there was such money laid up for the relief of 33 fatherlesa

children 3. omite also. 37 uircanus. 38 omits the. 30 great dignity. 4o „mits thai it was. «■ timt
»2 misinformed, the sum whereof.

Ver. 12. —43 A. V. : that suck wrong. « done unto them. « committed it.

(aavkit^).

*^ inviolable sanctitj

2 MACCABEES. 571

13 over all the world. But Heliodorus, because of the king's commandments which
he had,^ said, that by all means ^ it must be brought into the king's treasury.'

14 And he appointed a day and * entered, in order to look after the inspection of these

15 treasures ; and " there was no small agony throughout the whole city. But the
priests, casting " themselves before the altar in the' priests' vestments, appealed
to * heaven that had made ^ a law concerning things given to be kept, that these

16 treasures might be safely '" preserved for those who had deposited them. And it
came to pass that he who looked at the appearance of the high priest was wounded
in spirit ; ^^ for his countenance and the changing of his color made manifest the

17 agony of his soul.^^ For a certain fear and shuddering of body took possession of "
the man, by which there became ^* manifest to them that looked upoji him, the dis-

18 tress that was ^^ in Ms heart. But the people ^^ ran flocking out of their houses to

19 general " supplication, because the place was about ■" to come into contempt. And
the women, girt with sackcloth under their breasts, gathered in multitudes ^' in the
streets, and the virgins that were kept in '"' ran, some to the gates,^' and some upon "^

20 the walls, while some''' looked out through^ the windows. And all, stretching out^

21 their hands towards heaven, made supplication. It was pitiable,^" the falling down
of the multitude of all sorts, and the expectation ^ of the high priest, whose distress

22 was exceeding great. ^' They then called upon the Almighty God to preserve safely
with all security ^^ the things committed in trust ^° for those that had committed ihem.

23 But'' Heliodorus started to execute''' that which had been determined on." And'*

24 as he was already '^ there present himself with his guard about the treasury, the
Lord of spirits,"' and the lluler " of all power, caused a great manifestation," so
that all that presumed to come in with him were terror-stricken " at the power of

25 God, and became faint and without "courage.*" For there appeared unto them a
horse having *' a terrible rider,*^ and adorned with most beautiful trappings,*' and
it ** ran fiercely, and smote at Heliodorus with its *^ forefeet ; and he that sat upon it

26 appeared in full armor *^ of gold. Moreover two other young men appeared before *'
him, notable in strength, very beautiful in their splendor,*' and gloriously appareled ;
and they *' stood by him on either side, and scourged him unceasingly,™ and gave

27 him many stripes.^' And he ^'' fell suddenly to ^' the ground, and was compassed

28 with great darkness ; and they caught him up, and put him on " a litter. Him,^'*
that just now ^'^ came with a great train and with all his guard into the aforesaid "
treasury, they carried as one ^' unable to help himself,'^'' manifestly recognizing ™

29 the power of God. And he through the divine efficiency''^ was cast down, and hy^"^

30 speechless and bereft of hope and salvation."' But they blessed" the Lord, that had
made wonderful "^ his own place ; and ^^ the temple, which a little before '■'' was full
of fear and consternation, by the manifestation of *' the Almighty Lord,''^ was filled

Ter. 13. —1 A. V. : commandment given him. ^ jn any wise. = treasury (it is contained in the word

60

Vers 14-17 — • A. V. : So at the day which he appointed he. » in to order this matter : whereJore. pros-

trating (pi,(,arVes). ■'their. ecaUedunto. o upon him that made. » they should safely be. " such as had
committed tkem to be kept. Then (elv<v., with the ace. and infln.) wAo.w had looked the high priest in the face (i6eW.

Cf Matt xxviii. 3) it would hare wounded his heart. >= declared the inward his mind. « the man was sa

compassed (cf . Judith xiii. 2) with. " horror of the body, that it was. " what sorrow he had now (e-soro!).

Vers 18 19 —"A V • Others. " the general supplication (marg., «o make g-cMrai supp/icadon). » like,

w abounded. ' »' (KaraKAn^roi = secluded. ) ^i (j. e., ,he open places near.) 22 to. 23 and others.

« of (SiefeVun-Toj/; III. 56. al. Co. omit the second prep.). .

Vers 20-23 — ^ A V • holding 20 jhen it would have pitied a man <o we. 'i teta [marg., expeetalicm. He

expected eyil ). "' being in such an agony (III. 55. al. leave off 5ia in Sm-yu-iirros). =» Lord (so III. 23. 44. 74. 106.
243. Aid.) to keep (cf . ver. 16). ™ of trust safe and sure. " Nevertheless. =2 executed (impcrf., and I render
as above as best giving the .=iense. See Winer, p. 269). S8 was decreed. .,„,„,,„

Vers 24 25 — S'A V • Now. '» om/fs already. »» (Ma.rg., Lord o/out fathers. Por ^i-aTepur, III. 19. .56. rl.

93. lOs'. 248. Co. have .yev^ir^v. Cf. Com. The Codd. III. 23. 62. 71. 74. 106. 243. Co. Syr. omit «vp.o..) " Prmce.
•• apparition (cf.ii. 21). =» astonished. « fainted, and were sore afraid. « with. " rider upon h.m.

e with a very fair covering. " he. « his. « and it seemed that he that sat upon the horse had complete

^Vers! 26, 27. - " I read ,rp„.,f,in,aar ; IH. 65. 106., ^*i«„ra. ; 19. 23. 62. 93., ,rpo„W«,^ar « A. V. ^^e^cj"^"'

in beauty. « comely in apparel, who. » continually (i. e., continuously). ■>' sore stripes. »^ HeUodorus.
« unto. M but they JAa( ioei-e u)i(/i Aim took Aim up (see Com.) and put Aim into.

Vers.28,29.-«=A.V.:r/».him. "lately. "said. » o«<, being. =. b.niself with A« weapons (so 62 5o
74. al. (Ill , vdAo.,), which also for the following i^ey..K6re, read e^eyv.K6ra, thus referring i to Heliodorus. But the
former word would refer to the preceding e,|,epo., i. e., those «ho bore out H.). " they aoknowledged (see previous
note). n for he by the hand of God. «= and lay. «» without all hope of life. „ » „« „!,»„

Ver. 30. -"A. v.: praised. « miraculously honoured. »» for. « afore. « trouble, whea

^B liOid appeared.

572

THE APOCRYPHA.

31 with joy and gladness. But straightway^ certain of Heliodorus' friends prayed
Onias, that he would call upon the Most' High to grant him his life, who lay just =

82 ready to give up the ghost.'* And * the high priest, fearing ^ lest the king should
have" the opinion " that some villainy ' had been practiced on ' Heliodorus by the

83 Jews, offered a sacrifice for the restoration ' of the man. And^° as the high priest
was making an atonement, the same young men in the same clothing appeared and
standing heside Heliodorus, said,^^ Give Onias the high priest great thanks, inso-

34 much as for his sake the Lord hath granted thee life. And thou,^^ seeing that thou
hast been scourged from heaven,^* proclaim ^* unto all men the mighty power of

35 God. And having ^^ spoken these worrfjf, they disappeared. But^^ Heliodorus,
after he had offered sacrifice unto the Lord, and made great vows unto him that
had saved " his life, and taken friendly leave of '* Onias, returned with his force "

86 to the king. And he bore witness before all to '"■" the works of the great God, which

87 he had seen with his eyes. And when the king asked Heliodorus, who possibly ^'

88 might be a fit man to be sent yet once ^^ to Jerusalem, he said, If thou hast any
enemy or traitor, send him thither, and thou shalt receive ^' him scourged,^ if he
also '"-^ escape with his life ; for about the ^^ place, no doubt, there is a certain "

39 power of God. For he that dwelleth in heaven is guardian and protector of that

40 place : ^° and he beateth and destroyeth ^^ them that come with evil intent.^" And
the things concerning Heliodorus, and the keeping of the treasury, fell out in this
manner."

Vers. 31-33. — 1 A. V. ; Then straiglitways. ^ om/^f just. ^ {Lit., altogether lyi.n^ in tke last breath.) * So.

^ suspecting. •* misconceive. ' treachery. s done to. ^ health (lit., salvation). ^^ Now. " stood

.... saying. .

Vers. 34, 35. — " A. V. : omits thou. ^3 {Apel and Fritzsche adopt e^ ovpavov from III. 44. 52. 65. al. Co. Aid., for
ajr' avToO of the text. rec. ; Syr. Old Lat., a deo. But Grimm and Keil are inclined to looli upon it as a gloss.) '^ de-
clare (III. 23. 74. 106., Stay-yeAAe, for Stayy'^^^i ^^'^ i^ '^ approved by Qrimm and Keil, since it refers to a continued
proclamation). is when they had. "> appeared no more. So. ^^ (Lit., make remain over.) ^* saluted.

10 host (lit., tooh another camp. It refers to his military escort).

Vers. 3t)-3S. — 20 A. V. : Then testified he to all men. -^ omits possibly (tis after fl-oTos to make it less definite. Cf.
Liddell and Scott's Lex., .<. v.). 22 once again. 23 (Qrimm and Keil: thou wUt have to expect.) 24 well scourged.
26 omits also. ^ In that. 27 an especial.

Vers. 39, 40. — 23 x. V. : hath his eye on that place and defendeth it. 29 (Fritzsche adopts aTroAAu'et from III. 19.

44. 65. 62. al. ; text, rec, diroAAuerti/.) so to hurt it. si on this sort.

Chapter III.

Ver. 1. "With all peace, fx^rh. ir<io-rjs elp-fiVTjs,
i.e., with a full, complete, uninterrupted peace. —
Onias. He was the son of Simon and the third of
tliis name succeeding his father in the hitch priest-
hood c. B. c. 198. See .losepli., Antiq., xii. 4, § 10
and Schiirer, Neutest. ZeitijeachicJite, p. 74.

Ver. 2. For the use of ervfiPaiveiy followed by
the infinitive with the accusative for the purpose
oi specially emphasizing a statement, cf. Winer,
p. 323, who cites among other instances of its oc-
currence in Greek authors, Diodorus Sic. (i. 50):
(Txjve^T) -rrjv w6\ty .... elyat Kupievova-af. See, also,
Acts xxi, 35, and the present book at iv. 30 ; v. 2 ;
vii. 1 ; ix. 2, 7 ; X. 5 ) xii. 24, 34 ; xiii. 7. The
imperfect o-ui't/Saij/e expresses the idea of fre-
quency.— Kings. Autiochus II., Seleucus IV.,
and, perhaps, others. — The place ^ the temple
(cf. ii. 18) which is then more definitely named.
Since the days of Alexander such presents were
not uncommon, as for instance, from the Egyp-
tian rulers Ptolemy II. Philadelphus and Ptol-
emy III. Euerfietes, and the Kmperor Augustus,
his wife, and his son-indaw Agrippa. So Jose-
phiis and Philo cited by Grimm, Com., ad loc.

Ver. 3. Seleucus = Seleucus IV. Philopator.
— All the costs. Rhetorically spoken. Cf, ver.
6.

Ver. 4. Simon. Otherwise unknown. He is
represented its TTpoa-Tdrns tov iepov. It is difficult
to make out just what is meant by this title. But

probably the reference is to a kind of overseer,
particularly an ovetsoer of the treasures of the
temple. The German Vorsteher ^ director, ad-
ministrator, well represents the Greek. It is need-
less to give the many views of the critics. Ewald,
with whom Keil is inclined to agree, thinks of a
man who had the honorary title of overseer, and
who looked after the various things which were
necessary for the maintenance of the temple
service and hence had great influence in the city.
According to Herzfcld, Geiger, and Ilitzig, the
word ^evtafilf is a corruption for Meiafj.it>, Min-
jainin, the name of the sixth class of priests.
(Cf. 1 Chron. xxiv. 9 ; Neh. xii. 5, 17.) But the
words T^j .... (f>v\T}^, must in that case be given
an unusual meaning, while the supposition is also
out of harmony with the context. If the read-
ing ayopavofxias (for trapavoixias) be not the orig-
inal one, it is hard to explain how it could have
originated. The former word, however, could eas-
ily have come from the latter. The word ayopa-
yo/jtos means Markctmaster, i. e., the person who had
the oversight of what was brought to market and
the selling of the same.

Ver. 5. Apollonius. There was a person of
this name who was much with Seleucus IV. (Po-
lyb. xxxi. 21, 3) and he is probably meant. He
had also a son Apollonius who was governor of
Coelesyria. See 1 Mace. x. 69, and cf. i. 29; 2
Mace. V. 24.

2 MACCABEES.

673

Vcr. 6. Joaephus (Antiq., xiv. 7, § 2) tells
why so large an amount of treasures wiis col-
lected in tlie temple at this time : "All the Jews
throiifjliout the Imbitable earth, and those thai
worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and
Euro|<e, sent their contributions to it. Nor is the
larj.'1'ness of these sums without its attestation ;
nor is that greatness owinji; to our vanitv, ms rais-
ing it without groimd to so great a height; but
there are mnuy witnesses to it, and particidarly
Striibo of Cappadocia, who says thus : ' Mithni-
dates sent to Cos, and took the money which
Queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also 800
talents belougins; to the Jews.' "

Ver. 7. Heliodorua. Cf. 1 Mace. i. 16 and
Appian (Si/r., e. xlv.).

Ver. 9. High priest of the city. The strange-
ness of this expression uuclouhtedly gave occasion
for the variation of the MSS. at this point.
Grimm with the Syriac and several MSS. (cf.
Text. Notes], would insert Kai before t^$ Tr6\ews.
The meaning, liowever, seems ti> be better ex-
pressed by the Old Latin in cicitale. — 'Ave'SeTo.
This verb with the ."ignification here given, to la;/
a thing before a person, leaue for cansidf ration,
communicate (cf. Acts xxv. 14; (jal. ii. 2), is only
found in the later Greek, and is usually followed
by the aecusative.

Ver. 10. TlapaSiiitri = depontum. Cf. its use
at 2 Tim. i. 12, " thiit comnjitled." The usual
word in Greek is TrapaKaraSiiKri, which, moreover,
is the reading of 111. 19. 52. al. here.

Ver, II. Hyroanus. See Joseph., ^nti'y., xii.
5, 10 ; xii. 4, §§ 2-9, 1 1 ; xiii. 8, § 4. This writer
,nieutions two different persons of the name, but
the present Hyrcanus can hardly be identified with
either. — 'Ec uTrepoxfi, in high position. Cf. 1
Tim. ii. 2, where the same Greek word is found,
" in authority." — The amount of money, as here
given by the high priest liimselt, comes near justi-
fying the statement of Simon. Suppo-sing that
Hebrew talents are meant, the sum would have
been somewhere near $700,000 in silver and
$4,200,000 in gold ; if Antiochian talents, about
half as much. ProUubly the latter are intended
as the better understood by Heliodorus.

Ver. 24. Against the reading iraTipaiv for irvfv-
niToiv, might be urged the fact tliat it is an un-
usual expression. It is always found elsewhere
in the form, " God of the fathers." If the reading
spirits is adhered to, the reference would be to the
angels. Cf. i. 14. The latter reading is sup-
ported by common usage in books of the charac-
ter of the in-esent one. Cf. Ecclus. xxxix. 28 ;
Dillmann's Book of Enoch, p. 140.

Ver. 25. 'ETriffdr'ni', rider. This word was gen-
erally used for marines, classiarii milites ; some-
times, also, for the fighting man in a chariot.

Ver. 27. They caught him up. Who is re-
ferred to it is not possible to say. The guard of
Heliodorus, according to the letter of the account,
seems not to have been affected by the apparition,

and either they or the servants of the temple are
probably meau't. Raffaello found in this scene a
subject for bis brush, when he sought to depict
for the walls of the Vatican the triumph of Pope
Julius II. over the enemies of the Pontificate.

Vers. .30. 'EirKpavei'Tos. The present participle
is often used as a substantive, aud as such may
exeliide all indication of time.

Ver. .35. Great vows, relating, it is likely, to
his serving hereafter, Jehovah. — 'Airo^e^dfji^vos.
The meaning of the word is not fnlly given by
saluted. He treated him in a friendly manner.
The Vulgate has, Onice gratias agens. The Syriae,
lionored him greatly. Grimm cites Philo {Leg. ad
Cnj., § 23) as using the word to express the
friendly treatment accorded to the Jews on the
part of the Emperor Augustus.

Ver. 38. Traitor, irpay^aTuu ^tti^ovKov. Vulg.,
regni tui insidiatorem. Cf. iv. 2 ; xiv. 26. — Es-
cape. Many good authorities (III. 19. 23. 44. 55.
62. al.) favor the subjunctive Siao-iuflp, and it is
adopted by Fritzache. Still, the optative would be
more in (ilace, as is snfflciently proved by Grimm.
(Jn the que.stion whether the events here narrated
have any historical basis, authorities differ. Most,
however, admit a groundwork of fact. As far as
verse 23, there is nothing said which would excite
special distrust. There would be no reason for
imputing to Seleucus IV. this attempt to rob the
temple, if it was not actually made. Some real
occurrence, also, may have given occasion for the
stoiy of the angelic appearances as here narrated.
IMany find it alluded to in Josephus {.Antiq., xii.
3, § 3), who qnotes Polybius (xvi.) as saying that
he has something special to report concerning it:
" And particularly conceruing the manifestations
about the temple" (nal ixaKtara wtp\ t^s yivoiiiviis
ir€p! t!> Uphv iin<pM€ia.s]. PolyUiiis was personally
acquainted with the son of Seleucus, and may, it is
true, have heard of such an event from him.
Still, it is too much to say, with Keil, on the
ground of this pa.ssage, that Polybius could not
have referred to any other fact than that recorded
in our books, or even that he referred to any one
event in particular. It is safe, at least, to say
that this miraculous appearance, as related in the
present book, differs in some important respects
from all similar miracles recorded in the ctinonical
Scriptures. Those of 2 Kings ii. U, vi. 17, which
took place in connection with the prophet Elisha,
are of quite a different character. So is it also
in the case of the prophet Zechariah, who saw in
an ecstasy horses with their riders, and in the
lievelatiou, where John is favored with the same
manifestations. Here, the matter is represented,
not as occurring in vision, or as symbolical, biit
as real. The horses strike Heliodorus with their
feet, and the supposed augels scourge him to the
i)oiDt of death! This is clear evidence of the
bungling hand of an imitator, who, inadvertently,
crosses in his delineation the line that divides the
spiritual from the corporeal and physical.

Chaptek IV.

1 But the before-mentioned Simon, who had been a betrayer ^ of the money, and
of his fatherland,^ slandered Onias, as if he had terrified » Hehodorus, and been

Ver.l.-iA.V.: TAw Simon now, ol whom ioe spake afore, having .. . bewiayer. . A« (cootaiiiediil

rarpiios) country. ' (Lit., set at or upon.)

574 THE APOCRYPHA.

2 the worker of these evils. And he dared ^ to call him a traitor, who was the bene-
factor ^ of the city, and the guardian of his countrymen,* and was zealous for * the

3 laws. But when' the hostility ^ went so far, that also " by one of Simon's zealous

4 partisans ' murders were committed, Onias seeing " the danger ' of the '" contention,
and that Apollonius, as the general ^•' of Coelesyria and Phoenice, did rage, and

5 increase '^ Simon's wickedness,'* he went to " the king, not to be an accuser of his
fellow citizens, -"^ but as having in view '^ the good of the whole people, both in gen-

6 eral and in particular." For he saw that it was impossible that the state should still
attain to peace," and Simon leave Ids folly, unless the king gave attention to it.'*

7 But after the death of Seleucus, and ^^ Antiochus, called Epiphanes, took the

8 kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias laboi-ed underhand to be high priest, promis-
ing unto the king, at an interview,^' three hundred and threescore talents of silver,

9 and from some other ^- revenue eighty talents. And furthermore, he promised
also to pay by note of hand -* an hundred and fifty more, if he might be allowed, of
his own right,-'' to set him -° up a gymnasium and place of exercise for youth,^'^ and

10 to grant them of Jerusalem the civil rights of Autiochians.^' And when the king
had granted it,^' and he had gotten into his hand the rule,^* he forthwith carried

11 over his countrymen to the Greek mode.*" And the royal privileges granted out of
goodwill *' to the Jews by means *■ of John the father of Eupolemus, who made
the embassage ** to Eome on behalf of friendship and alliance,*'' he took away ; and
doing away with the civil polity that was *'' according to the law, he brought in *°

12 new customs against the law ; for he built gladly a gymnasium *' under the citadel **

13 itself, and brought the chief young men under a hat, and led them.*' And there
took place to such a degree a kind of culmination of Hellenism, and a going over to
a heathenish manner of life, through the exceeding impurity of the ungodly man and

14 no high priest, Jason, that the priests were no more zealous concerning the services ^^
at the altar, but despising the temple, and neglecting the sacrifices, hastened to be
partakers in " the unlawful representation in the palcestra, after the summons to

15 the contest with the discus ; *'^ and while holding in no esteem their ancestral honors,

16 they accounted the Grecian distinctions of highest worth. And by reason hereof
sore peril encompassed them; and''* they had them as ^* enemies and avengers
whose manner of life they imitated,"** and whom ^^ they desired to be thoroughly "

17 like in all respects.''* For it is not a light thi,ng to do wickedly against the laws of
God ; but the time following will make it manifest.^'

Ver. 2. — 1 A. V. : Thus waa he bold. 2 that had deserved weU. * tendred [t6v before KTjfic^ora is omitted

by 55. 62. 64. 93.) his own nation. * so zealous of.

Vers. 3, 4. — '' A. V. : their hatred. ^ omits also. ' faction (lit,, those who had been proved by Simon).

8 (avvopHjv, i. e., takiit^ in at a glance.) " (j^aAeTrov, namely, the dij^culty of getting along under such circum-

stances.) 10 i^iig^ n as {(i)s i.s omitted by 19. 52. 62. 64. yS.) 6e(og- the governor. *2 (it might be rendered, " the rage
of A., who as general of C. and P. increased the wickedness of Simon."') ^3 malice.

Vers. 5, 6. — ^^ For w? III. 64. 106. have n-pos ; 52., (ii? irpos. Of. Wahl, s. v. ^^ A. V. : his countrymen. ^6 seek-
ing. '^ of all, both publick and private {see Com.). i^ continue quiet (ruxeii' eip^iojs en. Gaab suggests the ren-
dering again for the last word, referring to Judith xiii. 11). ^^ did look thereunto.

Vers. 7, 8. — 20 A. V. ; when. '^^ by (5ia, more lit., by means of) intercession (cf. 1 Tim. ii. 1 ; iv. 5. The ety-

mology would indicate a casual meeting. The word meant first, a lighting upon followed by the dat, of the person ;
second, a conver.salion, followed by the gen ). 22 of another.

Ver. 9. — 23 j\^_ V. : Beside this, he promised to assign (Siaypai^ai. It is one of the less common meanings of this
word. Lat.,prescribere. Grimm suggests that it may even mean pay down, as in Dion. Hal., t. 28. Codd. III. 23.
read 5taYpo<f)eii' ; 44. 55. 74. 243. Co., 5taypai//€ii'). 24 jf ^e might have licence (for trvyxi^pf\Qfi , 44. 74. 243. Co. Aid.

read eirix". i III- 23. 106., ktiLxoptrY^^). 20 (gee Com.) 28 a place for exercise (cf. ver. 12), and for the training up
of youth [kt^-(]^elov. See Com.) in the fashions of the heathen. 27 write (avaypai/^at =^ to register. Lit., to register

thetn of .Jenoalem , Antiochians. See Com.) . ... by the name o/Antiochians.

Vers. 10-12. — 28 A. V. : Which when .... granted. =» (See Com.) 3» brought his own nation to the Greekish
fashion. a> granted of special favour. 32 the means. 33 went ambassador. 34 for amity and aid. 35 put.

ting down the governments (see Com .) which ivere. 36 up. 37 a place of exercise (yv^i'aerioi'). 38 tovrer.

30 his subjection, ,ind made them wear a hat (see Cotn.).

Vera. 1.3, 14. — " A. V. : Now such was the height (iKn^ ti;. On the latter, see Winer, p. 170) of Greek fashions,
and increase (Trpoo-pacTi! ; 106., Trpr^ao-is ; Old Lat,, /Jro/ec/u.?) of heathenish manners, through tlie exceeding profane-
nesa of .Taaon, that ungodly wretch, and not high priest .... had no courage to serve any more. ■» of. « al-

lowance in the place of exorcise, after the game of Discus called them forth Una. ttiv toC Uaicov ttdokAiktiv : irpio-KXiKril'.
111.19.23.62,106.). f I ^ f I ,

Vera. 16-17.— " A. V. : not setting by the honours of their fathers, but liking the glory of the Grecians best of ail.
By (Fritzsche receives Kai' before xipi.- from III. 44. 62. 71. 74. 106. 243. Co. Aid.) reason whereof sore calamity came
upon them : for. « to be their. lo custom they followed so earnestly. <» unto whom. " omits thoroughly.
*8 thingi ** shall declare these things.

2 MACCABEES. 575

18 And when the contest = that was observed' every fifth year was celebrated*
f -VT' ^"^^ ^^'^ ^'"» '^^^'^ present, the abominable' Jason sent messengers'
from Jerusalem, who were Antiochians, to carry three hundred drachmas '" of sil-
ver to the sacrifice of Hercules ; and they that cariied them desired that they should
not be used for a sacrifice, because it was not fitting, but be reserved 'for an-

20 other expenditure." This money then, in regard to'^ the sender was meant fori»
Hercules' sacrifice ; but because of the bearers thereof it mas employed in making

21 And 1= when Apollonius the son of Menestheus was sent into Egypt on account
of '* the coronation of the " king Philometor," Antiochus, learning'that he had be-
come ill affected toward his " affairs, took thought 2° for his own safety; where-

22 fore_^' he came to Joppe, and went on ^^ to Jerusalem ; and ^^ he was magnificently '^*
received by ^s Jason, and by ^^ the city, and was brought in ^' with torchlight, and
with shoutings ; ^' thereupon he ^^ went with his force into Phoenice.*'

23 And"' three years'^ afterward Jason sent Menelaus, the before-mentioned''
Simon's brother, to carry '* the money unto the king, and to bring to a result memo-

24 rials concerning "> necessary matters. But he, introducing himself to the king, and
glorifying him with the mien of one in power," got the high ^' priesthood for "

25 himself, offering more than Jason by three hundred talents of silver. And '" he
came with the king's mandate,*" bringing " nothing worthy the high priesthood, but

26 having the fury *^ of a cruel tyrant, and the rage *^ of a savage beast. And " Jason,
who had undermined *^ his own brother, being undermined by another, was com-

27 pelled to flee *' into tlie country of the Ammonites. And Menelaus " indeed got the
rule ; *' but of *' the money that he had promised unto the king, he* paid none,™
albeit Sostratus the eparch''' of the citadel demanded ^^ it ; Jlor unto him apper-

28 tained the gathering of the moneys." Wherefore they were both called before the

29 king. And ^* Menelaus left his brother Lysimachus as representative of the high
priesthood ; "^ but ^^ Sostratus Ifft Crates, who was governor of °' the Cyprians.

SO But when these things were arranged, it came to pass that they ''* of Tarsus and
Mallus ^^ made insurrection, because they had been given '*" as a present "' to the

31 king's concubine, Antiochis.^^ Then came the king in all haste to appease ^' matters,

32 leaving Andronicus, one of those " in authority, as his representative.*^ But *" Mene-
laus supposing that he had gotten a favorable opportunity," stole certain vessels of

Vers. 18, 19. — ^ A. V. ; Now. 2 game. s used. ^ kept. '' omits and. 0 being. ^ /Ai's ungracious.

8 special messengers (marg., " Gr., who were religious ambassadors.^^ The (rreelc is flewpous, i. e., spectators. See Com.).
" (B'ritzsche receires lis before i-iro Jrom III. 19. 23. 44. 55. al.) ■" draclims (19. 62. 64. Syr., 3,300). " which

even tlie bearers tkertof thought lit not to bestow upon the sacrifice, because it was not convGnient, but to be reserred
{KaTaQierQai. The Avriter had this word in mind, when he wrote as at the beginning of the sentence, rather than
Xp^trflat, on which as really depends) for other charges.

Ver.^. 20, 21. — ^- A. V. ; oHfita. More literally, o/i accoan/ o/). " waa appointed to {cf. Com). Fritzsche adopts

eTreae jaei/ oSc from 19. 62. (93., etTstrov) ; €iT^<re &i, 23. 65. Syr. ; text, rec.^ eiretiipev). ^^ to the mailing of gallies.

^6 Now. ^'^ for. 1^ (Marg., entkronizing. See Com.) of, 18 Ptolemeus (Fritzsche omits, with III. 19 23, 44. 55,
al.) Philometor. lt» understanding him [Ptolemy] not to be well affected {akKiiTpiov . . . . -yeyoceVai) to his (for

auTwc of the text, rec, Fritzsche adopts avTov from HI, 23, 55, al.) 20 provided for (see Com.) his. - 21 whereupon,
22 and from thence,

Ver. 22. — 23 j^, y, ; where, 24 honourably (Fritzsche receiTea fMyaXofxepSis from III. 19. 23. 44. al. ; text, rec.^

fie-yoAojrpeTTws). 20 of. 26 of. 27 (Fritzsche, with Ketl and Grimm, read eio-eSex^Tj, as III. 19. 44. 52. 55. al. ; text,
rec., eltrtreTTopevTCLL.) 2a great shoutings. 20 f^d so afterward (eW ovtius = " tum quum factum esset," Grimm),

so host unto Phenice (on KaTetrrpaTOTreSevtre, cf. iii. 35),

Vers. 23, 24. — 31 A. V. : omi/s And. =2 year. 8= foresaid. « bear (cf. Ter. 19). 5i> put Aim in mind o£

certain (uTrojiti^ijjaaTtajLious reKitrovTa. The former word is to be taken for virofivfitJiUTa, or virojutoj^aTiV/xaTa, Grotius
renders improperly by monita facere). 80 being brought to the presence of {uva-radeis) , , , , when he had magni-

fied him for the glorious appearance of /i/j power (see Com.). ^7 omits high. ^ to.

Vers. 25, 26, — 39 a, V, : So. ^^ {Lit., having taken the royal commands he came.) *l (tpcptuv.) ^2 (^ev^tov^. )

*3 (opyas.) ^^ Then. *^ Cf, ver. 7, *" Qr.^fieeing was driven away. The verb (rvveAaucw means lit,, (o rfri'tj*

together. But here the preposition seems to be used for emphasis. Of, v, 5,

Vers. 27, 28, — " A, V, : So M, « the principality (cf. ver, 10), " as for. »» took no good order for t( (I ren-
der freely. Lit., he brought nothing into order). '•'ruler, ''2 castle required. '^ customs (cf. i. 35, Fritzsche
receives Sia<lt6ptity from III, 19, 23, 44, 55, al, ; text, rec, 'f>6piov. The former is also favored by Grimm and Keil),

Vers, 29-31, — "' A, V. ; Now, i^s in his stead in the priesthood (19, 62. 64. 93., iipiaavrnj^. Cf. ver, 31), '» and,
"'' (simply ewi.) ^ While those things were in doing (Vulg,, '* dum hicc agerentur.^^ Gr., TotouTwi/ fie trvvearriKoriav =:
But when such things had been brought to order), they, ''^ Mallus, ''" they were given (instead of fiefioaflat. III,
44, 74, 106, 243, Co, Aid, have 5t56o-0at, which would imply that the cities had revolted on the reception of the news of
the fact stated), ^' omits as a present [iv fitope^). ''2 called A, "3 (Cf . Acts ix, 11 in the Greek, where KaToardfJ^M
is used as here.) "* a man, ' ^^ for his deputy (cf. ver. 29).

Ver 32, — I" A, V, : Now, »' convenient time.

576 THE APOCRYPHA.

gold out of rhe temple, and gave them ^ to Andronicus, and had succeeded in selling

83 others in - Tyrus and the cities round about. And Onias on learning of it ^ of a

surety, reproved him sharply, after he had withdrawn * into a sanctuarj' at Daphne,

34 that iieth by Antiochia. Wherefore Menelaus, taking Andronicus apart, prayed
him ^ to get Onias into his hands : " and he came to Onias, and being persuaded to
use ' deceit, gave him his right hand with oaths ; * and though he was ^ suspected
by /lint, yet persuaded he him to come forth from" the sanctuary ; and ^' fortljwith

35 he put him out of the way ^^ without regard for ^' justice." For which '^ cause not
only Jews,^'' but many also of other nations, had " indignation,^* and were discon-

36 tented over^' the unjust mui-der of the man. A_nd when the king came back ^^ from
the places in ^^ Cilicia, the Jews that were in tlie city, while also the Greeks, in
common, hated the evil deed,^'^ complained because Onias had been put to death

37 unjustly.^'' Therefore Antiochus was heartily sorry, and moved to pity, and wept,
because of the sobriety and great correctness of conduct ^* of him that was dead.

38 And being inflamed ^* with anger, forthwith he took away Andronicus' ^^ purple,
and rent off fiis clothes, and leading him about " through tlie whole city unto tlie ^'
very place where he committed ^ impiety against Onias, there slew ^° he the blood-
stained wretch, the Lord repaying him with the punishment he '^ deserved.

39 But since many temple robfieries were *^ committed in ^' the city by Lysimachus
with the consent of Menelaus, and the bruit thereof was spread abroad, the multi-
tude gathered themselves together against Lysimachus, many vessels of gold hav-

40 ing been *■* already carried away.*^ And'^ the common people rising,^' and being
filled with rage, Lysimachus armed about three thousand men, and began first to
offer viollnce,'^* one Auranus ^^ being leader,^" a man far gone in years, and no less

41 also " in folly. But they seeing also *^ the assault *' of Lysimachus, some of them
caught stones, others clubs, and some took *'' handfuls of dust, that was next at hand,

42 and''" cast them all together *" upon the party of Lysimachus.^' Thereby *' many of
them they wounded, and some also they struck *' to the ground, but all ^° they
forced to flee ; and the temple ^' robber himself they ^^ killed beside "^^ the treasury.

43 But on account of ^* these matters ^^ there was an accusation laid against ^^ Mene-

44 laus. And " when the king came to Tyrus, three men that were sent by the coun-

45 cil *' pleaded the cause before him ; but Menelaus, being already convicted,^' prom-
ised Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes much ™ money, to the end that he might win

46 over the king."^ Wherefore ^^ Ptolemy taking ihe king aside into a certain gallery,

47 as it were to take the air, brought him to be of another mind. And while *^ he dis-

Vers. 32, 33. — * A. V. : some oftliem. 2 some he sold into [k-ruyxo-ve jre-npaKm). 3 Which {a is omitted by III.

65. 71. al.) .... knew (see Com.). * be reproved him {the prep, in TrapriXfyx^v is intensive), and withdrew himself.

Ver. 34. — f* irapeKoAet. " i. e., to kill him, which the word meant in later Greek. ' A. V. : who being per-

suaded lliereunto, and coming to 0. in. • ( Ttxt. rec, khI Stfiis ne«' ipKiaf Sovs. li'ritzsche adopts " from nearly all

the MSS.'* ital Se^iarrOeU fi.ee' opKojc 5oi>s Se^tav, with the rendering, et cum salutatus [acceptus), dextram cum juramentis
dedissct. This form of the test is also supported by Grimm. The latter, however, would join /aee' opKuv with Se^iair-
eei5. Keil defends the text. rec. The plural Sefidi is elsewhere used of one person (xi. 26, xii. 12 ; 1 Mace. xi. 80, 62),
and the other roading gives an unusual meaning to Se^iao-^eiV, might easily have arisen from a combination of two
readings, besides — if Grimm's rendering is adopted — bringing an unnatural thought into the text.) ^ were. lo of.
" whom. '2 he shut up (irapeKAeiuer ; other Codd., KaTeKKeiirev ; Old Lat., peremit ; Syr., interfecit. See Com.).

IB of. ** ou(c aLSeadei; TO StKaLOV.

Vers. 35, 36. — « A. V. : the which. ■" the J. " took great. " (eSsiVafo^. The verb is used in the sense oj
Stii'istfiepeii'.) '» much grieved for. 'o ^as come again. " about (/cai-a. Cf. ver. 30). '^ ani certain of the
Greeks that abhorred the fact aiso. 23 ^as slain without cause (lit., contrary to expectation).

Vers. 37, SS. — 24 \. y. ; sober and modest behaviour (see Com.). 25 kindled. 20 Andronicus his. 27 /liyn

28 that. !» had committed. ™ (For ineKotriiriire, 19. 62. 64. Aid. Syr., airiKreive ; Old La.t., jubet .... iiitaprivari.
Cf. Com.) 31 cursed murderer. Thus .... rewarded him his .... as he had.

Vera. 39, 40. — »2 A. V. : Now when many sacrileges (see ver. 42) had been. ss in (Kara. The proceeds were sold

in different places). M being. =' (5ia(f.epe,T9oii, to be borne oft different ways.) s" Whereupon. '1 {iwcyeipo-

p.evwv, stirred up, excited hostilely.) 38 (See Com.) "« (23. adds Tvpd..vov. This word is read alone by the (eil.

r«i:. Coda. III. 66. 74. 106. Co. read as the A. V., which, as the more unusual, ia likely to be the correct readine i
w the leader. *i om/(s also.

Vers. 41-43. - « A. V. : Tbey then seeing. « attempt (cf . v. 5). " some clubs (f«\a;v nixv), others taking.

« om,« and « (*vpS,-, mixedly, in a confused mass.) " upon L. (ti, roi.; ,r.pl tW A.), and those that set upon
!A,m(theadd.tionisfoundinl9. 28.62.64. 93. Aid.). "Thus. " some they stroke. » and all o/-</,em

H but M /or the church. i' him they. ra besides. M Of. ■» maHew therefore. :" i^4,rrr, Kpi^i,

Vers. 44-46. - « A. V. : Now. »> from the senate (cf . i. 10). »» now convicted (IH., ,l\-„„^iipo,. See Com.

» to give km much. " if lie would pacify the king towards him »2 Whereupon.
Ver. 47. — <» A. V. : insomuch that.

2 MACCABEES.

577

charged Menelaus from the accusations, who was the ^ cause of all the mischief,
the poor men, who, if they had told their cause even before ^ Scythians, would

48 have been discharged as *■ innocent, them he condemned to death. Therefore *
they that prosecuted « the matter for the city, and for the people, and for the holy

49 vessels, suffered forthwith the ' unjust punishment. On which account even Tyrians,'
moved with hatred of the " wicked deed, defrayed the expenses of a magnificent

50 burial for them. But i" through the covetousness of them that were in power Mene-
laus remained in office," increasing in wickedness,^^ and proving himself ^^ a great
traitor to his fellow citizens.

Vera. 47, 48.
» Thus.
^ did Boon suffer.

Vers. 49, 60. — ' A. V. : Wherefore even they of Tynis. « that.
to. " am in authority (Jri iTis ipxis. Of. ver. 10). " malice.

* A. V. : notwithstanding was. ' and those. > yea before the. * should have been judged.

» followed (Jritzsohe adopts n-pcjyopicrai/Tet, from III. 23. 66. 64. 93. 106. Aid. ; text, rec, n-poayopev.).

10 caused them to be honourably buried. And
w being (KodEtrrus).

Chapter IV.

Ver. 2. 'O/ioeto^jr, of the same nation, i. e., of
his countrymen. It is less broad, in general
usage, than 6ij.6(t>vXos. Of. ver. 10 ; 3 Mace. iii. 21 ;
Polyb., xi. 19, 3.

Ver. 5. Both, in general and in particular,
Koivy Kcir' tSlav. The connection of these words
is asyndetic, and the koi, of III. and other MSS.
is not required.

Ver. 6. The results of this appeal of Onias to
the king are not here recorded. The matter
seems to have been interrupted, before its con-
clusion, by the death of Seleucus (vers. 7, 33).
Onias did not return to Jerusidem, but was soon
after murdered in Daphne, and Simon figures no
more in the present history.

Ver. 7. MsTaWacro'eij' rhi' $top, i. e,, to give up
the earthly life in exchange for the life beyond.
Seleucus was murdered by Heliodorus, a fact
which seems not to have been known to the writ-
er, otherwise, judging from his usual course, he
would have meutioned it.

Ver. 8. The taknts were, probably, Sj-rian. —
Some other revenue. He seems to mean some
other than that from the treasures of the temple.
According to 4 IVlacc. iv. 17, it was 3,660 talents
that were promised by Jason, a mistake that
might have been easily made through the repeti-
tion of a figure.

Ver. 9. The sums mentioned are too great to
allow us to suppose that a yearly payment is re-
ferred to. So Keil against Grimm. — Aiai ttjs
iiovHas aiiToO (for auroi), through his own power,
i. e., of his own right, without the necessity of
conferring with the Jewish authorities about it. —
'E<pri$iai', of the MSS., age of yoiuh, is doubtless to
be changed, with Grotius, to iipr)^eiov, a place of
exeroias for youth. The force of axirS (for alnS,
cf. Winer, p. 151 f.) is for his own purposes, Avith
the privilege of putting it to such uses as lie
pleased. The following clause, tovs if 'lepotroAv-
liois 'AvTioxe'S &ya.ypd<liat, is differently interpreted.
But it seems best, with most critics, to make 'A.!/-
Tioxfi! the accusative in the predicate, and trans-
late as above. The expression "those in Jerusa-
lem " is meant, apparently, to distinguish the in-
habitants of the city from the Jews of the disper-
sion. One of the chief privileges which Jason
would be nble to confer with the civil rii;hts of
an Antiochian, would he that of participating, on
equal terms, in the Grecian games.

Ver. 10. B.nle, apxvs- It refers to the oifico
o£ high priest, which at this time was an office of
great political significance.

Ver. 11. John, the father of Eupolemus.
Cf. 1 Mace. viii. 17 ff. It was Eupolemus who
made this embassage, and not John, as Keerl sup-
poses {Die, Apolc. d. A. T,, Leipz., 1852, p. 74).
He was accompanied on this errand by Jason,
son of Eleazer. — Governments (A. V.), iroXmias.
Rather, civil polity. The word refers first to the
relation in which a citizen stands to the state,
citizenship (Herod, ix. 34) ; (2) to the life and busi-
ness of a statesman, and so government administra-
tion, as given by the A. V. ; and (3) cicil polity,
the condition of a state, which seems to be the
meaning intended here.

Ver. 12. Under the citadel (ti^i' aKp6Tro\iv).
He sought to bring into contempt the place held
in so great reverence by the Jews. — Under a hat,
virit TTCTatrov. The hat here meant was the so-
called " hat of Hermes," the patron of the gymna-
sium, which was provided with a broad brim for
prutection against sun and rain during exercise.
It was a sign of subjection to Greek customs to
wear such a hat. Inasmuch as the preceding imo-
Taa-a-wj/ is wanting in Cod. 23. and virh jreraffov is
not found in Cod. 93,, it was conjectured by
Schleiisner (Lex., s.v.), that the former word got
into the text through mistake, being made up
from the other two words, according to which the
rendering would be and brought them under a hat,
i. e., subjected them to Grecian customs. But the
Syriac has the former word reading: " suhjecit et
sub mensuram traduxit," and there is little doubt of
its having had a place in the original. The best
recent ci'itics make imh ireraffov immediately de-
pendent on viroTdaauv, as above, which is gram-
matically to be preferred.

Ver. 14. Kepresentation. The Greek word is
Xopriyla, and it refers originally to the representa-
tions of a choir ; then to any similar representation.
— Thei-e could hardly be given a more vivid picture
of tlie intense interest and fascination which cen-
tered in these Grecian games than is here found. —
The discus is but another name for our quoit. As
the term indicates, it was circular in form. It
was made generally of metal and was often of
great weight, There seems to have been some
signal given for the beginning of these public con-
tests of strength and skill.

Ver. 15. Ancestral honors. This probably
refers to their dignity as the chosen people of God,
and, as the context would lead us to suppose, espe-
cially to the offices of priest, elder, and scribe, as
well as to the rewards in general of obedience to
the law. — The Grecian distinctions. The allu-

578.

THE APOCEYPHA.

sion is to the various rewards and jirizes, which
were coBferrcd in coTinection with the athletic aud
other contests, as also to the civil and military
offices in their ;:iff.

A'er. 18. , Every fifth year. They really took
place every fourth year, like the Olympic jianies,
of which they were a prubnb'e imitation ; but it is
said to have been every fifth ;\ear, liecause both
the years in which the games took p-'ace are in-
cluded.— Friizsche would insert, with Cod. III.,
and other authorities, as above, as bi fore airii, "as
from Jeru.'ialcm," ('. c, as re|iresentativ(s of Jeru-
salem, although real Antiochians. But the sequel
shows that they were actually fair representatives
of Jerusalem. Their consciences would not allow
them, although they had become in most re-
spects, as it would seem, pretty thoroughly Hel-
lenized, to ,c;o as far as Jnson had expected and
desired. The is is probably a correction from a
later hstnd.

Ver. 19. Messengers, Bioipovs. The word
means spectators. It is used in the classics as re-
ferring to any one W'ho travels for the sake of ob-
serving men and things, and to an ambassador
sent to consult an oraile, or to present some gift
at the public games. The Athenians sent dewpoi to
the Delphic Oracle, and to the four great Hellenic
games. — Who were Antiochians. '1 hey were, it
would seem, simply persons who had received the
right of citizenship as Antiochians, otherwise their
qualms of conscience touching the gifts to Hercu-
les would be difficult to explain. — Three hundred
drachmas. The .^um is so small, less than fifty
dollars, that a correction to 3,-300 has ciept into
some of the MSS., as also into the Syritic version.
It is possible that the Attic drachma is meant,
which was of a somewhat higher value. The Attic
coin weighed 66 grains troy, the Phoenician, 58^
grains, and the Ptolemaic, 55 grains. — Sacrifice
of Hercules, /. e., the festival of Hercules which
was celebrated in connection with these games,
and was attended with sacrifices to this hero.

Ver. 20. The readiitg Iweaev for (■ire/j.\ji(y seems
to be clearly required. The expression ir'nmw
(Xs Ti means to fait into and remain in a thing, hence
to IxJoiig to it, to be meant for it.

Ver. 21. (Son) of Meneatheus. This is said
to distinguish him from another ApoUonius, the
son of Tlirasseus {iii. 5, 7 ; iv. 4). Cf. also Liv., xlii.
6. — Coronation, irpooTOKMala. The word is used
in Matt, xxiii, 6, in the sense of the vppcrinost seat
at tattle. The transition f I'om this meaning, "which
was the more common one, to that of the Jirst
place on the throne, or the enthroning of a king, was
very easy, and it is likely that such is Its meaning
here, as this event must have taken place at about
the present time. It might mean also, a wedtUng
festival. Luther read irpwroKXriata and translated
by, ersten Beichstag. Jirst iniperitil diet. I'hilo-
inetor assumed the government in the fourteenth
year of his age (b. o. 173), having been previously
under the guardiiinship of his mother Cleopatra,
sister of Antioelius Ejiiphaiies, and afterher denth,
of Kula;us and Lenoeus. — Took thought for his
own safety. He luovided for the safety of him-
self and kingdom by ]]ntting things in readiness
for hostilities on the' part of Ptolemy Philometor.
This Egyptian king had the design to win back
Ccclesyria, wliicli had been wrested fiom Egypt
by Antiochus Ilk, as well as to obtain posses.s'ion
of Phcenicia and Palestine. Antiochus, naturally,
went first to the important harbor of Joppa, to
see that it was put in a condition of defense, and
from thence to Jerusalem.

Ver. 23. Three years afterward, namely,
from the beginning of Jason's high priesthood, b.
c. 174-171. — Menelaus. According to Josephua
(Antiq., xii. 5, § I ; cf. xv. 3, § 1 ; xix. 6, § 2), he
was the brother of Ja.snn. But onr book seems at
this point to be tolerably trustworthy. Cf . Schiirer,
Nentest. Zeitgeschi elite, p. 75.

Ver. 24. Ty irpoffJnrtc Tijy i^ovalas = v:ith the
appearance of power, i. e., with the mien of one
who had great influence. The king felt flattered
by the attentions of such a man. — Got, kot^i/-
TTjtre. Used thus transitively, it is said, only
here.

Ver. 2.'). The fury .... the rage, Bufjiohs
. . . . opyds. The former word is used in Plato,
Thucydides, and the later Greek, widely, for the
ebullition of wrath and excitement of spirit in
general. It is used with ipyri in Pom. ii. 8; Eph.
iv. 31 ; Col. iii. 8 ; Kev. xvi. 19. The former word
denotes the inward excitement, the second the
outward manifestation of it. Cf. Cremer's Lex.,
s. V.

Ver. 29. Sostratus was summoned before the
king, because he had not compelled Menelaus to
pay the money. — Governor of the Cyprians.
Inasmuch as Cyprus at this time was not in the pos-
session of Antiochus, it is thought that this must
mean that Crates had been at an earlier period,
or became at a later period governor of tliis isl-
and. Menelaus returned to Jerusalem after a
short time, as it appears later in the history, and
resumed the duties of his office. He seems not to
have seen Antiochus, but only his representative
Andronicus. And it is probable that he induced
him through bribes to espouse his cause, even to
the extent of putting to death the former high
priest, Onias.

Ver. 30. MaUus. A city of Cilicia, on the Medi-
terranean, at the mouth of the Pyramus, about
twenty miles from Tarsus. — As a present, eV Soi-
peoE. hit. in thenatureqf agifl,ci. \ Cor.n.l, ^y pvir-
T7]plip. It was an Asiatic custom to give away
cities and lands as dower. But these cities may
have considered it as a stain upon their honor,
that they should be bestowed on one of the mis-
tresses of Antiochus.

Ver. 32. He probably intended to use the
money thus obtained to discharge his indebtedness
to the king.

Ver. 33. It also (kclI). The word "also"
which the A. V. has not noticed, means here, in
addition to the other wicked deeds of Menelaus.
— Of a surety. He would not act upon uncer-
tainties ; neither would he act rashly and expose
his own life needlessly. — Daphne. It was prop-
erly a )iart of Autioch, lying in its immediate vi-
cinity, though on the opposite side of the Orontes.
Its iinpoitance can be judged from the fact that
Antioch itself was called " the Autioch near
Daphne" to distinguish it from nine other cities
of the same name. Why Onias, a Jew aud for-
mer high priest, should take refuge in this hea-
then sanctuary, it is not easy to understand.

Ver. 34. Put him out of the way, TrapcxKet-
aev. The word means, to shut out. Cf. Herod,
vi. 60 : " And other ]ieo|ile cannot take advan-
tage of the loudness of their voice to come into
the profession and shut out (wapaicATilooaL) the
herald's sons." 'I'he idea here is that Onias was
excluded from the rights of an asylum, i. e., was
put to death. Asi/lo statini exclusit seclusummte in
custodiam conjecit ibique Irucidavit. Wahl's Cluvis,
s. V. This is supposed to be the ooly place where
the verb is used iu this sense.

2 MACCABKES.

679

. Ver. 36. Complained, iveriyxavav. The con-
text alone supplies the idea that they went to him
with a complaint.

Ver. 37. The word catppoa-vi/ri refers to so-
briety in a moral sense, by which the lower pas-
sions were kept in check, and eirajia to its result
in moral purity, correct conduct. The reported
weeping of Antiochns Epiphanes must be re-
giirded eitlier as somethiiiR- that was put on fur
popular effect, or as soniethins; that had no real
basis in fact. Nothing that we know of him would
lead us to suppose that he felt, or could feel, any
such regard for Onias, as it is here represented
that he felt.

Ver. 38. Andronious had, perhaps, the right
to wear purple as a representative of the king ; or,
it was a dignity that for some other reason had
been conferred upon him. — There slew. Siuce
at V. 25 we read again of a certain Androuicus
some would render the word &jr€K<Sir;nr|(re in the
sense, took away his garments, the symbols of his
rank. But this had already been done. The
word must mean here, to put out of the way, out of

the world. Cf. Horn., Odys., yii. 232, where it is
used with the meaning to remove. The name An-
dronicus was a common one.

Ver. 39. Abroad, i. e., outside of the city, where
the Helleniziug customs were less known and less
popular.

Ver. 40. Began first to offer violence, Kar^ip-
|aTo ^apiiv aUxuv. Grimm would translate :
■' Afachte mil Gewaltthat den Anfunij," " made the
beginning with violence;" Keil, " began unright-
eous dealing;" De Wette, "used unjust force;"
Wahl, '* Manihus injui-tis vti cospit."

Ver. 41. Lysimachus was not himself with
the armed force, its leader being Auranus.

Ver. 45. AeAet^jueVos. The woid is used in the
sense that he had nothing whatever to offer in
proof of his innocence, and hence, as we are ac-
customed to sav, was " without a case " in court.
— Ptolemy. Cf. 1 Mace. iii. 38.

Ver. 47. Before Scythians. Cf. Cicero's ora-
tion against Verres (ii. 5, 58) : '•' Si hmc apud
Scythas dicerem .... tamen animos etiam barba-
rorum kominum permoverem."

Chaptek V.

1 About this ^ time Antioclius undertook his second campaign ' into Egypt. And

2 it came to pass,^ that through all the city, for almost * forty days, there were seen
horsemen running through the air, having clothing interwoven with ^ gold, and

3 armed with lances, like squadrons," and troops of horsemen in array, and attacks
taking place, and assaults on both sides, and movements ' of shields, and a * multi-
tude of pikes, and drawing of swords, and casting of darts, and glittering of golden

4 ornaments, and armor ^ of all sorts. Wherefore every man prayed that the mani-

5 festation might betoken ^° good. And when there arose ■'' a false rumor, as though
Antiochus had died,^^ Jason took not less than ■'^ a thousand men, and suddenly
made an assault upon the city ; and they that were upon the walls being driven off,"

6 and the city at length already " taken, Menelaus fled into the citadel." But Jason
made a slaughter of " his own fellow ^' citizens without mercy, not considering that
to gain the day against those akin were a most unhappy day," but fancying that^"

7 they were ^' enemies, and not ^^ countrymen, from ^ whom he won trophies.'^'' But
while ^° he obtained not the rule, he did receive shame as the result of his ^"^ treason,

' 8 and fled again ^ into the country of the Ammonites. Now he reached the end of
his evil course.'^' Being accused^ before Aretas, the king'*" of the Arabians, fleeing
from city to city, pursued by ^^ all men, and "^ hated as an apostate from "^ the laws,
and being held '* in abomination as executioner '^ of his fatherland and fellow citi-
9 zens,^'' he was cast out ^' into Egypt. And ^^ he that had banished many from their
fatherland ^' perished in a strange la7id, retiring to the Lacedemonians, as though *"

Vers. 1, 2. — 2 A. v. : the same. 2 prepared Aw second voyage. » (Acn it happened. < (/le ,«pa« almost o/.

' in the air (Fritzsche receives Sia rHv kipuv from III. 23. 44. 65. al. ; text, rec, 61A toC ae'poi. By the foroier, the
aerial spaces are referred to, and it seems to be the correct reading), in cloth of. " a band of soldiers (it is not clear).

Vers. 3, 4. —'A. V.: encountering and running one against another, with shaking (plur., but better rendered as
Bing.). s omits a. » harness. '» tliat apparition might turn to (eir" . . . yefiaBat. Codd. III. 106. 19. 62. 93.,
yeyevijadaL. See Com.).

Vers. 6-7. — »> A. V. : Now .... was gone forth. " been dead. " at the least. " put back (cf. Greek at
iv. 20, 42). « omits already. '» castle. " slew. '8 omits fellow (cf. iv. 5, 60). i» get . . . . of them of
his own nation would be ... . day /or Am. » thinking. 21 had been Ms. 2! not lus. 23 omiis from.

2» conquered (/coTa/SiAAstrSai, lit., lay afounilation. Grimm would read KaToAa^eVem). ''■• Howieit for all this.

» principality (cf. iv. 10), but at the last received shame for t/ie reward of his. 27 m ^ departed fleeing, or as fu-

gitive.

Vers. 8, 9.— '"' A. V. : In the end therefore he had an unhappy return (ivao-rpo^ij? ; III. 19. 62. 93. 106., Ktaninpa^tii;.
But the " catastrophe " came earlier). =» Being accused (see Com.). ™ (rbi- .... ripavvov.) =" of.

a2o»m(sand(aslII. 62. 74. 106. Co.). ss a forsaker of. "had. 35 an open enemy (marg., fzeciKioiiCT).

«» Ais country and countrymen. »' (Fritzsche receives e(t^pdiieri from III. 44. 65. 74. al. ; (rvi-efe^pio-ft,, 19. 62. 6i

I|l3, i text, rec, crvxe^pao-eii.) 38 Thus. so driven many out of their country. «» and thinking tliere.

580 THE APOCRYPHA.

10 to find succor by reason of kinship.^ And he that had cast out a multitude " un-
buried had none to mourn for him, and was honored with no funeral of any sort,'
nor a * sepulchre with his fathers.

11 But' when this that had taken place " came to ' the king's ear, he thought that
Judaea had revolted ; wherefore * removing out of Egypt in a furious mood,' he

12 took the city by force of arms. And he ■"' commanded his soldiers to put to death
without mercy such as fell in their way," and to slay such as went up upon the

13 houses. Aiid"^^ there was killing of young and old, and ^' making away with " men,

14 and ^' women, and children, and slaying of virgins and infants. And there were
lost in all the three days ^^ fourscore thousand, whereof forty thousand were slain in

15 conflict; " and no fewer were ^* sold than slain. And^" not content with this, he
also ™ presumed to go into the most holy temple of all the earth,^^ having '^^ Mene-
laus, who had become a traitor both ^* to the laws, and to his fatherland, as '^ guide ;

1 6 and he took '^ the holy vessels with polluted hands, and with profane hands dragged
around '"' the things that were dedicated by other kings to augment the glory and

17 honor of the place.^' And Antiochus was lifted up^* in mind, considering^' not that
the Lord ^° was angry for a while ^^ for the sins of them that dwelt in the city, and

18 therefore his eye was not upon the place.'^ But *' had they not been before en-
tangled ^* in many sins, this man, on pressing forward,*' had forthwith been scourged
and turned *^ back from his presumption, as Heliodorus was, whom Seleucus the

19 king sent to view the treasury. But" God did not choose the nation ^' for the

20 place's sake, but the place for the nation's *" sake. Therefore also '"' the place it-
self, that was partaker with them of the adversities *^ that happened to the nation,
did afterwards, through the Lord, participate *^ in the benefits ; ■** and as it was for-
saken in the wrath of the Almighty, so again, the great Lord being reconciled, it
was set up with all glory.

21 When now "Antiochus had carried out of the temple a thousand and eight hun-
dred talents, he departed in all haste unto *' Antiochia, thinking *^ in his pride to
make the land navigable, and the sea passable by foot ; such was the loftiness *' of

22 his heart.'" And he left also prefects to misuse *' the nation : at Jerusalem, Philip,
as to his race '" a Phrygian, and as to his '^ manners being more barbarous than he

23 that appointed him ; '- and at Garizin,'* Andronicus ; and besides, Menelaus, who
worse than the others, treated insolently his fellow citizens. And cherishing a hos-

24 tile feeling toward the Jews,'* he sent also that chief of evil doers," Apollonius,
with an army of two and twenty thousand, commanding him to slay all those that

25 were in the prime of life, but'* to sell the women and younger persons." And this

Ver. 9. — ' A. v. : his kindrea.

Vers. 10-12. — 2 A. V. : many. 3 nor any solemn f unerale at all. * omits a. t* Now. ^ ^^ag done. ' (n-poo--
n-€(Tt4i'T(i»y. Cf. Tiii. 12, for a similar usage.) ^ whereupon. ° mind (lit., animalized in soul, i. e., with the

rage of a wild beast). ^^ omils he. ii his men of war not to spare such as they met.

Vers. 13-16. — '2 A. V. : Thus. " omiVs and. "of. "omtis and. '« destroyed (cf. following) within <A«

spacn q/" three whole days (lie, in three days in all, i. e., in not more than three days). i^ the conflict (see Com,),

18 owits were. ^'■> Yet was he (Kot, at the beginning, is omitted by III. 23. 44. 71. al.). 2" but [Bi before rouTots is
omitted by 62. 64. 93.). ^^ world. 22 g^its having. ^ Ikat traitor. 21 ^,-j oyjji country, being his.

Vers. 16, 17. — ^^ A. V. ; taking. 2u pulling down {(rvatrvpiuv). 27 the augmentation and (by hendiadys for, to

augment the) .... place, he gave them away (Ij'ritzsche and Keil, with Grimm, would strike out en-eSiSoy. It is want-
ing in 111. 23. 44. 52. 56. al. If retained, it should be rendered, delivered over, i. e., to be carried off). 28 so haughty
was A. 2u that he considered. 3^ fieo-TroTTjf . So at ver. 20, vi. 14, ix. 13, and often in the Apoc. 31 ^paveu;,

i. e., a short time. 32 Lit., therefore had happened his overlooking of the place.

Vers. 18-20. — 30 A. V. : For. 34 formerly wrapped (more lit,, '* But if it had not come to pass that they were

before entangled '"). 35 as soon as he had come. 3o put. 37 XgYertheless. S3 people, 30 people's.

*o And therefore. -ii fSucrTreTTjp.aTwi', a rare word, derived from fius and TreVeti'. ) *2 communicate. « benefits

sent from the Lord (if the words vtto toO Kvpiov are to be retained — they are rejected by Fritzsche, with III. 44, 52, 55.
66. al. Old Lat. — they should be connected, as just before, with exotvolnjo-e, showing the person by whom the matter
is brought about).

Vera. 21, 22. —» A. V. : So when. <■'■ into. <« weening (obs, in prose). " such was the haughtiness (Sii

ihv (leTeiupKTuoV. It limits SeVeai). *3 mind. '" governors to vex. o» tor his country, 01 for. »2 get

klm tttere.

Vers. 23, 24 — "■' A. V. : Oarizim (I give the form according to the Greek. Ct. Com.). M all the rest bare a heavy
hand over the citizens, having (Se. Cf. Winer, p. 448) a malicious mind against (uirepaipeo-Sai, with dat. only here) his
countrymen the Jews (tous woXItk 'louSaious. It seems to mean simply " Jews,'' like ii/rip '1011601105 at 1 Maco. ii. 28
(I passim. The Jewish fellow citizens are distinguished from others who were not Jews. See preceding line.)
K tliat detesUble ringleader {-riv ixvaipxri". Some would render (who had been) " governor of Mysia "). m their

best age (see Com.), and. 37 the (so III. 106. al.) younger wr«.

2 MACCABEES.

681

man coming to Jerusalem, and pretending peace, did forbear till the holy day of
the sabbath ; and " when he found ' the Jews keeping holy day,* he commanded

26 bis men to arm themselves. And ^ he slew all them that had gone forth to the
spectacle," and running into ' the city with weapons, laid low a ' great multitude.'

27 But Judas, the Maccabee,!" with nine others, or thereabout, withdrew himself into the
wilderness," and lived in the mountains after the manner of beasts, with his com-
pany ; and they " fed on herbs " continually, lest they should be partakers of the
pollution.

Vers. 25-27. — » A. v.: who. z omita and. » taking (Aa/Sur. Cf. LiddeU and Sc»tt'8 £ex., s. d.). « {ipyoSv-

TOS.) " And JO. » were gone (efeASdrrM ; III. 106., eXSdi/Tai) to the celebrating of the salibalk (ezrl rriv Beiopidv.

Most juppose tliat tiiis refers to the observance of the Sabbath ia the temple, ©eupia might, iadeed, mean a fesucal or
riligiitus service. But we should not expect such a word to be applied, by a Jew, to the serriccs ol the temple. And
the context is also against it. It was probably some spectacle in connection with the army. So Keil, with Luther,
Hitzig, Herzfeld, and others). ' through (eis). » slew. » multitudes. m J. Maccabeus. " (III. 62. 66. al.
omit the phrase.) ^2 who, ^ (xoprwfii} rpo^v =^ vegetable nourishment.)

Chapter V.

Ver. 1 . On the historical fact here noticed, cf .
1 Mace. i. 17 f£.

Ver. 2. Forty days. This was a sacred and
symbolical uumljer with the Jews, and next to
seven occurs ofienest in their history. Cf. for
similar representations of heavenly portents pre-
ceding great events, Josephus (Bell. Jud., vi. 5,
§ 3), Tacitus (v. 13).

Ver. 4. Might Ijetoken gooi)', i. e., be a sign
of good to the Israelites in the wars, which were
thereby foreshadowed. riVeo-eai etti tlvl^Io come
to something, to happen for sonuthing. The alter-
native reading noted above, yEy^vrjtTdai, is not so
well fitted as the former to express the idea that
tlie prayer was made at the same time that the
vision appeared, which must be supposed to have
been the case.

Ver. 7. We are not informed of the circum-
stance by which Jason was compelled to relinquish
the prize which he had almost within his grasp.
Possibly it was through the combined power of
the citizens, and the Syrian troops in the castle,
under Menelims.

Ver. 8. With Fritzsche, who places a period
after irvx^v, Keil, Grotius, Gaab, Wahl, and
otlieis, we translate as above, malcing irfpas tlie
object of the verb. This verb is generally con-
strued with the genitive of the thing, but some-
times also with the accusative. Cf. Herod., v. 23.
Grimm, on the other hand, would construe Trepas
.... avaa-Tpoiprjs as accusative absolute, connect-
ing ^vxev with 4yK\ii<T(ifls {iyxKriVils). "As
it respects the end of his evil course, it happened that
he, complained of before Aretai, fleeing from city to
city," etc. Keil properly objects to this transla-
tion, that it makes the punishment of Jason the
result of an accident rather than, as the narrator
intended, the direct judgment of God. Cf. vers. 9
and 10. The reading iyKK-nBsls, complained of, ac-
cused, although without the support of the MSS.
is adopted by Grimm and Fritzsche, as it had
been previously by Luther, Grotius, De Wette,
and others. The common readin;:, however, in
the sense of shut up, driven into a corner, gives a

good sense. As Wahl, Clavis, s. v. : " In angus-
Lias ad/go, ita aliquem. persequor, ut, quo se vertat,
nesciai." Jason may have been put under surveil-
lance by Aretas at the request of Menelaus, or
the Syrian governor. A king of the Nabatasi
bore this name, " Aretas," as also in later times,
the father-in-law of Herod Antipas. Cf. 2 Cor.
xi. 32.

Ver. 9. By reason of kinship. Not family
relationship, but the supposed relationship of the
Lacedemonians, in general, to the Jews. Cf. re-
marks at 1 Mace. xii. 23.

Ver. 14. In conflict. 'Ei/ x^'P^" "Ofxah, lit.,
by the pasturage { feeding, ravaging) of hands. The
merciless hands of soldiers seized upon every one
and consigned them to death. The number here
given is generally thought to be considerably ex-
aggerated. Cf. 1 Mace. i. 24. Josephus (Antiq.,
xii. 5, § 4) gives the number of prisoners as
10,000.

Ver. 21. The sum mentioned doubtless in-
cludes all pro]ierty ttiken from the temple. If
they were Hebrew talents, in would amount to
about three and a quarter millions of dollars ; if
Antiochian, to half as much.

Ver. 23. Gariziu (^Gerizim). The well-known
mountain near Sychem, which lay over against
Ebal. On it the Samaritans had built their tem-
ple. This place is particularly mentioned, prob-
ably, as being the centre of the Samaritan influ-
ence. Cf. Joseph., Antiq., xii. 5, § 5. — Grimm and
Bunsen's Bihelwerk, following the Vulgate, Syriac,
Luther, Theodoret, and a few MSS., would con-
nect the last clause of this verse, and cherishing a
hostile feeling, etc., with the next verse, as referring
to Antiochus and as being the motive why he sent
Apollouius into Judaja.

Ver. 24. In the prime of life, namely, all
adults capable of bearing arms. The Apollouius
here mentioned is the chief collector of taxes re-
ferred to in 1 Mace. i. 29.

Ver. 25. Till the holy day of the sabbath.
He knew well that on this day they would offer
no resistance. — Cf. 1 Mace. ii. 34.

582 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter VI.

1 Not long after tliis the king sent an old Athenian ^ to compel the Jews to de-

2 part^ from" the laws of their fathers, and not to live* after the laws ofGod; and
to pollute also the temple = in Jerusalem, and to call it the temple of Jupiter Olym-
pius ; and that in Garizin," of Jupiter the Defender of Strangers,' as they indeed

3 were,* that dwelt in the place. But" the inroad of the evil " was sore and grievous

4 even " to the people.''^ For the temple was filled with riot and revelling by the
Gentiles, who dallied with harlots, and had to do with women in the forecourts of

6 the temple," and besides," brought in i° things that were not fitting." The altar

6 also was filled with profane things, which the law forbiddeth. And ^' it was permitted
neither" to keep sabbath days or celebrate ancestral '" feasts, or simply to acknowl-

7 edge one's self ''" to be a Jew. And on ^^ the day of the king's birth, every month,
they were brought by bitter constraint to eat of the sacrifices ; "^ and when the feast
of Bacchus was kept, they -^ were compelled to go in procession in honor of Bac-

8 chus, crowned with '^* ivy. Moreover there went out a decree to the neighboring
Greek cities, at ''^ the suggestion of Ptolemy.'" to pursue the same course against

9 the Jews, and compel them to eat of the sacrifices ; and that those who preferred not
to go over to Hellenism " should be put to death. Then could one see '^ the pres-

10 ent misery. For there were two women brought forward,^" who had circumcised
their "» children ; and these, having '^ openly led them "' round about the city, the

11 babes hanging at their breasts, they cast"'' down headlong from the wall. And
others, that had run together into the "* caves near by, to keep the sabbath "^ day
secretly, being discovered to Philip, were burnt"'' together, because they had scru-
ples against defending themselves on account of the glory of"' the most sacred
day.

12 Now I beseech those that read this book, that they be not discouraged because of
these adversities, but consider that the "' punishments were not "" for destruction,

18 but for chastening*" our nation. For, indeed," it is a token of great *^ goodness,
when the godless *'" are not suffered a '* long time, but are *" forthwith punished.

14 For not as with the *" other nations, ivhom the Lord patiently forbeareth to punish,
till they have *' come to the fullness of their sins, hath he determined to deal ** with

15 us, lest tliat, having ""* come to the height of our sins, he afterwards take™ ven-

16 geance on '^ us. Therefore" he never withdraweth his'" mercy from us; but

Vers. 1, 2. — • A. V. : man ot Athens. ^ (Lit., to go over.) » from (Fritzsche adopts iirh from III. 19. 23. 44. 55.
al. : text, rec.y Ik], * (TroAtTevetr^at. Lit,, to he a citizen, then to live ale citizen in a state, but in Philo, Josephus, and
Bib. Greelt, as here.) '^ (The Attic form, Tof vet^v, is here found. Of. also jx. 16, x. 3, 5.) '^ Gaiizim (cf. v. 23).

' i^evCov, i.e., hospitalis. Josephus, Antiij., xii. 6, § 5, names this temple, improperly, Zeu,: 'EAAiji/tos.) ^ did desire
{fruy^avov. It often stands for the copula, although properly the latter is to be understood with it).

Vers. 3, 4. — ^i j^, v. ; omits But. ^'^ coming in {lej't. rec, iniaraais. I"ritzsche would adopt from 19. 106., ewiToffis.
The latter was used for the part of a play where the plot thickens, as opposed to Trpirao-i?. Vulg., malorum inctirsw) ot
this mischief. *t omits even. ^2 (Sj^Aoiy, i. e., the multitude of .Jews who had given way to the Helleuizing ten-

dencies.) 13 within the circuit of the holy places (Trepi^oAot?, the Greek designation of the forecourts of the temple,

av^ai. Cf. 1 Mace. iv. 38, 48 ; 4 Mace. iv. 11). ^* besides that. ^^ (Fritzsche adopts elatjyepoi'Titiy from III. 19. 23.

65. al. ; text, rec, omits prep,) i<^ lawful.

Vers. 5,6. — l" A. V. : law forbiddeth {7015 awoSieoraAMeVoi? aTrb ran/ rdfAwi' =1: whick were separated off from the laws.
It is a rare expression). '^ Neither was it lawful for a man. i^ or ancient. 20 oj. to profess himself a.t all (i. c,

to live openly the life of a Jew).

Vers. 7, 8. — 21 A_ Y_ . j^ 22 ^^„i anXayxviafxav = ajr^ayxvi^v ^leToXa^eiv.) 23 the Jews (Fritzsche strikes out,

as wanting in III. 23. 44 62. al. Old Lat. Syr.). 21 to B., carrying (Ixoi-res, but I render freely, according to the

obvious sense). ss neighbouring cities of the heathen, by. 21J ptolemee (instead of HToAe/naiuji' vTroTteefievuiV of the
common text, there is to be read, with Grimm, Fritzsche, and Keil, following III. 23. 44. 52. al., the sing).
2^ against the Jews, that ///ey should observe the same fashion (ryj,' av-rrju ayiayrjv . . . ayeii'), and be partakers of
their sacrifices ; and whoso would not conform themselves to the manners of the Gentiles. ^8 might a man have

seen.

Vers. 10, 11. — » A. V. : omits forward (instead of avrivixBriiTav , III. 19. 62. al. read '(urfixBtiaav . Lat., falsely, delata
.•iunt). =° (III. 23. 44. al. omit) si whom when they had. 2= omi'f.s them. ^^ east them. «« omif.s the.

35 {l.it., seventh.) "U o/i burnt. ^WAfT/ made a conscience to help (in the way of defence) themselves for the

honour of.

Vers. 12,13, — S8 A. V. : fot thesr (art. with force of demon) calamities, but that they judge those. 3» not to be.

M a chastening of. " ,„niis indeed (III. 19. 23. 44. 55, al., khi ■yip ; text, rec, <a.i). 12 his great. « wicked doers.
*^ any. *'* omits are.

Vers. 14, 15. — « A. V. : omits the. « be. " so dealeth he. « being. e« sin, afterwards he should taka
" of (instead of the form exSiit^, not used in Attic Greek, 19. 23. 62. 64. 93. offer e/cSutiJ).

Ver. 16. — "2 A. V. : And therefore. '^ III. 23. al. omit.

2 MACCABEES. 583

17 while disciplining with adversity, he forsaketh not his own ' people. But let this
be spoken to us, just for a remembrancer ; and after this short digression, we must
come back to the narrative.^

18 Eleazar, one of the principal scribes, a man already advanced in life,' and of
most beautiful * countenance, was constrained to open ^ his mouth, and to eat

19 swine's flesh. But he, enduring more willingly death with glory than life with shame,

20 came forward of his own accord to the torture, but not iill he had spit it out," as
it behoveth' them to come forward' that have the resolution to ward off from them-

21 selves what is ° not lawful for love of life to be tasted. But they that had the
charge of the unlawful sacrificial feast, because of their old acquaintance " with the
man, taking him aside, besought him to bring flesh of his providing, which it was
permitted '■'■ him to use, and make as if he ate ■'■'' of the flesh taken from the sacrifice

22 commanded by the king ; that, so ^' doing, he might be delivered from death, and

23 because of ^* the old friendship with them, find clemency .^^ But he taking a noble
resolution, and one worthy of his age, and the dignity of his advanced years, and the
glory of his acquired gray hairs, and his most praiseworthy manner of life from
youth up, but especially of the holy and God-given law, uttered himself accordingly,

24 saying straightway, that they should send him to Hades.^° For it is " not worthy of ■''
our age, to " dissemble, lest ^^ many young persons thinking ^^ that Eleazar, the man

25 of ninety years, has gone over to heathenism, also themselves, because of my *^ hy-
pocrisy and because of the short and span-long life, should be misled on my account,

26 and I assuredly get shame and disgrace to mine old age.^* For though also " for
the present time I be ^^ delivered from the punishment of men, yet shall ^^ I not es-

27 cape tlie hands ^' of the Almighty, neither alive, nor dead. Wherefore now, man-

28 fully exchanging ^^ this ^^ life, I will show myself worthy of my age, while leaving
a noble example to the'° young to die willingly and nobly a happy death for the
sacred "■ and holy laws. And having spoken thus,^^ immediately he went to the

29 torture.^' But "^they that led him changed ^^ the good will they bore "' him a little
before into hatred, because the before-mentioned words, as they thought, were mad-

30 ness.^' But when he was about to die from blows,'" he groaned, and said. It is
manifest unto the Lord, that hath the holy knowledge, that whereas 1 might have
been delivered from death, I "" endure sore pains in body by being beaten, but in

81 soul gladly *" suffer these things, because I fear him. And thus, now," this man
died, leaving his death for an example of nobility,*'^ and a memorial of virtue, not
only to the young, but also to the majority of the " nation.

Vers. 16, 17. —• A. V. : and thougli lie punisli with adTersity, yet doth he never forsake his. ' that we have

spoken (raSr rifuv tipii(r9u)) be lor a waraing unto us. And now will lae come to the declaring of the matter in few
M)orrfs (on St' oAiyuj', cl. Wahl, s, f., and Winer, p. 380).

Vers. IS 19. — ** A. V. : an aged man. * a well favoured (Fritzsche omits niyxa-v^v after KaAAiffTo?, as wanting in
nr. 23! 44'. 60. 71. al.). » l.ivaxo-viiv is omitted by 19. 23. 52. 62. 64. 93.) " choosing rather to die gloriously,

than to live stained with such an abomination, spit it forth, and came of his ... . torment.

Vers. 20 21. ^ A. V. : behoved. ^ come. ® are resolute to stand out {ajitui/ecreai ; III. 65. 93. 106., i^v-

vaaecL^) against such tilings, as are. " that wicked feast for the .... they had. " own provision, such as wa3

lawful for. 1- did eat.

Vers. 22 23. — >= A. V. : in so. " for. •" favour. "» began to consider discreetly, and as became his age,

and the excellency of Ins ancient years, and the honour of his gray head, whereunto he was come (I render freely, ac-
cording to the sense), and his most honest education (Fritzsche, with Grimm, Keil, and others, receives ii/acrTpoi/iiis from
in. 52. 65. 62. 64. Old Lat. ; text rec, i.va.Tfia^ii'i) from a child, or rather the holy law made and given by Sod ; there-
fore he answered accordingly, and willed them straightways to send him to the grave.

Vers. 24, 25.— "A.V. : becometh. « omil.i worthy of. ^ said he, in any wise \,a. 2» whereby. 21 might
think. ' 22 tieing fourscore years old and ten, were now gone to a strange religion (cf iv. 13), and so they through
mine. » desire to live a little time and a moment longer should be deceived by me, and I get («:aTO/(T.)Vo(iat. The

prep.'strengthens the simple form. Keil prefers the reading of III. Oo.,«aTa«T^<ru^nc. If the other reading is retained,
a fut. indie, and an aor. subjunct. are connected together in the same sentence, as at Apoc. xxii. 14.) a stain .... age
and make it abominable. ' „„,-....,

Vers 26-28. — m a. V. : omits also. 2= should be. » should. "i hand. 2« changing. 2» this (art., with
force of demon.). '» such a one as mint age requireth ; and leave a notable example to suck as he. « courageously
for the honourable (cf. ver. 11). 12 ,yiien he had said these words. ^ torment.

Vers. 29-31. — » A. V. ; omits But. »= changing. =» bare. =' foresaid speeches proceeded .... thought [,text.
rec, iieKoj^^itvov ; III. 23. 65. 106. al. Co., vireki,i.?<i.vov), from a desperate mind (marg., madness). -' ready . . .

with stripes. »= I now. » am well content to. " omits now. *2 a noble courage. « unto young men (of.
Ten. 24, 28), but unto all his.

584

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter VI.

Ver. I. Wot long after this. The sending of
Apollonius with an army. — An old Athenian.
The Old Latin, which is "followed by Luther, has
Aniiochenum, an Aniiochian. The correction was
prohabl}' siifigpsted by a naturnl sense of fitness,
but has no legitimate basis. The Greek is ytpovra
'AOrjifoiof.

Ver. 5. Of. 1 Mace. i. 47, concerning the offer-
ing of swine on the altar. Nothing is said here
of the heathen altar which was built over the
altar of burnt offering ; but it would be hardly
allowable on that account to infer, with Grimm,
that our writer's authorities contained nothing
concerning the fact. He professes to make only
an abstract.

Ver. 7. The birth-day, according to this ac-
count, was celebrated every mouth. But it is
hardly credible that such was the case, as there
are no other examples of the kind, in sacred or pro-
fane history. Grimm thinks the author has con-
founded another festival (cf. 1 Mace. i. 59), which
occurred each month, with that of the king's
birth-day. Keil has shown, however, that the
festival referred to by Grimm did not itself occur
every month, but thinks it possible, in the case of
Antiochus Epiphanes, who even named himself

ee6s on public coins, that he may hare caused the
monthly recurrence of his birth-day to be cele-
brated by a sacrificial feast.

Ver. 8. Ptolemy. The enemy of the Jews
mentioned at iv. 45 ff.

Vers. 14, 15. The meaning is that God pun-
ishes the Jewish people forthwith, not suffering
them to fill up the measure of sin to the utmost,
since, in the latter case, not their chastisement but
their destruction would be necessary.

Ver. 18. According to some accounts Eleazer
was also high priest. In 4 Mace. v. 4, 35, vii. 6,
12, he is re])'resented as a priest. _ This probably
arose from confounding him with some other
Eleazer. — Of most beautiful countenance. By
the ancients generally, including the Israelites,
beanty of person was regarded as indicating the
special favor of the divine powers. Cf. 4 Mace,
viii. 3, 9.

Ver. 19. To the torture, eVl rh rifiiravov.
The word means first, drum, then, a drumstick, a
cudgel, third, an instrument for cutting off heads.
The instrument here meant was one by means of
which the body was painfully stretched out, like
the head of a drum, in order, while in that state,
to be beaten to death.

Chapter VII.

1 And ^ it came to pass also, that seven brethren with their mother were seized,^
and compelled by the king to taste of the forbidden ^ swine's flesh, being * tor-

2 mented with scourges and whips.^ But one of them as spokesman' said thus,
"What wouldest thou ask and ' learn of us ? For * we are ready rather to die,' than

3 to transgress the laws of our fathers. And '" the king becoming angry,^-* com-

4 manded pans and caldrons to be made hot. And forthwith, these having been ^^
heated, he commanded to cut out the tongue of him that acted as spokesman,'*
and scalping him,^^ to cut off the extremities ^^ of his body, the rest of his brethren

5 and Ids mother looking on. And him,^° maimed in all his members, he commanded,
being" yet alive, to be brought to the fire, and to be fried in the pan. And as the
vapor was widely dispersed from the pan,^' they exhorted one another with the

6 mother to die nobly,'" saying thus, The Lord God looketh upon us, and in truth'"'
hath mercy on ^' us, as Moses through his ^^ song, which witnessed against them to
their faces, made known,^' saying, And he will have mercy on^* his servants.

7 And after-'' the first had died in ^' this manner, they brought the second for" a
mocking stock; and having^" pulled off the skin of his head with the hair,^' they
asked Aim, Wilt thou eat, before thou be punished throughout every member of thy

8 body? But he answered in his native^" language, and said. No. Wherefore this

9 one also suffered "' the next torment in order, as the first. *^ But ^ when he was at
the last gasp, he said, Thou, indeed, O persecutor,''* takest us out of the ** present
life, but the King of the world will '^ raise us up, who have died for his laws, unto

Vers. 1,2. — ' A. V. : omits And. . ^ taken. = against the law to taste. * and were. 6 {vevpais.) ' that
spake first (yej-o^evoi Trpoijyopoi. Cf. Ex. iv. 16). ' or. ' omiti Tor. » to die, rattier.

Vers. 3,4. — i» A. v.; Then. " being in a rage. i^i which forthwith being. " spake first (cf. ver. 2).

" omiM scalping hlin (Trepi<rKv«i'crai'Tas = having scalped in the Scylkian fashion). 16 utmost parts.

Vers. 6, 6. — i" A. V. : Now when he was tims. " him being. i» of the pan was for a good space dispersed.

■» manfully. 2« (C£. lil. 9.) " comfort in (cf. Com. By meton , the consequent is taken for the antecedent).

^ in his (pro.noun is not found in the Greek). a witnessed, to their faces, declared. ^ shall be comforted in (c£.
note on first part of the verse).

Vers. 7-9. —^ A. V. : So when. 28 was dead after. 21 to make him. m when they had. so (Plur. in most
MSB.) »» own (irarpiV). " ho also received (lAa^e, but often used in the sense given. Lat., rfart »anaj).

•3 former did. ss And. " like a fury. su thU. tx shall. < r 1

2 MACCABEES. 685

10 an everlasting reawakening of life.^ And ^ after him was the third made a mock-
ing stock ; and being required, he quickly " put out his tongue, and stretched *

11 forth his hands courageously,^ and said nobly,^ These I had from heaven; and for

12 his laws I give them up ; ' and from him I hope to receive them again; and spoke
so that ' the king himself,' and they that were with him, marveled at the young
man's courage,^" how he ^^ regarded the pains as nothing.^^

13 And " when this one " was dead also, they tortured and tormented " the fourth

14 in like manner. And ^^ when he was about" to die he said thus. It is desirable,"
being put to death by men, to look for hope from God," to be raised up again by

15 him ; truly for thee there shall be ^'' no resurrection to life. And immediately "

16 afterwards they brought up '^'^ the fifth also, and tormented him.^^ But he looked
towards him,^* and said. Thou, having ^ power over men, although ^° corruptible,

17 doest " what thou wilt ; but "^^ think not that our race ^ is forsaken of God. But thou,
continue thus,'^ and thou shalt '" behold his glorious might,"^ how he will torment °*
thee and thy seed.

18 After him also they brought the sixth, and being about to die '^ he said, Be not
deceived in vain ; ^ for we suffer these things for our own sake,°° having sinned "

19 against our God ; therefore things worthy of marvel have occurred.^* But think
not thou, that hast taken it"' in hand to fight ^^ against God, that thou shalt escape *"•
unpunished.

20 But the mother was exceedingly deserving of admiration,*^ and worthy of endur-
ing ^^ memory, who saw ** seven sons all *^ slain within the space of one day, and
bore it *° with a good courage, because of the hope " that she had in *' the Lord.

21 She *' exhorted every one of them, also,^° in her native *^ language, filled with a
noble spirit ; ^^ and bracing her womanly feelings ^' with a manly heroism,^* she

22 said unto them, I know not^^ how you came into ^° my womb, nor did I give you
breath and life, and did not arrange in order the constituent parts of each one.*'

23 Accordingly,*' the Creator of the world, who originated and formed man,*' and
found out the origin *" of all things, will in *^ mercy give you back both °'^ breath and

24 life again, as you now give up your °" selves for his laws' sake. But ^* Antiochus,
thinking himself despised, and suspecting it to be a reproachful speech, while ** the
youngest was yet alive, did not only exhort him ** with " words, but also assured him*^
with oaths, that he would make him °* both rich and happy,*' if he would turn from the
laws *' of his '" fathers, and would esteem him as a friend, and entrust to him offices.'*

25 But when the young man in no wise gave heed to it,'^ the king called up '* his

26 mother, and admonished her to '* counsel the lad for his safety.'* And when he
had admonished her '* with many words, she took it upon her to persuade her " son.

27 But she bowing herself towards him, scorning the cruel tyrant, spoke " in her na-

Ver. 9. — 1 A. v. : unto everlasting life (of. ver. 14).

Vers. 10-12. ' A. V. ; omits And (as 44. 63. 93.). ' when he was required, he. • and that right soon, hold-

ing. » manfully. » courageously. ' 1 despise them. ' Insomuch that. » omits himself (sc 44.).

10 (^;^ijr.) 1' for that he nothing. ^^ omits as nothing.

Vers. 13-17. — " A. V. ; Now. " man. '» tormented and mangled. '" So. " ready. " /( is good.

» (More lit., " to await the hopes (wrought) by God.'') ™ as for thee, thou shalt have. " omits And immediately.
!a omits up. ^ mangled him. " Then looked he unto the king. 2= hast. ^o thou art. " thou doest.

2S yet. ™ nation. =» but abide a while. *• omits thou shalt (this is often the force of the second of two im-

peratives. Cf., for the verb, John viii. 51). '^ great power. » (Here, according to lU. 19. 23. 44. al., ^ao-aviet ;

text, tec, ^aaavCaei. Cf. vers. 1, 13.)

Vers. 18-22. — " A. V. : who, being ready to die. '« without cause. ^ things for ourselves. " (III. 74. Co.,
ojiapToi'Te!, instead of the pres. part.) ^ marvellous tilings are done unto us. "• takest. " strive. ■" (Lit.,

he.) «, MS marvellous above aii. « honourable. « for when she saw 7ier. « omiVj all (force of uvv in

corap., or " one after the other "). « she bare it. « hope (as a few minor codd. The most have the plur.).

« (en-i ) <» Tea she. ™ omits also. » own. » courageous spirits ((j}(,ovi^a.Ti.). "= stirring up her woman-
ish thoughts (lit., way of thinking). » stomach. =6 i cannot tell. » (i*ii/7,Te.) " for I neither gave you
breath (to wveiiio.) nor life, neither was it I tliat formed the members (cf. Job x. 10, 11 ; Ps. cxxxix. 13-16) of every one
of yon. , ^

Vers. 23 24. —« A. V. : but doubtless. "'> who formed the generation of man (n-Ado-M m-Spiin-ou yneoiv — ongm-

ated by forming). »» beginning (yeVeirir). " also of his own. '"- you (cf. preceding verse). « regard not

your own (cf. ver. 11). " Now. « whiles. «» him (clearly required by the context). «' by. « a rich and
a happy man. »» (Omitted by III. 19. 55. 62. al. Syr.) " his. " that also he would take Aim for kis friend, an*
trust Aiwt with affairs (cf. Com.). i , ^ , u

Vers. 25-27. - " A. V. : would in no case hearken unto him. " omits up. " exhorted her that site wouW .

M young man to save Am Me. « exhorted A«r w promised iim that <A< would counsel Aer, "laughing..
to aeonti spak*.

586

THE APOCKYPHA.

live language in ^ this manner : ^ 0 my son, have pity upon me that bore '" thee
nine months in my womb, and gave tliee suck three years, and nourished tliee, and

28 brought thee up unto this age, and toolc care of thee.^ I beseech thee, my child,
look up unto ^ the heaven and upon ^ the earth, and see ' all that is therein, and
understand ' that God made them of things that were not ; ° and the race of men

29 came thus into being.'" Fear not this executioner, but, showing thyself" worthy
of thy brethren, take thy '^ death, that I may receive thee again in mercy with thy
brethren.

30 While she was yet speaking,'^ the young man said. What" wait ye for? I will
not obey the king's commandment ; but I will hear ^^ the commandment of the law

31 that was given unto our fathers by Moses. And thou, that hast invented every evil '°

32 against the Hebrews, sbalt not escape the hands of God. For we suffer because of
83 our sins. And though the living Lord be angry with us a little while for our chast-

34 ening and correction, yet will he also " be at one again with his servants. But
thou, O godless wretch,^' and of all men most abominable,'" be not lifted up vainly,
priding thyself on ^° uncertain hopes, lifting up thy hand against the servants of

35 God.^' For thou hast not yet escaped the judgment of the almighty and all-seeing

36 God.'^^ For our brethren, having now ^^ suffered a short pain, are dead under God's
covenant of everlasting life ; but thou, through the judgment of God, shalt receive

37 the ^* just punishment of thy presumption.^^ But I, as my ^^ brethren, give up
both ^' bod}' and soul ^* for the laws of our fathers, beseeching God that he would
speedily be merciful unto our nation ; and that thou under chastisements and

38 scourgings '^^ mayest confess, that he alone is God ; and that with ^^ me and my
breihren the wrath of the Almighty, which is justly brought upon all our race,"'

39 may cease. But '- the king, becoming angry,^^ handled him worse than the others,

40 being embittered because he ^ was mocked. And so this one ^ died uudefiled,'^

41 having ^^ put his whole trust in the Lord. And '' last of all, after the sons, the

42 mother died. Let so much now be related ^' concerning the sacrificial *" feasts,
and the extreme torments.^'

2 (ouras is omitted by 19. 62. 64. 93. Old Lat.)

3 bare.

* en-

Ver. 27. — ' A. V. : counti-y language on.
dured the troubles of education.

Vers. 28-30. — OA.V.: 7ny son, look upon. " omji.^ upon. ' omits see. " consider. ^ {Texl.rec, i^

ovK ovT<av ; IIT. 19. 23. 44. 62. 74. 93. 106. Co., ovk e| ovtiuv. See Com.) ^° so was mankind made likewise. i' tor-
mentor, buc, being. "2 take My (ejri'fie^ac Toi'}. ^3 Whiles .... Mese ttjorrfs (Fritzsche, with Grimm, adopts
K<zTaAT;yov£n)5 from 19. 23. 106. 243. Co. ; III-, KaToAyrjyoutnjs, which wa.s probably erroneously written for the former ;
text, rec, KaraAeyortj,]?. Keil is satisfied with the common reading, especially. as en does not well agree with the other.
The A. v., however, ha.^ rendered with some freedom, the word meaning to recount, go over at length, as referring to
the arguments and appeals she used with her son). '* Whom. ^5 obey.

Vers 31-35. — '"^ A. V. : been the author of all mischief. " shall he. '8 ynan. ^^ other most wicked.

-" without a cause, nor puffed up with. 21 (Fritzsche receives oiipaviov; rra-Lha.^ from III. 23. 44. 62. al. ; text, rec.,

BovAou? avTou.) ^^ of Almiglity God, who seeth ali tilings.

Vers. 36, 37. — '' A. V. : who now have. '' omits the. «= for tky pride. =« (Omitted by III. 44. al.)

2^ offer up wi/. 28 life. -" by torments and plagues.

Vers. 38-42. — so a, V. : in. ^i nation. ^2 Then. ^3 heing in a rage. 34 all the rest, and took it grieTOUsly
that he. ^5 go this man. 3° (Ko^apd? ; III. 19. 44. al. write as adverb. After this word, Fritzsche, Grimm, aai

Keil would strike out rov /SiW ; it is wanting in III. 19. 23. 44. 55. al.) 37 and. 38 omits And. 30 this be

enough now to have spoken (cf. ii. 23, x. 10). •*" the (Fritzsche adopts toUs from III. 23. 44. 55. 62. al. ; text. rec.

omits) idolatrous. *i tortures (cf. ver. 1 et passim).

Chapter VII.

Ver. 1. The account of the martyrdom of this
mother and her seven sons is found also in 4
Mflcc. cliap. viii, f.

Ver. 3. Pans and caldrons. The pans (T-fiyava)
were such as were used for b.Tkins ; the caldrons
{\f^r]Tas), for boiliiij;. Possil)ly in this case, both
lands were used for the former purpose, or the
latier may lutve held tlie tire by which the fovmei'
were made hot. This method of punishment was
common among the Baliylouians and Persians,
ami not uTiknown to tlie Jews. Cf. 2 Sam. xii.
31 ; Jer. xxix. 22.

Ver. 4. In Herod, iv. 64 (Rawlinson's ed.), we
read : " In what concerns war, their customs are

the following: The Scythian soldier drinks the
blood of the first man he overthrows in battle.
Whatever number he slays he cuts off all their
heads, and carries them to the king ; since he is thus
entitled to a share of the booty, whereto he for-
feits all claim if he does not produce a head. In
order to .strip the skull of its covering, he makes
a cut around the head above the ears, and laying
hold of the scalp, shakes the skull out ; then with
the rib of an ox he scrapes the scalp clean of flesh,
and softening it by rubbing it between the hands,
uses it as a napkin."

Ver. 6. Have mercy on (cf. Text. Notes), .
That the author of our book followed the LXX,

2 MACCABEES.

587

at Deut. xxxii. 36, is obvious from the fact of the
direct quotation, aud tliat the expression used is
not good Greeli.

Ver. 1 1 . 'TirepopS. The word means to over-
look, hence, to yield, give up easily. " Despise "
his hands, lie did not, for he says that lie hopes
to {ret them hack from God again.

Ver. 14-. It is doubtful whether the sense here
is that Antiochus, and others like him, would have
no resurrection, or only a resurrection e/'s uKeOpov.
Probably the latter is true, since elsewhere (vi.
26) he speaks of an apostate Jew as not lieing
able to escape the divine punishment living or
dead. Cf. Is. xxvi. 19 ; Ezek. xxxvii. 1-6; Dan.
xii. 1, 2, 13.

Ver. 24. Thinking himself despised. She
spoke in Hebrew, and hence was not understood
by the king. — Assured. In classical Greek this
word, TTiaTuvv, means to assure only in the middle
voice. Hence the variation in some of the IWSS.
— Xpilas, offices, i. c, offices of trust under the
government of the king. It is a word frequently
u.'sed in the present and preceding book. Cf. 1
Mace. iii. 28 ; x. 37, 41, 42 ; xiii. 15, 37 ; 2 Mace.
ii. 1.5; vii. 24; viii. 9; xii. 39; xv. 5, 28.

Ver. 25. Counsel the lad, tov /leipaKiov, The
word here used is different from that used in the
first i)art of the verse, veavlov. It means -io^, lad.
It was, doubtless, purpos-ely chosen with reference
to the thought of the context. Such a boy, one
might suppose, would have readily accepted the
offers of the king under these circumstances.

Ver. 28. Of (things) that were not, i^ ouk
tvTuv. The variations of the MSS., it would seem,
are to be accounted for on the supposition that
there was an effort to make the point as clear as
possible, that the creation was literMlly from noth-
mg. tA ji.)) uvTa was an expression much in use
by Philo, liy which he meant an aii6p<pos v\ri,
the original material of which the world wiis
made. C'f. Dahne, i. 185 f. There is no ground,
however, for supposing that the present book
knows anytliing of such a theory, or knowing it
that tlie author would give it the least support.
Cf . Heb. xi. 3, eiy rh fj.}] €K ^paivo^Jiivoiv rd ^Aeird^eca
■yeyoyevai. — And the race of man. Man was in-
deed made from matter already existing, but it
was from matter which was called into e.xistence
in this manner.

Ver. 29. In mercy, t£ i\4ei. Cf. ver. 23.
Keil, with Calmet and others, would refer this to
the final resurrection, trnnslating in the time of
mercy, i. c, in the Messianic times. But this is to
discover more in the text than it properly con-

tains, and the phrase would seem to he best ren-
dered as dative of means, through the mercy (i. e.,
divine mercy), or in mercy.

Ver. 31. The Hebrews. This name for the
Israelites is quite common in the present book, as
well as in 4 Mace. It was their ancient name, but
until the second century before Christ had, for the
most part, gone out of use.

Ver. 36. Covenant of everlasting life. Grimm
would connect the words dewaou fa^s with the
previous word Tr6i'ov and not with the following
uirb iia6i]Kitv, and Fritzsche docs not separate them
by a comma as in the received text. According
to this construciion, the rendering of the verse
would he, '* For our brethren, who have endured the
pain which is unto eternal life, have died {as being)
under the promise [or covenant] of God.*' But the
unusual position of the second genitive, which is
the principal objection to the other rendering,
might be explained on the ground that the words
were meant thereby to be especially emphasized.
On the use of two genitives of different relations
with one noun cf. Winer, p. 191.

Ver. 41. According to 4 Mace. xvii. 1, the
mother, in order to prevent any contact of her
person with those of the heathen, threw herself, of
her own accord, into the flames.

With respect to the foregoing narrative, there
is no ground for denying that it may ha\e a basis
in actual fact. In its details, however, there is
not a little that transcends the bounds of credibil-
ity. It is a suspicious circumstance, for instance,
that this woman had just seven sons (cf. Ruth iv.
15; Job i. 2) ; and that the^e martyrdoms occurred
in the presence of Antiochus Kpiphanes, and were
attended with the scenes here dt'scribed is well
nigh impossible. The king was, according to the
history (v. 21 , cf. 1 Mace. i. 24, 44 ; vi. 1 ft), iu An-
tioch, while the executions took place in Jerusa-
lem. Some of the church fathers have, indeed,
been conscious of this difficulty and have repre-
sented that the martyrdoms took place in Antioch.
This view, however, has not only no sufficient his-
torical fonndiition, but makes no account of one
of the principal motives for what was done, which
was to terrify the Jews into suljection. The
speeches of the several sons, moreover, betray, in
the form in which they are given, far more the
hand of a rhetorician than that of a historian.
They are still further developed in the same di-
rection as they appear in 4 Mace, iu the Hisloria
Maccabaeorum Arabica (5 Mace), and elsewhere,
during a later period.

Chaptek viii.

1 But Judas the Maccabee,' and they that were with him, went through by-ways '
privily into the villages,^ and called their kinsfolks together,* and taking unto them

2 those that remained true to Judaism,'^ assembled about six thousand men. And
they called upon the Lord, that he would look upon the people that was trodden

3 down by " all ; and also pity the temple profaned by ' ungodly men ; and that he
would also * have compassion upon the city, gone to destruction, and about ^ to be

Vers, 1, 2. — 1 A. V. : Then J. Maccabeus (III. 44. 52, 55. al., 6 Koi M.). = omils through by-ways (lit,, went by the
side in. Cf. Gal. ;i. 4). ^ towns. * (Others render, " encouraged their kmelolk.'') ^ took unto (III. 23. 62.

64. 98., npotTXaiiPav6ii.tvoi. for jtpoirKafioiimat) them all such as continued in ((lejienj/coTas iv) the Jews' religion, and
» of (fc^ KuranaToiiuivov, III. 44. 64. al. read xa.Tii.irovmii.evov). ' at.

Yep. b. — » A. V. : omiii also. » sore defaced and vwdj

688 THE APOCETPHA.

4 made even with the ground ; and hear the blood that cried unto him, and remem-
ber' also^ the wicked slaughter of innocent babes,« and the blasphemies com-
mitted against his name ; and that he would show his hatred against the wicked.*

5 And when the Maccabee had gathered his troop "^ about him, he became at once
invincible to^ the heathen; for the wrath of the Lord was turned into mercy.

6 And coming unawares upon cities and villages, he burnt them ; and getting into his
hands the conveniently situated places, he overcame and put to flight ' no small

7 number of his enemies. Specially* took he advantage of the night ° for such
plots.i" And there was spread everywhere no inconsiderable report of his
bravery."

8 And ^^ when Philip saw " that this man increased by little and little," and that
things had not a little '^ prospered with him," he wrote unto Ptolemy, the general "

9 of Coelesyria and Phoenice, to come to the aid of " the king's affairs. And he "
forthwith choosing Nicanor the son of Patroclus, one of the king's foremost^"
friends, sent ^^ him with no fewer than twenty thousand of all nations under him,
to root out the whole race ^^ of tlie Jews ; and with him he associated ^ also Gor-

10 gias, a general, and one who ^* in matters of war had ^ experience. And ^° Nicanor
determined ^' to make so much money from ^' the captive Jews,''^ as would make
up fully to the king the tribute of two thousand talents, due to ^° the Romans.

11 And ''^ immediately he sent to the cities upon the sea coast, inviting to '^ a sale of
Jewish slaves, promising to let go fourscore and ten slaves for a" talent, not ex-
pecting the justice " that was following and about to fall "■ upon him from the AI-

12 mighty.'"' But" word was brought unto Judas of Nicanor's expedition;'* and
when he communicated ^^ unto those that were with him that the army was at

13 hand, they that were fearful, and distrusted the justice of God, fled, and conveyed

14 themselves away. But the others '" sold all that they had left, and at the same
time ■" besought the Lord to deliver them, who had been sold by the godless *'' Ni-

15 canor before it had come to battle ; ^'^ and if not for their sakes,** yet for the sake
of the "^ covenants he had made with their fathers, and for his holy and glorious

16 name's sake, by which they were called." And the Maccabee''' called his men to-
gether, six thousand in number,^* and exhorted them not to be stricken with terror
of the enemy,^° nor to fear the great multitude of the heathen, who came wrong-

17 fully against them ; but to fight nobly, setting before their eyes the wanton vio-
lence™ that they had unjustly done to the holy place, and the cruel, handling" of
the city, whereof they made a mockery, and besides ^^ the taking away of the gov-

18 ernment'^ of iheir forefathers. For they, said he, trust in weapons and boldness;^*
but we trust ^'^ in the Almighty God, who at a beck "^ can cast down both them that

Ver. 4. — 1 This verb is foUowed first b}' the gen., and then by jrepi, as in the classics. * A. V. : omit» also.

* harmless infants (see Com,). * Or xulrkedness.

Vers. 5-7. — ^ A. V. : Now when M. had .... company (of. Com.). " he could not be withstood by. ' There-

fore he came at {19. 23. 62. 93. prefix k-ni to cpxo/nei'o?} unawares, and burnt up towns and cities (xtiipos, III. 52. 106.;
text, rec, Koifta?) and got .... most commodious placeSjnnd overcame {Fritzsche strikes out ei't'ica, with III. 65. 71.
106. 243. Co.) and put to flight {after rpoTrovM.ei'os, 19. 62. 62. 93. read arTipet). 8 ^ut specially {a few cursives place

5e' after juaAto-Ta). " (Lit., took the night.-f as co-workers.) lo privy attempts (en-t^ouXtis ; III. 23. 93., eiri^o^as;

Old Lat., excursus). ii insomuch that the (rts is omitted by III. 23. 55. 71. al.) bruit of his manliness was spread

everywhere.

Vers. 8, 9 — ^~ A, V. : So. ^3 [trvvopbtv, either saw at a glance, or saw together with others.) ^* {fcarci ixtKpov,

Better, perhaps, in a little while.) lo omits had not a little. ^o him still more and more (lit., made process in good
days faster, i. e., faster than was to have been expected). ^^ governor. 18 yield more aid to. ^^ Then.

==f one of his special (cf. 1 Mace. ii. 18). 2i \^^ stmt. =2 generation. 23 joined. 24 captain, who. ^ had

great.

Vor.s. 10, 11. — A. V. : 2« omits And. ^j jj undertook. 28 of. zo {Lit. ,/rom the captivity of the Jews.)

s" should defray .... which the king was to pay to (the order of the Greek is as follows : toi/ i^ipoc tw ^aa-iKei TOtf
■p., and the rendering of the A. V. is not allowable. A few cursives place the first two words after the second two).
SI AV'herefore. 32 proclaiming. 83 the captive Jews, and .... that th£y should have .... bodies for one.

3J vengeance {cf. ver. 13). 3e to follow. »» Almighty God.

Vers. 12-16. — »' A. V. : Now when. 38 coming. 30 a„(j jje {Fritzsche omits amov. It is wanting in III. 23. 44.

65. 71. al.) had imparted. « Others. "withal. « being sold .... wicked. « Wcy met together. "own
Bakes. «3 omits sake of the. •■« Lit., which had been called over or upon them. Keil thinks the reference is to the
special manifestation of the Divine will to the Jews. Cf. Acts XV. 17. Grimm renders : " Wegen der dber sie stattjin-
denden Zubenennung seines Namens.''

Vers. 16-18.-1' a. V. : So Maccabeus. « unto the number of six thousand. " (For ?roAe(iiov!, some Oodd

give the dat., but this verb is construed with the accus. also at iii. 24.) M manfully, and to set ... . injury

I*' (atKicTfioi'.) 02 also. 33 {■noXntia.^ =1 civil polity, constitution.) " *A«V weapons and boldness (more lit., i'«»-
tures, i.e., bold attack). » our confldence is. »i lat., om nod. Vat vtiiutrt, la. 64. 93. read TrvfiiuLn.

2 MACCABEES. 539

19 come against us, and ^ all the world. And, besides, he recounted ^ unto them also
the help their forefathers had found, namely, that under Sennacherim,^ how the '

20 hundred fourscore and five thousand perished; and the battle that took place »
in IJabylon with the Galatians, how they came but eight thousand in all to the
conflict," with four thousand Macedonians, and that the Macedonians being thrown
into disorder,nhe eight thousand destroyed the hundred and twenty thousand be-

21 cause of the help that they had from heaven, and got a great advautan-e. Havino-
made them of good courage 1° with these words, and ready to die for the laws and

. 22 their fatherland," he divided his army into four parts. And he placed his breth-
ren as leaders of the several divisions,^^ to wit, Simon, and Joseph, and .Jonathan,

23 placing under each " one fifteen hundred men ; and further, also, Eleazar to read "
the holy book. And having given as watchword, Help " of God, himself lead-

24 ing the first band, he joined battle with Nicanor. And by the help of the Al-
mighty " they slew above nine thousand of their enemies, and wounded and maimed

25 the most part of Nicanor's army, and " put all to flight." And they ^^ took the
money of them that "" came to buy them ; and having pursued them far, from lack

26 of time they returned ;2i for it was the rfay^^ before the sabbath, on which account

27 they did not prolong the pursuit of them. And having gathered together ^^ the
weapons of the enemy and spoiled them,^" they occupied themselves about the sab-
bath, giving ^ exceeding praise and thanks to the Lord, who had preserved them

28 unto ^^ that day, when he had appointed for them the beginning of mercy." And
after the sabbath, they gave ^^ part of the spoils to the maimed,^ and the widows,
and orphans, and the residue they divided ^'' among themselves and their children.'^

29 When they had done this, and had '^ made a common supplication, they besought
the merciful Lord to be reconciled with his servants completely.''*

30 And from those that fought with Timotheus and Bacchides,'* they slew above
twenty thousand, and got possession of strongholds lying exceedingly high,*' and
divided amongst themselves very *" many spoils,"" and made the maimed, and*' or-
phans, and ** widows, and, besides,*^ the aged also, equal in spoils with themselves.

31 And after *" they had gathered their arms *^ together, they laid them all up care-
fully in suitable places ; but the rest *'^ of the spoils they brought to Jerusalem.

32 They slew also Philarches, a very wicked man,^* who was with " Timotheus, and

33 had greatly troubled the Jews. And on keeping the feast for the victory in their

Ver. 18.— 1 A. V. : and also.

Vers. 19-21. — ^ A. V. : Moreover he recounted (n-poo-ai'aXefa/xei'os. It ia said to be found only here). » them

what helps (so rendered by the A. V. at 1 Cor. xii. 28 alpo. It id plur., but better rendered as sing.) * and how

they were delivered when under Sennacherib [koI t^v ejri Zevva.x7]pe{fji}. fj an (lit., against the huTvlrecl, etc. The

gen. is so used elsewhere. Of. Plato, Epp., vii. 332.) o he told them o/the .... they had. ^ (Fritzsche receives
Trpbj Tou? from III. 19. 23. 65. al. ; text, rec, jrpos ai>Tov?.J ^ business (xpetar. Often used of war and battle by

Polybius). 0 perplexed. ^^ an hundred . ... so received a great booty (not necessarily that. See Coth.). Thus

when he had .... bold. ^^ the country.

Vers. 22-24. — ^ A. V. : joined with himself his own brethren, leaders of each band. " giving each. " Also

he appointed E. {cf. Com.) to read {wapavayuov^ is received by Fritzsche from III. 23. 74. Co. ; teort, rec, wapayvovs. The
A. V. followed Codd. 19. 62. 64. 93., and Aid., 'E. irapaifayvi^vai. Keil and Grimm also adopt it, supplying ra^as from
the context. It has, moreover, the support of the Old Lat. and Syr., and was acceptable to Luther, who renders ac-
cording to it). 's when he had given them this . . The help. ^^ (" The Almighty acting as their aily,")
^^ host and so. 18 Lit., compelled all tojtee.

Vers. 25-27. — ^** A. V. : omits they. 2o their money that. 21 and pursued them far U<i> iKav6v}, but lacliing

time, they returned. 22 (^^ with which, rather, uipa. is to be understood as referring to the hour of sunset on Friday.)
23 and therefore they would no longer pursue (ovk e^awporiii/Tjiraf KaTdTpej^ovre^. i'ritzsche receives the second word,
not elsewhere found, from III. 23. 44. 71. al. ; text, rec, ejaoxpoflu/xijcrai') them. So when they had gathered their ar-
mour together (the word ojrAoAoyeci/, here followed by the accus., is not elsewhere found). 24 their enemies.
2^ jielding. 211 (gjy^ i_ e_^ that they might celebrate it. The preceding auT0i>s is omitted by III. 23. 44. 55. 74. 106.
Co. Aid.) 27 jehich was the .... mercy distilling upon them (44. 243. Co. Old Lat. read trrafai^os for ri^avios.
But it probably arose from bringing along the s of the preceding word).

Vers. 23-30. — 2fl j^^, y. : when they had given. 23 {jJKtoftivoi^. It might refer also to those who had been robbed

and otherwise misusejl.) ^"^ orphans, the residue they divided. (For ejuepttrafTo, III. 19. 23. 65. al. read StejuiepiVaj'TO,
which is preferable.) 3i //i.,> servants (that would require waiSey or iratSapia). 32 this was done . . . they

had. 33 for ever (ets TeAo;. Cf. ver. 27, and vii. 38, viii. 5). 34 Moreover of ... . were with {/eai rots irepl . . ,.
uvvepCtravre^, III. 23. 44. 5). 74. al. ; text, rec., Kal rlav Trepl .... avv&pt^ovTuiv, which I follow) .... Bacchides who
fought against them. 3o very easily got high aiid strong holds. 3g omits very. 37 gpoUs more {Kai^vpa. irAet'ofa,

The former word meant spoils taken from a living enemy, in distinction from a-Kv\a, but here the distinction is not
maintained. Cf. ver. 31, for irAeiWa, the /ea:/. rec, reads 77Aet(7Ta). ^'^ omits a.ud. 39 yea, and.

Vers. 31-33. — 40 A. V. : wheu. *^ armour. *2 them up all carefully in convenient places, and the remnant

<3 that wicked person. *^ i. c, one of the friends of.

690

THE APOCRYPHA.

paternal city,^ they burnt Callisthenes, that had set Are to "^ the holy gates, and
had ^ fled into a little house ; and he * received a fitting reward of his godless-

34 ness.^ But the chief miscreant," Nicanor, who had brought the' thousand mer-

35 chants to buy the Jews, was, through the help of the Lord, humiliated ^ by them
of whom he made least account, put" off his glorious apparel ^° and solitarily, like a
runaway, came through the midst of the country unto Antioch, having been exceed-

36 ingly unfortunate in the destruction of his army. And " he, that took upon him
to make good to the Romans their tribute by means of the captives in Jerusalem,
told abroad, that the Jews had God '^ to fight for them, and therefore the Jews
were invulnerable,^^ because they followed the laws that He had before appointed.-'^

Ver. 33. — ' A. V. : annoyed the .T. many ways. Furthermore at such times as they kept .... their country (n-a-
rpCSi, The context requires the rendering given. Cf. Matt. xiii. 54). 2 upon. 3 ^ho was. * 50 he.

^ reward meet for his wioltedness (this text is accepted by Grimm, Tritzsche, and Keil, and is that of the majority of
MSS., including III. 2.3. 44. 55. 71. al. Old Lat. ; text, rec, tows e^n-p^craj'Tas tovs tepoit? irvKtava^ K. Kai Ttvas oAAous u0t]-
i/zav .... iTe<p€vy6Ta^ o'Ltlv^^ .... eifot/AtiracTO fxitrSov).

Vers. 34^36. — c a. V. : As for i/toi most ungracious. 'a. 8 he was .... brought down. " and putting.

^•^ (The garments which showed his ranli as general.) ii discharging his company (lit., making himself solitary },

he came like a fugitive servant through the midland (namely, the most direct course) unto A., having very great dis-
honour (Fritzsche adopts vnep airav €VT]fJiepyiKtI}^ from III. 23. 44. 65. 71. al. ; text, rec, inrepayav Bva-qfJi€prj(roi^, which I

follow), for that Am host was destroyed. Thus. " (omitted by III. 55. 74. 106. 243. Aid.) " they could not bo

hurt. -* gave them.

Chapter VIII.

Ver. 1. Cf. V. 27 and for the whole sectioD
1 Mace. iii. 1-9.

Ver. 4. Infants are spoken of here as " inno-
cent," "without sin" {avaij.apT-l]Twv), probably,
with reference not to the doctiiue of so-called orig-
inal sin, but simply in general terms, in harmony
with the usage of the present day.

Ver. 5. 'Ec avar-iifiaTi. Tlie persons men-
tioned in the first verse are meant. The Greek
word means (1) any whole composed of several
parts; (2) a body of persons bound together by
the same laws; (3) a body of soldiers.

Ver. 6. These were cities in possession of the
enemy, or those whose inhabitants had apostatized
to Hellenism. — Conveniently situated. They
were suited to his purpose from a strategic point.
of view.

Ver. 9. For the identification of the different
persons here mentioned, cf. Com. at 1 Mace. iii.
38 ff.

Ver. 10. What tax is mennt is not certainly
known, but probably what was still lacking of the
sum imposed upon Antiochus the Great by the
Eomans, after the battle mentioned in 1 Mace,
viii. 6 ff.

Ver. 1 1 . Fourscore and ten slaves for one
talent. The word acJop.aTa was a common one at
this time for slaves. Supposing, as seems most
probable, that Syrian or Antiocliian talents are
here meant the price of these slaves, from seven
to eight dollars apiece, was unusually low. In
order to raise two thousand (Attic) talents at this
rate, it would be necessary to sell somewhere
about one hundred and eighty thousand of the
Jews into serfdom.

Ver. 12. At hand, irapouiriai'. The first mean-
ing of this theologically significant word is a being
present as used of a person (cf. 2 Cor. x. 10 ; Phil,
ii. 12) ; the second, a being present to assist ; third,
arrival (1 Cor. xvi. 17 ; 2 Cor. vii. 6, 7 ; 2 Thess.
ii. 9 ; 2 Pet. iii. 12). In the last sense it was
used of the second coming of Clnist. See Jas,
,. 8.

Ver. 14. Property was sold in order to prevent
its falling into the enemy's hands. It was what
they had left from the different plunderings

which it had undergone under Menelaus, Jason,
and Apollonius.

Ver. 16. Six thousand. According to 1 Mace.

6, the number was three thousand.

Ver 20. Galatians. Cf. Com., at 1 Mace. viii.
2. Their bravery was proverbial. — The Mace-
donians referred to are those of Syria, the Seleu-
cian Syrians. In the so-called '* Fifth Book of
Maccabees " this use of the word is very frequent.
— The " advantage " obtained may have been
booty or concessions from the king. "With refer-
ence to the statements of the present verse, there
can be no reasonable doubt of their being exag-
gerations even on the supposition that the twelve
thousand Jews and Macedonians were only one
division of the army opposed to the Galatians.
The army of the Galatians could never have
numbered one hundred and twenty thousand men.
The number of atixiliarics which they furnished
to Asiatic kings being never more than from two
thousand to eight thousand men. That they were
present simply as auxiliaries follows from the fact
that the battle took place " at Babylon." It may
have been the war which Antiochus the Great
waged against Molon of Media. That there may
be some foundation of reality, underlying the his-
tory at this point, there is no ground for disput-
ing.

Ver. 21. Four parts. The Jewish army had
commonly but three divisions. Cf. 1 Mace. v. 33.

Ver. 22. Joseph ^ John. Cf . 1 Mace. ii. 2 ;
ix. 36, 38.

Ver. 23. Eleazer. Some would join the open-
ing clause of this verse with the preceding, making
Eleazer the leader of a fifth division, while ascrib-
ing to Jndas the reading of the Scriptures. But
this would make the passage self-contradictory,
since it is distinctly stated that there were but
four divisions of the army, and that they were
commanded by the four biothers. Eleazer (cf. 1
Mace. 5 ; vi. 4.3-46) accom])anied the army aa
priest, apparently (cf. Numb. x. 8 ; Deut. xx.
2 ft.), in order to read appropriate passages from
the sacred writings. The words en Si koI 'EA.,
plainly indicate that the latter had a position dif-
ferent from that of the brothers.

2 MACCABEES. 591

Vor. 30. Timotheua. Cf. 1 Mace. v. 37 ; 2
Mace. X. 24, 32, 37 ; xii. 2. The abrupt introduc-
tion of tliis new campaign is ascribed, by Grimm,
to the negligence of the epitomizer, who forgot to
mention that both these generals had enteied
Judaja at the same time with Nieanor and under
his command. The iiight of Nieanor himself is
not mentioned until the close of the report of the
second campaign. — Above twenty thousand.

This is, probably, an exaggeration, or is meant to
include the whole number of those slain in dif-
ferent battles.

Ver. 33. Kespecting the fact of the burning of
the temple gates here referred to, cf. 1 Mace. iv.
38. Persons guilty of such acts of incendiarism
were generally burnt by the ancients. For some
unknown reason Luther did not translate the last
four verses of the chapter.

Chapter IX.

1 About that time it happened that Antiochus returned ^ with dishonor out of

2 the regions^ of Persia. For he had entered the so-called* Persepolis, and at-
tempted ^ to rob the temple, and to capture ^ the city. On which account, now,"
the multitude rushed ' to defend themselves with their weapons and * put them to
flight ; and it. happened, that Antiochus being put to flight by ° the inhabitants

3 made a shameful retreat.^" And '^ when he was near ^^ Ecbatana, news was
brought him concerning '* what had happened unto Nicanor and Timotheus and his

4 men. And " swelling ^^ with anger, he thought to avenge ^^ upon the Jews the dis-
grace ^'' done unto him by those that made him flee. Therefore commanded he his
chariot man to drive without ceasing, and to dispatch the journey, while ^' the judg-
ment of heaven was now close upon " him. For he spoke ^^ proudly in this man-
ner, I will make Jerusalem ^' a common burying place of the Jews, when I get

5 there. ''^ But the all-seeing Lord,'''' the God of Israel, smote him with an incurable
and invisible plague ; and ^* as soon as he had spoken these words,^^ there seized
him ^^ a pain of the bowels that was remediless, and bitter ■■" torments of the inner

6 parts ; quite justly, him, who "' had tormented other men's bowels ^^ with many and

7 strange distresses.'" But he in no wise '•' ceased from his haughtiness,'^ but still
was filled with pride, breathing out fire in his rage " against the Jews, and com-
manding to hasten '^ the journey. But it came to pass that he fell '^ from his
chariot, as it went rushing on, and getting a very sore fall, he wrenched all the

8 members of Mshody.^ And he that just now thought, in his superhuman arrogance,
to command the waves of the sea," and weigh the high " mountains in a balance,
lay " on the ground, and was carried along on a *° litter, sliowing forth unto all, the

9 manifest power of God. And so, also, worms swarmed out of *^ the body of the
godless *'^ man, and while *' he lived in distresses and pains,** his flesh fell away,

10 and the filthiness of his smell was noisome to all his army." And the man, that
thought a little before to touch the stars of heaven, none was able to carry along,

11 because of the intolerable stench.*^ Here therefore, being more and more afilicted,"

Vers. 1, 2. — 1 A. V. : time came A. (en/yxai/ei/ 'A. iroXeAvKw. Cf. iT. 33, fiii. 25). ^ country (lit, oal oftheplaces
lying about in. For rniTa before riiv H., III. 23. 55. 71. al. have irepi). = city called. < went about. = hold

((mxex"". In such a connection, to be rendered as above). « whereupon. ' running. = omits and. " so
it happened .... of. 1° returned with shame.

Vers. 3-5. — ^1 A. V. : Now. '^ came to {Kara zz on to, towards. Cf. Winer, p. 400). ^ omits concerning (lit.,
the things about). "Timotheus. Then. i^i (eirap9eis.) ^' (ivampeitra-treai..) " («««i<i>') » omi« while.
i» God now following {a-uvov<rtii). ^o had spolien. ■"■ sort, That he would come to J., and make it. »= omits

when I get there. 23 the Lord Almighty (jraj-eTr^nnj!. By inference also, the all-ruling). » for. »5 (Lit., ended
the speech, tov Koyov. Cf. 3 Mace. Ti. 32.) "» omits there seized him. 2' came upon him, and sore.

Vers. 6 7. — ^ A. V. ; and that most justly, for he. 20 (Here o-irWyx''* 's used as the seat of the sensibilities, the

heart.) 3« torments. 31 Howbeit he nothing at all. 3z /m bragging (ris i-ysp^X'^. It might mean, also.^ierM-
ntss). 83 (ev(»oZ5. CI. ver. 4.) m haste. so fell down. so carried violently ; so that haying a sore fall, all

the ... . were much pained {iiroa-rpt^Koia-^iu. It means to twist back, to torture).

Vers. 8 9. s' A. V. : thus he that a little afore thought he might .... sea, (so proud %vas he beyond the condition

of man). ' " (Lit., heights of the. Tor the use of 'io-Tijfii in the sense of to weigh, c£. Meyer on Matt. xxvi. 15).

3» was now cast. " and carried in a horse. " So that the (ilo-Ts, which I render as abov^. It is loosely connected
with ^apeK0|.i;feT0) worms rose up out of {ava-ielv). « this wicked. " whiles. " sorrow and pain. « More

lit. " and by his stench the whole army was annoyed through the flithiness.'' Eritzsche reads -ntv a^anpiav, with III.
19. 23. 44. 55. al., instead of the dat., i. e., " bore with annoyance the filthiness."

Vers. 10-12. —« A. V. : afore he could reach to .... no man could endure to carey for his intoleri^ble stink
« plagued {text, rec, iiroreepouffjieVos. Jritzsche adopts the same, without the prep., from III. 44. 65. 71. al., but I do

692 THE APOCRYPHA.

he began to leave off the most of his pride, and to come through the scourge of

12 God to knowledge, since his pains increased ^ every moment. And when even
he himself could not abide his own smell, he said this, Just is it Ho be subject unto
God, and that one who ^ is mortal should not proudly think of hiniselj, as it he

13 were God.*^ The miscreant also vowed unto' the Lonl, who now no more would

14 have mercy upon him, saying thus. That the holy city, to which « he was going in
haste, to lay it even with the ground, and to transform it into' a common . burying

15 place, should be proclaimed free ; and those "> Jews, whom he had judged not wor-
thy so much- as to be buried, but to be cast out with their children to be devoured

16 by birds " and wild beasts, he would make them all equal to Athenians ; and the
holy temple, which before he had spoiled, he would garnish with most beautiful of-
ferings," and restore all the holy vessels many fold," and out of his own revenue

17 defray the expenses attaching ^'' to the sacrifices ; and, besides, that he also '" fl'ould
become a Jew, and traverse every inhabited place, and proclaim " *he power of

18 God. But since his pains in no w'ise ceased,^' for the just judgment of God had^"
come upon him, despairing of himself,^" he wrote unto the Jews the letter under-
written, having the character ^^ of a supplication, and running thus : ^^

19 Antiochus, king and general,^' to the good ^^ Jews his citizens wisheth much joy,

20 and'^'* health, and prosperity. If ye and your children fare well, and your affairs^''
are to your mhid,"-'' I give '* very great thanks to God, having my hope in heaven.

21 But ^ as for me, I am lying sick. I recall, lovingly,*" your honor and good will.
Returning from the regions of *^ Persia, and being taken with a grievous disease, I

22 thought it necessary to care for the common safety of all. I do not give up myself,

23 but have '^ great hope to escape this sickness. But considering that also my *'

24 father, at the *■* time he led an army into the upper ^^ countries, appointed his '^ suc-
cessor, to the end that, if any thin ff fell out contrary to expectation, or, if also '" any
tidings ^° were brought that were grievous, they of the land, knowing to whom the

25 state was left, might not be disquieted ; and, further, as I have perceived that the
adjoining rulers and neighbors of my kingdom watch for opportunities, and await the
issue,^' I have appointed my *" son Antiochus king, whom, many times, on occasion
of my going into the upper satrapies, I have committed and commended unto the

26 most of you. And to him" I have written as followeth. Therefore I exhort and
pray you, mindful of my benefits, in general and in particular,*'^ that every man

27 keep the good will shown hitherto to me and my *^ son. For I am persuaded that
he, following in mildness and humanity my policy, will accommodate himself to
you."

28 Thus this *^ murderer and blasphemer having suffered most grievously, as he

not follow him. I render, with Grimm vn-d in the sense of more and more ; Keil, deep down). l his great (rb jroAv,

for the moat party or the most of) pride, and to come to the knowledge of himself by. ^ God, his pain increasing (lit.,
" kept on the ptretch by the pains ''). 3 omits even. * the^e words, It is meet. c a man that. " Fritzsche

adopts i'7rep7](/)ara for icriidea, and omits iiTrepT)(/)di'ws, which is also wanting in 19. 23. 62. 93. Co. Old Lat. Bat
taddt'a seems to be demanded as antithetic to ^j^toc ocra ; while ujrepTj^ai'ws, " proudly," might well be dropped as
a gloss.

Vers. 13-15. — ^A. V.; TAis wicked per.^on vowed also unto. ^ the which. ^ TDii\ie it (Wt.^huildit). ^^ he

wonld set at liberty ; and as touching the (art. with force of demon.). ii of the fowls [oitovo^ptaTovi . ©jjpiois is added
pleonastically. Cf. Winer, p. 606). ^- equals to the citizens of Athens (see Com.).

Vers. 16-lS. — 13 a. V. : goodly gifts. " with many more. '= charges belonging. lo yea, and that also he.

17 Jew himself urA go through all the world that was inhabited, and declare. ^8 for all this his pains would not

cease. I'J was. ■<> th'-refore deppsiivmQ oi \U9)iiiMth [lit., things concerning himself ). 21 containing the form

(rd^iv. It referred first, to one's position in the body of citizens, and as this was determined by certain qualifications
of the subject, it came to mean quality, rlmracteristic). 22 after this manner.

Vers. 19-23. — » A. V. : governor (cf. Com.). ^ ixpriirrolt. As referring to citizens, deserving.) ' ^ omits and.
-^ affairs {to. iSia. Some render by " domestic affairs ") 27 ^,3 f^g your contentment. '^^ {lit., vow.) ^ omits

But. 2» was weak, or else I would have remembered (Eritzsche, with Grimm and Keil, strikes out the iv before this
word. It is wanting in III. 23. 19. 62. 64. 93. 106.) kindly (cf. Com.). si out of (of. vcr. 1). S2 not distrusting

mine health, but having. 33 oven OT.iy. »' what. ss high. '« (Oi indicated, iveSei^e) n.

Vers. 24-26. — 3' A. V. : omits also (the preceding fi is wanting in III. 19. 62. 64. 93. 106.) 38 tidings (contained in

the verb). 3» troubled^ again, considering how that the princes that are borderers and neighbours unto my kingdom
wait for opportunities, and expect what shall be the event. "> (Fritzsche strikes out ^ou. It is wanting in III. 23.

44. 66. al.) *' whom I often committed . . . unto many of you, when I went up into the high provinces, to whom.
" pray and request you to remember the benefits that I have done unto you generally, and in special, and. " will

be still faithful to me and my (Fritzsche strikes out /iou. It Is wanting in III. 19. 44. 65. al.).

Vers. 27-29. — « A. V. ; understanding my mind will favourably and graciously yield to your desires. « theXart.
with the foroe of a demon.).

2 MACCABEES.

593

on A^^ 45^-1' "^ ^ miserable death i in a strange country in the mountains.
29 And Philip that was brought up with him, buried him,^ who also fearing greatly'
the son ot Antiochus, betook himself ^ into Egypt to Ptolemy Philometo?.

. ?"'f ' "^'7^^'^;'' '"''"^V"" °^'^T, *""■' ■" *'■=* '"'' " "'^'^''t'le death (lit,, t„M his lifi by a miserable fate).
I earned away k„ body (^«p«o^cf.T». Uere alone ia the senae of buried). 3 omits greatly (it is the foree o£ S.i,

in composition). * went (dieKo/xt'o-^). o ^ * t

Chapter IX.

The present history differs much from that of
the First Book, not only in its interjected remarks
aud the general coloring of the thouf;ht through-
out, but in its statement of facts, for some of
which there seems to be no historical foundation.
Cf. 1 Mace. vi. 1-18.

Ver. 2. Persepolis. See an account of this
city in Rawliason, Ancient Alon., iii. 92, 270. It
Beema not to have been fully destroyed by Alex-
ander the Great. Cf. Grote, Hist, of Greece, xii,
170 ff., 237. On the statement here made respect-
ing Antiochus being in Persepolis, cf. 1 Mace, iii,
31 ; vi. 1-17.

Ver. 3. According to the previous book An-
tiochus heard this news from Judcea, while he
was still in Persia, and also died at Tabse in the
latter country. Ecbatana was at least three hun-
dred njiles di.stant fiom Tabse,

Ver. 10. The disease of which Antiochus is
said to hiive died seems to have been the same a-;
that from wliich Herod the Grent suffered (cf.
Joseph. Antiq., xvii. 6, § 5), as also Herod Agrippa
I. Cf. Acts xii. 23, Herodutus also (iv. 205)
says of a certain African princess i'heretima :
" On Iter return to ligypt from Lybia, directly
after taking vengeance on the people of Barca,
she was overtaken by a most horrid death. Her
body swarmed with worms which ate lier flesh
wliile she was yet alive." On the special char-
acter of the disea-^e, cf. Herzog's Encyk., art.
" Krankheiten." Without doubt much ot whtit
is here related respecting the death of Antiochus
is pure invention.

Ver. 15. The meaning of the e.xpression, that
all the Jews should be made equal to Athenians is
not clear. Some would change the word to An-
tioihians, for which, however, there is no support
in the codices. The Athenians are probably men-
tioned as furnishing a notable example of a free
state. The Jews were piomi.sed a constitution
guaranteeing them equal rights with them,

Ver. 19. The rank of "general," crTpaTriyi!, is
found nowhere else a.ssoeiated with that of king.
But it was common in couneetlon with the Koman
consul, and the present itistance is jjrobably in
imitation of such a custom. — In the Greek we
iind the name of the receiver of this letter placed
before that of the writer, which is also uncommon.
Cf.; however, 1 Esd. vi. 7 ; 2 Maec, i. 1. Some have
found in this fact a proceeding unworthy of a
king, and think that it argues against the genuine-
ness of the document. Keil, howevei', maintains
that the argument would not hold in the present
case, since Antiochus compromised the royal dig-
nity also in other ways.

Ver. 21. The imperfect, SteKelij.rii>, U used from
the poi)it of view of the receiver of the letter, and
this verb, as also the following, is better trans-
lated by the present.

Ver. 23. That Antiochus the Great really con-
ducted in this way is nowhere else stated, and can
hardly b« possible ; since in the event gf Us death
38

there would not have been, as in the present case,
any doubt respecting his succes^or,

Ver. 25. Whom, many times. This state-
ment rests on no legitimate historical foundations.
Antiochus is not known to have made more than
one such campaign, and that is the one now under
consideration. — As foUoweth. The letter re-
ferred to is, however, not given.

Ver. 27. This suyjposed letter of Antiochus to
the Jews lacks the most ordinary proofs ot gen-
uineness, whetlier external or internal. It was quite
unlike him to have written such a letter. It stands
in the boldest contradiciion to his well-known re-
lations to the Jews, as well as with the condition in
which, according to the context, he was at the time
it was written. He is said (ver, 18) to have doubted
whether he would recover, and, therefore, to have
sent a letter " having the character of a supplica-
tion," But the letter has not at all that character,
and it is distinctly stated that he expects to re-
cover. He has the face, also, to speak of the lien-
etits that he had bestowed on the Jews, when his
entire dealings wiih them had been chiiraeterized
by the \itmost sellishness and cruelty. Moreover,
in addition to the historical misstatement of ver.
25, just alluded to, it is well known that his sou
was at this time but nine years of age (cf. 1 Mace,
vi. 17). He could not, therefore, have reigned in
his own riuht, but only through a regent. Such
a regent he had in Philip (1 Mace. vi. 14,55).
Why Is nothing said of him ^ And why, in so
important a document, are the usual dates want-
ing? Keil, on the other hand, thinks a sufficient
occasion for such a letter existed in the desire of
Antiochus to commend his son to the good will
of the Jews, and that its errors, on which he
seems inclined to pass as mild a judgment as pos-
siljle, arose from the fact that it is, as he sup-
poses, not a literal reproduction of the original,
but only a free statement of its most essential
points.

Ver. 28. In the mountains. Tabse lay In a
very mountainous region, which was inhabited by
bands of robbers.

Ver. 29. Philip. Cf. 1 Mace, vi. 14. —Be-
took himself into Egypt, This statement does
not agree with that of 1 Mace, vi, 55, 63, and .Jo-
sephus, Antig., xii. 9, § 7. According to the latter,
authorities, Philip, after the death ot Antiochus
Epiphanes, returned with the army fi'om Persia
In order to take possession of the government,
and did take the capital, but was afterwards con-
quered, and as Josephus states, put to death by
Lysias, who on the news of the king's death had
Immediately in-oclaimed his son, Antiochus Enpa-
tor, king. Most of th(ise who attempt to recon-
cile these neeonnts represent that Pliillp diil in-
deed make a flying visit to Egypt, as stated ia
our book, and afterwards retained to tiie arniy.
But the idea is absurd tliat, moved by fear, he
should have left a friendly army to go aloua
through the provinces under the control of Lys-

594 THE APOCRYPHA.

ias to find refuge, or support, in Egypt. Keil,
therefore, supposes that Josephus simply inferred
the death of Philip from the fact that he was con-
quered and that nothing more is said of him by
the author of 1 Mace. He thinks that he may liave

escaped after his defeat at Antioch, and gone mto
Egypt. Of the two theories the latter is byfar the
more reasonable ; but it rests on bare conjecture,
and as over against the assertion of Josephus is
insufficient to harmonize the conflicting accounts.

Chaptee X.

1 But MaccabsBUS and liis men,^ the Lord guiding ^ them, recovered the temple

2 and the city ; and'' the altars which the heathen had built in the market place,* and

3 also ^ the groves," they pulled down. And having cleansed the temple they made
another altar, and striking stones aflame, and taking ' fire out of them, they * offered

4 a sacrifice^ after two years, and set forth incense, and lights, and shewbread. And
having done this,^" they fell flat down, and besought the Lord that they might fall "
no more into such troubles ; but if, also, at any time they sinned,i^ that he himself
would chasten them with clemency," and that they might not be delivered unto the

5 blasphemous and barbarous nations. And " upon the day ^^ that the heathen "
profaned the temple, on the same " day it came to pass that the temple " was

6 cleansed, the ^^ five and twentieth day of the same month, which is Chaseleu.^" And
they kept eight days with gladness, as in the feast of the tabernacles, remembering
how not long before, during^' the feast of the tabernacles, they had dwelt in the

7 mountains and in the caves "^ like beasts. Therefore they bore rods covered with
leaves,^" and fair boughs, and palm branches also,^'' arid sang songs of praise ^ unto

8 him that had given them good success in cleansing his place. They ordained also
by a common ordinance and statute, -° that every year those days should be kept

9 by ^ the whole nation of the Jews. And this was the end of Antiochus, called
Epiphanes.^*

10 And now will we make known what concerns ^° Antiochus Eupator, who was the

11 son of that godless man, summing up the evils fostered by the warriors.'" For this
maUj when he took the kingdom, proclaimed that one Lysias should be " over the

12 aifairs of his realm, and general in chief ^^ of Coelesyria and Phoenice. For Ptole-
my, that was called Macron, being the first to observe justice toward the Jews be-
cause injustice had been done them, endeavored to arrange matters with them

13 peacefully. Wherefore being accused by *^ the ting's iriends before Eupator, and
called traitor everywhere,^* because he had left Cyprus, that Philometor had com-
mitted unto him, and withdrawn ^^ to Antiochus Epiphanes, and because he did not
hold his power honorably,^'^ he poisoned himself and died.

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : Now .... company. 2 (,Tpoayoi^os. Perhaps, here, as^'siin^ or iw?peZZi*«^.) 8 hut.

* open street. ^ (gti.) "^ chapels {so Vulg. and Luther, but cf. 1 Mace. i. 47). ^ stones they took. « and

III. 23. 55. 106. have the plur.

Vers. 4-6. — ^^ A. V. : When that was done. ^^ come. ^2 if ttiey sinned any more a^ainM kim. ^3 mercy.

" Now. ii' same day. i" strangers (cf . yer. 2). i' very same. 18 omiL^ came to pass that the temple.

1" ai^ain, even the. 20 Casleu. 21 that not long afore they had held (to he construed rather as an accusative of

time). 22 when as they wandered (vejuoVei-oi. This verb meant (1) to distribute; (2) to pasture. In the latter sense

it had a close connection with the meaning to dwell m, occupy, since, among the early pastoral tribes, using land for
pasturage established possession) .... dens.

. Vers. 7-9. —23 A. v.: bare branches (cf. Com,). 21 pai^s also (fri). 2» psalms. 20 gtatute (Trpoirrii'yfiaTO!)

and decree {\ln)i^iatj.aTO^. This was, properly, something pa.ssed by a majority of votes ; at Athens a measure passed or
ratified in tlie eKK\yja-La). 27 of. 2.=i Lit., " And with respect to the end of Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, it was

attended with such circumstances,'' oitTt^i elx«, "was in this wise." He would connect, in thought, the death of the
king with the cleansing and dedication of the temple.

Vers. 10, 11. —21' A. V. : Now will we declare the acts of (avra is direct object of BrfXiia-Ojicv , and serves, by its posi-
tion, to emphasize the preceding phrase ri nari rm EiiriTopa). 30 (Am wicked man, gathering briefly the calam-
ities of the wars (instead of to. riav TroAefiwi/ KaKdi, I'ritzsche reads, ex librisfere omnibtis, including III. 19. 44. 52. al. ri
avvfxoincL rHiv iroAejiiiui/ — III. 106., TrdXeui/ — KOKdi. The evils of the war, like the separate brands of a fire, wiire held
toi;etker, and so a blaze fostered). "i So when he (oJtjos, with III 19. 23. 44. al. ; text, rec, airds) was come to the
orown, he set (cf . ix. 23) one L. 32 appointed kim chief governor.

Vers. 12, 13.— S3 A. V. : choosing rather (wpo.iyov(i5vos. Cf. Rom. xii. 10) to do justice unto the .T. for the wrong
that had been done unto them, endeavoured (the Kui before ineiparo U stricken out by Fritzsche. It is wanting in III.
?.3. 44. 65. al.) to continue (Siefiycii.) peace with them. Whereupon .... of. 3< at every word (Trap' eKourra. Here'
and at vcr. 14, everywiiere, or at every opportunity. Cf, 3 Maco, 25). 35 departed. 3o seeing that he was in no

honourable place, he was so discouraged that (the passage is doubtless corrupt. The text. rec. is, |iiijt" riyeioj e^cnxrCar

2 MACCABEES. 595

14 But Gorgias becoming general in these regions, he enlisted mercenaries,^ and

15 nourished war everywhere ^ with the Jews. And therewithal the Idumaeans also,'
having in their hands conveniently situated fortresses, annoyed the Jews,* and re-
ceiving those that were banished from Jerusalem, they went about to nourish war.

16 But the Maccabee and they that were with him having^ made supplication, and
besought God that he would be their helper, charged * with violence upon the

17 strongholds of the Idumceans, and assaulting them strongly, they won the places,'
and drove * off all that fought upon the wall ; and they " slew all that fell into

18 their hands, and killed no fewer than twenty thousand. And because not " less
than nine thousand fled ^^ together into two very strong towers, having all that was

19 needful for a siege, the Maccabee'^ left Simon and Joseph, and besides,^" Zacchasus
also, and them that were with him, who were enough to besiege them, and departed

20 himself unto those places which more needed his help, But " they that were with
Simon, being led by ^^ covetousness, were won over with ^^ money by " certain of
those that were in the towers,^* and took seventy thousand drachmas,^^ and let

21 some-" escape. But when «'< was told the Maccabee what had taken place,^^ he
called the leaders "^ of the people together, and made complaint,'^" that they had sold

22 their brethren for money, and set their enemies free to fight against them. Those
therefore that were found traitors he slew,^* and immediately took the two towers._^^

23 And having good success with his weapons in all things he took in hand, he slew in
the two fortresses ^^ more than twenty thousand.

24 But ^ Timotheus, whom the Jews had overcome before, having ^' gathered a
great multitude of foreign forces, and horsemen come from ^ Asia not a few, came

25 to take Judffia '" by force of arms. But when he drew near, the Maccabee and they
that were with him '^ turned themselves '^^ to pray unto God, and sprinkled earth

26 upon their heads, and girded their loins with sackcloth, and fell down at the foot of
the altar, and besought him to be merciful to them, and to be an enemy to their

27 enemies, and an adversary to their adversaries, as the law declareth. And ris-
ing from '^ the prayer they took thUr weapons, and advanced a considerable dis-
tance '^ from the city ; and when they drew near to their enemies, they halted.*^

28 But just as the sun arose, they attacked on both sides,^" the one side " havmg to-
gether with valor, their refuge «« unto the Lord as "" pledge of success « and vic-

29 tory ; but^^ the other side making rage their leader in their battles.*^ But when
the battle became obstinate," there appeared from heaven unto the enemy hve
lustrous *^ men upon horses with bridles of gold ; and the two led the Jews, and

.>v W iivi^ia, *apf,a«rf^«, and migHt te rendered, " since he did not hold his power nobly," J. .^•. l"^* ^^i"^-! "
in an ignoble way, "he took poison in despondency." Ent this text is Tery poorly supported G"""™/^"* *"«^*«
adopt, to e>. /.' i«^/x/a,, e.>..W (see below) " since he had not ennobled his office through honourable dealmg he
took poison^' In support if this conjecture, Grimm says : " Though the verb has been found as yet <- ^ " ^ Irag
ment of Philemon, still its use on the part of our author cannot for a moment appear strange, ,f b" fceq«nt)y em
bellished style, in particular his predilection for rare words, and a^.( A.y W, as well as for conrectmg together
wori of the sime^oot are considered." The word .V is wanting in III. 23. 44. 66., and for v. a9v^.«. III. 44. 93

'*TerU-16 -'a' V. ; when O. was governor of the holds (™. t6™.. Cf. ver. 11,, he hired soldiers. ^ con

vers. 14 in. ^ a. y.^ b ^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ commodious holds, kept

t:Tl^:Z:riZ:a^: 1:1^. s., m »:: Craphorlcal seLe of ,0 annoy. They kept themselves fresh in warlike
exLclserby praSng on the Jews). = Then they that were with M. • and so they ran (the word op^,., as here

^'trrS'llT V° "™^'':S:'hoir°'^"7pt" '" ^-r™.'- •» certam, ..» ... no. .were fled.

^^^^;tv"t^r;s:tL

were found traitors. - castles. - ''^'•''^ll}'<-'-'''TLZJn^ot^^' - as though he would (».,) take Jewy.
.1 r; tttteT:'w^hV. ''""•^ turn:dTh'relvr(.rit.che":ra:imm, strikes out t£s verb, as III, 23. 44. 65. al.
-r Tit' TTT sT^ft"' " "^tre^tr^urZ:""^ n^i:;Tyrmsrt (,-. .., .d not advance to the
atS.^" ^^w t^^tf g .wl. risen ,™e -^-J^^ ^^^l^-- '^t^T^' "^1^
Jo,/oHou)«rf) they joined both together. ^ "\ . ,, „,

,,M ««o. The latter is omitted by 19. 23, 65. 62. 93. Syr. See Com.).

696

THE AFOCETPHA.

80 took the Maccabee ' betwixt them, and covered him ° -with their weapons, and kept
him invulnerable,' but shot arrows and lightnings against the enemy ; therefore,
confused through ^ blindness, and full of consternation,* they were cut in pieces.'

31 And there were slain ' twenty thousand and five hundred footmen,* and six hun-

32 dred horsemen. But Timotheus himself ° fled into a stronghold," called Gazara,
which was a gjirrisoned fortress " where Chajreas was commander.'^ But the Mac-

33

34 cabee and his men '^ laid siege to " the fortress courageously," four-"^ daj's. And
they that were within, trusting to the strength of the place, blasphemed exceedingly,

35 and uttered wicked words. But " upon the fifth day, early, twenty young men of
the llaccabee's attendants,^* inflamed with anger because of the blasphemies, as-
saulted the wall manfully,-'^ and with a fierce courage killed every one they met.^"

36 And others in like manner, advancing against the garrison under cover of the
diversion, set fire to ''^ the towers, and ligliting funeral pyres '^ burnt the blas-
phemers alive ; and others broke open the gates, and, having admitted ^^ the rest of

37 the army, took the city, and killed Timotheus, that was hid in a certain pit, and

38 Chareas ^■' his brother, and ^ Apollophanes. And having completed this,'^' they
blessed ^' the Lord with songs of praise ^* and thanksgiving, who had shown great
goodness to '* Israel, and given them the victory.

Vers. 30, 31. — i A. V. : took 51. ^ /i/m on every side. a/w'msafe. * enemies : so that being con-

founded with. <* trouble. o i^iUed. ' sl^in of footmen. ^ omits footmen.

Vers. 32-35. — " A. V. : As for T. himself, he. i" very strong hold (now usually written together. Cf. Webster's

Diet., under the word). ^^ omits which was a garrisoned fortress. '^ Choreas was governor. *3 they that were

with M. "against. i" {hit., well pleasei/, glarlly.) " (23. 65. 93. Co., " twenty-four ; " III., " forty." Cf.

ver. 35.) " Nevertheless. '» fifth |1II. 55. 1()6., iifiipa^ Ka'i eiKoorij? ; 23. 44. 71. T4. 243. Co. Aid., nal e'lKoar^! ^fi.)
.... Maccabeus' company (the context seems to require the rendering given. They were his body guard, staff).
19 manly. 20 all that they met withal.

Vers. 36-38. — 2' A. V. : Others liltewisfl ascending (Trpoaai'a^acTes) after them, whiles tliey were busied with them that
were within {ii^ tw Trtpto-Tratrjuw. This word means (1) a wheelim; round (cf Poljb., x. 21, 3) ; (2) a having one's atten-
tion ilistrncted {idem, iii. 87, 9) ; hence, in a military sense, a dix^ersioii. The idea here is that while the attention of the
garrison was diverted by the attack of the twenty, the others made an assault elsewhere), burnt. 22 kindling

(Fritzsche adopts avdnTovTe^ from III. 23. 44. 55. al. ; text, rec, ai/ai/zavTes) fires (Trvpa's. Here, apparently, in the tech-
nical sense, /unerai-^if/rfs). 23 received in. 24 chereas. 20 with. 20 When this was done, 27 praised.
28 psalms. 2a done so great things for.

Chapter X.

Vev. 1. Cf. with the present section (vers. 1-9)

1 Mace. iv. 31-54. The recovery of the city, ac-
cording to viii. 31, 33, had already been effected
and the event already celebrated. What is now
described took jjlace, not after the death of An-
tiochas Ejjiphanes, but in the pievioiis year, and
our book takes them up here, as it would seem,
simply for rhetorical reasons.

Vei". 3. btriking stones aflame. It would
have been regarded as sacrilege to use common
fire for this purjjose. It was customary also
among the Greeks and Romans, to employ for such
purposes, either tire brought from some other al-
tar, or such as was made by friction, or kindled
by the sun. — After two years. This is a mis-
fake. (Cf. 1 Mace. iv. 54.) It should be three
years.

Ver. 7. Branches (A. v.), fliipcrous. The mean-
ing is not clear. They were, probably, rods cov-
ered with leaves. Cf. Jud. xv. 12; Joseph., An-
tiq., xiii. 13, § 5. This custom was of compara-
tively late introduciion. The statement of Plu-
tarch {Si/iii]>os., iv. 5), that the .Jews at this feiist
cari'ied staves covered with ivy and grape-vine
leaves, as the Greeks were accustomed to do at
feasts of Bacchus, is received with \vell-inerlted
suspicion. With respect to the Feiist of Taber-
nacles, in general, fee Lev. xviii. 39-43.

Ver. 11. One Lysias. He is tlms spoken of
cut of contempt. The author represents Eupator
here as appointing Lysias to this position, whereas
he was at this time but a child. Cf. xi, 1 ; xiii.

2 : xiv. 2. Keil would translate aye'SeiJer, there-

fore, by proclaimed (cf. ix. 14), supposing that it
was done in the name of the king and the procla-
mation probably signed by him. He refers to 1
Mace. vi. 22, 28, 33, where acts of equnl impor-
tance are imputed to him. The reptesetitation of
our book, however, that Eupator asceuded the
throne at tliis time, i. e., at the time of the war
of the Jews with the Idumtean^, is an anachronism.
Keil would explain this by the theory that he was
regarded by the Jews as actunl sovereign, in the
al»sence of his father in Persia. But that is un-
likely.

Ver. 19. The Zacchseus here mentioned is,
otherwise, unknown.

Ver. 20. The persons mentioned as being
aljout Simon, ol ir^pl rhv Xifxaii/a, were, apparentlv,

some of his higher officers Seventy thousand

drachmas. A drachma was worth, at first, about;
nineteen and a half cents; but in the New Testa-
ment times was only equal to the denarius, valued
at fifteen cents.

Ver. 22. The usual punishment for treason
seems to have been imprisoument (xiii 21). Still
the aggravated ciicunistatices of tlie present case
offer some degree of justilicatiou for the severe
penidty inflicted.

Ver. 24. Timotheus. Cf. viii. 30. — Horse-
men come from (•ytj'o,aeVous) Asia not a few.
The part of Asia referred to must be that which
belonged, at this time, to the Seleucian kingdom,
i. e.. Upper Asia, and more particularly Media,
which was rich in horses.

Ver. 26. At the foot of the altar, lit., at tht

2 MACCABEES.

597

pedestal in front of the altar. The idea of coming
before the iiltar as before the face of God, is con-
veyed by the Greek : 4itI rifv InrivavTi toC euo-iaa-
Tviilov. — As the law declareth. Of. the LXX. at
Ex. xxiii. 22.

Ver. 29. TJnto the enemy. Only to the enemy ?
Oris the dative here ihe so-called dative incommodl
(Winer, p. 211 ff.) : a/ipearedfur the di-striictlon nj
the eveviyl Grimm asks: " Why five angels? "
And answers : " Perliaps with reference to the five
Maccalia;an brothers." — And the two, ol ivo.
The ai-ticle here has given rise to a nmiltitude of
conjectures. And why are two thus singled out 1
Wliat was the service of the remaining thiee ?
Grimm would strike out Srfo, and read the article
as the relative. But this woidd make a bungling
sentence. Keil would omit both, 5iio and o\, as
corrupiions. De Wctte retains both and trans-
lates : " of whom two led the Jews; and (the others)
took Maccabceus in their midst."

Ver. 30. The thunder and lightning which

may have actually accompanied the battle would
be a sufficient basis, in the hands of an imagina-
tive, and not t<io scrupulous, writer, for the re-
maining incredible part of the story concerning
the appearance of angels. It was a common thing
among Greek writers to represent the gods as
interposing for their favorites in the hour of bat-
tle.

Ver. 32. Called Gazara. This is not the city
Gazara, as the context plaiidy shows, but some
im])ortaut fortress. Where it was situated is not
certainly known. Ewald ( Gcschichte d. Folk. Is.,
iv. 409) would identify it with Astera (cf. 1 Mace.
V. 43), while Grimm nud others think that the
writer has interchanged the name of the fortress
,/azc-r (1 Mace. v. 8), with Gazara. — Chaereas
was a brother of Tiraotheus. See ver. 37.

Ver. 37. And kiUed Timotheus. He appears,
however, later in the history (cf. xii. 2), and
hence this statement must be false. — Apollo-
phanes is not elsewhere mentioned.

Chapter XI.

1 But after a very short time, Lysias the king's guardian and relative, who also was

2 regent, being sorely displeased at what had taken place,' gathered about fourscore
thousand infantry ^ with all the horsemen, and came ' against the Jews, thinking to

3 make the city a habitation of the Greeks,'' and the temple taxable,*^ as the rest of the

4 shrines ^ of the heathen, and to set the high priesthood to sale every year, not at all
considering the power of God, but puffed up ' with his ten thousands of footmen, and

5 his thousands of horsemen, and his fourscore elephants. And he invaded Judfea,' and
drew near to Bethsura, which was a strong place,^ but distant from Jerusalem about

6 five ^^ furlongs ; and he laid siege " unto it. And when the Maccabee and they that
were with him ^'^ heard that he besieged the strongholds, they, together with ■'^ the
people," with lamentation and tears besought the Lord that he would send a good

7 angel to deliver Israel. And the Maccabee himself first seized his weapons and
exhorted the others " that they would jeopard themselves together with him to help

8 their brethren ; and ^^ they went forth together and " with a willing mind. And
as the^/ were there '* at Jerusalem, there appeared as their leader one on horseback "

9 in white clothing, brandishing weapons ^° of gold. And ^' they praised the merciful
God all together, and took heart ; being ^^ ready not only to pierce through men, but

1 0 most savage beasts, and walls ^^ of iron, and advanced upon them in readiness for
battle, since they had this ^■' helper from heaven, the Lord having been ^^ merci-

1 1 ful unto them. And making ^'^ a charge upon their enemies like lions, they slew of
them '" eleven thousand footmen,^' and sixteen hundred horsemen, and put all "^ to

12 flight.'^ But the most of them escaped wounded, and without arms ; *^ and Lysias

Vers. 1, 2. — ^ A. V. : Not long after this .... protector and couBin .... managed the affairs, took sore displeasure
for the things that were done. And when he had. 2 oTnits infantry {to be supplied from the context). 3 he came.
* Gentiles.

Vers. 3-5. — ^ A. V. ; and to malie a gain of the temple. ^ of the other chapels. ' (Trei^pei'to^eVos. Vulg., mente
effrjcnalus. In the active, the verb means to make wise, to make understand.) * So he came to J. ^ town.

'0 {This is false. Bethsura lay about twenty miles from Jerusalem- Codd. III. 106. have (rxotVous, instead of aToStovj,
which would malte the distance about right ; 55., 500 furlongs ; Syr., 10,(J05 furlongs. Grimm supposes that another
fortress is meant, on the borders of Idumtea, but the word ireVre is probably corrupt.) n laid sore siege

(eeXijSsi/).

Vers. 6, 7. — ^- A. V. : Now when they that were with M. i3 holds, they and all. 1^ {oxAoiy, used in distinc-

tion from the soldiers.) ^^ Then M. himself first 0/ alt took weapons, exhorting the other. i^* so. " omits

and.

Vers. 8-10. — " A. V.: omits there {avToSi. The khi after 6j is omitted by III. 65. 62. 64. 71. 74. 93. 106. If retained
it is to be regarded as epexegetical. Grimm would have preferred avrodetf for avT69i). ^^ before them on horse-

hlLck one, ^'^ shalting his armour. 21 Then. ^'^ insomuch that they were. ^^ tojight with .... with most

cruel .... and to pierce through walls. ^ Thus they marched forward (for Trporrijyoff 111. 62. 64. 93. 1U6. Aid

read n-poiiyoc, which was adopted by the A. V.) in their armour, having a. 25 for the Lord was.

Vers. 11, 12. — 20 a. V. : giving. 27 omits of them. 28 footmen {required by the context). 2a ^n the other

•° (Lit camjielled to flee.) 3' Many (01 rrKeiovti) .... also being wounded escaped naked.

698 THE APOCRYPHA.

13 himself also fled ^ shamefully, and escaped.^ And ' as he was a man of under-
standing,^ casting up ^ with himself what loss he had had, and considering that the
Hebrews could not be overcome,^ because the Almighty '' God helped them, he

14 sent unto them, and persuaded them that he would " agree to all reasonable con'
ditions,^ and promised that he would persuade the king that he must needs be ^^ a

15 friend unto them. And the Maccabee ^^ consented to all that Lysias desired, being
mindful of its advantage ; ^^ for all the Maccabee wrote ■'' unto Lysias concerning

16 the Jews, the king granted.-'^ For there were letters written unto the Jews from
Lysias to this effect :

17 Lysias unto the people ■'^ of the Jews sewrfe/A greeting. John and Abessalom,^^
who were sent from you, delivered me the petition subscribed," and made request

18 for the things designated therein. ■"* Therefore what things were necessarily re-
ported ^^ also to the king, I have made them known,^" and he hath granted what

19 was admissible.^^ If then you will keep yourselves loyal ^^ to the state, I will en-

20 deavor hereafter also to be a means ^* of good to you.^^ But of the particulars I
have given order both to these, and the other that came from me, to commune ^

21 with you. Fare ye well. The hundred and eight and fortieth year, the four and
twentieth day of the month Dioscorinthius.^^

22 And ^' the king's letter ran thus : ^' King Antiochus unto his orother Lysias

23 sendeth greeting. Since our father departed ^^ unto the gods, our will is, that they

24 that are in our realm may attend undisturbed to their ^'' own affairs. Having heard
that the Jews did not consent to the change to Greek customs proposed by our
father, but chose rather their own manner of living, and make request, that we

25 concede to them their customs : ^^ now our wish being, that also this ^'^ nation shall
be at '^^ rest, we ^* have determined that their temple may be restored,'^ and ^* that

26 they may live according to the customs of their forefathers. Thou wilt *' do well
therefore to send unto them, and grant them peace, that knowing our mind,^* they
may both *^ be of good courage,*" and occupy themselves *■' cheerfully with the man-
agement of '''^ their own affairs.

27 And the letter of the king unto the nation of the Jews was after this manner :
King Antiochus sendeth greeting unto the council of the Jews,*' and the rest of the

28 Jews. If ye fare well, we have our desire ; and ** we are also ourselves *^ in good
2'J health. Menelaus made known *^ unto us, that your desire was to return home,*'

30 and to follow*" your own business. Wherefore they that will depart*^ shall have

31 permission '" till the thirtieth day of Xanthicus, with the security, that the Jews

Vera. 12, 13. — ^ A. V. : himself fled away. ^ so escaped (it might be rendered, •' escaped by shameful flight ").

s Who. * (More lit., " as he was no fool. "J " omits up. ^ (Lit., were unconquerable.) ' {irdtna. Svi'a/ieVou.

Codd. III. 106. omit the former.)

Ver. 14. — » A. V. : them to. » ((ruAAvVeo-eai iirl :rScri Tois SikhCok ; 111. 62. 64. 74. 98. 106. Co. Aid., orMueo-eal,

which must be reiid, if eireto-e of the common text is adopted. A few Codd., 19. 62. 64. 93., with Aid., haTe the imperf.,
cTretfle, which Grimm would receive. Cf. following note.) ^f The Greek text, Kat Stirt Kal tw ^ao-tAea n-eiVeiv <|)l'Aoi'

aiiTots ai/ayKa^eiv yevetrSat, is not clear. Grimm would either strike out TretVeii', or insert a Kat before <l>i\ov, taking Kal
SioTL for Kal OTL. I prefer, with Wahl and Keil, to take Kai Stort in the sense of Kai. iva elSwa-i, Stort (^ on) and render
as follows (cf. Wahl's Glacis, under avayKa^m) : "and that he, as proof that he would win also the king over to
them, was now already seeking to move him to form a friendship with them.'' The objection to this interpretation is
made by Grimm that it necessitates the introduction of the extraneous words, " now already."' But this thought is,
in fact, contained in the infin. preB., as being in distinction to the future infin., Treio-etv.

Vers. 15-17. — '^ A. V. : Then M. ^^ careful of the comwon good. 13 and whatsoever (lit., as many things as

M. wrote (more lit., delivered over to L. through writings "). " granted it. 15 (here tw n-ATjSet.) i^ Absalon.

1^ (Cf. Com.) 18 performance of the contents thereof.

Vers. 18-21. — i^ A. V. : things (otra) soever were meet to be reported. 20 declared them. 21 as much as might be.
2" (Lit., ivell disposed.) 23 hereafter also will I endeavour .... (n-apaiTios =z heins; in part the cause). 24 your

good (iJ(iZ>/ is omitted by III. 23. 44. al,). '"> (SiiiXexS>)i"", treat.) z" forty .... twenty (See Com.)

Vers. 22, 23. —'" A. v.: Now. 2» contained these words (cf. ver. 16, and ix. 18). Mistranslated. » liyo

quietly, that every one may attend upon his.

Vers. 24-26. — 3i x. V. : We understand also .... would not consent to our father, for to be brought unto the cus-
tom of the Gentiles, but had rather keep .... for the which cause [text, rec., Kal Sii touto a^toOi'Tas. Fritzsche
strikes out all but the last word, the same failing in most of the MSS.) they require o/us that we should suffer them to
live after their own laws (tA viij-i^a. Fritzsche strikes out aWSiv after the latter word. It is wanting in III. 28. 44. 62.
al.). "2 Wherefore our mind is, that this. M in. m and we. »" to restore them their temple. •'^ omits

and, "' Shalt. y« when they are certified of our mind (Trpoai'pea-ii' =jmr/)o.se, ^r^fZ-e/ice). 3'J omi/j both.

'0 comfort, <" ever go (SiayiVioKrai). «= about (irpbs .... arriXij^iv).

Vers. 27-31.— i" A. V. : omK.s of the Jews. " <»miU and. « omii.s ourselves « dcclircd. J' (See Com.

" (yij-eo-flai irttdir.) ^^ (KaraTropeuofteVois. Cf. Com.) w safe conduct.

2 MACCABEES.

599

may ^ use their own food ^ and laws, as before, and that ' none of them in any

32 wise * shall be molested for things ignorantly done. And ^ I have also sent Men-

33 elaus, that he may assure ^ you. Fare ye well. In the hundred forty and eighth
year, and the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus.

34 And' the Romans also sent unto them a letter containing these words : Quin-
tus ^ Memmius, and Titus Manlius,' ambassadors of the Romans, send greeting

35 unto the people " of the Jews. Concerning that which '^ Lysias the king's rela-

36 tive " hath granted you,''* we also consent to it." But what '^ he judged should '"
be referred to the king, after you have advised thereof, send one forthwith, that we

37 may set it forth as it is fitting towards you," for we are going '' to Antioch. There-
fore send some with speed, that we may also '^ know what is your mind. Farewell.

38 In the ^ hundred forty and eighth year, the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus.

Ver. 31. —1 A. V. ; And the J. sliaU.
that, * any manner of ways.

Vers. 32-38. — « A. V. : omits And.
adopts Marios from III. 23. 55. 62. al. ;
w (Here T(j 6^ia({>.) i^ Whatsoever.

5" touching such things as. lo to.

^ kind o/" meats (SaTrai^jLiaTa = expenditures^ here, for food).

orrnts

duty).

» comfort. ' omits And. ' (Koii/tos.) » (See Com. Tritzsohe

Maios, 44. 74. 243.; Old Ijit. , Manitius ; Syr., Quintus Menisthius Manius.)

12 cousin. ^ omits yoM. ^* therewith .... are well pleased.

" declare as it is conyenient for you (III. 106., y]fxlv, i. e., as it would be our

I now going. 19 omits also. » This hundred and eight and forty (cf . ver. I

Chapter XI.

Ver. 1. On the differences between this ac-
count and the parallel in 1 Mace, cf. Com. on the
latter book (iv. 26-35), and the Introd. to the pres-
ent one. It may be supposed that some facts
relating to the second campaign of Lysias have
been here transferred to the first, or that the
same campaign is described in both books, but are
derived from different and divergent authorities,
so that the writer of 2 Mace, held it to be a dif-
ferent series of events which were meant.

Ver. 2. The city. Jerusalem.

Ver. 3. The temple taxable. The temple
had been hitherto provided for, in some of its ex-
peases, by donations from the Syrian rulers.
From 1 Mace. x. 25-45, liowever, where Deme-
trius I. Soter promises that certain receipts of tlie
same shall be thereafter free from taxation, we
inter that this had not been previously the case.
Keil thinks it probable that such exemption dated
from the peace with Antiochus V. Eupator. Cf.
1 Mace. vi. 58 ff.

Ver. 4. Fourscore elephants. Nothing is
said of elephants in the parallel account of 1
Mace, and the number, in any case, is far too
high.

Ver. 5. Bethsura. Cf. Com., at 1 Mace. iv.
29.

Ver. 6. Strongholds. The plural is used be-
cause in laying siege to Bethsura he showed his
intention of attacking other fortified places. —
Good angel, ('. e., here an angel for protection.
The adjective is not to be regarded as antithetic
to had. Cf. XV. 23 and Tob. v. 21.

Ver. 7. Where the Jewish army was, at the
time they received the news of the attack on
Bethsura, it is not said.

Ver. 17. Petition subscribed. It is not easy
to understand what is meant here by the word
Xpvi^Tia)ji.6v. Probably, however, it was the doc-
ument in whicli the Jews had written down the
proposals for peace made by Lysias. But the ob-
ject in sending to the Jews a copy of their own
address to the king is not clear. Keil understands
by vwojfypafn.ij.ei'oi' the subscription of the Jewish
people to their own document ; Grimm, that it
means, rather, subjoined, as at ix. 25.

Ver. 21. Hundred eight and fortieth. B. c.
165. — Dioscorinthius. The word is well sup-

ported by the MSS., only one (19.) giving the
form Kopu'Btov. Still, it cannot welt be correctly
written. It is the genitive of Zeis, joined with
KoplvOtos. There is no ground for calling it, with
Schleusner, the name of a Greek month, as there
was no such Greek mouth. The Old Latin, fol-
lowed by Luther and others, seems to have read
AioffKQvpos or AiSaKopos (Dioscori), which, in fact,
was the name of a Cretan month. But it i.s doubt-
ful whether such a word would have found place
in a letter written by a Syrian, especially, when
it is noticed that somewhat later (vers. 33, 38)
the Macedonian n,ame for the Jewish month Ni-
san is given, namely, Xanthicus. Hence, it is
probable, that the reading of the Old Latin is
simply conjecture, and that some Macedonian
mouth is meant. It was an ord.^r of Seleucus
Nicator that the names of the Macedonian months
should be employed in Syria, and Joscphus also
makes use of them. We may acce|)t, therefore,
as rea.sonably certain, that either Dius (November)
or Di/strus (March) is meant, and the corruption
arose through a copyist, or a mistake of the writer
himself. The Syriac translates here by Tisri cor
responding to the Macedouian Dius.

Ver. 22. Unto (his) brother, i. n., relative.
Cf. vers. 1, 33.

Ver. 23. Antiochus Epiphanes allowed himself
to be called god on the coins of his realm, and it
is not unlikely that his son would represent him
here as enjoying a real apotheosis. Grimm, how-
ever, thinks" that only a higher order of being is
meant, and that no real apotheosis is intended.

Ver. 24. MeTaSecris = (1) tianslatio, (2) muta-
tio. It has the latter meaning here.

Ver. 25. The conclusion properly begins with
the words, "we have determined," and not with
the beginning of this verse as in the A. V. — Also
this nation. As well as other nationalities of the
realm.

Ver. 29. Menelaus. Probably the person
made high priest by Antiochus Epiphanes. Cf.
iv. 23; V. 15. — To return home, KanXS^vras,
i. e., go down from Jerusalem into the various dis-
tricts where their homes were situated.

Ver. 30. Xanthicus. It was the sixth Ma-
cedonian month, corresponding to the Jewish
Nisaa and our April. The names of the othef

600

THE APOCRYPHA.

Macedonian months in order were : Artemisius,
Diesius, Pauemns, Lous, Gorpiffiiis, Hyperbere-
tteus, Dins, ApcUcens, Andynseus, Perltius, Dys-
trus. 'Miere was a Macedonian moon-year and
a sun-year. Bnt the names of the Macedonian
months were somelinies used, as, for instance, hy
Joseplius, simply to indicate tlie corresponding
Jewisli mouths. Cf. Aniiq., iii. 10, § 5 ; Beil. Jud.,
T. 3, § 1, and remarlis in Schurer's Neulest. Zeil-
geschichtf, "Beit] age "I.

Ver. 31. (Things) igncrantly done, roi;' iiy
vonixfi/av. Qi. remarks at 1 Esd. viii. 74, and
Gelplie in Sliid. ,i. Kiilik., 1849, p. G.'JS f. Cremcr
{Lfx., a. V.) sa3's : '* The ayvoovvres accordingly are
those who are nnder the po\\er of sin, and therefore
sin perhajis, against knowledge and will; but are
passively suhject to it, ... . refers to tliose whof^e
acts are not the result of previous conscious thought
(cf. Eom. vii. 7; viii. 13), so that their conduct
cannot be regarded as deliberate and intentional
Ofjposition . . though in consequence of the
interposition of the law, it has become iTapd0aais,
i. e., involves guilt." — It is doubtful, however,
whetlier the word is to be translated in this baldly
literal sense in the passage before us. It would
seem rather to have the sense of offenses, in gen-
eral. But, if so, it is an interesting fact as bear-
ing on the question of the common view of sin held
at this time.

Ver. 34. Quintus Memmius. It is not clear
from other anthoiities that there were any amlias
sadors of this name in Asia at that time. 'J'he
names are greatly varied, however, in the differ-
ent codices and versions. See Text. Notes. One
of the ambassadors, sent from Rome to Antiochus
Epiphancs, just before his campaign into the ea.st-
eru provincis, was called Mantus Serffiux, and
Grimm thinks it possible that his name has here
been made use of. Cf. Polyb. xxxi. 9, 6; 12, 9 ff.
Hitzig, however, by a new arrangement of dates
(Gescliichte, p. 413), seeks to show that the Quin-
tiis and Cumdeius-oi Polyb. xxxi. 18, are meant.
He says : " Also, later still Quintus is sent on an
ambassage (t'olyb., xxxiii. 14) ; it is he whom we
must regard as our Qnintns Memmius ; and his
colleague was called Titus Manliiis = Canuleius.
After they were through in Egypt, they traveled
. . . further to Syria." But Eritzsche (Schen-
kel's Bib. Lex., art. " Manius ") successfully con-
tests this view, not only on the ground that histor-
ical dates are thereby unfairly manipulated, but
that, on the authority of Polybius, quite other per-
sons were sent as ambassadors to Ptolemy Phvs-
con, than those supposed hy Hitzig, namely, Titus
Toyqiialns and C'neius Menda. Since the letter
in other respects is open to grave suspicion, as for
instance, in the fact that its dates are according
to the Seleucian era, instead of according to Con-
sulates, as was usual with the Romans, and that
it is dated at the same time with the previous
letter from the king, its unsupported statements
in the present instance cannot be accepted with
any great degree of confidence. They are, in all
probability, simple fabrications.

Ver. 36. ■ Some general remarks on the forego-
ing letters wouM seem to be demanded. Their
unnatural juxtaposition and similarity of form is
first of all noticeable. There are, moreover, a
number of single suspicious circumstanees, like
the representation of verses 17, 24, thtit the .Jews
after such an overwhelming victory pray for
peace, and that the temple is spoken of as re-
turned to the Jews when it had not been taken

from them. These representations, however,
might be explained as being allowable exaggera-
tions, due to the diplomatic form of the docu-
ments. But the letters contain, besides, positive
contradictions and are based on suppositions
known, in certain respects, to be false. For in-
stance, from ver. 29 it might be inferred that the
Jews were imprisoned in Jerusalem and must
have permission, and the assurance of a safe con-
duct before they could venture forth. But ac-
cording to vers. U, 12, the army of Lysias had
been quite overthrown, and hence the Jews fiee
to go where they plea.sed. Again, the king is sup-
posed (xi. 36 ; xii. 1) to have been in Antioeh
during the negotiations for ]ieace. But how then
could he insist on such a foolish provision in his
letter as that (if leen days grace should be allowed
to the Jews in Jerusalem to get to their respec-
tive homes, i. c, fifteen days from the l.'jth of
Xanihicus, when it would require nearly the whole
of this time to communicate the fact to thera^
But still greater difficulties arise from the circum-
stance that Lysias is here represented as seek-
ing to make peace immediately after his defeat,
while according to 1 Mace. iv. 35, it only stimu-
lates him to still greater efforts to subdue the
Jews. '1 hat the same campaign is in both cases
referred to appears from the dates given in 1
Mace, and in three of the above letters. Some,
as Bertheau, De VVette, and Keil, instead of see-
ing ground in this for suspecting the genuineness
of the letters under consideration, regard it rather
as proof of the same, since it would naturally
have been the aim of a fabricator to make the two
accounts correspond as closely as possible. This
argument may, indeed, be sometimes used with
good effect, but must not be pressed too far, since
the motive adduced, although a strong one, might
easily be overcome by others having their basis in
a love of independeuce and originidity. These
critics maintain that the present narrative relates
to the second campaign of Lysias, which, in the
matter of dates (vers. 20, 33, 38; and the arrange-
ment of material, he has seemed to confound with
the first. Grimm, however, justly objects to this
view that it does not meet the demands of the
case. His second campaign Lysias undertook iu
connection with the king, who accompanied him
in it, while during the negotiations for peace Anti-
ochus Eupator was not at Antioeh, but at the
headquarters of the Syrian camp before Jerusa-
lem. jMoreover, supposing, as we must, th.it Lys-
ias conducted the negotiations referred to, as
representative of the king, his ward, why should
he need to lay the matter before the latter for his
approval, or what propriety was there in it ? He
was at this time (1.50 of the Seleucian era) not
more then ten years of age. Bnt this cireumstauee
does not .seem to have occurred to the wi iter of
the second of the above letters. Eurther, the last
of these letters .shows a clear anachronism in repre-
senting the Romans as corresponding with the
Jews in the 148th year of the Seleucian era, when,
according to 1 Mace. viii. 1 ff., 17 ff., the acquaiu-
tnnce and political connection of the Jews with
Rome did not begin until the year 1.51 of that era.
On these and similar grounds, most unbiased
critics maintain that the above letters are not
genuine. Grimm, with Weriisdorf, is able to see
only iu the third letter (vers. 29 and 30) a germ of
historical truth. Herzfeld (Gesdiidite, ii. 259),
defends on quite untenable grounds, the genuine
ne.ss of the first letter, while admitting the fabri-

2 MACCABEES.

601

cation of the others. Hitzig (GeocAi'cA(e, p. 412)
regards all the Ictiers, excepting that from the
kin>; to Lysias, as geminie. Kiil, with liis well-
known conservatism, accepts all the letters, with-
out exception, as veiitiible and historic. The
unsuccessful cainpai<;n of Ljsiius, here referred to,
according to him, was his second (cf. 1 Mace. vi.
42-62). Peace was made in the ^ear 150 of the
Seleucian era. The four letters refer to this
peace. The first two belong together, hence the
second is without date. The king's letter is to be
regarded as a " Beilage " to that of Lysias ! The

date, a.s it concerns the year of the last two let-
ters, is wrong, having been altered from 150 by
Jason, or by the compiler of the work, who wished
to bring it into hiirniony with his sn[)position that
t!!,e peace took place ii'fter the first campaign oi
Lysins. Otber weiglity objections against tlie
gennineness cf the letter.', Keil seeks to parry
by the general assei-tion that they rest on misuu-
derstaiidings, and the impntiition of things to
them wliicli, tln-oiigh a belter knowledge of their
aim and meaning, would be found to be ground-
less.

Chapter XII.

1 And ^ when these treaties had been concluded,^ Lysias departed ' unto the king,

2 while * the Jews went ^ about their husbandry. But of the generals of the ^ several
places, Timotheus, and Apollonius the son of Gennjeus, and besides, Hieronymus,'
and Demophon, and in addition to ' them Nicanor the governor of Cyprus, suffered

3 them not° to be quiet, ^^ and live in peace. The inhabitants " of Joppe also did
such an ungodly deed : they prayed the Jews that dwelt among them to embark '^
with their wives and children in" the boats which they had in readiness," as

4 though no ill feeling existed against them,'^ but as though it were according to
the common ordinance of the city ; and they, because they would, if possible, live
in peace, and suspected nothing, accepted.^" Taking them out " into the deep, they

5 drowned them, there being not less than two hundred.-'* But Judas on hearing of
the " cruelty done unto his countrymen, made it known to '"' those that were with

6 him, and ^' calling upon God the righteous Judge, he went against the ^'^ murderers
of his brethren ; and he ^ burnt the haven by night, and set the boats on fire,

7 while ^* those that fled thither he slew. And since the place '"' was shut up, he

8 went away,^^ intending to return and '^' root out all them of the city of Joppe. But
having ^^ heard that the Jamnites also ^ were minded to do in the same '" manner

9 unto the Jews that dwelt among them, he fell ^' upon the Jamnites also by night,
and set fire to ^^ the haven together with ^' the navy, so that the light of the fire was
seen at Jerusalem two hundred and forty furlongs off.

10 But when they had gone "'^ away from thence nine furlongs on their march
against '° Timotheus, no fewer than five thousand men on foot ^* and five hundred

11 horsemen of the Arabians set upon him. And since the battle became severe, and ^'
Judas' side by the help of God were successful,*' the Nomades *' being overcome,*"
besought Judas for peace, promising both to give cattle,*^ and to help them *^ other-

12 wise. And Judas, thinking that they indeed ''^ tvoidd be profitable in many things,
consented to keep peace with them ; and they made peace, and ^ departed to their
tents.

13 And he fell also upon a certain city strong through earthworks, and *^ fenced

Vers. 1-3. — ' A. V. : omits And {Si is receiTed from III. 44. 65. al. by Pritzsche ; text. rec. omits). « coTenants

were made. » went. * and. ^ were. " governors of. ^ Genneus, also H. ^ besides. ^ would not
suffer them, » ( Text, rec, euo-Toeei! ; Codd., n^Tneelv.) " men. i^ go. is into. '^ prepared. '= tkey
had meant them no hurt.

Vers. 4-6. — '6 A. V. : Who accepted of it (I follow the pointing of Fritzsohe's text. The itoi before touViov iwiSe^a.-
nivav does not permit the rendering of the A. V. See Com.), according to the common decree of the city, as being de-
sirous to live .... suspecting nothing. " but when they were gone forth. " drowned no less .... hundred
of them. i» When J . heard of lAis. 2» he commanded. ■"^ to make them ready . And. 2! came against </ios«

23 omits he. 24 and.

Vers. 7-9. — 2= A. V. : when the town. ™ backward. " as if he would return to (marg., with a purpose to

return). ^ when he. '" omits also. s" like. ^i came. 22 on. *' and.

Vers. 10-12. — ^ A. V. : Now . . . were gone (aTrotnrao-ai/Tey is adopted by Fritzsche from III. 23. 44. 52. 55. al. :
text, rec, kirotrwatreiyriiv). == in their journey toward. 30 men on foot. s' Whereupon there was a very soro

battle ; but. 2» got the victory, so that. ™ N of Arabia (Fritzsche strikes oufApa^et. It is wanting in nearly

►11 the MS3.). "• (Fritzsche adopts e\o.TTovo>0iprfs from III. 71. 74. 243. Co. ; text, rec, eAarTiuSeVres.) " lurn

cattle. « pleasure him (airow is wanting in 71.). « Then J., thinking indeed that they. " granted them

peace : whereupon they shook hands, and so they.

Vers. 13-15. — « A. V. : He went also about to make a bridge to a certain strong city ( the text. rec. reads yeif.vpovx
after irdAi^, but it is omitted by 19. 23. 62. 62. 61. 93. ^r. Fritmche adopts yeij.upa« from 55. Old Lat., Jirmam potui

602 THE APOCRYPHA.

about with walls, and inhabited by people of divers nations ; ^ and the name of it

14 was Caspis. But they that were within trusted'' in the strength of the walls and
the store of provisions, and ^ behaved themselves rudely towards Judas and them
that were with him,'' railing and, bejides,^ blaspheming, and uttering what was not

15 seemly. But Judas with his men,* calling upon the great Lord of the world, who
without rams ' or engines of war cast * down Jericho in the time of Joshua, made'

16a fierce assault against the walls. And having taken the city by the will of God,
thejr made " unspeakable slaughters, insomuch that the lake near" by, two furlongs
broad, seemed to be flowing full of ^^ blood.

17 And they departed ■'^ from thence seven hundred and fifty furlongs, and came to

18 Characa unto the Jews that are called Tubieni. And Timotheus, indeed, they
found not in the region ; for ^^ before be had dispatched any thing, he had "
departed from the region, and ^^ left a very strong garrison in a certain place."

19 But" Dositheus and Sosipater, who were of the Maccabee's officers,''' went forth
and slew those that Timotheus had left in the fortress, above ten thousand men.

20 But the Maccabee " ranged his own ^" army by divisions,^^ and set them ^^ over the
divisions,^'' and marched swiftly ^* against Timotheus, who had about him an hun-
dred and twenty thousand men of foot, and two thousand and five hundred horse-

21 men. And "^^ when Timotheus had knowledge of Judas' coming, he sent ^' the
women and the "" children and the other movables ^' unto the "^ fortress called Car-
nion ; for the place ^^ was hard to besiege, and difficult ^' to come unto, by reason of

22 the straitness of all the places. ^^ But when Judas' first division ^^ came in sight,
the enemy,** being smitten with fear and terror through the appearing against
them "^ of him that seeth all things, fled amain, one running this way, another thnt
way, so as that they were often hurt by "* their own men, and pierced through ^

23 with the points oi their own swords. But"' Judas was ^ very earnest in pursuing
them,*" killed the wicked wretches, and destroyed" about thirty thousand men.

24 JMoreover Timotheus himself fell into the hands of the soldiers of " Dositheus and
Sosipater, and '"' besought with much craft " to be let ^"^ go with his life, because he
had many of the Jews' parents, and the brethren of some of them, who, if they put

25 him to death,*" should not be regarded. And " when he had assured them ■" with
many icords that he would restore *' them without hurt, they *° let him go for the
saving of their brethren.

26 And /lArfcfs went forth against" Carnion, and the^- temple of Atargatis, and

27 slew '' five and twenty thousand persons. And after he had put to flight and de-
stroyed them, he led his army also against " Ephron, a strong city, wherein I^ysias
abode,*^ and a ^^ multitude of divers nations ; and valiant ^' young men kept the
walls, and defended them bravely ; and in it there was a great store ^' of engines and

28 darts. But when Judas and his company had called upon the Lord,™ who with his

bus. See Com.), which was. i countries. = t( put iucA trust, » and provision of Tictuals, (/lol «he7.

' them that were with ,T. 6 omits besides, o such words as were not to he spoken. Wherefore .... company

' ant/ rams. ' did cast. » gave.

Vers. 16-18. —i» A. V. : tooli .... and made. " a lake two furlongs broad near adjoining thereunto, being filled

full, was seen running with. 12 Then departed they (cf . ver, 10), « But as f or T him not in the places :

for (re — ro-re, III. 44. 52. al. — followed by Kai with the force ot Sk . . . . Kai). " omils had. « thence haTins
^c hold.

Vers. 19-21. — >' A. V. : Howbeit. is Maccabeus' captains. m And Maccabeus. 20 omils own (ttjj' lavTov ;

III 19. 56. 62. 64. 93., t^v mpl airdr). zi bands. 22 (Fritzsche adopts the emendation of Grimm, reading airois

eji for Toijs eiri, i. e., placed leaders over them, named leaders of the separate divisions. But cf, ver. 24.) 23 bands.

2* went (ilp^,,<,e^). 2D How. 20 (More lit., sent out be/ore, o-posfon-eoreiAe, which Fritzsche receives from III. 56. ';

text, rec, n-po^efaTreVreae.) 21 omils the. 28 baggage (see Com.). 29 a. "> town. si uneasy 32 (De

flette, followed by Bunsen's Bibelwerk, renders : " on account of the narrow passes.")

^^Vers. 22-25. -»A. v.; Judas his first band. =4 enemies. >» om-(s against them, so of. "wounded.

- omas Uut. "also was, 10 (Lit., "marfe the pursuit more vehement,'^ i. e., than their already rapid flight seemed

to demand.) 11 killing Mo,« . ,, of whom he slew, «„„;,., the soldiers of , « whom be. " (Lit,, Ji/ff-

f. ,f ■-, ;; '". , *" '^'■"t''' ^ ''^™- '"• ^^- " " '"P'«'' «"''"■ "l""' he said was not true.) « to let him.

^^ (Hritzsche strikes out « i.^oeivo., as wanting in III. 23. 44. 52. 55. al. Grimm thinks the words cannot be spared.)
„ "1 ; TO. op,^^^„. The word seems to be used here, as elsewhere in the LXX., in the sense of obligation. He

made tru.twor,M he «blj.,,on. Cf Numb, xxx, 3, 4, 8, and Schleusncr's Lex., .. ..) 4. (pritzsche adopts a.o.ara-

T 9fi 98 ^1 , V ' ^'"'^■' i™™™'-^"'"-) "» according to the agreement, they,

(wanting in 111. 2„, 55, ,1. al. Old Lat.) removed the host towards. « (Fritzsche strike, out ^arcj^i A„o-iV. ,caL

These words are wanting in I„. 23. 44. 62. 55, al. But they are retained by Gdmm and KeU '• a^' :« "' th,

Btrong. M mightily : wherein also wa« great provision. » Almighty God lSvvd<rrr,v. Cf . vor. 16).

2 MACCABEES. 603

power breateth. ^ the strength '' of his enemies, they won ' the city, and slew

29 twenty and five thousand of them that were within. And^ from thence they de-
parted and made a swift march against ^ Scythopolis, which lieth six hundred f ur-

30 longs from Jerusalem. But since" the Jews that dwelt' there testified ' that the
Scythopolitans dealt lovingly with them, and treated ^ them kindly in the time of

31 tfieir adversity, they gave them thanks, and desired " them to be friendly also in the
future towards their race ; and '-^ they came to Jerusalem, the feast of the weeks
approaching.

32 And after the feast called Pentecost, they went forth in haste ^^ against Gorgias,

33 the general ^' of Idum^a. And he ^^ came out with three thousand men of foot

34 and four hundred horsemen. And it happened that in their fighting together a few

35 of the Jews fell." And ^^ Dositheus, a certain " one of Bacenor's men,^* who was
on horseback, and a strong man, fastened ^° upon Gorgias, and taking hold of his
cloak ^^ drew him along '^^ by force, and would •'^ have taken that cursed ma7i alive,
when ^' a horseman of Thracia coming upon him and smiting off his arm, Gorgias

36 escaped^' unto Marisa. Now when they that were with Esdris ''^ had fought long,
and were weary, Judas called upon the Lord, that he would show himself to be their

37 helper and leader of the battle. And taking up ^' in his native language the battle
cry, with psalms, he rushed -' unawares upon Gorgias' men, and ^* put them to flight.

38 And Judas gathered his army,'^° and came '" into the city of Odollam. And when
the seventh day came, they purified themselves, as the custom was, and kept the

39 sabbath in the same place. And upon the day following, as it had become a mat-
ter of necessity,*^ Judas and his men came to carry off ^^ the bodies of them that

40 had fallen,'^ and to bury them with their kinsmen in their fathers' graves. But ^*
under the coats '^ of every one of the dead '" they found things consecrated to the
idols of Jamnia,*' which °' is forbidden the Jews by the law. And it became clear

41 to all ^ that this was the cause wherefore they had fallen.*" All men therefore
praising the Lord, the righteous Judge, who had opened the things that were hid,

42 betook themselves unto supplication," and besought him that the sin committed
might be wholly blotted out. And the ''^ noble Judas exhorted the people to keep
themselves from sin, since *' they saw before their eyes the things that had come to

43 pass because of " the sin of those that had fallen untimely.*^ And having made a
collection of money from man to man *" to the sum of two thousand drachmas of
silver, he sent it to Jerusalem to offer a sin offering," doing very nobly and prop-

44 erly,^' in that he was mindful of the resurrection ; for if he had not expected *^ that
they that had fallen untimely would rise ^ again, it had been superfluous " and

45 vain to pray for the dead ; and also in that he took into consideration ^^ that there
was great 'favor ^'^ laid up for those that died godly,*" it was a holy and good ^=
thought ; wherefore *^ he made the " reconciliation for the dead, that they might be
delivered ^" from the *' sin.

Ver. 28. — > (ruvrpi^ovra, shiveretk. « iAito! ; III. 62. 65. 106., 6\km. » A. V. : wan.

Vers.29-34. — » A. v.: omi(5 And. ^ departed lo. "when. i (FritzscUc receives /taeeimS™!' from 111. 44.

52. 65. al. ; Uxt. rec, itaToiitov^Tcui/.) ' had testified. » entreated (Eritzsche strikes out ejroioOi'To after awiuT,)(rt.v ^
as III. 23.' 44. 55. al.). '" thanks, desiring (Eritzsche striliea out avrois after tix«P'o-nio-ai'Te!. It is wanting in III.
23. 56. al.). " friendly still unto them : and so. " omits in haste. '^ the goyernor {o-Tpa-niyif). " I.,

((Srotius would read 'lanwias. See Com.) who. i= were slain.

Vers 36-37 — 1° A V. : At which time. " omits a certain. " company. i» was still. his coat

(yXaniiios) ' a omifs along. 22 when Ae would. » omifs when. 2* smote off Am shoulder (^Iaic, but for arm,
as at XT 30) so that G. fled. 25 Gorgias (so 44. 64. 71. 74. 243. Aid.). 20 uiitli that he began. 27 own language,
and sung psilms with a loud voice ( Fritzsche strikes out ira^oijaa! /tai, as wanting in nearly all the MSS.), and rush-

IDE ^^ bfi-

Vers 38-42 —20 A V • So .... Aw host. ™ (Fritzsche receives ^xev from III. 19. 44. 52. 65. al. ; text, rec,

«vev ) 21 the use had been («a9- "ov rpoTro^ to ris XP"'"' ey.yi^ei. i'ritzsche has, for rp6„ov, xpi<">v. The latter is

supported by III. 19. 44. 52. 55. al.). accompany to take up. =3 were slain. •>* Now. 35 ,^,,;.,

so that was slain. s' the Jamnites. "» (S>v might refer to iep^^a™ or to ecSoiA^,-. Qrimm prefers the latter ;

most others, the former.) »» Then every man saw. « were slain. " prayer [U^-r^icy). "2 wholly be put out
of remembrance. Besides that. « forsomuch as. " came to pass for. '» were slain . , ,

Ver^i 43-45 — « A V • when he had made a gathering throughout the company. " (■wpo.raya.yiLV wep, afiapr.a;

0„a.«v.') 4.' ,A.mn very well, and honestly. « hoped. ™ were slain should have risen. .1 (Fritzsche strikes
ont av aft^r «p.»-o-or. It is wanting in III. 23. 44. 62. al.) =2 perceived. ^ (xap.Tr^p.o., preceded by «aAAcarov
„„.. „„;/.., •, c-i fT.it.__ h„,J fallen askev in piety. ) » (cvo-e/3^5.) « whereupon. « a. =• (a^AvS^-ai, set

most excellent.) » (Lit., had fallen asleep in piety. ) » (evo-ep^?.)
free, cleared.) ^ omits the (the special sin seems to be referred to).

604

THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter XII.

Ter. 2. Timotheus. He is previously said to
have been iniirderecl. Cf. x. 24, 32, 37. — Apol-
lonius. Distiri^iuisiiod fi-om others of tlie same
niime (cf. iii. 5, 7 ; iv. 21 ; 1 Mace. x. 69 f.) by
naming liini " the son of Gepiians." Luther
and some otliers construct the last word adjec-
tively. Ent in that case it mu.'it have been used
ironically, wliich is hardly to bo suj^posed. It
occurs elsewhere, moreover, as a proper name. —
Hieronymus and Demoplion are mentioned only
here. Kicanor is called the governor of Cyprus [b
Kvirpidpx-ris) . There was another Kicanor who .-ap-
pears in the history (see viii. 9 ; xiv. 12). Jn.st what
the position of tiiis one was is not clear. He was,
however, either political governor under the Syr-
i:m king, or, if this ofSce was already in posses-
sion of another (iv. 29), he was chief director of
the public games in honor of the gods. Cf. the
commentaries on Acts xix. 31.

Ver. 4. It is not necessary to understand that
these were all the Jews who were at that time liv-
ing in Joppu. Thnt they inllioiit siis/>icion would
accept such an invitation as the one aliove referred
to is hardly credible. In fact a suspicion is im-
plied in the in/ elpijvevtif 6e\6vTaiv. According to
1 Mace. X. 74 ff, the Jews undertook hoslilities
against Jojipa under Jonathan, and we h.*ive no
historical sujiport foi' the present narrative outside
of the nairntive itself.

Ver. 7. Since the place was shut up, )'. e.,
against their entrance. Others, with less propri-
ety, render (De Wette) : " When he had shut up the
place, i. e., surrounded, besieged it. He with
drew because he had not a sufficient number of
troops for a regular siege.

Ver. 8. Jamnites. Cf. 1 Mace. iv. 15.

Ver. 9. Navy, uTiiAos. It means the equip-
ment of anything ; hence, as proper equipment of
a harbor, ships. May not this !-tor\' have been
made up from that recorded in 1 Maec. v. 56-61,
where Joseph conducts an expedition against
Jamiiia'? Judas at that time led one in another
direction, cf. 1 Mace. v. 68. — The light of the
fire, Tds avyas tov ipeyyou^. On the difference be-
tween these two words as well ay for the other sy-
nomyms of (pus, cf. Schmidt, Synonyviik, chap.
xxxiii. 2, ."3, 5. The latter word is generally used
in the concrete, as referring to the thing that gives
light, the former is light in activity, i. e., as flame,
or heat.

Ver. 10. Arabians. These Bedouins dwelt in
the di.xtrict lying between Egypt and Palestine.
Cf . the article " Arabicn " by ISchrader, in Riehm's
liandu-Urterhiich.

Ver. 13. T^tpvpovv (or y^tp-ltpais) . In Herod,
(v. 55, 57, 61 ; cf. Hawlinson's Herod., iii., p. 255,
n. 6), and after the Homeric period generally,
■yi<pvpa meant abridge. In the Iliad it is used
(v. 88, 89) as meaning a dam, a nioniid of earth, to
keep out water; alto, as referring to the space in-
tervening between two lines of battle, and so gen
era.ly, in the sen,se of battU-Jiild. Griinm thinks
the word in the jire^ent pa.s.sage should have its
older meaning; Keil, its later. — Caspis. Pos-
sibly the ChasjJior of 1 Maec. v. 26, 36.

Ver. 14. 'hvaywf6i = witliout education, hence,
rough, impudent. The eomparatiie is used in the
sense of moie impudent than was right, \. e., quite
too impudent. — On 64jj.i.i Schmidt remarks (Sy-
uoni/mi/c, xviii. 1) : " It is the eternal, divine law.

that unwritten law existing from the beginning to
which Antigone made appeal [Soph., Antig., 450
sq.) when she was brought to book for having
transgressed a human ordinance. It dwells in
the eonsciousne.ss of men ; is at the basis of the
order of the world, as well the moral as material,
since both are bound inseparably together."

Ver. 15. Great Lord {SwdcrTTty) of the world.
This epithet is applied to God also, in Kcclus. xlvi.
5, 6, and in other passages of the present book.
It means possessor of power. It is used by the
LXX. to translate V^"l^ (cf. Job vi. 23 ; xv. 20),
and in one instance, at least (Lev. xix. 15), ^1l3.

Ver. 17. Charaoa. The place is nowhere else
mentioned, and its exact situation is unknown.
It was east of the Jordan and was inhabited by
Jews called Tubieni, i. e., of Tobie (Tob), in Gil-
ead. Cr. 1 Mace. v. 9, 13. The word C/raraca may
not, indeed, be a proper name, but designate a
fortified camp, from x^P^^- "^ pointed stake, cf.
Polyb. i. 29, 3. The presence of the article, too,
would favor this view.

Ver. 20. The reading rorJs for aiiTouj, which
Grimm and Fritzsche adopt, would make the
sense ; and placed leaders over them, or named-
leaders of the single divisions. If the usual reading
is retained, the pronoun would refer to the before-
mentioned Dositheus and Sosipater. The latter
\iew appears, on the whole, to be more acceptable,
especially as it is favored by the statement of ver.
24. The size of Timotheus's army, as here given,
is undoubtedly very much exaggerated.

Ver. 21. Camion, i.e., Cornaim. Cf. 1 Mace,
vers 26, 43, 44. It is thought by some to be identi-
<:al with Ashteroth-Karnaim. So Grove in Smith's
Bib. Diet., s. V. If so, then the note at 1 Maec v.
26 is to be changed accordingly, since Aslttarolh
■And' Ashteroth-Karnaim cannot be held to be iden-
tical. The description of the place as here given
certainly does not correspond with the facts le-
specling Tell-Asliterah, lying between Nora and
Mezareib, commonly held to be l>he Carnaim re-
ferred to, since the latter was situated in a wide
plain.

Ver. 2-3. Thirty thousand. According to 1
Maec. V. 34, only about 8,000.

Ver. 26. Herodotus (i. 105), as it would appear,
calls the goddess here mentioned the " Celestial
Venus." She was worshipped under the form of
a mermaid, or a figure half fish and half woman.
She has been identified with Astarte, or the Venus
of the Greeks. Cf Rawlinson's Herod., i. 234, and
Niildeke in the Zeitschr. der Deut. Morgenldnd. Ge-
sellschaft, xxiv. 92, 109.

Ver. 27. Wherein Lysias abode. It has been
objected to this statement that the prime minister
of the Syrian empire would s-carely have lived so
far away from the seat of government. This,
too, accounts for the variations in the MSS. But
he might have had a. residence there at some
time.

Ver. 32. Pentecost. Cf . Com., at Tob. ii. 1 . —
Idumaea. Cf. 1 Mace. v. 59, according to which
Gorgias was at this time in Jamnia. Hence the
reading suggested by Grotius, noticed above. See
also, vers. 38 and 40 and Joseph., Antiq. (xii. 8
§ 6.) But the two events are quite different, and
the change suggested has no eriiieal support.

Vei 33. And he came out. Grimm in oppo

2 MACCABEES.

605

sition to all other commentors makes the subject
here Judae, instead of Gorgias, on the ground
that, otherwise, the narrator would be untrue to
his usual method in assignin}; to the enemy so
small a number of troops. But the circumstance
that there were horsemen with him, militates
against the supposition, since it is doubtful whether
the Jews, at this lime, had such a force of them
at command.

Ver. 35. Dositheus, a certain one. He is so
described that he may not be confounded with
the one mentioned in ver. 19. — X\aij.is is not a coat,
but a military cloak, mantle, such as was worn by
officers, like the Latin paludamentum. — The Thra-
cian horsemen were highly respected and feared
in ancient times. — Marisa. Cf. Com. at 1 Mace.
V. 66.

Ver. 38, Odollam = Adullam. Its situation
is not with certainty known, but it lay somewhere
in the plain (Sephela) of Judah. Cf. Josh. xv.
35.

"Ver. 40. Things consecrated (leptSynara) to
the idols. What these things were is uncertain.
Some think of small images of the gods ; others
of different things that had been dedicated to them
in the temple, and had been secured by these
men as charms.

Vers. 43-45. To offer a sin offering. In the
Vulgate the passage has been altered to pro pec-

catis nwrtuorutn, from an earlier, equally false ren-
dering, pro /)ecca(o mortuorum. That Judas meant
that the money should be spent in making sin
offerings for those that had fallen, i. e., for the
dead, cannot bo proved. The opinion of the
writer of the history, or of its compiler, is quite
another thing. It is fur more likely, as indeed
would appear from the context (ver. 42), that his
thought was for the living and the danger of their
being punished for the sins of the dead. But were
it to be admitted that the narrator here means
to teach just what Roman Catholics impute to
him, there would still be no ground for basing a
dogma upon such teaching, just as little ground, in-
deed, as for basing one on an utterance of Josephus
or Philo. There is not, as a matter of fact, the
slightest evidence that any such doctrine as that
of the Romanists relating to Purgatory had any
existence among the Jews at this time. (For the
teaching of the Persians see Gen. Introd.) Further,
if it were to -be admitted that Judas himself did
mean by his conduct here, what the present book
affirms, that again would make no binding rule
for us. Judas Maccabseus was far from being a
perfect man, and it would be, at least, quite as
unsafe to follow him blindly, as to follow, without
reserve, the example of such men as Abraham or
David.

Chapter XIII.

1 And ^ in the hundred forty and ninth year it was told Judas and his men,^ that

2 Antiochus Eupator was coming with a great force against Judaea,' and with him
Lysias his guardian, and prime minister,^ each having ^ a Grecian army,^ of footmen
an hundred and ten thousand, and horsemen (ive thousand and three hundred, and

3 elephants two and twenty, and three hundred chariots armed with scythes.' And °
Mcnelaus also joined himself with them, and with much ° dissimulation encouraged

t Antiochus, not for the safeguard '■" of the country, but because he thought he would

4 be installed in the office of high priest.^' But the King of kings awakened Antio-
chus' anger ^^ against this wicked wretch, and Lysias informing him ■'^ that this man
was the cause of all the misfortunes, he ^* commanded to bring him unto Beroea,^*

5 and to put him to death, as the manner is in that place. Now ^"* there was " in that
place a tower of fifty cubits height,^^ full of ashes ; and it had a revolving ^* instru-

6 ment, which on every side precipitated ^° into the ashes. There all plunge him

7 guilty of sacrilege, as also of any other grievous crime, into destruction.^^ Such a
death ^^ it befell the apostate Menelaus to die, not having so much as burial in the

8 earth,^^ and that very '•'* justly. For inasmuch as he had committed many sins about
the altar, whose fire and ashes were holy, he received his death in ashes.

9 But ^ the king came in a savage mood, to show the Jews the worst of that which
10 had taken place '^^ in his father's time. And Judas, on becoming cognizant of it,^

commanded the multitude to call upon the Lord night and day, that if ever ^ at any

Vers. 1-3, — ' A. V. : oOTi(« And. ^ ojniis and his men . s power into Judea. « Ai's protector and taler ol Aij
affairs. 6 having either o/ (/lem. "power. 'hooks. ' omits Anii. "great. i" (uuTTipia, but here, per-
haps, in the more general sense ol well-being.) " to have been made governor (eiri rijs opxis KaTafTTaftjo-eo-Sac. On.
apX^ ci. iv. 10, 27).

Vers. 4-6. — " A. v.: moved A. 's mind. 13 informed (/« fa'n^. « miscliief, so that I/i« ting-. n Berea.

"» (Se.) " was (ecrri, but I leave the rendering, on account of the context). " cubits higk. '» round (>r«pi-

^epeV). 20 hanged down. 21 jind whosoever was (Fritzsche strikes out ovra as wanting in almost all the MSS.)

condemned .... or had committed .... there did all men (see Com.) thrust kirn unto death.

Vers. 7-9. — 22 toioutu fiopif). 23 x. V. : happened that wicked man to die, not having so much as burial in the

earth (64. Aid. read Ta((>'^! for t^s y^t. The sense is right. More lit., not even having a share of the earth). 24. most.
*> Now. 20 with a barbarous and haughty mind (Tol; Se ^i>ovit\i.ajiat .... ^ejSapPapufiei'os. His feelings and pur-

pose were savage), to do far worse to the Jews than had been done.

Vers. 10-12. — 21 A. V-: Which (Awigi when J. perceived, ha. " (Iritisohe adopts Kai from nearly all the.Codd.^

606 THE APOCRYPHA.

other time, so now he would ^ help them, being at the point to be deprived of the

11 law, and of fatherland, and ^ holy temple ; and that he would not suffer the people,_that
just now had had a little respite, to become subject ^ to the blasphemous nations.

12 And ^ when they had all done the same ^ together, and besought " the merciful
Lord with weeping and fasting, and lying flat upon the ground three days unin-
terruptedly,' Judas exhorted them, and* commanded them to" be in readiness.

13 And Jiidvs, being apart with the elders," determined, before the king's army in-
vaded Judsa, and became master of " the city, to go forth and try the matter by "

14 the help of the Lord.^'' And having committed the decision" to the Creator-" of
the world, and exhorted his soldiers to fight nobly," unto death, for laws, temple,

15 city, fatherland, commonwealth," he camped by Modein. And having given the
watchword to his men,^' Victory is of God, with the most valiant and choice young
men he fell upon " the king's tent by night, and slew in the camp ™ about four ^^
thousand men, and laid low ^^ the chief elephant,'^'' with the many that were upon

16 him.-^ And at last they filled the camp with fear and tumult, and departed with

17 good success. And this had taken place at ^^ the break of the day,^° because the
protection of the Lord did help him.

18 But the king having -' taken a taste of the daring ^* of the Jews, went'* about to

19 take the strongholds *° by policy. And he marched against ^^ Bethsura, which was

20 a stronghold of the Jews ; was ^^ put to flight, made another attack, failed.'^ And

21 Judas sent in ^^ unto them that were in it such things as were necessary. But Rho-
docus, of the Jewish arm}',^ disclosed the secrets to the enemy ; "' but *' he was

22 sought out, and taken, and was put '* in prison. The king treated with them in
Bethsura the second time, gave his hand, took theirs,^" departed, fought with Judas,

23 was overcome ; heard that I'hilip, who had been left as prime minister *" in Antioch,
had rebelled, was confounded ; he spoke friendly words to the Jews, yielded, and
swore to any equitable ^^ conditions, agreed with them, and offered sacrifice, honored

24 the temple, and dealt kindly with the place, and received with friendliness the
Maccabee,"*^ made ^^ him principal ^^ governor from Ptolemais unto the Gerrhe-

25 nians ; *^ came to Ptolemais. They of Ptolemais were in ill temper concerning *"

26 the covenants ; for they stormed, because they would make the terms " void. Lys-
ias went forward upon the speaker's stand,^* said as much as possible*" in defense,^"
persuaded, pacified, made them well affected, returned to Aiitioch. Thus it went
touching the king's coming and departing.

but in the comparison it does not require translation.) ^ he would now also. 2 put from their law, from theirs

country, and from the. 3 tij^t had even now been but a little refreshed (I adopt the marg. reading), to he in subjec-

tion. * So. '' this. 0 [Kara^ioviff a strengthened form of a^iovv.) ' long. 8 having exhorted them.

" they should.

Vers. 13-15. — ^^ Lit., becoming/or himself with the elders. Cf ., on KaS' eavritv, Winer, p. 401, note. i* A. V. : host
should enter into Judea, and get. « in fight by. » (III. 19. 55. 62., fleoC.) " So when he had committed all

(GrotiuB renders liTnpOTrqv by dispensationem belli). i" (111. 44. 74. 243. Aid., " Lord," which is noticed by the A. V.
in the margin). i" manfully, even. ^^ the laws, the temple, the city, the country, and the commonwealth

(TroAtT€ia?). *8 them that were about him. ^^ went in into. 2** (Fritzsche adopts ■nji' irapc/LiPoA^v, for iv tjj

TrapefiSoKjj, i. e., "as it concerns the camp." The ace. is found in 111. 23. 52. 55. 71. al.) 21 {Fritzsche adopts

" 2000 " from 111. 44. 52. al.) 22 omits laid low (see Com.). " chiefest ol the elephants. " all that were upon
him (see Coyn.).

Vers. 17-19. — 215 A. v.: This was done in. 2« (Lit., " while the day was already just appearing.") "Now

when .... had. 29 manliness. 20 he went. s» holds (lit., " attempted the places through plots. Cf . ver.

19.) 31 and marched (lit., advanced) towards. 32 but he was (the «at before eTpoTroGro is stricken out by Fritzsche,
with 111. 23. 44. 55. al.). =3 failed, and (so 62. 64. 93. Aid.) lost of his men.

Vers. 20-23. —34 A. V. : lor J. had conveyed. 25 w/m i^as in the Jew's host. =" enemies. 't therefore ({<

before nai is omitted by III. 66. 64. 93. 106.). '» when they had gotten him, they put him. " (i. e., made peace
with them.) '» was left over the affairs. 4i was desperately bent (marg., rebelled), [was] confounded, intreated

the Jews, submitted himself, and sware to all equal.

Vers. 24-26. — <2 A. V. : accepted well of Maccabeus. « (Lit., Ze/J.) " (See Com.) " {reppriviSi' ; in.,

Teyyriiiiiti; bb.tTefapripiii'. See Com.) " the people there were grieyed for. " <A«r coTenants. «• up to the
judgment seat. **> could be. co defence oftiu: cause.

Chapter XIII.

Ver. 1. The hundred forty and ninth year.
According to 1 Mace. vi. 20, and Josephus {Antiq.,
xii. 9, § 3), it was in the year 150, and these au-
thorities are doubtless correct. The present book

has made a mistake, as is evident, from comparing
it with itself. In chap. xi. 21, 33, 38, the author
has spoken of events as occurrinp; in the year 148
in harmony with 1 Mace. iv. 28, 62 (cf. iii. 37),

2 MACCABEES.

607

although they took place in consequence of what
is di'sci-ibe<l iu tlie pvesent chapiei- and verse. In
both books the time given for the coming of De-
metrius Hoter into the laud of his fathers is the
siiine. Cf. 1 Miicc. vii. 1 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 1. The
difference in dates concerns simply the matter of
the second ciirapaigu of Ly^ias. Cf. Caspar!, iu
Stud. u. Kiiti/c, 1877, i. p. 182, and Grimm, Com.,
ad he,

Ver. 2. The number of Syrian soldiers is
grently exaggerated.

Ver. 3. Menelaus. He was the former high
priest of that name, as is clear from what follows,
vers. 4-8. Cf. 2 Mace. iv. 23-2.5. — Encouraged
Antiochus, i. e., in undertaking a war. '

Ver. 4. It was not altogether irue what Lysias
is said to have spoken agiiiust Menelaus (cf. iv.
7 St.). Jason was much more guilty. — Beroea.
A Syrian city between Antioch and Hierapolis.

Ver. .5. Full of ashes. Hot ashes, or coals,
are meant. — A revolving instrument. We find
the word ipyauoi' used in the same sense in 4
Mace. ix. IS), 20. A somewhat similar mode of
punishment is also mentioned by Valerius Max-
imus (ix. 2, § 6), who says that Darius Ochiis of
J'ersia, wishing to get rid of certain obno.sious
chiefs devise<l a novel mode of punishment, to
save liimself from violating the letter of a previous
oath ; " Scptinn altis parietibus locum cinere coin-
plevit, supposiioque tit/no prominent^, himigne ciho
et potione exceptos in eo coUocabat ; e quo somno so-
pUi ill illam insidiosam congeriem decidebaiit.'*
Cf. Cotton, p. 204.

Ver. 6. All, airavTes. It is difficult to explain
what the author would say. If it were the ex-
ecutioners who are referred to, why is the word
used at alii Gaah {Com., ad Joe.) thinks the con-
demned are thereby indicated, of whom several
were executed at the same time, who being thrown
about and against ot]e another by the motions of
the machine, finally threw one another into the
burning ashes. To this Grimm objects that the
Greek does not admit of such a rendering. He
thiuks the spectators may be meant, to whom the
right might have been conceded to turn the instrit-
meut by which the death of the criminal was ef-
fected. But can it be supposed that spectators
would have exercised any such supposed privi-
lege?

Vers. 7, 8. The chronology here must be false.
According to ver. 3 it was Menelaus who encour-
aged Antiochus to undertake the war of which
we read in vets. 1 and 2. But before it has act-
ually begun, Menelaus is executed. Josephus,
who also speaks of this execution [Antiq., -an. 9.
§ 7), places it after the conclusion of peace with
the Jews and after Antiochus had returned to his
capital. On this point Grimm remarks that Jose-
phus would be right in this, if it were true, " as
is presupposed in 2 Mace. xi. 29, 32, that Mene-
laus acted as mediator in the negotiations for
peace between the Jews and Lysias ; for this could
have happened only after the second campaign of
Lysias, since the report of our book (xi, 14 ff.) of
a peace after the first ciimpaign, is wholly unhis-
torical. But if Menelaus already, before the be-
ginning of the second campaign, had been put to
death, as our narrative represents, then he could
not have taken part iu the negotiations for

peace.
Ver. 15.

With the many that were upon

him. Lit. with the multitude in the house, i. e., the
wooden tower on the cle|)himt's bapk, in which a
number of soldiers, but by no means a " multi-
tude," were placed in order to fight with greater
security and success. (Cf. 1 Mace. vi. 43-46.) —
SuviO-nicf. Wahl (Clacis, s. v.) renders by posuit in
the sense of deposuit, i. e., prostrauit. Cf. also,
Fritzschc's textual notes.

Ver. 21. The secrets referred to were not those
simply relating to the supply of the giirrison, hut,
in general, all that appertained to the strength and
movements of the Jewish army. — It has almost
the appearance of a satire ou modern conjectural
criticism to read Hitzig's theory (Ps., ii., p. 144),
that Khodicus repetited of his treachery, and ex-
pressed his repentance in Psalms Ixxxvi. and
Ixxxviii, Cf. Grimm, Coin., ad loc.

Ver. 23. Philip bad not, in fact, been left to
act in tills capacity. Cf. 2 Mace. ix. 26 ff. and 1
Mace. vi. 5.5 ft'.

Ver. 24. Unto the Gerrhenians, eais toiv re/3-
jinvHii ^-(or 'H)yeix.oviST)v. Some would translate
the last word as an appellative agreeing with
Grparriy6v. So the A. V., " principal govei'nor."
Most of the later critics, however (Grimm, Fritz
sche, Keil), consider the word to be a proper
noun, the name of some unknown person. It
could not well refer to Judas, iu any ease, and on
the supposition that it is an appellative, it is not
easy to see what use there was for both it and
(7fpaTf)y6p. One of the words was quite enough.
Further, the common text has rep^-rji^diy, i. e., in-
habitants of Gerrha. This was a city lying be-
tween Rhinocolura and PeUrsium, and the meaning
of the passage would then be : from Ptolemais to the
borders of Egypt. It hits been objected, however,
that Gerrha did not, at that time, belong to Syria,
but Egypt, and hence it has been supposed that
the present reading is a corruption, of a mistake
of a copyist, fur Tepaprivui', and that the inhabitants
of the old city Gerar, southeast from Gaza, are
meant. One MS., it will be noticed, favors this
view.

Ver. 25. The inhabitants of Ptolemais were
much enraged that Lysias had made terms with
the Jews, and would gladly have nullified his
action. With respect to the general character of
the history at this point, it may be said that our
author, while relating from vers. 9-26 what we
have before met with, at 1 Mace. vi. 28-63, does it
in such a way that we are scarcely able to rec-
ognize the events as the same. According to the
former book (vi. 31), the Syrian army entered Pal-
estine from the southeast, through Idumtea; ac-
cording to the latter (xiii. 13), from the north.
The night attack on Lysias 's camp by Judas is
passed over in the former book, and tliere seems
to be no place for it there. In the matter of kill-
ing the principal elephant (ver. 15), the word &x-
Aos indicates that more people were ou the ele-
phant than could well have been accommodated.
With regard to the attack on Bethsura, the two
accounts are in direct conflict, the one stating that
it capitulated, the other, that Lysias asked and ob-
tained peace of the beleaguered inhabitants. In
the Second Book, whatever relates to any want of
success, or humiliation of the Jews, is wholly left
out, although found with sufficient clearness in
the First Book (I Mace. vi. 47 ff., 62); while
statements are made in their honor which on their
face are wholly destitute of truth.

508 THE APOCRYPHA.

Chapter XIV.

1 And ' after three years it came to the ears of Judas and his men,^ that Deme-
trius the son of Seleucus, having entered by the haven of Tripolis with a great

2 army'* and navy,^ had taken the country, and killed Antiociius, and Lysias his

3 guardian.^ And" one Alcimus, who had previously ' been high priest, and had de-
filed himself of his own accord * in the times of the mixing,* seeing that by no means

4 he could save himself, nor have any more access to ■"' the holy altar, came to the ^*
king Demetrius in the hundred and one and fiftieth year, bringing ^^ unto him a
crown of gold, and a palm, and besides, some of the customary olive boughs of

5 the temple ; and '* that day he held his peace. But he found '^ opportunity to fur-
ther his foolish enterprise. On being ^° called into counsel by Demetrius, and asked

6 how the Jews stood affected, and what they intended, he answered thereunto. Those
of the Jews called" Asidseans, whose leader is Judas the Maccabee," nourish war,

7 and are seditious, and allow not the kingdom to attain to ^* peace. Therefore I,
being deprived of mine ancestral honor,^" I mean of course ^^ the high priesthood,

8 have ^^ now come hither : ^ first,^'' for the unfeigned care I have of things pertain-
ing to the king ; but secondly, also having in view mine own fellow citizens ; ^ for
all our race ^^ is in no small misery through the unadvised dealing ^ of them afore-

9 said. But do thou, O king, having acquainted thyself with all these things, in de-
tail, have a care both for the country, and our oppressed race,^* according to the

10 friendly-" clemency that thou showest unto all. For as long as Judas liveth, it is

11 not possible that the state attain to peace.'" But such things having been spoken
by him, the rest '^ of the king's friends, being maliciously disposed towards '^ Judas,

12 did still "" more incense Demetrius. And forthwith calling to him ^ Nicanor, who
had been master of the elephants, and proclaiming him general ^^ over Judaea, he

13 sent him forth, commanding him not only to slay'" Judas, but ''' to scatter them

14 that were with him, and to make "' Alcimus high priest of the great temple. And "^
the heathen that had fled out of Jud^a from Judas, came to '"' Nicanor by flocks,
thinking the misfortunes and mishaps " of the Jews would redound to their own
advantage.

15 But the Jews on hearing *^ of Nioanor's coming, and of the onset of the heathen,^'
cast earth upon their heads, and made supplication to him that had established ** his
people for ever, and who always helpeth his portion with visible manifestations.^^

16 And''" at the commandment of their leader" they removed straightways from

17 thence, and engaged^" them at the village*" of Dessau. And*^" Simon, Judas'
brother, had Joined battle with Nicanor, but had been somewhat ^^ discomfited

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. V. : 07?nte And. z was J. informed. 'power. MCf. 1 Maco. i. 19.) c protector.

» Now. ' omifs previously (n-pd in comp.). ' wilfully («ou(n'ius). ' their mingUng mitk the Gentiles itiitzsche
receiTes ifiifia; from III. 23. 44. 62. 65. al., for iiriixifias. See Com.). i» A smoother and clearer sentence would be
gained by a different order : " seeing tliat he could by no means saTe himself, nor any more have access to."

Vers. 4-6. — " A. V. : omits the. " presenting (7r()o<raV)- " al.TO of the [voiJi.i.(oftiva>v. Marg., t/iovght to be)

boughs which were used solemnly in ( Vulg., 5111 tempU esse videbantvr). h and so. lo Ilowbeit, having gotten,

w and being (more Ut.,"But taking as coadjutor an opportunity favorable to his own foolishness: on being ■')'.
" that be called. w captain is J. M. i» will not let the realm be in.

Vers. 7-9. — M A. V. ; ancestor s honour. 21 omits of course («.;. Aey«) a>i = 7 say without eimtmloeution, plainly.
This particle is often used to render more emphatic, and define more exactly, the word after which it stands in the
sense otrredseUj, exactly, even. Cf. Kilhner's Gram., p. 489, § 316, 2. Cod. 106., with Co., has U) ' a nm

M (for SeBpt., III. 23. 62. 64. 93. read iieuTepor. Cf. 1 Maco. vii. 9 if.) M first verily. n and secondly, even for

that I intend the good of .... countrymen. 2" nation. " (Ui., the thoughtlessness.) 23 Wherefore 0 king

seeing thou knowest [nmits in detail, jKaoTa) .... be careful .... nation, which is pressed on every side (properly
surroundtil, encircled, i. e., with evils). 2« omits friendly (and renders as readily before shewest). '

Vers. 10-12. —30 A. V. : should be quiet. si i-^is was no sooner spoken of him, but others. S2 set against

M omits still. M omits to him (lor irpoo-Ka\eo-aVei/os, III. 23. 62. 65. 64. 93. 106. read 7rpoxe1p1.raVej.os. Cf iii 7 viii"
9). 35 making him governor. * '

Vers. 13-15. — 3o A. V. : him to slay (the particles ^iv and Sj show that each of these objects was to be kept distinotlv
in view. Fritzsche adopts im^ToXi^, instead of e^roAds, after Sous, which would imply written instructions The
former is supported by HI. 62. 62. 71. 93. 106. 243. Co. Syr.). st and. » («„ao-T^o-ai, install ) so'ihea

" (Lit., mingled together with.) " harm and calamities. « to be their welfare. Now when the Jews heard

'3 and that the heathen were up against them (marg., were joined to. Cf., for eTrieea-iv, iv. 41 , 6) they « stabi

nsbe&l,nt.,.Kt together, set up, orgatiized). « manifestation o/AisprMence (in-.^aveias). '

•, JrrJ""?*' 7 '! ^' ^' ■ ^°/ . " ""^ '''''"'''°- " '=™" °<""' "°'° (I'ri'^sche adopts iuai,^(a, <^v^^l^<ry.l from III.
28. 44. 65. al. ; text. rec. , awfeuf av Kai aviJ.iJ.i^ovcriy. The above seems to be the force of the verb cniu^ni^eii, here bji ,t
xv. 26, and often in Qj-eek authors. Of. Herod, i. 127, vi. 14. Thuoyd. i. 49). <» town r« j^Jw 'i was

2 MACCABEES. 609

18 through the sudden silence of his enemies. But,i nevertheless, Nicanor, hearing
what manliness Judas and them that were with him had, and what courage in their

19 contests for their fatherland," durst not = try the matter by the sword.* Where-

20 fore he sent Posidonius, and Theodotus, and Mattathias, to make peace. And after
a long consideration of. the matter, and the leader ^ had made the troops « ac-
quainted therewith, and it appeared that they were all of one mind, they consented

21 to the treaties, and appointed a day on which they should come together « by
themselves ; and he » came, and special i° stools were set for each of them.ii Judas
had placed armed men ready in convenient places, lest some treachery should be

23 suddenly practiced by the enemy ; so they held a fitting" conference. Nicanor"
abode m Jerusalem, and did nothing out of place,^= but sent away the assembled

24 troops m flocks. And he had Judas continually in sight ; he inclined towards '« the

25 man from his heart. He prayed him to marry," and to beget children ; he^^ mar-

26 ned, had rest, enjoyed life." But Alcimus, perceiving the goodwill '"' that was be-
twixt them, took the treaties that had been made, and ^^ came to Demetrius, and
told him that Nicanor was not well affected towards the state ; for ^ he had named ^

27 Judas, that ^ traitor to the realm, his ^^ successor. And ^^ the king becoming en-
raged," and provoked through the slanders "« of the most wicked mm, wrote to
Nicanor, signifying that he was much displeased over the treaties,^^ and command-

28 ing him that Ae should send the Maccabee™ prisoner, in haste" unto Antioch. But'^
when this came to Nicauor's hearing, he was confounded '^ and took it grievously
that he should make void what had been ^^ agreed upon, the man having done noth-

29 ing wrong."^^ But because there was no dealing against the king, he watched for

30 a favorable opportunity «« to accomplish this thing by policy. But the Maccabee ^
saw that Nicanor acted more harshly towards ^^ him, and that he met him with
more roughness ^' than he was wont, and *° perceiving that the harshness " came
not of good, he gathered together not a few of his men, and concealed " himself

31 from Nicanor. But the other, though aware that he had been outwitted in a noble
way by the man,*^ came into the great and holy temple, and commanded the priests,

32 that were offering the appropriate " sacrifices, to deliver up to him the ^ man. And
when they assured him, with oaths, that they knew not at all*" where he who was

33 sought was, he stretched out his right hand toward the temple, and made an oath of
this sort: *' If you do *' not deliver up to *^ me Judas as a prisoner, I will lay this
temple of God even with the ground, and I will break down ^° the altar, and erect

34 here ^^ a notable ''* temple unto Bacchus. And having so spoken, "^^ he departed.
But^* the priests stretched their ^^ hands towards heaven, and besought him that

35 was ever a defender of our ^^ nation, speaking thus : " Tlou, 0 Lord,^' who hast

what (or/or a liule time ; Ppaxici^y text. rec. ; ^pa^iia^, III. al.) tKrougll the sodden silence of his enemies {5ia Ti)y ai^-
viSiov Ttiiv drTtTToAtoi' aL<f>atTiav. See Com. for other renderings). i omits But. 2 Qf the manliness of them that

were with J., and the courageousness that they had to fight for their country tit is too free). ^ (eTrevXajSetTO ; but

Fritzsche adopts {in-euAajSetro from III. 44. 74. 93. al., gradually there stole upon him doubts, hesitation. Grimm thinlis
it not sufficiently well supported.) * {Lit., make the arbitrament, i. e., decide the issue, through blood.)

Vers- 20-22. — "J A. V. ; So when they bad talten long advisement thereupon .... captain (Fritzsche adopts ^you-
/uei/ou from III. 44. 55. al. ; text rec., riyeti.6yos). 8 niultitude. ^covenants. ^ to meet in together (ei9 to auTo,

into the same place ; usually, en-l to auro). ^ when the day. 10 omits special (according to Fritzsche's text : Trap'

cKatrrou Sifjipa^, e6€a-av fiti^povs, they placed stools, a stool by each. The xat is wanting at the beginning, in III. 23. 44.
65. 62. al. Co., and is omitted by Fritzsche. He receives Sifftpa^ from III. 44. al. ; 5t0pos, 23. 65. ; text, rec, fiio^ipovs,
found also in 52. 62., i. e., distinguished, special). '' were set for either of them. '2 oTuits had. i^ enemies ; so
they made a peaceable (ap^o^ouo-ai/, here bejitling. " Colloquium utriusque persona dignum.''^ Wahl).

Vers. 23-26. —" A. V. : Now N. (Fritzsche strikes out Si, as wanting in III. 44. 65. 62. 74. 93. 106. 243. Co. Aid.).
10 no hurt. I8 people that came flocking unto him. And he wou]d not willingly have J. out of liis sight '.for he loved.
17 also to take a wife (see following). ^^ so he. i^ was quiet, and took part of this life. 20 love. 21 and con-
sidering the covenants (so Gaab, but it would require jaeTaAa^aJi., instead of avaKa^ihv. It is to be closely connected
with ifKe. Grotiug, assumtis conventis) that were made. 22 for that, 23 ordained. 24 a (tw). 25 jiig realm,
to be the king's (impossible. See Com.).

Vers. 27-29. — 20 A. V. ; Then. 27 being in a rage. 28 with the accusations. 29 with the covenants.

30 send M. si all haste. S2 omits But. ss ^nuch confounded in himself. ^ the articles which were. 30 being
in no fault. ^o y^i^ time.

Vers. 30-33. — ^7 a. y. ; Notwithstanding, when M. 8> began to be churlish unto. ^'^ entreated hijn more

roughly. *o omits and. *i such sour behaviour. *2 withdrew. ^ knowing that he was notably prevented
by JU'das^ policy. ** their usual. *'' deliver him.. ^ sware that they could not tell where the man was whom

besought. »7 in this manner. « will. " omifs up to. «> (Lit., rf/g- Krarfcr, (Ztg- down, i. e., destroy utterly.
Of. Judith Ui. 8). " omits here. ''2 (g^rti^ai/eV, illustris.) t& After these ivords.

Vers. 34-36. — "A. v.: Then. «s lift up iAeir. « their. " saying in this mannei. » Lord of all «Ai«s» (the

610

THE APOCRYPHA.

need of nothing, wast pleased that the temple of thine habitation ' should be among
us ; and '■' now, 0 holy Lord of all holiness, keep this house, which but lately was
cleansed, ever undeflled.^

And there was* accused unto Nicanorone Razis, from" the elders of Jerusalem,
a lover of his fellow citizens," and a man of very good report, and on account of
kindness called * a father of the Jews. For in the former times of non-intercourse
he had encouraged a separatioja of " Judaism, and imperiled " body and life with
all steadfastness for Judaism.'^ And Nicanor, wishing to manifest the ill-will that
he bore towards '^ the Jews, sent above five hundred soldiers " to take him ; for he

41 thought by taking him to work them ill.^^ But as the troops were on the point of
taking" the tower, and violently broke through the outer " door, and ordered"
that fire should be brought and the doors set on fire," he being surrounded and about

42 to be taken,^" foil upon Ms sword, choosing to ^^ die manfully, rather "^ than to come

36

37

38

S9
40

into the hands of the wicked wretches, and ^ to be abused in a manner that be-

43 seemed not his nobility.^* But missing his stroke through the haste of the conflict,^
the troops ^" also rushing within the doors, he ran nobly upon " the wall, and cast

44 himself down manfully among the troops.^' But they quickly giving back, and a

45 space being made, he fell ^ into the midst of the vacant *° place. But, as "^ there
was yet breath within him, and he was '^ inflamed with anger, he rose up, though '^
his blood gushed out in streams,^* and his wounds were grievous, ran through the

46 midst of the troops,'^ and standing upon a steep rock, his blood being '^^ now quite
gone, he plucked '■'' out his bowels, and taking them in both his hands, he cast them
upon the troops,^' and calling upon the Lord of life and spirit to restore him these *'
again, he thus died.

words Twi/ o\wi' are to be connected with aTrpotrSeijs, tinthoitt want q/" anything more). ^ (Fritzpche adopts (rKTiVilitreitii
from III. 23. 44. 55. 74. 106. Co., instead of KaTacrfoji-oJcrecos.) 2 Therefore. =» ever undefiled, which lately

was cleansed, and stop every unrighteous mouth (the last clause is added, with slight variations, by 19. C2. 64. 93.
Aid.).

Vers. 37-40. — * A. V. : Now wag there. •> one of. " his countrymen. ' who for his. s ^as caUed.

8 when tkeij mingled not tkemsp.h'es with the GeiiliUs. lo been accused of (^f .... Kplnv eltrevrjveyixevoi;. It

might mean, brought in a dtcision for Judaism. Grimm renders by represented , or, lit., had presented a defense),
^1 did boldly jeopard his. '2 vehemency for the religion of the Jews. '3 So N. willing to declare the hate ....

bare unto. ^^ men of war. i'' do the Jews muck hurt.

Vers. 41-44. — ^'^ A. V. : Now when the multitude would have taken. ^t broken into the utter. 18 bade.

19 to burn it. 20 being ready . . taken on every side. 21 rather to. 22 omits rather. 23 omits wretchea

(cf. xii. 23) and and. 24 otherwise than beseemed his uoble birth. 20 through haste. 20 multitude. 27 boldly
up to. 23 thickest of them. 20 f^i| down. 3° void (see Coin.).

Vers. 45, 46. — ^i a. V. ; Nevertheless, while. 32 being. 33 ^nd though. 34 like spouts of water (lit., like a

spring, gushing out). *33 yet, he ran (more lit., passed through on a run) .... throng. 3a when as his blood was.

»l pluckt. 38 throng. 30 th«e.

Chaptek XIV. (Cf. 1 Mace. vii.).

Vcr. 1. After three years, i. e., three years
from the time mentioned in xiii. 1, or the year
149 of the Seleueian era. Tliat would make 152.
Bat tlic time was actually 1.51, as it appears from
ver. 4 below. It is to be understood, therefore, as
similar .statements in the Gospels are explained,
as incUidinij both the year from which, and the
year to which, the reckoning was made.

Ver. 2. A great army. It was, on the con-
trary, by no means a gi-eat force. According to
1 Miicc. it w:is Avith a "few men." And Polybins
(xxxiii. 22, 11 ) says that he had with him "eight
friends, live servants, and three lioys." Kcil,
however, would translate ela-ir\ev(rai/Ta by em-
baikecl, and supposes that from there he made a
descent on some other jiart of the coast. He cites
Xeno]ihon's Anab. (vi. 4. 1), to show that eiarr\4co,
in the sense of sailitHj in, is constructed with elfs ti,
or with the accusative, and not with Sici and the
genitive. Cf. also, Liddell and Scott's Lex., s. v.
— The Tripolia here referred to was a city and
harbor lying north of Sidon. It was so called from
the fact that it was colonized from the three cities
of Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus.

Ver. 3. Who had previously been high

priest. He had never actually exercised this
office. Josephus states (Antiq., xx. 10, § 1) that
Lysias bad nppninled him to it, after the execution
of Menelaus, which is indeed possible. — Times
of the mixing, i. e., of the Jews and Greeks, under
the rule of Antiochus Epiphanes. Pritzsche's
reading, afii^las, would require the rendering times
nftJie separation (cf. ver. 37.) It is not adopted,
however, by Grimm or Kcil. — Wo means he
could save himself, i. e., with res]iect to obtaining
the right to exercise the office of high priest. —
Nor have any more access. He had been priest,
and as such officiated at the altar.

Ver. 4. Customary olive boughs. They were
emblems of peace and were presented from the
tem])lo to a ruler as indicative of homage. So De
Wette, Grimm, Kcil, lloltzmann, and others. Al-
cimus brought them as though he were a repre-
sentative of the Jewish peojde.

Ver. 12. Nicanor. He is said in 1 Mace. vii.
26 to have borne " deadly hate unto Israel." He
had taken part in the first expedition of Lysias.
1 Cf. 1 Mace. iii. 38.

2 MACCABEES.

611

Ver. 17. 'A<pairla means speechlessness, such as
comes upon persons who are greatly frightened, in
distinction from acpwyfo, which means actual wmt
of speech. Cf. Schmidt, Synonymik, p. 108. Here
it seems to be used in the sense of consternation,
and the passage may be translated : on account
of a sudden panic caused by the enemy ; or more
freely : on account of a panic caused by the sudden
appearance of the enemy. The Vulgate renders :
" conterrltus est repentino adventu adversariorum ; "
the Syriac : '^quiafesfinanter htcnrrerunt in eum," ap-
parently having the reading &<pt^iv. Grotius and
Schleusner propose the reading icpoSelai' for acjia-
alav. De Wette suggests the translation " durch
pletzlichen, slum men Angriff," "through a sudden,
silent attack ; " as, also, Castellio : propter hostium
repentimnn tacitumque advevt^tim. But there is no
authority for using the Greek word concerned in
this sense.

Ver. 26. It was, doubtless, a copy of the treaty
that Alcimus carried to Bemetrius. Whether, as
a matter of fact, Nicanor had any such design as
that of making Judas the successor of Alcimus
in the high priest's office, cannot be determined.
Naturally, he had no thought of making him the
hinfs successor.

. Vers. 32, 33. " That Nicanor can speak as
here and in xv. 3-.5. or even assume anew com-
mand of the iroops directed against Jndoea, after
having experienced in himself in such a. fearful
manner, as he himself testifies (viii. 36), proofs uf
Jehovah's power, only such a writer as the present
one could think possible." Grimm.

Ver. 41. The doors, i. e., the inner doors in
distinction from the door of the court mentioned
just before. It is not easy to understand why
they should be set on fire. If they had broken in
the outer door they could also h-ave demolished

the inner ones in the same way, and it would have
saved, as it would seem, much trouble.

Ver. 42. Nobility. The nobility was that of
feeling, since nobility of birth was not recognized
among the Jews. The justification and laudation
of self murder, which here comes to liglit, is not
only anti-Jewi.sh, but has also been justly urged
by Protestant theologians as directly militating
against the cauonicity of the present book. To
this objection Roman Catholics have never been
able to make a satisfactory answer. The cases of
Saul and of Samson, sometimes cited as parallel,
are in quite another category.

Ver. 44. Into tlie midst of the vacant place,
Kara fxeaoy rhv K^veuva. The meaning given to
the substantive here, by our translators, was not
an unusual one in the later Greek, and it is evi-
dent from the context that it is correct. But the
word meant also, and commonly, that part of the
body between the ribs and the hips, and hence,
some have supposed that the meaning is that Razis
struck in falling, on his bowels. Luther translates
by loins. The Vulgate has : " venit per mediam
cervicem," apparently substituting avx^va for the
usual reading. The Syriac omits the word en-
tirely.

Vers. 45, 46. These statements are wholly,
incredible. There may, indeed, have been abasia
of fact, but it would not have gone beyond the
point of asserting that there was a person of this
name who, to escape from his would-be captors
made a fearful leap in which he found his death.
Of the lauded act of supposed heroism, which
Razis here performs, Grimm says most perti-
nently : " No true martyr for religious truth acts
in this way, but only a conceited and crazy hero
of the stage."

Chapter XV.

1 But Nicanor, hearing that Judas and his men ^ were in the strong places of
Samaria, resolved without any danger ^ to fall * upon them on the sabhath day.^

2 And when ^ the Jews that were compelled to go with him said, O destroy them '
not in any wise * so cruelly and barbarously, but give honor to that day, which by

3 him, that seeth all things, hath been before honored * with hGliness,'" the most
ungracious wretch inquired " if there were a ruler in heaven, ^^ that had com-

4 manded the sabbath day to be kept. And when they declared plainly, It is the
living Lord himself, as ruler in heaven,^^ who commanded the seventh day to be kept,

5 the other answered," And I am ruler on the ^* earth, and 1 command to take arms,
and to carry out ^^ the king's business. Yet he succeeded not in carrying out his

6 wicked plan. And while " ISficanor in exceeding pride and haughtiness had ^' deter-
mined to set up a public monument of his victory over Judas and them that were

7 with him, the Maccabee ^^ had ever sure confidence ^" that the Lord would help him.

8 And he exhorted those with him ^^ not to fear the coming of the heathen,^^ but to

Vers. 1-3. — 1 A. V. : compaDy. 2 about (nari, aJouf in. See Com.). « (Lit., with all semrity.) 'Bet.

» (Lit., tlir. day of the rest.) « Nevertheless. ' omits them (contained in t;he context), » omits in any wise.

» he . . . . hath honoured. "> above other days (the wfi, in comp., refers to time. Others render : " which hath been
honoured before by him, who in holiness rales over all things." Cf . Gen. ii. 3 ; Ex. xx. 8). Then. " demanded.

12 Mighty One (see ver. 29) in heaven (Others : " whether the ruler who had commanded to keep the Sabbath day was
in heaven." The king did not mean, apparently, to deny the existence of God, but only to inquire whether among
the gods of heaven there was one who had issued such a command).

Vers. 4-6. —« A. V. : said (iiro<fir)>/a(iEi'i»i'), There is in heaven a living Lord, and mighty. » then said the other

1= also am mighty upon. " do. " obtained not to have his wicked will done. So. " omits had (more lit,

tarrying high his neck with all vain boasting, had.)

' Vers. 7 8. i" A. V. ; But Maccabeus. ^ [JAt., who had eontinitaUy trusted mith all — i.s.,fuU — hope.)

" wherefore .... Mb people. " heathen against them.

612 THE APOCBYPHA.

remember the help which in former times they had received from heaven, and
now ^ to expect the victory and aid,'' which should come unto them from the Al-
9 mighty. And encouraging " them out of the law and the prophets, and withal put-
ting them in mind also of the contests that they had carried through,^ he made

10 tliem more ready.'^ And having stirred up their courage," he gave them their
charge, showing them therewithal the faithlessness ' of the heathen, and their '

11 breach of oaths. Thus ' he armed every one of them, not so much with confidence
in" shields and spears, as with the comfort of ■'^ good words ; and telling them be-
sides a " dream worthy to be believed, a kind of waking vision,'^ he rejoiced all.

12 And this was his "vision : Onias,'° who had been high priest, a virtuous and a good
man, modest in intercourse, gentle in manners,^" well spoken ^' also, and exercised
from a child in all the '* points '" of virtue, stretching forth his ^ hands prayed for

13 the whole body of the Jews. Hereupon,'^ in like manner there appeared a man
distinguished by gray hairs, and a majestic appearance ; but something wonderful

14 and exceedingly magnificent was the grandeur about him. And^^ Onias answered,
saying,^^ This is a lover of the brethren, who prayeth much for the people, and for

15 the holy city, to wit, Jeremias the prophet of God. And^* Jeremias stretching ^
forth his right hand delivered over ^^ to Judas a sword of gold, and in giving it spake

16 thus. Take this holy sword as '" a gift from God, with which ^' thou shalt wound the
adversaries.

17 And being encouraged by the very beautiful words of Judas, which also had
power ^ to stir them up to valor, and to inspire with manly courage the spirits of ^
young men, they determined not to pitch camp, but nobly ^^ to set upon them, and
manfully "^ to try the matter by conflict, because the city and the sanctuary ^ and the

18 temple were in danger. For the care ^^ that they took for ^ wives, and children, and
besides for brethren,'^ and kinsfolks, was in least account with them ; but the greatest

19 and principal fear was for the holy temple. And they also that had been left in the

20 city had no little anxiety, being troubled because of the conflict in open field.'' And
as already all awaited the issue at hand, and the enemy had already united their
forces, '' and the army been put '' in array, and the elephants fittingly *" placed, and

21 the horsemen set on the wings, the Maccabee " seeing the coming of the masses of
soldiers,""^ and the manifold equipment of weapons, and the fierceness of the ele-
phants,'" stretched out ]iis hands towards heaven, and called upon the Lord ''^ that
worketh wonders, knowing that the ^^ victory cometh not by arms, but even as it

Vers. 8, 9. — ^ tul vvv. The article is for emphasis, at once. Of. 1 Mace. Tii. 35. * Fritzsche omits Kal ^ariQeiav,

With III. 19. 23. 62. 6.5. 62. 64. 74. 93. 106. Co. " a. V. : so comlorting. * mind of the battles that they had

won afore. ^ cheerful (Trpo^ufxoTe'pous, eager, ready).

Vers. 10-12. — « A. V. : when he had .... minds. ' falsehood. " the (art. with the force of the personal

pronoun). ^ (6e.) i" so much with (ou — ws = ovx ovtms, 0)9. Wahl's Clavis, under a>s) defence of {lit., the security
of). ^^ with comfortable and. ^^ and besides that, he told the^n a. ^^ as if it had been so indeed (uirap ti = a

certain visible appearance in a state of waking. It is added to enhance the trustworthiness of the supposed revelation.
It was something more than an ocap, a hind of ijjrap. Codd. III. 23. 52. 74. 93., with Co., have virep Tt, which in
the sense of wore credible than anything, very trustworthy, would give a more natural meaning, and hence is less liltely
to be original). ^* {toutou refers not to Judas but to the dream. Lit., the beholding of this was as follows.}

It* That 0. ^'^ reverend in conversation, gentle in condition. ^t (Lit., bringing forward (his) speech with propriety,

TrpeTTOvTiiis.) ^s omits the. ^" (oiK^la, characteristics, demands.) 20 holding up 7ii5.

Vers. 13-16. — ^i a. V. : This done {eX6'). 22 ^vvith gray hairs, and exceeding glorious, who was of a wonderful and
excellent majesty (56^7) before 5ia<^e'povTa seems to refer here to the form, and VTrepoxT^i', which is distinguished from it
by 6e', to the halo of glory which surrounded it. The infin., etvat, is used in the sense of the imperfect. So Grimm,
who refers to Matthiae, § 499). Then. '^ {Lit., answering, said. See Com.) 24 "vyiiQreiipon, 2^ holding.

20 gave. 27 omits as. 28 the which.

Vers. 17-19. — 20 \_ y. : Thus being well comforted .... words of J., which were very good, and able. 30 encour-
age (Fritzsche receives enavSpiiiaat. from III. 19. 23. 44. 52. 55. 62. 74. Co., for inavopQiiiaai of the text. Tec. The
former might easily have been exchanged for the latter, on account of it being unusual in this sense) the hearts of the.
31 courageously. ^2 [p^fra TraoTj? evavfipias.) ^3 (^ci iiyia, and followed by to iep6v. Grimm, Keil, and others refer it
to the tlieocracy, sacred constitution of the state.) ^ (Fritz-sche striltes out ayuti', with III. 23. 62. 106. : 44. 74. Co.

Aid. have for it kLv^vvos.) ^^ for their. 3o and their children, tlteir brethren. tii ^\^q they that were in the city
took not the least care, being troubled for the conflict abroad.

Vers. 20, 21. — ^^ A. V. : now, when as all looked what should be the trial, and the enemies were already come near
{crypp-i^o-vrbiv ; III. 64. 93., ^Ypoa^l.L^dv^^l^v). ^0 was set. ^^ beasts conveniently. ^i in (Kara, with a distributive
force, on the two wint;s) wings, M.accabeu8. •*2 multitude (TrXTjfiwi', as frequently in the present book, for soldiers, with
the collateral idea of their being a multitude of them). ^ divers preparations of armour, .... beasts (see ver. 20).
" (Fritzsche strikes out toi/ KaTon-rrfv before Ku'piof, the same failing in III. 19. 23. 44. 62. 65. 62. 74. 93. 106. Co. Syr.
Vulg. If found in the original, there was no apparent ground for leaving them out). *5 o,ni[s the (Fritzsche Btrikes
out also vticT], as wanting in III. 23. 52. 55. 74. 106. Co. If omitted, rb Trpayfia, or i] Kpt'o-is, should be supplied).

2 MACCABEES. 613

22 seemeth good to him, he giveth the victory to the worthy.^ And in prayer he spoke
after '^ this manner : O Lord,^ thou didst send thine angel in the time of Ezekias
the * king of Judsea, and didst slay out of the camp of Sennacherim ^ an hundred

23 fourscore and five thousand. And now,° O Lord ' of heaven, send a good angel

24 before us for a fear and dread.' Through the might of thine arm let those be
stricken with terror, that come with blasphemy against thy holy people." And he
ended thus.^"

25 But " Nicanor and they that were with him came forward with trumpets and

26 songs.^'^ Judas, on the contrary,^^ and his men " encountered the enemy ^^ with in-

27 vocation and prayers. And while ^^ fighting with their hands, and praying unto
God with their hearts, they slew " no less than thirty and five thousand me?i, greatly

28 rejoicing at the interposition of God." But '' when the battle was done, and they
were returning ^° with joy, they discovered Nicanor who had fallen in his armor.

29 And there arose a ^^ shout and a tumult,^''' and they blessed the Lord ^ in their na-

30 tive ^* language. And he ^ who had been in all respects ^^ the chief defender of his
fellow citizens ^ with body and soul, who had kept his ^° love towards his country-
men all his life,^" commanded to strike off IMicanor's head, and his hand with his

31 arm,™ and bring them to Jerusalem. And having come there, and called his coun-
trymen ^^ together, and set the priests before the altar, he sent for them of the for-

32 tress,^'-* and showed them vile Nioanor's head, and the hand of that blasphemer, which

33 boastingly '^ he had stretched out against the holy temple of the Almighty. And
cutting "■* out the tongue of that ungodly Nicanor, he commanded that thei/ should
give it by pieces unto the birds,*^ and hang up the token of the punishment of his

34 foolishness "^ before the temple. And every man blessed *' towards the heaven the

35 interposing ^^ Lord, saying, Blessed be he that hath kept his own place undefiled. He
hung out ^^ also Nicanor's head from the fortress,'"' an evident and manifest sign

36 unto all of the help of the Lord. And they ordained all by means of a common
ordinance ^^ in no case to let that day pass without observance,*^ but to celebrate
the thirteenth dat/ of the twelfth month, which in the Syrian tongue is called Adar,
the day before Mardochaeus' day.*'

37 Since, now, it went thus ** with Nicanor, and from that time forth the Hebrews
had the city in their power, I also will here close the narrative.*^

38 And if I have done well, and as befitteth the book,*^ it is that which I also*' de-
sired ; but if slenderly and indifferently,** it is that which I could attain unto.

39 For as it is hurtful to drink wine, and so, too, on the other hand, water,*' alone,
but ^ as wine mingled with water is pleasant, and maketh the enjoyment delightful,

VerB. 21, 22. — 1 A. V. ; it to such as are worthy. 2 therefore in his prayer he said after, 3 (SeoTrora.)

4 omits the (as 44. 106.). ' slay (iveiAei-. Eritzsohe adopts this, for iveiAes of the text, rec., from III. 19. 44. 62.

62. 64. 74. 93. 106. Co. Aid.) in the host of Sennacherib.

Vers. 23, 24. — 0 A. V. : wherefore now also. ' {Swdara. Cf. vers. 3, 22.) 8 dread unto them (62. 64. 93. Aid.

add ttirTui') : and. » come against .... people (i/aoi-, 23. 52. 74.) to blaspheme. '° (Lit., urith these, 1. e.,

words).

Vers. 25-27. —"A. v.: Then. w (war songs. See Com.) 13 But J. "company. "« enemies,

le prayer. So that. " (Lit., laid low.) ^ for through the appearance (eTrit^apet'tf , as at xii. 22, xiv. 15, a Tisible

manifestation, interposition) of God they were greatly cheered.

Vers. 28-30. — >" A. V. : Now. 20 returning again. '^ knew that N. lay dead in his harness. Then they made a
great. ^ noise Irapax^i). ^ praising the Almighty (Svi'ia-niu. Cf. Ter. 23). « own 25 /^Uas (might have

been purposely omitted for the sake of emphasizing it the more). » was ever (kclS' S.ira,v). " the citizens.

" botlh in body and mind, and who continued Am. "« (Lit., who had kept the goodwill of his youth toward his country-
men.) 30 shoulder (cf . xii. 35).

Vers. 31-33. — ^i a. V. : So when he was there, and had called them of /iw nation. '' that were of the tower,

ss with proud brags he had. =» when he had cut. "•' fowls. =» reward cf his madness (see Com.).

Vers. 34-36. —=' A. V. : So ... . praised (cf. just below, and Ter. 29). 38 glorious (cf. 27). ™ hanged. «» head
upon the tower (Tritzsche adopts the reading irpoTon^K, from III. 23. 44. 71. 74. 106. Co., for iteifxiA.iji' of the text. rec.
That would be, head together with shotdder and breast). *i with a common decree. ^^ solemnity (djrapatnifiavToi',
unmarked, unnoticed). « (irpb (xiis jjjxepa! -rijs M. The cardinal number is used in the sense of the ordinal TrpiTOs.

Cf. Add. to Esth. i. 1 ; Matt, xxtiii. 1 ; Mark XTi. 2. It is sometimes regarded as a Uebraism, but occurs al.TO in
classieal writers. See Herod, iv. 161 ; Thucyd. iT. 115 ; also Cicero, Senec., v., " Vho et octogcsimo anno.'' Cf . Winer,
p. 248 J Buttmann, p. 29.)

Vers. 37-39. — *^ A. V. : Thus went it. ^^ And here will I make an end. *" and (omitted by III. 64. 74. 93.

Aid.) is fitting the story ((rvt/rafei. Grimm would supply V o Adyos, and take the adverbs as adjectives, and render
awra^ei in the sense of arrangement, with respect to the arrangement. But in the following Terse he renders it by
" boolt," which change of meaning seems unlikely). *' omits also. ** meanly (properly, mediocre, middling)

** hurtful (TToAe/xtoi', and might mean unpleasant) to drink wine or water. *<> and.

614

THE APOCRYPHA.

so also, the proper arrangement of the narrative delighteth the taste ^ of them that
read the book.° But here shall be the end.'

Ver. 39. — 1 A. V. : delightetli the taste : even so speech finely framed {tcj tta Karaa-Kev^^ tov Aoyov = the way of
arranging the narrative) delighteth the ears (aKoas, here spiritual perceptions , taste). 2 story. ^ And here

Ehall be an end (the fut. often stands for the imperative. Buttmann, p. *2&'J. Cod. 56. has the imperative).

Chapter XV.

Ver. 1. Places of Samaria. Cf. 3 Mace. i. 1.
According to 1 Mace. vii. 39 f. it was the border
region between Gophna and Bethhoron.

Ver. 5. We are not informed how Nicanor was
prevented from making the proposed attack on
Judas on the Sabbath.

Ver. 9. The law and the prophets, i. e., from
the Bible of that time.

Ver. 10. Gave (them their) charge, namely, to
put themselves in readiness for battle. — Breach
of oaths. This could not well refer to Demetrius,
■who was not bound by the treaties of Antiochus
v., since he did not regard him as the legitimate
sovereign. But it may have reference to the con-
duct of Antioclius V. himself (cf. 1 Mace. vi. 62),
and to other instances like that of Apolloniiis (v.
25 f.) and of the inhabitants of Joppa (xii. 5).

Ver. 12. Worthy to be believed. The ques-
tion would not be whether Judas lind really had
a dream of this kind, for no one of his men could
have doubted Ids words in this respect, hut simply
to tlie matter of its being a direct revelation from
God.

Ver. 1.3. In like manner, namely, with his
hands outstretched in prayer, like those of Onias.

Ver. 14. Answered. ■ The appearance itself
was what he answered. He gave an interpretation
of it. It is like the Hebrew n35, and always has
reference to some definite occasion, demanding a
reply. Cf. 1 Mace. ii. 17.

Ver. 14. Prayeth much. The representation
seems to be that the.se dead persons made suppli-
cations for the living. (Cf. Luke xvi. 27 f.) Such
was also the teaching of Philo as quoted by Grimm
{Com., in loc). Cf. also, Josephus (Antiq., i. 13,
§ 3), where he makes Abraham say to Isaac, as he
is on the point of sacrificing him, " He will receive
thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion,
and will place thee near to himself, and thou wilt
be to me a succorer, a supporter in my old age."
But it is to be remembered, (1) that the canonical
Scri|ilures give no support to such a doctrine.
The |iassage just referred to (Lukc.wi. 27), cannot
he justly adduced in its siipjjort, not only on the
ground of the figurative representation, but also on
that of the refusal of Abraham to give to Dives'
prayer any hearing. And (2) that here it has
only the support of what is acknowledged to be a
dream. And (3) that, at the most, it would be
taught, simply, that the pious dead pray for their
people, and the church in general, by no means,
as liomanists teach, that prayers are to be ad-
dressed to them in order to secure such supplica-
tion.

Ver. 25. Such war songs were common. Cf.
Tliucyd. (iv. 43) where it is said of the Corinthian
soldiery that tbey made an attack with a battle
song. A song \\as sung to Mars before the bat-
tle and 10 Apollo after it.

Ver. 31. Them of the fortress. But was the
fortre.is, at this time, in the possession of the Jews !
It would seem not. It did not come into their
possession until the year 171 of the Seleuciau era.

Keil thinks that it is not meant to be intimated
that the fortress was held at this time by the Jews,
since the persons spoken of are clearly distin-
guished from Toi/s iixoiBvfis. The antithesis, how-
ever, which he finds is by no means so clear.
Grotius supposes that some of the garrison were
present with reference to making peace, but to^j
could not well be taken in this sense.

Ver. 33. Ta 5e ^irlx^tpa. The original mean-
ing of this word is wages, pay, whether as reward
or punishment. Many commentators have falsely
taken it here in the sense of hand, which meaning
(or ratlier arm) the word has, indeed, in Hebraistic
Greek, but only in the singular number. Cf. the
LXX. at Jer. xlviii. 25. But the most common
meaning of the word in the plural is punishment.
Here it is plainly to be taken in the sense of siffn,
token of punishment. — Before the temple. The
word used for temjile is va6s, i. e., the proper temple
hiiiiding, in distinction from Up6v, the temple as a
whole. Grimm infers, therefore, that there must
have been, if this statement be true, a defiling of the
temple. Keil, however, argues that this is taking
the word va6s in a too limited sense, since there is
notlring in the context to make it necessary so to
use if, and it is often employed with the same mean-
ing as Upov. But the context does favor the view
of Grimm (see ver. 31 ), as well as the fact that the
writer was well acquainted, as the book shows,
with this distinction between the two words. It
is only an additional proof, however, that the
whole matter is a pure invention. Nothing is said
of it in the parallel account in 1 Mace. vii. 47.

Ver. 35. Here, too, it would appear as though
the fortress were in possession of the Jews. How,
otherwise, could they have hung the head of Ni-
canor out from (^k) it? And if it were not in
their possession, wliy should it have been hung
there at all, where the Syiian garrison could not
have seen it, since naturally, to hang it up before
the eyes of their enemies would be first thought
of?

Ver. 36. Mardochseus* day, 1. e., the day of
Mordecai, the -day which celebrated the deliver-
ance of the Jews through Mordecai.

Ver. 37. It could not be said with truth, that
the Jews remained undisturbed in possession of
Jerusalem from this time forth. Cf. Grimm, Ein-
leil., Tp. 19 f.

Ver. 38. The figure here employed is, to say
the least, somewhat extraordinary and will not
bear being pressed. If taken in its most natural
sense, it would furnish sufficient ground for con-
demning the low aim of the epitomist in his work.
Cf. ii. 26. Just how much he would have his
apology cover does not appear. But any apology,
above all an apology of tliissort, cannot ba thought
to harmonize with a proper view of inspiration. —
The last two verses of this chapter, according to
Cotton (p. 217), are wanting in Coveidale's English
translation (1535), in Matthews' (1537), Cranmer's
(1539), and in the various reprints of these works.
They first appear in English dress, as he suppose^
in the Genevan version of 1 560.

THE THIED BOOK OF MACCABEES.

INTRODUCTION.

The present book treats of events which antedate the proper Maccabaan history (reign of
Ptolemy Philopator, B. c. 221-204), and is entitled to its name only on the ground that its
contents have, in general, a similar bearing. That it was originally written in Greek there
can be no reasonable doubt. Its relatively few Hebraisms are wholly lexical (ii. 14, 15, 20;
V. 42; vi. 3, 15, 18), yet suffice to show that the author was a Jew. This would appear,
also, from the entire structure and spirit of the narrative. The language is quite similar in
style and coloring to that employed in 2 Maccabees, but still shows too many points of de-
cided difference to justify the theory of a common authorship. There is the same love for
rhetorical ornamentation (i. 16; iv. 3-8; v. 48); and similar expressions are used to set forth
similar ideas: such as the frequent employment of the word iirKpafeta to denote a special,
supernatural interposition of God, of T({)roj to indicate the temple at Jerusalem, and of iroi-
Ejo-floi, with an accusative of the verbal idea, instead of the simple verb itself. On the other
hand, the language of the present book shows no such affinity with the writings of Polybius
as does that of 2 Maccabees; does not so much abound in instances of alliteration, only two
examples of the sort being found (i. 23; vi. 11); but often outdoes 2 Maccabees in its forced
and obscure methods of expression (i. 9, 14, 17, 19; ii. 31; iii. 2, 4 ; iv. 5, 1 1 ; v. 17; vii. 6),
as well as in its not infrequent attempts at poetic flights (i. 18; ii. 19, 31 ; iii. 15 ; iv. 8; v.
26, 31, 47; vi. 4, 8, 20). In one instance, an actual quotation from some poetical work
seems to be made. There are, too, new words employed, or such as are but seldom found
elsewhere (i. 20, wemo-TpEVTuji ; ii. 28, Aaoypafla; ii. 29, TrpoffvirrfWea-eai; iv. 20, XV'I/'^"; V.
25, ifivxovKKeiirBai ; vi. 4, TrovrS^poxos ; vi. 20, un6<pptKo!^; while old words are sometimes used
in new significations (i. 3, Sidyeii' ; i. 5, x^'povofjiia ; iii. 14, a.iTp6TTri»Tos ; iv. 5, KaraxpSirflai ;
vii. 8, iirtarpecpeiD. Of. Com., and Grimm's Einleit., p. 215.

The common Greek text of the book has not infrequently been emended by Fritzsche in his
edition of the Apocrypha, in which cases he has trusted principally to the Codices, III. 23.
65. 74., and the Complutensian and Aldine editions of the LXX. The codices 44. and 71.
-he regards as less worthy of confidence, while lacking considerable portions of the text (the
former, ii. 5-8, 13-15; the latter, ii. 3-19; iii. 28, 30; v. 11-13; vi. 4-15, 25, 26, 34-36,
38-40; vii. 2). The remaining MSS. examined by him, 19. 62. 64. and 93., have a text
which has been considerably modified by corrections.

We have said that there is sufficient evidence in the book itself to prove that the author was
a Jew. From the same source it is clear, that his home was in Alexandria, that he was more
or less acquainted with the philosophical systems there current, and that he composed his work
not far from the beginning of the Christian era. That the writer was an Alexandrian shows
itself, not only in the matter of the work, but in its style: the rhetoricisms, the bombast, the
■straining for literary effect, and the peculiar moral observations and maxims that are woven
into the history. Gfrorer (Theil ii., p. 54 ff.) finds evidence of the influence of the Alexandrian
philosophy in some peculiarities of a prayer of the high priest (ii. 9 ff.). The thought here
that God needs nothing of an earthly character (J> tUv airivTuv inrpoaSeiis. Cf. Joseph., Antiq.,
viii. 4, § 3), yet out of love to Israel chose the temple for his dwelling-place, is one, as he

616 THE APOCRYPHA.

shows, that is very common in Philo. The divine glory (S6^a, ii. 14) is also, in his opinion,
sharply distinguished by our author from the divine Being himself. This glory was dis-
played especially in the temple at Jerusalem. It was a kind of effluence from God, which
■was according to the philosophical representations of Philo. This critic sees further marks
of such a philosophical influence at v. 8 (4Tvi(pdveia) and at vi. 18. Dahne (ii. 187 ff.; cf. ii.
63 ff.), while not laying so much stress as Gfrorer on the particulars mentioned, is still satis-
fied that the author was more or less governed by the philosophical views prevalent at the
Egyptian capital. He calls attention to the epithet applied by him to the Supreme Being.
It is generally /j-eytaTos (i. 9, 16 ; iv. 16; vii. 22), but sometimes v<f/i(rTos (vi. 2; vii. 9), which
as he supposes, is to be explained only on this supposition.

There is tolerably clear proof that some part of the original work has been lost. This
appears from the manner in which it opens (with Se), from a definite allusion at i. 2, where
a plot is referred to as though it were well known (riiv iiri^ovKr}"), but of which the book gives
us otherwise no information, and from a similar case at ii. 25, where boon companions of the
king are spoken of as having been " before mentioned" (npoawoSeSujixevuv') , when no such
mention has really been made. But it is not allowable from this circumstance to draw the
inference, as some have done (Dahne, ii. 187 f.), that the book is simply a fragment, since,
in other respects, it is, to all appearance, quite complete and has a well-rounded and fitting
conclusion. Jt is more reasonable to suppose with Grimm, who bases his opinion on the gen-
eral drift of the composition in other parts, that not more than what would amount to a sin-
gle chapter has been lost, and that from the beginning. This probably treated, as the allusions
referred to would seem to indicate, of the general condition of the Jews under the ancestors
of Ptolemy IV., and of such other well-known facts in that connection as would serve to
give to the composition the appearance of historical truth.

There can be no doubt that the writer meant to have his work pass for veritable history.
How far it is actually to be regarded as such, we will now consider. At least, his portraiture
of the character and times of Ptolemy IV. Philopator must be accepted as, in the main, cor-
rect. This king was the eldest son of Ptolemy Euergetes, and notorious for his sensuality
and effeminacy. He was engaged in almost constant wars with Antiochus the Great of
Syria (cf. Polyb., v. 34, xiv. 12). The occurrence of the great battle of Raphia (b. C. 217),
with a brief account of which our book opens, is sufficiently attested by profane authorities.
The Theodotus, mentioned at i. 2, is a historical character. According to Polybius (v. 40,
46, 61, 62) he was an .iEtolian who, after remaining for a time in the service of Philopator,
finally (B. c. 219) deserted him, and went over to Antiochus. And the fact that the Jews at
Alexandria celebrated, by the observance of a particular day, their deliverance from a danger
similar to the one here described (iv.-vii.), is confirmed by Josephus (Contra Apion, ii. 5).
Josephus, however, places the event under Ptolemy Physcon (b. c. 145-117), and assigns
quite a different reason for the proposed destruction of the Jews, it being, according to him,
because they had cooperated with the enemies of Physcon. " For this cause, then, it was
that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra's account ; nor would he disappoint the
trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress."

We may, perhaps, be helped to a decision of the question as to which, if either, of these
two authorities ought to be followed, Josephus or the author of 3 Maccabees, by considering
the historical trustworthiness of the latter in other respects. There is very little to be said
in its support. Most critics, in fact, assume as obvious and acknowledged the total incredi-
bility of most of the details of the narrative. The impossibility, for instance, of the supposi-
tion that such a multitude of persons were crowded at one time into the hippodrome at Alex-
andria; further, that so many would peacefully submit to be bound and dragged away from
their homes to the capital of Egypt in the manner described, without a shadow of resistance;
that it required forty days to write down even a part of the names of the captives, and that the
paper factories (xapT-rjpla, iv. 20; Wahl renders hy charta) gave out in their efforts to pro-
duce paper enough to be used for such transcription, is too evident to require anything more
than a simple mention. But the writer shows his untrustworthiness, also, in the fact that be
is not consistent with himself in different parts of the narrative. At iv. 18, for example,
unless something has been omitted from the te.-ct, there is an obvious want of harmony with
what has gone before, in the statement that it was found impossible to complete the reo-istra-
tion of the names, because the Jews were so scattered abroad throughout the land. It had
been previously represented that the Jews had been ah-eady assembled at Alexandria, and

THE THIRD BOOK OF MACCABEES. 617

that the registration took place there. Again, if, as the book states (iv. 20), paper enough
could not be produced for the simple purpose of recording the names of the victims, how was
It possib e to get chains enough to bind them " hand and foot " (v. 5) ; how was it possible
to feed them for such a length of time (y. 15), and especially, to provide means of the kind
described tor their festivities, which lasted through many days (vi. 30, 40, vii. 18) ? There
IS, moreover, evidently a false statement at v. 2, where the number of elephants used by
Ptolemy to destroy the Jews is said to have been five hundred, while the whole number em-
ployed in the battle of Raphia was only seventy-three, and all that were left by Ptolemy II.
Philadelphus, at the end of his reign, was but three hundred (Polyb., v. 79); also at vii. 2,
where Ptolemy is made to speak of himself and Us children, when, as a matter of fact, he
had no legitimate children at that time (b. c. 217-216); and in ver. 20 of the sime chapter,
in which It IS said that the Jews were preserved by " land, and sea, and river," while there
IS no evidence, at least in this book, that they were obliged to pass over any sea in going to
and from Alexandria. It can hardly be regarded as credible, further, that a priest should
act in the manner described in vi. 1, causing the elders and people around him to cease pray-
ing, that he, as their representative, may pray alone. And, finally, if such an event or series
of events as described in the present book really took place in the city of Alexandria at the
time supposed, how is it conceivable that no notice whatever should be taken of the fact by
other writers of that or a subsequent period ?

On these and other similar grounds, therefore, the present work must be looked upon as
one of the many of its kind which proceeded from the same great centre of philosophical and
religious thought, in which the facts of history are arbitrarily modified in order to subserve
a supposed moral purpose. On the pernicious principle that the end justifies the means,
historical facts indeed have, in the present case, been so displaced, and have received such a
false coloring, that they are facts no longer, and the great doctrine of the Divine Providence,
which the writer meant in this way to support and enforce, finds in his work, on the contrary,
an unspeakable incumbrance and clog. As Westcott (Smith's Bib. Did., under 3 Mace.)
well remarks : " In this respect the book offers an instructive contrast to the Book of Esther,
with which it is closely connected both in its purpose and in the general character of its inci-
dents. In both a terrible calamity is averted by faithful prayer; royal anger is changed to
royal favor, and the punishment designed for the innocent is directed to the guilty. But here
the likeness ends. The divine reserve, which is the peculiar characteristic of Esther, is ex-
changed in 3 Mace, for rhetorical exaggeration, and once again the words of inspiration stand
ennobled by the presence of their later counterpart."

But is there then, nothing that can be regarded as historical and actual lying at the basis
of the present narrative? That would be too much to say. The general character of
Ptolemy IV. is correctly delineated. The fact of the observance of a yearly festival (vi. 36,
vii. 19), and of the erection of a pillar and synagogue at Ptolemais in commemoration of
some event of this kind, need not be called in question, although, as Fritzsche observes
(Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v.), it had become a habit with the Jewish writers of this period to
connect a festival with every important event. But that the event which was the occasion
of these monuments took place under Ptolemy TV., as our writer asserts, or under Ptolemy
VI., as Eufiinus, through Josephus, reports, need not be accepted. There was, doubtless,
some tradition of this sort afloat, and in more than one form, namely, that some sovereign
had attempted to force his way into the temple at Jerusalem, and being hindered for some
cause or other, sought to wreak his vengeance on the Jews. The story of Heliodorus' ex-
perience, as recorded in 2 Maccabees, for instance, must have taken more than one form.
Possibly, however, it is based on some later event, as Ewald, Grimm, Vaihinger, and others,
conjecture, like that which occurred during the reign of Caligula, when the emperor at-
tempted to erect his statue in the temple at Jerusalem (cf. Joseph., Antiq., xviii. 8, § 2),
which, for political reasons, is here transferred to the time of Ptolemy IV. Stanley says
(iii. 248, note), that a similar story was told him by the Imam of the mosque of Hebron, of
still another Egyptian potentate who was struck down in like manner in attempting to enter
the shrine of Isaac. And with respect to otlier circumstances of the narrative, as, for ex-
ample, that of shutting up the Jews of Egypt in the hippodrome at Alexandria for destruc-
tion (iv. 11 if), it might have been suggested by a similar occurrence under Herod the Great.
While dying at Jericlio, he commanded that the first men of Judasa should be brought thither
and shut into the hippodrome. He then ordered Salome and her third husband, Alexas, to

618 THE APOCEYPHA.

have the prisoners, immediately after his death, cut in pieces by his body-guard, in order that
his dying day might not pass unlamented in Israel. So, too, Pontius Pilate at one time had a
large number of Jews inclosed in the hippodrome at Jerusalem for a like purpose, but finally
abandoned it on account of their steadfastness (see Scliiirer, Neutesi. ZeUgeschlchte, p. 253).
It may therefore be considered as probable that our author has made use of ceitain traditions
current in his time, to whiuli he has sought to give greater weight by connecting them with
adniilted histoiical facts, the same being, for prudential reasons, taken from the period of
Ptolemy IV. Philopator. To go further, and endeavor to fix, with Evvald (Gexchichte d,
Volk, Is., iv. 6, 11 ff.), Giimm, and others, the exact historical events which the author
meant to depict under this disguise, seems not to be justified by the very uncertain ground
upon which such an investigation must proceed. The only really important parallel, for in-
stance, which these critics find in our book with the times of Caligula — for a characteriza-
tion of whose acts, particularly his attempt to place a statue of himself in the temple, they
suppose it was written, ■ — is the fact that, according to Philo, the Roman governor withdrew
the rights of citizens from the .Tews at Alexandria.

If the theory of Ewald and Grimm respecting the occasion of the composition were to be
admitted, the matter of its date would not be so difficult to fix. It must in that case have been
written about the year A. D. 40. At all events the book must have had a late origin, either
shortly before, or shortly after, the beginning of the Christian era. If the events spoken of
as having taken place under Pontius Pilate and Herod had influence in shaping the contents
of the work, as we have supposed to be possible, then the latter period must, of course, be
fixed- upon, i. e., some time as late as a. d. 26. That the book was written subsequently to
2 Maccabees is clear from its position after it, although it treats of events that occurred earlier,
as is also true of 2 Maccabees with respect to 1 Maccabees. On the other hand, it cannot be
accepted as certain proof that it was not in existence at the time of Josephus, because he
gives quite another version of one of its fundamental statements. He might have done it
either because it was a really different event which he describes, or because the same tradi-
tion existed in different forms. But this is all that can be said with confidence on the matter
of the date of the composition.

Its own history as a literary work is, moreover, scarcely less obscure. Among the Jews it
was never regarded with any particular interest, and seems to have enjoyed with them no ex-
tensive circulation. By Christians, moreover, it is not noticed until a comparatively late
period. Three books of Maccabees— one MS. says four — are mentioned in the Apostolic
Canons as among the writings of tlie Old Testament " to be reverenced and held holy." (Cf.
Diet, of Christ. Antiq., s. v.). As we have noticed in the Introduction to 2 Maccabees, the
Coptic version of Can. Ixxxv. includes the books of Judith and Tobit in the Old Testament
canon, instead of 1, 2, and 3 Maccabees. Theodoret (t c. A. D. 457) quotes the present work
with respect {Ad Dan., xi. 7). According to Photius {Bih. Cod., 40), Philostorgius rejected it
on the very ground on which Theodoret of Antioch accepted it, namely, because of the sup-
posed miracles described in it. Theodoret regarded these miracles as a simple fulfillment of
predictions found at Dan. xi. 7. Three books of Maccabees are placed among the antile-
gomena in the so-called catalogue of Nicephorus (f A. D. 828), as also in the " Synopsis of
Athanasius," which, however, according to Credner (p. 220 ff.) did not originate before
about the tenth century. The latter speaks of MaKKa/Sai'/co; $L0\ta S' irToXe/jLa'iKd. The probable
reading, however, is koI irroXefiai'ica, our present book being so characterized on account of its
principal personage. In the Western and Alexandrian churches the work seems to have had
no circulation. 2SIo Latin writer makes mention of it, and it found accordingly no place in the
Vulgate. The Decretals of Gelasius (Pope, A. D. 492-596), which, however, in their present
form did not originate earlier than the sixth century (cf. Credner, p. 287), omits 3 Maccabees,
although mentioning the first two books of this name. The latter are placed at the end of the
Old Testament list in the following order: "Job liber 1, Tobias 1, Esther 1, Judith 1, Esdra
libri 2, Maccabceorum libri 2." The only ancient version of the book is the Syriac, and there is
other evidence that it enjoyed a wider circulation and greater respect in the church of Syria
than elsewhere. This is shown in the use made of it by Theodoret of Antioch, as before men-
tioned, the fact that it is found in the catalogue of Nicephorus, which, probably, also originated
in Antioch (Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 225; cf. Credner, p. 243), as also in the so-called list of
" Sixty Books," sometimes ascribed to Anastasius Sinaita, patriarch of Antioch, and gener-
ally to some Syrian source, although, perhaps, more likely having its origin in Asia Minor.

THE THIRD BOOK OF MACCABEES. 619

Fritzsche mentions, further, the fact (Einleit. in d. Buck Tobi, p. 18), that in the Noma-
canon Ecclesice Anlioch (a Bar-Hebrceo compositus, in A. Mai Script. Vett. Nova Collectio, x.
p. 53) three books of Maccabees are reckoned along with Judith and others among the " Holy
Books." In the Abyssinian church (cf. Herzog, Real-Encyk., i. 170), three books of Mac-
cabees are sometimes enumerated among the " forty-six " of the Old Testament. When this
was the case they were usually associated with the Books of Enoch, 2 Esdras, Jubilees, etc.
The work was first translated into Latin for the Complutensian Polyglot, afterwards, also,
by Flaminius Nobilius (as it appears in the London Polyglot), by Franz Junius (^Vet. Tesla-
mentl Biblia Sacra Lat. Vert., Tremellius et Franc. Junius,. Hanov., 1618), and by Andr. Osi-
ander (f 1617), in his edition of the Vulgate. Grimm also mentions ten different German ver-
sions: one by Leo Juda (in the Zilrich Bible), by Joachim Ciremberger (Wittenberg, 15.54),
that found in Wolder's Polyglot (Hamburg, 1596), one by John Piscator, in his edition of the
Bible published at Herborn, 1602-4, by Dan. Cramer (f 1637), whose translation appears in
several editions of Luther's Bible, that given in the so-called Berlenburger Bibel ; further, one
by Gryniius (Basel, 1776), by De Wette (1st ed. only), by Gaab (Tubingen, 1818), and by
Gutmann (Altona, 1841). A still better one than any of these in our judgment, as having
been made witlj critical reference to the latest works on the Apocrypha including Fritzsche
and Grimm's, is that found in Bunsen's Bibelwerk (3'° Theil, Die Apok. BUcher). According
to Cotton {Five Books, Inlrod., p. xx), the first English version of it was made by Walter
Lynne, 1550, the same being revised and appended to a folio edition of the Bible printed by
John Daye in the following year. In 1719 and 1727 a new translation was published by
Whiston in connection with his " Authentic Documents," and another by Clement Crutwell
in 1785. Cotton himself, also, made a version of it in 1832 for his above-mentioned work,
which we have used to some extent in connection with our own. We are unable to say
whence the English version of the book, found in Bagster's " Apocrypha Greek and English,"
originated. It is not so literal as that of Cotton, although sometimes surpassing it in appro-
priateness and elegance of diction.

THE THIED BOOK

OF THE

MAC CABEES.

Chaptek I.

1 And Philopator on learning from those who came back that Antioohus had suc-
ceeded in taking away the places of which he himself had formerly ' been master,
called out all his forces, both footmen ^ and horsemen, took with him also his sister
Arsinoe, broke camp and marched out as far as the parts about Raphia, where An-

2 tiochus and his forces had encamped. But one Theodotus, with the intention of
carrying out the plot, took with him the bravest of the armed men that had been
before put under his command by Ptolemy, and betook himself by night to the tenf

8 of Ptolemy, to kill him on his own responsibility, and so to end the war. But Dos-
itheus, called the son of Drimylus, by birth a Jew, but subsequently an apostate
from the laws and alienated from the faith of his fathers, had conveyed him away,
and made a certain obscure person lie down in his stead in the tent, whom it befell

4 to receive the punishment meant for the other. But when it came to a fierce battle
and matters were falling out rather in favor of Antiochus, Arsinoe went up and
down the ranks, and her hair disheveled, with wailing and tears, urgently ^ ex-
horted the soldiers to fight courageously both for themselves, and their children and

6 wives, and promised to give the victors two minas of gold apiece. And so it fell out
that their enemies were destroyed in hand-to-hand encounter, and many, also, were

6 taken prisoners. But having got the better of this design, he decided to proceed to

7 the neighboring cities and encourage them. And by doing this, and by making
donations to their temples, he inspired his subjects anew with confidence.

8 And when the Jews sent some of their council and of their elders to greet him
and present to him guest-gifts and congratulations over what had taken place, it

9 came to pass that he desired still more to visit them as soon as possible. But when
he arrived at Jerusalem, and had sacrificed to the greatest God, and offered thank-
offerings, and so had done, to some extent, that which befitted the place, he then

10 also entered the place itself, and was astounded at the care displayed, and the
beauty, and admired also the orderly arrangements of the temple, and conceived the

11 purpose of entering the sanctuary. And when they told him that it was not fitting
that this should take place, since it was allowed to none of their nation to enter,^ not
even to all the priests, but solely to him who was the leader of all, the higti priest,

12 and to him only once in a year, he would by no means give way.^ And though
they read the law to him he persisted in thrusting himself forward, saying, that he
must go in, and that if they had been deprived of this honor, I ^ ought not to be.

1 V&voii.ivriv ; Til. 55. 71. 74., ytvOfj.ivrtv.

2 Pritzsche strikes out airoZ after this word, witli III. 19. 23. B6. 62. al.
8 Otiiers connect the adverb witli eTnTropeuera/Li^i^.

< Codd. III. 28. 65. omit i^avai, 19. 62. 64. 93. Aid., eWieVai.

6 Eritzsche receives ii Se oi6an(is iTreiten from lU. 23. M. 55. Co. j text, rec, Mstum rifiarlhtTO iroiflwfloi.

• Alter i/ii, III. 23. 62. al. have ii ; text. rec. omits.

3 MACCABEES.

621

13 And he inquired for wliat reason none of those who were present forbade him,

14 when he entered the main temple. And lie was thoughtlessly answered by some

15 one, that it was ill of him to boast ^ of this. But since this had talicn place, he
said, be the reason what it might, why should he not enter tlie whole of it, wliether

16 with or without their consent ? And when the priests fell down in their sacred^
vestments and implored the greatest God to help in the present need,^ and to turn
away the violence of the impious aggressor, and filled the temple with cries and

17 tears, those who had been left behind in the city were scared, and bounded forth, un-

18 certain of the issue * of that which had taken place. The virgins also who had been
secluded in chambers rushed out with their mothers, and scattering ashes and dust

19 on their heads,*^ filled the streets with groans and sighs. And those, too, who had
wholly secluded themselves, forsaking the bridal chambers prepared for co-habita-
tion and the modesty that befitted them, went on a disorderly run through the city.

20 And the new-born babes were deserted by their mothers and nurses who were with
them, here and there, some in houses and some in the fields, without care ; and they

21 swarmed into the sublimest of temples. And various were the prayers offered up
by those who assembled " in this place, over what had been impiously undertaken

22 by that man. And along with them were the courageous ones among the citizens
who would not bear his insisting at all events, and his intention of carrying out his

23 purpose, but cried out that they should fly to arms, and die bravely on behalf of
the law of their fathers, and made a great uproar in the place, and only with dif-
ficulty were brought back by the reverend " and the aged to take their stations at the

24 same place of prayer. And the multitude kept on praying during this time as pre-

25 viously. But the elders, who were about the king, strove in various ways to divert

26 his frenzied mind from the plan which he had formed. But he recklessly put all
aside and was already setting out to come up, apparently to carry out that which

27 he had before spoken. And when, now, those who were about him saw this, they
gave themselves together with our people, to calling upon Him who has all power,
to aid in the present distress, and not to overlook this lawless and insolent behav-

28 ior. And so continuous and vehement was the cry of the assembled crowds, that

29 an indescribable noise arose. For, as it seemed, not the men only, but the very
walls and the whole floor cried out, since they all, in fact, preferred death then,
rather than that the place should be desecrated.

1 Jot TepaT€vea9ai, 19. 62. 6i. 93. Aid. Syr. have n-paTTeo-Sai. See Ctnn.

2 Fritzflche adopts Trdo-ats for ayi'ai?, from IIT. 23. 44. 65. 74. Aid.

8 Tj) kvtniiirg oi/ayitji ; III. 19. 23. 65. 62. 64. 93., roh ivtin^(7iv. Cf. Tcr. 27.

* Text, rec, aSTrjKoi/ rt^eVei'Oi, but Fritzsche follows Co., afiTjAdc Tl 9eljt.evot.

^ KofxBs, III. 23. al., for Ket^oAas of the text. rec.

" Fritzsche receives avWeyevruv from III. 23. 44. 55. 74. Co., for irvWeyofieviov of the common text. Grimm, on
the other hand, says it is a correction arising from the fact tliat the present was not understood. The number we*
continually increasing.

' Codd. 19. 55. 62. 64. 93. Aid., " priests."

Chaptek I.

Ver. 1. Philopator. This is Ptolemy IV., the
successor of Euerjietes. — From those who came
back. These were fn<;itive3, and it is likely,
Egyptian officials. — His sister Arsinoe. She
was also his wife, and bears different names in his-
tory. By I'olybius (v. 83,.3 ; xv. 25, 2) she is called
as here, .nnd so, too, on the Rosetta stone ; by
Livy (xxxvii. 4), Cleopatra; by Justinus (xxx. 1,
7), liarydicp. She w:is subsequently put to death
at the instigation of her hM»bai)d and his minis-
ters.— 'E^a>piJ.ria-e contains the Iwo ideas of break-
ing camp and niarchinfr. — Parts about Baphia.
This important place, on the coast of the Mediter-
ranean,south of liazii, and about midway between
that place and Rliinocolnra, is mentioned on one
of tlie historical tahlt^ts of Esarliaddon. Cf.
Tiunsactioii.'<,.iv., S6. The place,* about Hapliia, as
given by Polybins, are Tyr-c, Seleucia, Ptoleraai.s,
Abila.Gadara, IScythopolis, etc. — Had encamped.
The repieseutatiou seems to be tliat Aiitiochus

had already been in this place for a considerable
period, but according to Polybius (v. 80), the two
armies arrived at about the same time.

Ver. 2. Theodotus. He was by birth an ^to-
lian and bad chief command of the Egyptian forces
in Syria. He had at one time liecn quite succe.ssful
in his operatioiis against Antlochus III. (I'olyb.,
V. 40, 45, 61 ), but subsequently became disaffected
and desertetl to liim, carrying over with him the
important cities of I'tolemais and Tyre witli many
stores, and forty ships of war. — The plot. The
article here might indicate some definite plot of
which we should know more if we had that por-
tion of the work which seems to have been lost
from the beginning. It might, however, refer, to
the implied plan of Philopator to defeat Antiochus
at any price and by any means. See ver. 6. —
The bravest. According to Polybiusonly two. —
AteKofiCa-Bri. Cf. 2 Mace. iv. 5 j ix. 29, and the
present: book at iii. 20:

622

THE APOCETPHA.

Ver. 3. The account in Polybius (v. 81) is
different from the jirescut one and in some re-
Sjiccts coniradictoiy to it. Tlie fornier rclatis that
'I'heodotns Ivilled the roi/al p/ii/sician, Andreas, —
hy no means an obscure person, — and wounded
two 01 lie IS.

Vcr. 4. Polyhiiij, also, mentions the fact that
the foriunes of war iirst fnvored Antiochiis and
afterward.s I'tolemy, but is silent concerning these
appeals of Arsinoe during the battle. It is prob-
ably an exaggeration on the part of our author,
based on the fact that previous lo the battle Arsinoi:
united with her husliand in making an appeal to
the soldiers. (Cf. Polyb., v. 83, 3.) The promise
which slie is here said to have given, she coiild
not have been in cirtriniRtances to fulfill. The
army of Picdeniv consisted of 70,000 footmen and
5,000 hovsemcu.' (Polyb. v. 79, 2). If the Epyp-
tian mina is meant iis value was about equal to
eight ounces of gold, — In favor of Antiochus.
Ptolemy's left wing was, in fact, at first entirely
put to flight, and the inexperienced Aniiochus,
now too confident of final success, did not use suf-
ficient caution.

Ver. 5. Xeipoi'o/x£a. It means fii'st a moving of
the hands acvordin(j to ride, as in gesticulation, but
here, evidently, hand to hand encounter. The read-
ing of 19. 62. 93., x^'P''"' vofials, though evidently
a correction, is apt. Cf. 2 Mace. v. 14.

Ver. 7. Polybius blames the fickleness of the
people in thus transferring tamcl}- their allegiance
to the one who happened to be iu power, (v. 8,
11.)

Ver. 8. It would seem that Ptolemy had prc-
viotisly had the wisb to \isit Jerusalem.

Ver. 9. Kal rttif €|^y ri t^ toVw TToiTiffas. The
meaning of k^ijs as an adverb is, one after anotJter,
in order. Followed by Ttyi it means suitable to. I
give above the rendering adopted, in the main, hy
Grimm, Scbolz, and Wahl. Scholz : " And did
what of/iericise yet teas appropriate to the ploce.'^
There is, however, no word in the original to be
translated by otherwise yet. Grotius from conjec-
ture would render : " Qintmfecisset ea, quce i/isi in
illo loco facere fas ernt =^ quum Deum veneraius esset
in sulidiali geviiuni,'' reading Siv ^^fari instead of
rwf e|^s Ti. Cod. 64., with Aid., offers wy t^eo-Ti
■ri. It is not necessary to suppose that the king
was himself present at tlie .sacrifices. What fol-
lows seems to imply that he was not.

Ver. 10. Conceived the purpose, iyeBv/jL-iiBri
^ovK^iaaaQai. Literally, It came into his wind to
take the resolution. Wahl: "Hand procul alierat
animus a consilio (templum intrandi)." The " Holy
of Holies " is meant.

Ver. n. Once in tlie year, i. e., one daj' in
the year. He was obliged to go in more than
once in the discharge of his duties. Cf. Lev. xvi.
12-16.

Ver. 13. Main temple, irav Te'|U«'or, properly,
the whole temple, i. e., the temple as a whole, as

represented by outer courts as well as an inner
shrine. The purport of the question is. Why had
he not been hindered by tliose jjrescut from coin-
ini/ into the temple at all, if he were not to be allowed
to </o into every part of it. This rendering seems
to us to agree bist with the context. Bnt ii would
be po.ssiblo, with many commentators, to take ■nS.v
rt/xipos in the sense of '• all temples," i. e., heathen
temples.

Ver. 14. Ill of him to boast of this. The com-
mon text is KuKws aijrh tovto npaTeusadai. There
are many alterations and renderings suggested.
Scbleusner : " This had taken place improperly
and contrary to received custom." (Cf. reading iu
Tep:t. Notes,] Grimm's suggestion to read avT6y for
ain6 is least objectionable. The meaning would
then lie that it was not the right thing for him,
who had been allowed this piivilege, though a
heathen, to make it the ground of demanding
other, and unheard-of concessions.

Ver. 16. Greatest God. A very frequent
epithet of Jehovah in the present book. Cf. i. 9 ;
iii. 11; iv. 17; v. 25; vii. 22; and 2 Mace. iii.
36.

Ver. 17. Uncertain of the issue of that
which had taken place, ^.^riXSv ti Bffx^voi rb yi-
viixivov. They were in douLit what to think or to
do under the circumstances.

Ver. 18. The edXafios was a room in the back
part of the house, specially designed for the
mother and daughters. Cf. 2 Mace. iii. 19, where
a similar scene is described. — The use of the
word rfKovaa for mo i her is poetic.

Ver. 19. npocrapTiais. The word oprdcs, as an
adverb = (1) perfectlij, (2) just, newly, is here
strengthened by the pre|)osition. The word in
this form is uncommon, and is said by Grimm to
occur only here. Grotius would give to iaraK-
fx4pai the sense of clothed, modo vestem (nuptialem)
indutce. But most commentators follow Gaab in
giving it here the meaning of withdrawn, secluded,
which meaning is also well established. Cf.
Scbleusuer's Lex., also, Steph., Thesau., s. v.

Vcr. 21. The manifoldness of the prayer has
respect to the per.sons offering it.

Ver. 23. TpaxoTTis = roughness, imevenness. This
sense, however, is here not fitting. The adjective
rpaxos means also wild, angry, and from this the
ielea of uproar is easily derived. Cf. Homer, //.,
ii. 9.1, rerp'fix^t, and viii. 346, mpjixvio..

Ver. 25. 'Kyepoixov. Probably derived from
7epas and ix^^> ''■ '^■» ^ y^paoxos with a intensive.
Iti the later Greek, especially after Polybius, it
was used iu a bad sense, for pride, insolence.

Ver. 27. Tots ira-povatv. Some would trans-
late by those assembled, but it is an expression
found quite frequently in the classics iu the sense
of the present matters, emergency, need. See Herod.,
i. 10 ; vi. 100 ; Xen., Ariab., i. 3, 3. Cf. Liddell
and Scott's Lex., under Tripet/n.

Chapter II.

Then the high priest Simon bowing his knees over against the sanctuary, and
calmly spreading out his hands, uttered the following prayer :

0 Lord, Lord, King of the heavens, and Ruler of "the whole creation, holy among
the holy, sole Governor, almighty, give ear to us who are oppressed by a wicked
and profane man, pufied up with boldness and strength. For thou didst create all

3 MACCABEES. 623

things and art the Lord of the universe, a righteous ruler, and judgest those who

4 do anything in pride and insolence. Thou didst destroy in former times those wlio
did iniquity, among whom were also giants, who trusted in their strength and bold-

5 ness, bringing upon tliem a measureless flood. Thou didst burn up with fire and
brimstone the Sodomites, who practiced insolence and became notorious thiough

6 their iniquities, making them an example to after generations. Thou didst test "■
the defiance of Pharaoh, enslaver of thy people the holy Israel, with manifold and

7 numerous punishments, and caused thy great might to be recognized. And thou
rolledst the depths of the sea over him, as he pursued with chariots and with a mul-
titude of troops, but carriedst safely over those Vho put their trust in thee, the

8 Lord of the whole creation. And they, having seen together the works of thine

9 hands, praised thee, the Almighty. Thou, O King, who createdst the illimitable
and measureless earth, didst choose out this city and didst hallow ^ this place to thy
name, thou who hast need of nothing, and didst exceedingly glorify it by wonderful

10 manifestations, having founded it to the honor of thy great and glorious name. And
thou- didst indeed ' promise, out of love to the house of Israel, that should we fall
away, and distress come upon us, and we should come to this place and pray, thou

11, 12 wouldest hear our prayer. And, verily, thou art faithful and true. And since
thou liast often aided our fathers when hard pressed in their low estate, and de-

13 livered them out of great dangers,* behold now, verily, holy King, that we through
our many and great sins are borne down, and made subject to our enemies, and

14 have given out in weakness. And in our fallen state, this bold and profane man
seeks to do insult to this holy place, consecrated on earth to thy glorious name.

1.5 Thy dwelling-place, indeed, the heaven of heavens, is inapproachable to men. But

16 since it pleased thee '' to be glorified among thy people Israel, and thou hast sancti-

17 fied this place, punish us not through the uncleanness of these people, nor chastise
us through profaneness, lest the transgressors boast in their haughtiness, and exult

18 with their insolent tongue, and say. We have trampled upon the holy house, as the

19 houses of idols are trampled upon. Blot out our sins and do away with our offenses,

20 and shew forth thy compassion at this time. Let thy mercies quickly overtake Us,
and put praise in the mouth of those cast down and discouraged, giving us peace.

21 • Then God, who seeth all things, and is holiest above all "^ the holy, heard the

prayer which was according to the Law, and scoui'ged him who was greatly uplifted

22 with pride and boldness, shaking him to and fro as a reed is shaken by the wind, so
that he lay motionless upon the floor, and, besides, paralyzed in his limbs, and un-

23 able to utter a sound, being overtaken by a just retribution. "Wherefore his friends
and his body-guard,' beholding the sharp chastisement which had overtaken him,
fearing lest he might also die, speedily removed him, being stricken with exceed-

24 ing terror. But when, in course of time, he afterwards came to himself, his chas-
tisement in no wise brought him to repentance, but he departed uttering bitter
threatenings.

25 And having returned to Egypt he grew still worse in wickedness, and through
his before-mentioned boon companions and associates who had cut loose from all

26 that was right, he was not only held fast in innumerable debaucheries, but he also
went so far in his audacity that he scattered evil reports in those places, and many
of his friends who especially regarded the king's purpose also themselves followed

27 his will. And his purpose was to inflict a public stigma upon the Jewish nation.

28 On ' the tower by the palace he placed a tablet and engraved an inscription, that
entrance to their own temple was to be refused to all those who did not sacrifice ;

1 In the common text there is found after this word, rrfv cnjc (omitted by 74. Co.) hwaareiav (III., ^vvatitv) i<^' at?
*yvwpiiras. The words are evidently tautological, and, being omitted by 23., are rejected by Grimm, Fritziicbe, and
3ther.s.

' I'ritzsche adopts ^yiouras for iyiao-as, from III. 19. 23. 55. 62. 6i. 74. 93. Co. AJd.

» For Si| iiri, HI. .23. 64. 93. have Siiri. Cf. 2 Mace. vii. 37.

« Codd. III. 23. 55. 74., with Co., " evils."

^ Fritz.sche, following Grimm, adopts the participle eirSoK^o-as, for cvSoKTjtnxy of the t?.xt. ree.

^ Fritzsche adopts, in place of irp'o iramtov of the common text, n-poirarwp from III. 23. 55. 93. Syr., but it do«8 not
W well suit the context, and looks like a correction. Cf. ver. 2.

' The words aiiTov rax"cif naC, found after a-oifiaTo^v^aKes in the common text, are stricken out by tb.e best recent
sritics. They are wanting in III. 23. 44. 55. 71. 74. Co.

■ The Koi before ciri, Fcitzsche strikes out, with III. 23. 4A. &&. 74. Co.

624

THE APOCRYPHA.

and that all the Jews were to be registered among the common people, and reduced
to the condition of servants, and that those who resisted were to be forcibly seized

29 and put to death ; also, that such as were registered, were to be branded on their
persons with an ivy-leaf as a symbol of Dionysus, and that they were to be de-

30 gi-aded to the former limited rights. But that he might not appear as one who
hated them all, he wrote underneath, that if, on the other hand, any of them chose
to join those initiated into the mysteries, these should have equal rights with the
Alexandrians.

81 Some now, who were over a city, despising the approaches to the city of piety,
unhesitatingly gave in as thotigh they becaipe sharers in some great renown by

3? their prospective intercourse with the king. But the most stood firm in a noble
spirit, and did not apostatize from their religion ; and paying money that they might

3G live without fear, they sought to escape the registration. They were also in good
hope of obtaining relief, and detested those who had fallen away from them, both
judged them to be enemies of the nation and withheld from them common inter-
course and friendly services.

Chapteb n.

Ver. 1. Simon. Most probably Simon II., son
of Onias II., hish priest from B. c. 219-199. See
Fiitzsrhe in Sclienkel's Bib. Le.x., s. v. Cf. Eccliis.
1. 1 ff., and Jos., Antiq., xii. 4, § 10. — Over against
the holy place. This w.ts tlie custom of the
Jews in prayer, i. e., to turn the face toward the
temple mountMiu, if tliey were in its ueij^liborhood
(cf. 2 Chion. vi. 34; D.au. vi. 11), or towards the
temple itself wlien in the outer court of the same,
(Ps. V. 7; Ecclus. li. 14). — EuraKrois. Simon's
attitude and conduct .are represented as calm and
reverent in contr:ist with those of the excited mul-
titudes about him.

Ver. 2. Whole creation. Cf. Judith ix. 12.
— Holy among the holy. Others translate wit;h
apparently loss propriety, " Holif in the holies,"
(Cotton); '' H(-iliger im Heilifjthum '' (Grotius,
Gaab, Scholz). It seems to be simply a circumlo-
cution for Ail-holif.

Ver. 4. Allusiqns to these p;iants, offspring of
the supposed intermarria)j;e of angels with the
daughters of men, are very common in the A])0c-
ryphal and Psendepigraplial books. Cf. Book
of Enoch vii. 2; ix. 9 ; xv. 8 (Dillmann's ed.) ;
Book of Jubilees v. 7 ; Wisdom xiv. 6 ; Tobit vi.
14 ; Ecclus. xvi. 7 ; Baruch iii. 26.

Ver. 5. 'T7rep7jc/)a;'(a, insoUncc, contemptuous hear-
ing. Cf. Ezek. xvi. 49 in the LXX. for a similar
characterization of Sodom. See also, 2 Peter ii.
6.

Ver. 9. Illimitable. So called hyperbolicnlly,
with reference to the comparatively small space
occupied by Jerusalem. — TtS twc airdyTccv airpoff-
SeeT. So, too, at 2 Mace. xiv. .3.5 ; Acts xvii. 25.

Ver. 10. Promise. See 1 Kings viii. and ix.,
and 2 Chron. vi. and vii.

Ver. 11. Grimm would give to Stj here the
sense of in addition, referring to i. 9.

Ver. 14. Thy glorious name, ^.73? CP'.
Cf. Keb. ix. .5. Grimm remarks that it does not
mean " thij glorious name," but the name of God
as iin expression and epithet of his glorious being,
majesty. This idea of "being" is however con-
tained in the word " name," according to common
Bililicnl usage.

Ver. l.'i. Inapproachable. Cf. 1 Tim. vi. 16.
The thought is that while it w.as indeed impossible
for the king to commit a sacrilege on the actual
habitation of God, yet tlie latter had also chosen
the temple at Jerusalem as an abode.

Ver. 18. Trampled upon. Cf.Is. Ixiii. 18; Dan.
viii. 13. — Tuv wpotrox6"ri^<iTav, stumbling blocks,
abominations. It is frequently used iu the LXX.
as referring to idols. By an inadvertence the
writer here makes the Egyptians call the temple
at Jerusalem a " holy house " and the idol temples,
" al>ominations."

Ver. 20. Cf. Ps. Ixxix. 8, where the same ex-
pression occurs.

Ver. 23. Friends. The higher officers and
concillors of the king.

Ver. 24. 'O /i6Ta/ie\os, repentance. First used
in this sense by Thucydides (vii. 5.5).

Ver. 25. Since these friends have not before
been spoken of in the present book, as it now exists,
we have here additional evidence that something
has been lost from the iirst part of the original
work. — Debaucheries. Polybins and Strabo
also speak of the great licentiousness and de-
bauchery of this monarch.

Ver. 26. Friends. Cotton would make this
refer to the friends of the writer, {. e., .lews, but
it is far more likely that it refers to the courtiers
of Ptolemy.

Ver. 28. According to some (Grotins, Cotton,
De Wette), the words are to be so constrned as to
read : that none who did not sacrifice in their [the
Egyptian] temples should enter, i. e., enter the
palace of the king. But it seems better, both
grammatically and logically, to connect fU rh Uph
aifrwi/ directly with ftaifvai and to I'efer avruv to
the subject of Twy ixii ev6vTav. So Grimm, Bun-
sen's Bibelwerk, Gaab, Scholz, iind others. The
prohibition is given in general terms, that none
who did not sacrifice should enter their own tem-
ples. But as the Jews wei-e the only ones in Egvpt
who did not offer sacrifice in tlieir worship,' it
amounted to a command that the Jews should not
enter tlieir synagogues. — Registered among the
common people. There were three classes of
people in Alexandria: (1 ) Macedonians, who had
the fullest rights as founders of the city; (2) for-
eigners subject to them ; (3) native Egyptians.

Ver. 29. Such a branding in honor of a deity
was not uncommon in ancient times. Cf. Rev.
vii. 3 ; xiii. 16, 17. Bacchus was the familv deity
of the Ptolemies and Philopator himself is said to
have been branded with an ivy leaf.

_ Ver. 31. Over a city /. e., perhaps a commu-
nity w Alexandria. UiKis may be used in this

3 MACCABEES. 625

«ense. — City of piety, namely, the Jewish com-
munity. It was to be approached only by means
of the obsirvance of the Mosaic law. Otiicrs
(Cotton) translate: " Then yideed a few of those
who dwelt in the cili/, who hated the advances of the
religion of the citij," etc. He derives this meaning
of the word iiri$a.epa from its use by Josephus in
Antig., xi. 8, § 2. Urot^ius, Wahl, and others make

the citji of piety refer to Heaven, but this view is
not suppoited by the teachings of our book else-
where.

Ver. 32. Paying money. The officials were
probably bribed. It could not have been the king,
since he is represented as dis-atisfied with this re-
sult of his efforts to degrade the Jews. Cf. iii. 1,
also V. 1, et passim.

Chaptek III.

1

The impious king, on learning also of this, was so incensed as not only to be
very angry with the Jews of Alexandria, but also became a more bitter enemy to
those of the country, and commanded that they should all be speedily assembled in

2 one and the same place and be put to the worst of deaths. But while this was be-
ing carried out, a hostile report was circulated against the race, since men, who
agreed together for evil ends, had given occasion for the representation that they

3 were hindered from the observance of the laws. But the Jews maintained towards

4 their kings good will and unswerving loyalty ; yet, as they worshipped God and
governed themselves according to his law, they made a separation in certain things

5 and deviations,^ on which account they appeared odious to some persons. But
since they adorned their intercourse with one another with the good works of the

6 righteous, they had established themselves in the good opinion of all meti. This
character of the race for good works, however, which was spoken of by all, was

7 made of no account by the foreigners ; but they talked about their disagreement
with respect to worship and food, alleging that these men were kindly disposed and
loyal neither towards the king nor the rulers, but were hostile and very much op-

8 posed to the public weal ; and they covered them with unusual reproach. And this
unexpected uproar and unforeseen concourse of people, concerning those who had in
no wise wronged them, was not unobserved by the Greeks who lived in the city ;
but to aid them was not in their power, for the condition of things was imperious ;
but they admonished, and were out of humor and believed that these things would

9 change. For a people of such importance, that has done no harm, will not be thus

10 overlooked.^ And already, also, some of their neighbors and friends and business as-
sociates had taken certain of them secretly aside, given them the assurance of sup-

11 port, and that they would do the very utmost to help them. The Icing, now become
arrogant through the momentarily favorable turn of affairs, and considering not the
power of the great God, but, on the contrary, assuming that he would remain of
the same purpose, unchangeably, wrote the following letter respecting them :

12 King Ptolemy Philopator, to the generals and soldiers in Egypt, that is, in every

13 place, health and happiness ! And I myself also am well, and our affairs in good

14 condition. Since our Asiatic campaign, about which you yourselves also * are in-
formed, which by the aid of the gods, not lightly given,* was brought to a sucoess-

15 ful issue according to expectation,* we resolved, not by force of arms, but with gen-
tleness and great humanity to care for the nations inhabiting Cocle-Syrb and Phoe-

16 nicia, and to be their willing benefactor. And, having bestowed large donations
upon the temples in the several cities, we jjroceeded also unto Jerusalem, and went

17 up to honor the temple of these wretches, who never cease from their folly. And,
in appearance, they hailed our coming with gladness, but, in fact, hypocritically,
since, when we wished to enter into their sanctuary and to honor it with excellent

1 Ttxt. rec, ijroCovv inC Tivbiv KaX KaraerTpoifKis, following, apparently, the Codd. 44. 71. 74. For the last word,
Fritasohe adopts Kara, ra'i rpo^as from 19. 23. 62. 64., and ejrl rots from 93., writing the whole, lirolovv ini rots <c. t. t.
See Com.

2 Fritzsche, Grimm, and others adopt the reading of 19. 23. 44. 55. 64. 71. 93., irapopadria-eadaij for irapopa.Or\a-eTax of
the text. rec.

3 I follow Fritzsche and Grimm, who adopt the text of III. 23. 44. 55. 62. 74. 93. Co,, which leave ont after koI aiiroi,
irpo? rjfmi .... Kal Tfl TjiieTepif Sd pitip.'Q and aptaiov after reAo$. It has the appearance of a correction, made in the
Way of explanation.

* 'An-poirrwT^. Grotius suggests, as au emeadation, airpodmy, unexpected^ which is less suitable to the context
40

626

THE APOCRYPHA.

19

21

18 and most beautiful offerings, they, impelled by their old conceit, forbade our en-
trance, while we did not exercise our power on account of the good will which we
cherish toward all men. But they made evident their hostility towards us, as being
the only one among the nations to carry high the head agiTinst kings and their own

20 benefactors, and are unwilling to bear anything that is proper. But we, having
made allowance for the folly of these people, and having returned victorious to
Egypt,^ have met all nations with good will, and acted as was fitting. And, in
accordance with this, we announced to all their countr3men that we had forgotten
the wrong suffered, and on account of their assistance in war and the very many
public trusts which from the beginning had been committed in confidence to them,
we would venture to introduce a change : we would also bestow upon them the
rights of citizens of Alexandria, and make them sharers in the perpetual religious

22 rites.^ But they took it in a contrary spirit, and out of innate wickedness, spurn-

23 ing the good and perpetually inclined to the evil, have not only rejected the price-
less honor of citizenship, but, also, have shoM'n, eitlier by word or silence,' their
detestation of the few among tliem properly disposed toward us, always having in
view, that by continuing in their unworthy conduct we should be moved, speedily,

24 to recall our just measures. Therefore, both because we are convinced by clear
proofs that these people are every way ill-disposed towards us, and as a measure of
precaution if, in future, possibly a sudden disorder arose, against having these im-

25 pious beings as traitors and cruel enemies at our backs, we have given order that as
soon as this letter reaches you, the very same hour, the persons indicated,^ together
with wives and children, under abuse and torments, bound hand and foot with iron
chains, be delivered to us for cruel and ignominious death, such as befits those hos-

26 tilely disposed. For, when once these have been punished, in our opinion we shall
have established the affairs of our state for the future in perfect security and in the

27 best order. But whoever shall shiehl one of the Jews, from an old man to a child
or suckling, shall he put to death with his whole house, under the most ignomini-

28 ous tortures. But he wlio is willing to inform against them, in addition to the
propei ty of him upon whom the punishment falls shall also receive two thousand
silver drachmas from the royal treasury, and be both set free and have a crown.^
But every place where a concealed Jew shall by any means be caught shall be made
impassable, and be consumed by fire, and be seen to be useless to every mortal for-
ever.

And such were the form and contents of the letter.

29

30

1 The KaC, before eis ttji/ AtyuTrroc, is omitted by 62. 64. 93. Grimm, Gaab, and otliers, also, strike it out as sense-
less.

2 Fritzsche and Grimm adopt, with Crotius, Uputv, for iepe'wc of the Codd.

3 For (Tiyjj, 19. G2. 64. 93. Aid. write epy<ii, but obriously because the other word was not understood.

* Codd. 91. 62. 64. 93., with Aid., have evoTijuati/ofieVovs (cf. t. 47), and Fritzsche follows Grimm, therefore, in adopt-
ing ev(re(n)/Aa/jjueVov?, for the difficult ei-fe/io^eVous of the common text.
c Codd. m. 23. 55. 74., with Co. and Aid., omit rev'^eTat Kai. Cf. Com.

Chapter III.

Ver. 1. The distinction between country and
city is also made elsewhere in the present book.
Cf. iv. 11.

Ver. 2. The Jews are represented as hostile to
the be^t interests of the state. The persons who
make tbi.s representation are not apostate Jews, as
some have .supijosed, but Macedonian courtiers
and otheis who seek thereby to win the favor of
the kiiii^.

Ver. 4. We h.Tve translated this verse accord-
m^ to thi3 received text. Fritzsche's proposetl
clianije, liowcver, bused on llie Syriac and a few
MISS, {r-l obfificaii(nil'disciliuht(lci!>uriliii)y'* ciikI pr((c-
iict'd disliticUons in. Ike mciUir of food ^'^ lias much
in its favor. Urolins would read airoirrpoifias, rr-
jectioiis, for KaTa(rTpo(pds. Cf. on the opinions held
among the ancients respecting the peculiarities of
the Jews, ])iod. Sic, Ecloj., U. x.\xiv. and xl., and
'J'acitus, ifist., v. 2..

Ver. 5. Cf. Col. iv. 5 ; 1 Tliess. iv. 12.

Ver. 6. The foreigners, ;. e., the Macedoni-
ans above referred to who had made the com-
plaint.

Ver. 7. See the similar charge of Haman in
Esth. iii. 8; also. Add. to Esth. of/ /oc. ; cf. also, Jos.,
Aniiq., xvi. 6, § 8.

Ver. 8. The Greeks. The nobler cultivated
class, in distinction from the '■ foreigners " (ctAAti-
<;>uAoi) els •whore spoken of. — The condition of
things was imperious, /. c, public s.'iitiuient was
against them. Cotton translates Siit^eiris by " /Ac
coiislltiilloii ofyoi-eriiinent." Schleusner by "edict."
/Jiiniiii eiiim end edictnm de .liidms ii'iddicaCuiii.
I iiesiiHf.f.'i. V. — Aua(p6pciis eTxoi', were out of humor
(with iho state of things). Others trausbite, ivere
soriij, which meaning the words will also bear.

Ver. U. Assuming that he would remain of
the same purpose. The reference is to the ca-
lamity that came npon hiin by which he forgot
liU own previous commands.

3 MACCABEES.

627

Ver. 12. In all places, kotA riirop. The pre-
fects of the different districts seem to be meant.

Ver. 16. Bestowed large donations. Others
translate with less propriety : run de frequent visits,
takinji' irpdaoSos, however, in it.s primary sense.

Ver. 18. Old conceit, ritpois .... TraAaio-
Tepois. The comparKtive in the sense of too old,
i. e., antiqitatfd, obsolete.

Ver. 20. ^vfjL7r€pi€i/exS^i^Tes. The word means,
first, to 110 about witk an// one, tlien, to accommodate
one's self to another's foibles. The sti'ic Zeno held
this for a duty [Diocj. Laert., vii. 13, 18). It means
in the present pa^saj^e much the same as our word
foihmr. Of. Ecclus. x.'lv. 1, yw?) fcal h.v)]p iav-
To7s (TVfnripi<pip6fi.^voi.

Ver. 21. Many pubUo trusts. In some in-
stances Jews had been jjlaced over );arrisons.
They had collected taxes also, exchanjjed money,
provided weapons and provisions for the Egyptian
armies. — Would venture. It cost the king
something— ^ or he would have it so appear — to
go on trusting the Jews after what had hap-
pened in Jerusalem. — 'Upay is undoubtedly the
true reading and we have translated accordini;ly.
The religion meant is the wor,ship of Hacchus.
Of. ii. 29. The Jewish religicm the kiug regarded
as one wliich was now to be rooted out.

Ver. 2.3. 2i7^. Grotius explains : ne sermone
quidem eos diijnantes ut vefurios.

Ver. 24. Tapaxrjt, disorder. It may refer to
any disorder in the state, such as was likely to oc-
cur under a government like that of this king.

Ver. 25. We have adopted in the translation
the reading ^i/o-ecrji^uo/t/neVouj, those indicated, spoken

of, i. e., the Jews. Schleusner would retain tovs
inffioiievov! with the meaning : t/iose dwelling
anions you, which view is also ado])ted hy Cotton.
Gaab, on the oiher hand, would give the word the
meaning, persistinr/ in opposition. Grotius coujec-
tured that ihe original readiug was avup-ovnivous,
qui lei/i parere nolnnt. But none of these views
are without grave etymological or grammatical
objections. The word ariiialyai, however, in the
sense here supposed, occurs el--Bwhere in the pres-
ent book (v. 47), and has important support in
the MSS. and .seems favored also by the Syriac,
scrifitos in ea (epislofa). — TldvroBev KaTaKSKKeifT-
(xfvovs. Lit., secured from everi/ side. We have
translated idiomatically, bound hand and foot.

Ver. 28. According to the common reading,
T^r ^Kevdepias Tculerai ical tTTecpavntdnfferat, the
translation would be, " shall be set free and be
crowned." But it wonld be implied thereby that
none but slaves would give information of this
kind. Hence, as the above-mentioned MSS. leave
out the words Teii^erai Kai and the sentence as
thus emended would be without .sense, Grotius
has proposed to change to toIs i\ev6spioLS tTTe(pa'
i/oidricrerai, i. e., shall be crowned at the Eleutherian
festival, whieh gives a good meaning and is ac-
cepted also by Giiinm, Fritzsche, and other crit-
ics. The festival mentioned was one celebrated in
honor of Bacchu*.

Ver. 29. "A/Saros, impassable. The same is
said of the temple at ver. 43. The word is some-
times used in a figurative sense for uncontami-
naled.

Chapter IV.

1 EvERTWHEKE, now, where this decree came, a festival at the public expense was
instituted, with slioutings and joy by the heathen, since the long before deeply

2 seated inward hostility would now break forth ^ freely and openly. But among the
Jews there was incessant^ mourning and pitiful outcries with tears, their hearts be-
ing inflamed on all sides with sighs, as they bewailed the unexpected destruction to

3 which they had been suddenly adjudged. What nome, or city, or what place at all
inhabited, or what streets were there, which were not filled on their account with

4 wailing and lamentation ? For they were sent forth, one and all, by the command-
ers in the several cities, with such cruelty ^ and so pitiless a spirit, that on account
of the exceptional punishments even some of their enemies, having the common mis-
ery before their eyes and reflecting on the uncertain issue of our life, shed tears over

5 their wretched * expulsiou. For there was led along a multitude of old men, adorned
with gray hair, who, because of a forced, shameless driving forward, were obliged

6 to urge their slow feet, crippled by age, into a sharp run. Young women, also,
who had but just withdrawn themselves to the enjoyment of wedded life in the
bridal chamber, heard, instead of joy, lamentations, and driven forth, unveiled, their
anointed locks defiled with dust, joined together in wailing, instead of in songs of

7 praise, since they were convulsed with pain through heathenish abuse. And being
bound before all eyes, they were forcibly dragged along, till they were thrown into

1 I read, with Grimm and Fritzsche, vvv iK(jiaLi.vaiilvyi';, irom III. 19. 23. 55. 62. 71. 74. 93. Co. ; text, rec, cTimc(l>aif.
tieeCom,

2 rritzsohe adopts from 23., by a second hand, 44. 65. 74. Co., oAvjktoi/ (III. 71., oXcktoi'), for av^ieiirroi' of the text,
rec.

' Codd. III. 19. 55. 64. 71. 74. 93., with Aid., have jiucpCas, for Trucpat, and III. 74. Aid. leave out the koC immediately
following.
« Codd. III. 28. 65. 62. 64. have SvrMKuiv, Instead of rpttraex^ov, and Eritzsohe adopts it. See Com.

628

THE APOCRYPHA.

8 the ship. Their husbands, too, wearing halters instead of garlands about their
necks, in the bloom and ^ freshness of youth, spent the remaining days of their
nuptials in tears instead of feasting and youthful relaxation, as seeing Hades already

9 lying before their feet. And they were carried off like wild beasts, confined with
iron chains. Some were bound by their necks to the benches of the rowers of the

10 ships ; while others had their feet bound fast with unyielding fetters ; and they
were, besides, shut out from the light,^ the thick deck lying above them, so that, en-
veloped in total darkness, they experienced the treatment of traitors during the
whole voyage down.

11 When, now, tliey had been brought to the so-called Schedia and the voyage was
ended as it had been decreed by the king, he ordered that they should be put into
the hippodrome near the city, a place of vast extent, and well suited to the purpose
of making them a gazing-stock to all those who went by into the city, and to those
who from thence made journeys into the country, so that they might neither have
intercourse with his troops, nor be honored at all with the protection of walls.

12 And when this had taken place, and he heard that their fellow countrymen went

13 often, secretly, out of the city to bewail the shameful wretchedness of thefr brethren,
he was enraged, and commanded that they also should be treated in exactly the same
manner as the others, so that they should be in no respect behind them in punish-

14 ment, and to enroll the entire race, name byname, not for the laborious, wearisome
service * before briefly mentioned, but to torture them with the threatened pains and,

15 finally, to destroy them in one day. The registration of these persons, now, took
place with embittered zeal and ambitious assiduity from sunrise to sunset, and came

16 unfinished to its end at the expiration of forty days. And the king, filled with
great and continuous joy, instituted feasts in the temples of all the idols and, in his
mind widely astray from the truth, praised with profane mouth the deaf things
which could neither speak to, nor help them ; while against the greatest God he

17 spoke what was not seemly. But after the lapse of the before-mentioned period the
registrars reported to the king that they could no longer continue the registration of

18 the Jews because their number was countless, although the most of them were yet
scattered in the country, some still together in houses, but others, also, in separate
places, so that it was an impossible undertaking for all the commanders who were

19 over Egj-pt. But after he bad treated tliem very harshly, as though they bad
taken bribes to devise this pretext, it came to pass that he was fully convinced on

20 this point, when they adduced as proof that already even the paper manufactory,

21 and the reed pens which they used, had given out. But this was the working of
the invincible Providence, which helped the Jews from heaven.

1 The Ktti ia omitted by III. 55. 74. Co. Aid. LiteraUy, the phrase would now be : "In the midst of a fresh and
youthful age."

2 In tlie common text the words to <lteyyo<; aTroKAeioVevot are found after SiaKetfitvio, but Fritzscho rejects them on the
authority of III. 19. 23. 55. 62. 74. 93. Co. Aid. and, apparently, the Syriac. Grimm would retain them on the ground
that the expres.sion is too peculiar to have been introduced, " zur Motivirung von iravTodev eaKOTcir^ei'ot." The word
awoKKetoiJ.. would be followed, as hero used, by the accus. of the thing and the dative of the person, instead of the
accus. of the person and the dative of the thing. Wahl renders the words ttvkvw .... aLiT0K\et6ij.ev., denso inter ipsos
et liberum aerem inlerjncente tecto a ccdi adspectu sedusi.

* Fritzsche receives oii/c eis t^v from III. 55. for ou Yap t^v of the text. rec. Codd. 62. 64. 74. 93., also, leave out yap.

CnAPTEE IV.

Ver. 1. Atj^otcA'^s {Srj/xos ra t€A7i), i. e., what
mi;jht be done at tlie public expen.se. — Tlpoxa-
TeirKipliwii4vj}s = coverpcl ivith a callus, Jicirdened
heJbrdnnHl , and metaphorically, invelerale. —
A?Vould now break forth. There is scarcely any
doutit that cGi/ iK(paivo}x4vf]^ is the true readings,
not only on tlie i; round of MS. authority, but ahso
of the antithesis in which the sentence stands with
whiit precedes.

Ver. 2. Heart being inflamed. The more
common exjiression tor the same idea would now
be, u-ouiuled, iriislied.

Ver. 3. NojutJs. nome. This was the name ap-
plied to the districts in Egypt ruled by prefects.
Cf. 1 Mace. x. 30.

Ver. 4. 'E^aWos, quite different, and since the
time of Polybius, ertnioi-dinart/, in both a good
and a bad sense. Cf. the LXX. at 2 Sam. vi. 14.
David is spoken of as ivSeSuxiiis cttoAV e^aWoi/.

— Having the oommon misery. The idea is
that ihey were led to reflect on the uncertainties
and niiseiies of life in general. The most ]ironiis-
in;; begiimiug mi^ht have the most miserable end.

— Tov Qi6u Ka.Ta(TTpo(priv, t/ie turn of life, i. e., its
end. Cf. Ecclus. ix. H. It might, however, refer
to its ordinary changes and vicissitudes. — TpitriB-
Kiav, tlireefold (ocry) un/iappij. Cf. 2 Mace. viii.
34, rpL(Ta\LT'i]pios.

Ver. 5. Urge, /taToxpwAif'""'' The word ordi-
narily meiips, to iiiake an abnormal, ovil use of ant/

3 MACCABEES.

629

thing, but here, as it would seem, 1o use heyond
sinn</l!i, 1. e., urge, force.

Ver. 6. 'AhKoi6vf<n. This word, which we
have traushited by heathenish, has much the same
iiieaniiig as c^dWots in ver. 4. 'J'he idea of sonie-
thing stran(/e,exlraordmari/, outlandish, is contained
in it.

Ver. 7. Ti irXotov. The article is used as indi-
cating, perhaps, that the sliip was especially de-
signed for their reception.

Ver. 8. 'ZvC^yi'is. Lit., _yot^//oi(js,'poetical for
hishands or wives. Hero the connection shows
that it means the former.

Ver. 9. WvKv^ (ravtSdfiart. This was the deck
of the ship.

Ver. 1 1 . Sehedia. By some held to be a place
of that name mentioned by Strabo, from twelve
to fiftpen miles from Alexandria. But the present
Scliedia seems to have been in the immediate
neighborhood of the city. — Hippodrome. It lay,
accordinj; to Strabo, on the east side of Alexan-
dria. — Intercourse with his troops. He might
fear that they would be bribed by the Jews, par-
ticularly his hired troops.

Vers. 12, 13. It is here implied that, up to this
time, nothing had been done against the Jews in
Alexandria. But, according to iii. 1, tliose of tlie
city had been also included in the king's plans
for vengeance. And it is natural too, to suppose
that they would have been the first to feel his
wrath.

Ver. 14. Laborious, wearisome service. More
lit., the wearying service of the worlcs {rwv ipycav),
namely, through works, coming by worfc. Of. ii.
2S.

Ver. 1.5. 'Eirl 7]fj.epas TetrtraptiKovTa. Some
translate falsely, after forty days. Others give the
preposition the .sense of during. The position of
the words, as Grimm has shown, requires that they
should be joined witli the phrase, came unjinished
to an end. They indicate, as in Mark xv. 1, Luke
X. 3.T, Acts iii. 1, the time towards which, about
which tlie thing liappened. The number forty, as
is well known, was regarded as a sacred number.
Cf. 2 Maec. v. 2.

Ver. 16. 'Eirl rwv fiSdhuv, by the idols, which,
of course, would be in their temples.

Ver. 18. Others, also, in separate places.
They had no settled abode, but were wandering
about. Giotinsiiays; "In silvis et latibulis." 'I'he
seuse is not quite clear. According to the pre-
vious representation, it would a|)pear that all the
Jews had been gathered into the hippodrome at
Alexandria and they were to be registered. But
now it is stated that the majority are still scattered
about in the country. The difBculty, moreover,
in the latter case, was to find them, not to register
them on account of their being so numerous. It
is possible that something has been lost from the
text. If not, the writer either did not know what
he wished to communicate, or has written it in a
very careless and blind way.

Ver. 20. XapTripU. Used by Wahl in the sense
of xdpTris, paper, but more properly rendered by
Grotius and others paper manufactory. The idea
is that these paper-mills were no longer in condi-
tion to furnish the needed material. The king, it
must be confessed, was very easily satisfied. Ac-
cording to Philo, the whole number of Jews in
Egypt was a million. But if they had been a
great deal more numerous, the siarements of our
author must still be regarded as incredible and
absurd. There was not paper enough to serve for
recording the names of the Jews ; but there were
chains enough to bind them (v. 5) and but little
time was required to do it. And Grimm well
asks: "If paper enough could not be prndi,ced
to serve for registering simply the names of each
one of the immense multitude, whence came the
food necessary to feed the unfortunates dui-ing
forty days (ver. 15), whence the wine with which
they were refreshed for seven d.ays after their de-
liverance (vi. 30), wlience the means for the four-
teen days festival (vi. 40), whence the means, which
the king provided in such fullness, for the journey
home, that they were able, on the way, to institute
a driuking feast that lasted seven days (vii. 18) %
The historian seems to have no presentiment of
the extraordinary contradictions in which he has
involved himself."

Chapter V.

1 Then he called to him Hermon, who had charge of the elephants, and being full

2 of fierce anger and rage, quite immovable, he commanded, that against the coming
day, all the elephants, five hundred in number, should be made drunk with many
handfuls of frankincense and large quantities of unmixed wine, and that, having
been maddened by a copious supply of the drink, they should be led in to settle

3 the fate of the Jews. He, now, having given this order turned to the banquet, where
he assembled his best friends and those of the army who behaved most hatefully

4 towards the Jews. Now the commander of the elephants ^ fulfilled his commission

5 promptly. And the servants, appointed for the purpose, went out towards evening
and bound the hands of the poor wretches and in all else took precautions with re-
spect to their being kept secure for the night, supposing that total destruction would

6 overtake the whole race. But the Jews, who seemed to the heathen to be destitute
of any protection, because they were irresistibly environed with chains on every

7 side, all invoked, with an unceasing cry and tears, the Almighty Lord, who has

8 power over all power, their merciful God and Father, praying that he would avert

' The common text has 'Epfjiui/ after ipapoTio!. Cod. 44. omits toth words. Codd. 19. 62. 64. 93., with Syr., have
dpapoTus TO TrpoffTo-yeF 71^'EppMvi trvvertKeu, but Cf. vers. 2, 10, 23. and Com.

630 THE APOCRYPHA.

the wicked plot against them and rescue them, by extraordinary manifestations,
9 from the fate already at hand. Continuously, now, rose their supplication to

10 Heaven. But Hernion, having suffered the merciless elephants to drink themselves
full of wine and stuff themselves with frankincense, went in the early morning to

11 the palace to make a report of it to the king. Now the gift, delightful from the
beginning of the world, by day and night sent from him who shows favor to all to

12 whom he himself will, a portion of sleep he sent to the king, and by a sleep, sweet
and deep, was he detained through the working of the Lord, so that he was greatly

13 disappointed in his unrighteous purpose and in his fixed plan mightily deceived. But
the Jews, having escaped the previously designated hour, praised tlieir holy God,
and again besought him, who is easy to be reconciled, to show the might of his ex-

14 ceedingly powerful hand to the arrogant heathen. And when the tenth hour was
already nearly half gone, and he who had the care of the invitations saw the guests

15 assembled, he went up and shook the king. And, having with difficulty awakened
him, he informed him that the time for the feast was already passed, and made a

16 report concerning the matter. The king considering this, and betaking himself to
the banquet, commanded that those who had come to the feast should recline over

17 against him. And when this liad taken place, he encouraged them to give them-
selves to feasting and, since they were highly honored in sharing in the present'

18 feast, to yield themselves to revelry. But as the entertainment went on, the king
had Hermon called and inquired, with fierce threatening, for what reason the Jews

19 had been permitted to outlive that day. And when he showed that, during the

20 night, he had carried out the order, and when his friends, also, testified to it, he,
who outdid even Phalaris in cruelty, said, that they had his sleep of that day to
thank. But without delay, get ready the elephants in like manner against the

21 break of day to-morrow, for the destruction of the godless Jews. And when the
king had said this, all who were present, with one accord, gave glad assent with

22 acclamations of joy and departed each to his own house. And the night-time they
spent less in sleep than in devising every.sort of indignity for these apparently poor
wretches.

23 And no sooner had the cock announced the dawn than Hermon drove the armed

24 beasts in the great colonnade. The multitudes throughout the city, also, swarmed

25 together to this most pitiable spectacle, eagerly awaiting the break of day. But
the Jews, since only a moment yet remained for them to live, stretched their hands,
amidst many tears, towards heaven, and besought in mournful strains the great God

2G again to help them speedily. And the rays of the sun were not yet shed abroad and
the king was receiving his friends, when Hermon, standing by him, summoned them

27 to set out, announcing, that the wish of the king had been attended to. But when he
became aware of it, and was astonished at the unusual setting out, in ignorance of
the entire proceeding, he inquired what the thing was on whose account this had

28 been so zealously brought to pass by him. But this was the working of the God,
who ruleth all things, who had made him oblivious of that which he had previously

29 devised. But Hermon and all the friends declared. The beasts and the troops are

30 ready according to thy particular command, O king ! ^ But he, filled with fierce
rage at these words, since with reference to these matters, through the Providence
of God his sense had been entirely taken away, looked hard at him and addressed
him in threatening language :

31 If thy ^ parents or children were here, they should furnish for the beasts this rich
repast, instead of the innocent Jews who have been perfectly loyal to me and my

32 ancestors in unswerving fidelity. And, indeed, but for our early friendship and

33 your fidelity in office, your life should have gone for theirs. So Hermon met with
an unexpected and dangerous menace and was cast down, as appeared in look and

34 mien. And as one friend after the other stole off with shadowed brows, they dis-

35 missed also the assembled multitudes, every one about his business. But when the

• For TO Trapiv, 23. C2. 64. 93. offer to ^ropcupov. See Com.

' Cod. 64. has a long addition after this verse, but as its contents are in direct conflict with the context it is ob
viously a later addition.
2 Eritzsche receives oo-oi, in place of el o-oi of the text, rec, from IIL 23. 44. al

3 MACCABEES. 631

Jews heard of what had taken place with the king they praised the interposing God
and King of kings, having received also this help from him.

36 But the king again had the feast prepared after the same ^ manner and summoned

37 the guests to give themselves up to merriment. And he hud Hermou called, and
said to him, menacingly, How often, thou worst of wretches, must one give thee

38 orders about tlie same thing? Arm the elephants now also again, against to-mor-

39 row, for the destruction of tlie Jews. But the higher officials who were at table

40 with him, amazed at his unstable mind, expressed themselves as follows, O king,
how long dost thou make trial of us, as though we were without sense, since already
for the third time, thou orderest their destruction and dost again recall thy orders

41 through a change of purpose, before the matter is executed. On this account the
city is excited with expectation and filled with sedition, and often, already, has been

42 in danger of being plundered. The king, in all respects like Phalaris, was hereby
filled with unreasonableness, and making no account of his change of purpose re-
specting the deliverance of the Jews, which his mind had undergone, swore an un-
recallable, though wholly vain oath, determining to send them without delay to

43 Hades, tortured by the knees and feet of beasts; and he would invade with an army
Judaea, and through fire and sword quickly level it with the ground ; and their
sanctuary, not opened to us, at once destroy from the foundations with fire, and ^

44 the place where they offer sacrifice lay waste for all time. Then the friends and
higher officials joyfully and confidently withdrew and disposed the troops in the

45 most appropriate places of the city for guarding it. And the master of the ele-
phants, having brought the beasts into a state of frenzy, so to speak, by means of
potions of perfumed wine mixed with frankincense, and fitted them out with fright-

46 ful instruments, towards morning, while the city in the direction of the hippodrome
was already filled with countless multitudes, entered the palace and urged the king

47 to the matter in hand. And he, his godless mind filled with sore wrath, rushed
forth accompanied by the whole mass, with the beasts, resolved to gaze with an
unyielding heart and eager eyes on the painful and wretched destruction of those

48 before-mentioned. But the Jews, on seeing the clouds of dust made by the ele-
phants passing out at the gate and by the armed force that followed, as well as the

49 multitude that accompanied them, and hearing the tumultuous noise, thought that
this was the last moment of life for them, the end of their woeful anticipation, and
gave themselves up to lamentation and groans, tenderly kissed one another, em-
braced their relatives, falling on their necks, fathers on those of their sons, mothers
of their daughters, while others held new-born children to their breasts, drawing

50 the last milk. But, nevertheless, considering also the former deliverances which
had come to them from heaven, they prostrated themselves with one accord and
removing the infants from the breasts, cried out with a very great cry, beseeching
the Lord of all power through a manifestation of himself to show them mercy, who
stood already at the gates of Hades.

1 I follow III. 19. 55., Tov? avTovsy the common text haTiog toutous tous.

2 Fritzsche, with III. 23. 44. 55. 74. Co. Aid., omita this connective. Codd. III. 55. 74., with Co., omit also the fol-
lowing epij/xov, which mig-ht give the sense that he would light the torch for destroying the temple, from the fire at
the altar. Both the order of words and the thought are against the genuineness of the text in this form.

Chapter V.

Ver. 2. Against the oomiDg day. "tn6, like ! expression is extremely artificial, and a good spee-
the Latin sub with the accusative of time, means imen of our author's striving for mere effect.

close u/ion, towards. Cf. Acts v. 21. — Five hun-
dred in number. The number is doubtless ex
aRserated. Ptolemy II. Fhiladelphiis had but

Ver. 4. Theie is little doubt tliat the word
" Heimon '' should be left out, as a gloss. The
reading of the Syriac, with Cod. 19., and others,

three hundred at the end of hi.^ reiyn, while Ptol-| whiidi distin;;iiishes Hermou fi-om the commander
emy I'hilop^itor hiid bnt feventy-thne in the bat-io'f the elephants, must be regarded as simply an
tie of Kapliia. — Having been maddened. The effort to justify the presence of the former word
siimulutiiig effects of frankincense are spoken of in the text.

fiL-o by ITiny and Dioscoiides. When given in too
large doses it produced temporary madness. Ac-
cording to ver. 43 this drug was dissolved and
mixed with wine. — To settle the fate, irphs au-
vivTr^aiv toC fi.6pov. Lit., to meet the fate. The

Ver. 5. Bound the hands. According to iii. 25,
they had already been bound " hand and foot." At
iv. 9, on the contrary nothing is said of tlie hands
being bound. But it is scarcely credible that up
to this time the hands had been left free, since

632

THj: APOCBTPHA.

they would have been able, in that case, to release
themselves from tlieir coiiliuement eutirely. — At
night, ifvvxov. To place a comma before this
word, jis is done iu the common text, is to intro-
duce confusion into the narrative. It must then
be trauslnted, That lotal destriiclion would overtake
the race at night, while the destruction had been
planned for the following day.

Ver. 7. Merciful God and Father. The title
" Father " is also given to God in Tob. xiii. 4 ;
Wisdom xi. 10.

Ver. 8. Extraordinary manifestations. Some-
thing supernatural is meant. Cf. 2 Mace. ii. 21.

Ver. U. Some would connect the words 4v
yvKri, etc., with KaX6y (Gaab, Scholz), but it is
better to join them to 4Tn$aK\6fxevoi', not beautiful
hy ni(/ht and dat/, but sent by night and day, Gro-
tius, on the other hand, followed by Cotton, would
connect oiilji 4v vvktI with Ka\6v, while joining
^juepa with the following verb, good in the night, but
now sent in the day. But this would be to ignore
the fact, that the two words are connected by Kal,
and should have same construction.

Ver. 14. The tenth hour. The Babylonian
way of reckoning time is here referred to. The
tenth hour would be our fourth in the afternoon.
The king had slept until this time, and as it was
now the appointed hour for his principal daily
meal, it was not to be expected that the slaughter
of the Jews would take place until another day.

Ver. 15. Already past. The usual hour for
the meal was three o'clock. — Concerning the
matter, irepl tovtwv. Groiius thinks the guests
are referred to. Others su|>pose that the matter
of the destruction of the Jews is especially meant.
But it is probable that as this particular person
had only the matter of feast in charge, it was con-
cerning the feast in geneial that he made this re-
jiort.

Ver. 17. Th iraphl^ rris (rvfiTTOtrias ettI noXij yepat-
pofi€i>ovs €is fiMppoavt^Tiy Karad^irdai fiepos. Gaab
would translate : Jo regard the present feast, by
which they trere natch honored, as [in the line of) a
pleasure. But it seems better to join fx^pos di-
rectly with rh TTap6v, the present sharing (in the
feast), or sharing in the present (feast). Meanwhile,
the reading irdpMpov (out of season, late), for Trap6f,
has cousideraliie support, which would give the
sense, that althongh they had a share at so late an
hour, in the feast, they siiould not let that inter-
fere with their mL'rriment.

Ver. 20. Phalaris. He was a tyrant of Agri-
gent iu the 6tli century before Cbri-'t. His harsh-
ness was proverbial. Cicero (Ad Alt., vii. 12j
uses the epithet (paKapiiTp.6s. Cf. also, Polyb.,
xii. 2.T.

Ver. 23. The great colonnade. Some partic-
ular and formerly well-known place in Alexan-
dria, .as is prohahle, but it is now unknown.

Ver. 28. vSoincthing siinihir is related of the
Komau emperor, Claudius. His wife, Messalina,
having been murdered by him, he asked shortly
afterwards, why she did not appear at table ; oth-
er.s, aUo, whom he had condemned to death, he
mis-ed and inquired for on the following day.

Ver. 31 . It is noticed by Cotton, th.at this speeuh
cf Ptolemy could, iviih a little emendation, be put

into trimeter Iambics. Ewald thinks it may be
a reminiscence from some dramatist. ^^

Ver. 39. :ivyy€vu^. Here not " relatives, as
usually translated, but the higher officials at court.

Ver. 40. AicwfLpi^siv. Used instead of the
usual Siaireipav. It is found, elsewhere, only m
Jos., Antiq., XV. 4, § 2.

Ver. 41. The reading oxAe'Toi for ox^" seema
to be required. The latter makes no sense. —
Sedition. The revolutionary character of the
Alexandrian people in ancient times is well
known.

Ver. 42. 'Eirio-nro?rV Tuv 'lou^aioov, deliverance
of the Jeios. The word belongs only to Biblical
and ecclesiastical Greek. It signifies, first, over-
sight, investigation (generally on the part of God,
Ecclus. xvi.' IS; Wisd. iii. 'l3) as ground for fur-
ther treatment, which corresponds to what ia
found to be one's deserts. — By the knees. Thf se
words have given some difficulty. But Cotton re-
marks that " each word has an intended and dis-
tinct meaning ; and that the author was acquainted
with the habits of the animals which he is describ-
ing. Bochart {Hierozoic., i., p. 261), commenting
on this passage, mentions that it was customary
with elephants trained for war to use both their
knees and feet for treading down and crushing
their enemies and refers to Elian's History of Ajii-

mats (viii. 10) for confirmation of bis remark

And Hirtius {De Bella Africano, § 72) relating the
bravery of a soldier who was attacked by an ele-
phant uses the following words : ' Quum elephantus
vulnere ictus — in lixam inermem impetum fecisset,
eumque sub pede subditum, deinde genu innixus pon-
dere suo — prenieret et enecarei.' " '

Ver. 43. Level it with the ground, ). e., its
dwellings. — And their sanctuary not opened
to us, Kal rhif &3aTi}v avTUf T]fj.1v va6v. The
writer here changes to the direct address. Gaab,
and some others, would make " us " refer to the
writer, including the Jews in general, who were
not permitted to enter the va6v, i. e., the " holy of
holies." But it seems better to understand it as
ineaning the king.

Ver. 44. Confidently. They were confident
that now, at last, the order for the destruction of
the Jews would be really executed. — Appropri-
ate places of the city. It is likely that the
streets and passages leading to the hippodrome
are referred to.

Ver. 45. Frightful instruments. These were,
probably, instruments made of iron, or steel, which
were ^stened to different parts of the bodies of
the aniinals, in order to render them still more
formidable than they would be in their natural
state.

Ver. 47. Uavrl t$ $dpei. Some would trans-
late, by the entire army. But in that case some ad-
ditional word as too (TTparov might have been ex-
pected. Others render with still less propriety,
6// the ivhole iveight of his indignation. Again,
Cotton gives the words the impossible meaning,
by all his retinue. The true meaning seems to
be, by the whole mass, i. e., of elephauts, soldiers,
and citizens, the elephants as forming the most
noticeable and imposing part, being especially
mentioned.

3 MACCABEES. 633

Chapter VI.

1 And one Eleazer, a man eminent among the priests of the conntry, who had
already attained to great age and whose life was adorned with every virtue, bade
the elders around him cease calling on the holy God, and prayed himself in this

2 manner : O wide-ruling king, most high, almighty God, who dost govern the whole

3 creation in mercy, look, 0 Father, upon the seed of Abraham, the children of the
sanctified Jacob, the people that is thy sanctified portion, who as strangers unjustly

4 perish in a strange land. Thou didst destroy Pharaoh, once ruler of this very
Egypt, rich in chariots of war, who was lifted up with lawless impudence and a
boastful tongue, drowning liim, together with his insolent army, in the sea, and so

5 caused a light of mercy to appear for the race of Israel. Thou,' Lord, didst break
in pieces Sennacherim, mighty king of Assyria, who, proud of his innumerable
forces, had already with the spear subdued the whole land and lifted up himself
against thy holy city speaking mighty words, in boasting and impudence, and didst

6 show forth thy might to many nations. Thou didst deliver in Babylon, unhurt
even to a hair, the three companions, who voluntarily gave their lives to the fire,
rather than serve the vain things^ shedding a dew upon the glowing furnace, while

7 turning the flame against all their adversaries. Thou didst restore Daniel unhurt
to the light, when through envious calumnies he was thrown, as a prey for beasts,

8 to the lions underground. And thou, O Father, didst suffer Jonah to be seen by
all his own again, unharmed, who was about to perish, without mercy, in the belly

9 of a monster bred in the deep. And now, thou, who dost hate insolence, who art
abundant in mercy, Protector of the universe, manifest thyself quickly to them of

10 Israel's race, who are insolently treated by abominable, lawless heathen. And if
our life, in consequence of our sojourn in a strange land, has become ensnared in
ungodliness, yet deliver us from the hand of the enemy, though thou destroy us, O

11 Lord, by such death as thou mayest choose. Let not the vain-minded bless their
idols over the destruction of thy beloved, while they say, Even their God did not de-

] 2 liver them. But do thou, O eternal One, who hast all strength and all dominion, now
behold ! Pity us, who, by the senseless insolence of the lawless, are to be deprived

13 of ^ life like traitors. And make the heathen afraid to-day, through thy invincible
power, 0 thou revered One, using thy power for the salvation of the race of Jacob.

14 The whole company of children, with their parents, make supplication to thee with

15 tears. Show to all the heathen that thou, 0 Lord, art with us, and hast not turned
away thy face from us ; but, as thou hast said that thou wouldest overlook them,
not even when they were in the land of their enemies, so fulfill it, O Lord.

,6 Now, just as Eleazer had ended his prayer, the king came up to the hippodrome

.7 with the beasts and the whole tumultuous force. And the Jews, on seeing it, cried

aloud to heaven, so that, since also the adjacent valleys echoed back the cry, it

18 awakened in the whole army an unconi roll able lamentation. Then the most glo-
rious, almiehty, and true God showed his holy countenance, and opened the gates of
heaven, from which two angels, glorious and terrible, descended, in the sight of all

19 except the Jews ; and they confronted them and filled the hostile army with confu-
sion and dread, and bound them with immovable fetters. And the person of the
king, also, was struck through with horror, and oblivion took the place of his angry

21 defiance. And the beasts turned upon the armed forces that followed, and trod upon

22 them, and destroyed them. And the king's wrath was changed to lamentation and

23 tears over that which he had before devised. For on hearing the cry and seeing all
plunged in destruction he, weeping with rage, violently threatened his friends, and

24 said. You have usurped to yourselves kingly power and exceeded tyrants in cruelty,
and even me, your benefactor, you are endeavoring already to deprive of authority

25 and life, by secretly devising measures injurious to the kingdom. Who has fool-
ishly collected together here, removing every one from their homes, all these peo-

1 Fritzsche receives ov before SeV^ora from III. 23. 55. 74. Co. Aid., which is omitted iu the common text. It might
have fallen out in consequence of the fact that the preceding syllable 18 ,T.i.

5 Codd. III. 19. 44 55. 62. 64. V4. 93., with Co. Aid. have (leeio-rafiEVous, for f).eBu7riaio)i.cvovi of the text, rec, and it a
»lopted by Fritzsobe

634

THE APOCRYPHA.

26 pie, who loyally defended the fortresses of our country ? Who has so utterly
given lip to vvitked abuse those, who, from the first, have surpassed in every re-
spect all nations in their good will towards us, and have often undergone the great-

27 est perils possible to men ? Loose, loose entirely the unjust bonds ! Let them go
in peace to their homes, while asking forgiveness for what has been already done.

28 Set free the sons of the almighty, heavenly, living God, who from the time of our
forefathers until now, has vouchsafed to our affairs uninterrupted prosperity and

29 glory. So then he spoke ; and they, being in a moment released, blessed God,
their holy Deliverer, having just escaped death.

30 Thereupon the king returned to the city, summoned to his presence the minister of
finance, and commanded him to provide for the Jews as well wine as everything else
that might be needful for a feast of seven days, having determined that in the very
place where they expected to meet their destruction, they should celebrate, with

31 all joy, their deliverance. Then they who were before the most despised and were
near to Hades, or rather, had entered into it, instead of suffering a-bitter and pain-
ful death, celebrated a festival of deliverance and, full of joy, divided the place pre-

32 pared for their fall and burial, among themselves as space for banqueting. And they
ceased from their doleful strain of lamentation and took up a song of their father-
land, and praised the wonder-working God, their Saviour ; all groaning and wailing

33 they put away and instituted dances in token of peaceful joy. And in like manner,
also, the king assembled for this reason a great number of guests to his table, and
made solemn acknowledgments unceasingly to heaven for the wonderful deliverance

34 which had come to himself. And they who before had supposed they would be de-
stroyed and be a prey for birds, and,^ with joy, had registered them, groaned aloud,
and were covered with shame respecting themselves, and their boldness which had

35 raged like fire, was ingloriously quenched. The Jews, however, as we have already
said, having instituted the before-mentioned dance, spent their time in banqueting,

36 amidst joyful thanksgiving and psalms. And they made a public ordinance touch-
ing these matters and decreed for all the time of their sojourn among strangers
from generation to generation, that the before-mentioned days should be celebrated
as days of festivity, not for the sake of drinking and feasting, but because of the

37 deliverance that had come to them through God. And they applied to the king

38 with the request, that they might be dismissed to their homes. The registering
now, was going on from the twenty-fifth of Pachon to the fourth of Elpiphi, during
forty days ; and their destruction determined upon, from the fifth to the seventh of

39 Epiphi, during three days ; in which, also, the Ruler of all gloriously manifested

40 his mercy and delivered them one and all unhurt. And they feasted, being jJro-
vided with everything by the king, until the fourteenth day and then made request

41 for their dismissal. And the king praised them, and vifrote for them to all the
commanders in the cities the letter subjoined, setting forth in a generous manner
his serious purpose.

* This connectiye is not found in the text. Tec, but is received by Pritzsche from III. 55. 62. 74. Co. Aid.

Chapter VI.

Ver. 1. Eleazer. Grimm, with others, sup-
poses that this name was selected with reference
to the Eleazer of 2 IVIacc. vi. 18.- — Among the
priests. It is not impossible that thcj' were
cliOfe who orticiatcd in the temple at Leontopolis.
— Cease calling. These elders may liave been
tho-e who stooii at the head of tlie Jewish com-
munity Ml Alexandria. It is piobable that the
writer was led to tins most unnatural representa-
tion by the idea iliat tlie prayer of a priest, under
such circumstances, Avould be more likely to pre-
vail.

Ver. 2. This prayer of Eleazer is composed in
poetic measure, and Cottou has put it in the form
of lilanl; verse :

' Monarch most powerful ! highest, mightiest Godl
Whose mercitijj all creation ever guide —

Lo I Abraham's seed — lo I Jacob's sacred race —
Thy sanctified inheritance — thy lot —
What wrongs we suffer in a stranger- land."

Cf. Five Books, Introd., p. xl.

Ver. 4. Uoi't60poxos, drouned in the sea. This
word has been nowhere else found, but in Grimm's
opinion was taken from some poet. It is com-
pounded of wdfTos and 3pe'x<o.

Ver. 5. Mighty, Papis, i. e., one able to do much,
mighty, powerful. It was used in Homer for
strength only in a physical sense, in I'olybius, also,
in a moral sense.

Ver. 6. In the apocryphal additions to the
third chapter of Paniel, the so-called " Song of
the Three Children," ver. 27, we read : '" And
made the midst of the furnace as though a wind of
dew had gone hissing 'through it." The fact that'

3 MACCABEES.

635

these additions to Daniel were known to our au-
tlior is woriliy of notice. Tlie latter, however,
seems not to have been particuliif to follow au-
thorities. He lepreaeiits, for instance, that all
tlie enemies of the "three companions" were de-
stroyed by the flame. In Dan. iii. 22, we lead
on the coutrMry : " The flume of the fire slew these
men that took up Shadntch, Meshach, and Abed-
neijo."

Ver. 8. It is noticejible that here, too, we have
KiJTos as the translation of the Hebrew '^TlS 3^,
great fish, us in the LXX. at Jonah ii. 1. This
verse tells us somethini; about Jonah, namely,
that he was afterwards seen by his family friends,
of which the canonical books say nothing. It is
doubtless to be taken as a gratuitous inference
of the writer, or, at least, of some writer of the
later peiiod. According to Cotton (Five Books,
p. 31 ), in the apocryphal epistle of St. Paul to the
Coiinthiims, preserved in the Armenian church,
and translated from that language, into English
by Lord Byron, there is found this plirase expres-
sive of Jonali's com|jlete preservation: "Neither
was any part of his body corrupted ; neither was
his eyebrow bent down."

Ver. 10. The iilea is : "Do not punish us for
any supposable offenses, by making us tlie prey
of these wretched heathen, but in any other way
thou mayest choose." Of. 2 Sam. xxiv. 14. — 'Ev-
iaxn-rai, become ensnared. The idea of the decep-
tiveuess and slavery of sin seems to be involved.

Ver. 1 1 . Their God did not deliver. See
the similar words of Rabshakeh at 2 Kings xviii.
and Is. xxxvi. to which, also, allusion may here
bo made.

Ver. 15. As thou hast said. Cf. Lev. xxvi.
44 in the LXX.

Ver. 17. The narrative at this point is quite
incredible.

Ver. 18. All except the Jews. Grotius makes
the comment ; " Noliiit enim sails territos Jud(£os
terreri insiiper hoiriblli conspectu." Cf. Dan. x. 7 ;
Acts ix. 7 ; xxii. 6-9.

Ver. 19. Immovable fetters. The army was
enchained by the awful vision.

Ver. 24. Tlapa0atn\fieTe. Lit., to reign along-
side of, and then, to usurp the klngli/ prero/jative.

Ver. 25. Loyally defended. At iii. 24 his
language respecting the Jews was quite different.
Joseplius [Anliq., xii. 1) "mentions a somewhat
similar instance in which it is said of Ptolemy
Lagus : " And as he knew that the people of

Jerusalem were most faithful in the observance of
oaths and covenants, and this, from the answer
they made to Alexander wlien he sent an emiias-
Siige to them after he had beaten Darius in buttle,
so he distributed many of them into garri.sons,
and at Alexandria gave theiri equally the privi-
lege of citizens with the Maeedimians themselves,
and required ihem to take their oaths that they
would remain faiihful to the posterity of those who
had comtnitted these places to tlieif care."

Ver. 29. In a moment, iu afi-epsi xp^^V- This
must be looked upon as an exaggeration, consid-
ering the manner in which thev had been bound.
Cf. iv. 20 f.

Ver. 31. Or rather had entered into it. Lit.,
or rather had walked upon it, i. e., the soil of the
underworld. — Ka>eaiv. The first meaning is a
goblet, and then, a feast. Cf. -niTov owTTipioy, at
vii. 18. — t6wov KKiffiais Kar^fj.epl(rai/TO. 'I'he last
word is so read by III. 19. 23. 62. 74. 93. Co., and
it is adopted by Fritzsche. The common text has
(coTE/xepiffaj'. For the second word III. 23. have
KKia-ias. Adopting the former, the rendering would
be, " They divided among themselves the spot for
eating places." Cf. Luke ix. 14, where kKktIo. is
given the sense of " company " in the A. V. ;
and Cotton renders here : " And parted the place
which had been prepared for their fall and funeral
into sevei-al tents (or companies) being filled with
gladness."

Ver. 32. A song of the fatherland. It was,
piob;ibly, the 136th Ps. I'rom 1 Chron. xvi. 41 ;
2 Chron. v. 13 ; vii. 3 ; Ezra iii. 11, we learn that
this was the usual hymn of thanksgiving.

Ver. 33*. Deliverance which had come to
himself. It may refer to his escape from the en-
raged elephants, or, as others suppose, to the fact
that he was delivered from the danger of com-
mitting so great a wrong as the destruction of the
Jews would have been.

Ver. 34. A prey for birds. Cf. Gen. xl. 19 ;
Ezek. xxxix. 4 ; 2 Maec. ix. 15.

Ver. 36. Not for the sake of drinking and
feasting. One of the old English translations
(1550) renders, "Not to bib and to bowl in, for
gluttony." Cf. Cotton.

Ver. 38. The names of the months here given,
Puchoii and Epifihi, were those in use in Alexan-
dria, and correspond, respectively, to April 26-
iVIay 25, and June 25-July 24. The Egyptian
moiitli having just thirty days, the time from the
25th of Paclion to the fourth of Epiphi would be
forty days.

Chapter VII.

1 King Ptolemy Philopator to the commanders throughout Egypt, and to all who

2 hold public offices, joy and health. And we ourselves, also, and our children are

3 well, the great God having directed our affairs as we wish. Certam of our friends,
havino- out of ill-will earnestly pressed the matter upon us, persuaded us to collect
too-ether the Jews of the kjngdom in a body, and to inflict upon them extraordinary

4 pmiishments as traitors, giving out ^ that, until this should be accomplished, our
affairs would never ^ be in a prosperous state, on account of the malevolence which

5 these people cherished towards every other nation. They also brought them here
in chains, with ill treatment, as though they were slaves, or rather as though they

1 Fritzsohe adopts ^po^,p6p.eyo, from III. 62. 93. Co. Aid. (c£. ver. 11), for ^po^f,pop,mi of the common text.
» Instead of ^■j.roT.r of the common text, p.,^47r<,n is adopted by Grumn and Fntzsehe from III. 19. 62. 9S.

636 THE APOCRYPHA. ^

were traitors, and undertook to destroy them without any examination or inquiry,

6 having put on a cruelty more barbarous than that practiced by Scythians. But we
severely threatened them for this, and reluctantly gave them their lives, in bar-
monv with ihe feeling of clemency which we cherish towards all men, and recog-
nizing that the God of Heaven has kept the Jews safely, and has always fought for

7 them^ as a father for his sons, also calling to mind the firm and true good will which
they have cherished towards us and our ancestors, we have in justice acquitted

8 them of every Charge of whatever sort. And we have enjoined upon every one to
let them all return to their own, to injure them iu no place whatever, and not, as

9 would be unjust, to revile them over what has taken place. For know, that if we
should devise any evil against them, or injure them at all, we should have in the

" future as enemy, not a man, but the highest God, Lord of allpower, and an aven-
ger against the state, from whom any escape would be impossible. Farewell !
10 But on receiving this letter, they did not hasten at once to make preparation for
departure, but requested besides of the king, that those of the Jewish race, who
had voluntarily apostatized from the holy God and from the law of God, might ra-
il ceive, through' them, deserved punishment, declaring that those who had trans-
gressed the divine commandments for the belly's sake would also never be well dis-

1 2 posed towards the affairs of the king. And he admitted that they spoke the truth,
and praising them he gave them liberty in all respects, to the extent that they
might destroy, utterly and boldly, the apostates from the law of God in every place

13 within his royal domain without special royal authority or oversight. Then their
priests made him their acknowledgments, as was becoming, and the entire people,

14 taking up the Hallelujah, departed with joy. And thus^ they punished and put to
death, ignominiouslv, every one of their fellow countrymen falling in their way,

15 who was of the number of those who had defiled themselves. And on that day
they slew more than three hundred men, and kept it as a joyous festival, having

16 overcome the profane ones. But they themselves who had held fast to God unto
death, experienced the full enjoyment of deliverance, and departed from the city
crowned with garlands of all kinds of sweet-scented flowers, amidst jubilation and
shouts, giving thanks in songs of praise and melodious hymns to the eternal God of
their fathers, Deliverer of Israel.

17 And on reaching Ptolemais, called on account of the peculiarity of the place, the
rose-bearing, where also the transports, according to their common wish, waited for

18 them seven days, they made there a feast of deliverance, since the king had wil-
lingly supplied them, each one, with all the things needful for the journey until they

19 arrived at their own homes. And having landed in peace, with the fitting thanks-
givings, they resolved in like manner there, also, to celebrate these days as festival

20 days, for the time of their sojourn in a strange land. They also declared the same,
on a monument at the place of the feast, to be sacred, and erected a house of
prayer, and departed unharmed, free, overjoyed, each to hij own home, preserved

21 over land, and sea, and river, by the king's command. And they had greater au-
thority than before among their enemies, with honor and fear, and they were de-

22 spoiled by no one at all of their property. And they all received all that was theirs,
according to inventory, so that those who had any part of it, surrendered it to them
with the greatest fear, because the greatest God wrought wonders until their deliv-

23 erance was complete. Blessed be the Deliverer of Israel forever. Amen.

> Jritecbe adopts ou/ifiaxoivToi from III. 23. 44. 65. 71. 74. Co. Aid. Grimm dissents, holding tliat it would misrepre-
sent the position of the .lews, which was not at all one of resistance. But this had not always been the case. And
the word may iilso have the general sense of aittefl, succored.

2 Oilrios, as 23. 44. 65. 71. 74. Aid. ; text, rec, Tore.

ClIAPTEB VII.

Ver. 3. Extraordinary punishments. Cf. iv.

Vcr. 2. And our children. If the events rar-
ratetl fell in the year b. c. 217 or 216, as they
would if the book relate what is historical, Ptol-
emy hail no child. Subsequently he had a son,
Ptolemy V. Epiphanes, by his sister, Arsinoe, who
also was his wife, and this child was five years old
at the death of his father, b. c. 203.

4.

Ver. 4. With regard to the charge here made
against the Jews, Grimra cites among other.s
Tacitu,s, liist., V. .5, 2 ; Uio Cass., xli.K. 22 • Phil-
ostr., ApoU., Y, 33; Josephus, Against Ap., ii. lo
14; the LXX.at Esth. iii. 15; and I Thess. ii. 15'

4 MACCABEES.

637

Ver. 5. The word i/i.Tropire'iy means to fasten
with a buckle, referring to the garment usually
worn in the East, which was so fastened on the
ehuulder. The king would say that these people
were clothed in cruelly.

Ver. 6. Threatened them, i. e., the enemies
of the Jews, not the latter themselves, as Grotius
supposes.

Ver. 7. Firm and true goodwill. Grotius'
conjecture, rod <p^\ov, for tov tp'iKov would require
the rendering : The trustiness (steadfast goodwill)
of the nation, which they have had for us.

Ver. 8. In no place. In no place which they
might pass through on their return.

Ver. 9. 'Eir' ^/cSi/cijtrei T»y irpayfjiilTCitif. Giving
the last word the meaning which it commonly
bears in the present book, the sense is, for taking
vengeance in public affairs, i. e., on the State.
Others render: "For taking vengeance on account
of such actions."

Ver. 10. The force of tlie prepo.sition in Trpoirij-
^luaav is not to be overlooked. They asked this in
addition to what the king had al ready granted them
of his own accord. — Voluntarily. There were
those who had done this because of the popular lios-
tility and the threatening of death ; but it was still
voluntary (cf. ii. 27-31). They mi^ht have stoud
firm as the majority had done. — Deserved pun-
ishment. Cf. Deut. xiii. 6 ff. In the later peri-
ods of their liistory the Jews were obliged to seek
permission from their foreign rulers to execute
their own laws in this particular. Cf. Esth. viii.
8-11 ; John xviii. .31.

Ver. 11. Well disposed. Grotius refers to
the act of Constantius Chlorus, father of the em-
peror Constantine. Wishing to test the fidelity of
his officers, and their loyalty to good principles.

he threatened them all with the loss of their posi-
tions, if they did not renounce Christianity. Soma
gave up their religious opinions, while others held
theirs fast. Constantius dismissed, however, only
the former, with the remark, that those wlio had so
readily consented to renounce their God were not
likely to bo faithful to the king. A similar act
of Antioehus the Great is recorded by Josephus,
Antiq., xii. 3, § 3.

Ver. 17. Ptolemaia. This was probably an
anchoring place on the Nile, in Central Egypt, be-
tween Arsinoe and Heracleopolis on the northern
shore of the so-called Joseph's Canal, the present
El Ldhoun. Cf. Winer, RealwBrterbuch, s. v., and
the article " Rose."

Ver. 18. The detention of the transports, and
the great superfluity of provisions given by the
king, as here represented, can only be regarded as
inventions of the author, whatever possible basis
of modest fact they may have had originally.

Ver. 20. I have adopted, with Gaab, Grimm,
and others, the reading irpoaevxv^ (3-8 19- 93.), a
house of prayer, u synagogue. Others translate;
" They also declared on a pillar these days for
sacred and erected a synagogue on the place of
the feast" (Gaab). Others: "They sanctified
the same thereby, that they erected, with prayer, on
the place of the feast a pillar" (Gutmann). Cot-
ton : " Which also having consecrated {to that use)
by setting up a pillar and an oratory in the place of
their festive solemniti/." — And sea. There was
no sea to cross in Egypt, and the author was prob-
ably betrayed into this inconsistency by his strain-
ing after effect.

Ver. 22. According to inventory. Cf. iv. 14.
It was certainly a miracle, if the Egyptians gave
back these things in the manner stated.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF MACCABEES.

With a view to something like completeness, there might be added at this point a few words re-
specting the so-called Eourth and Fifth Books of the Maccabees, in addition to what has been
alreadv said, page 473. The former, as we have before noticed, has no connection with the Macca-
b»nn historv, hut simply makes use of a few incidents contained in 2 Mace. (vi. 18-vii. 41) for the
purpose of 'illustration. The book is really a philosophical treatise on the Supremacy of Eeason,
though inform and style, sometimes approaching the character of an oraiion, or a " sermon," as
Ewald ( Geschichte d. Volk. Is., p. 556) is inclined to call it (so, also, Ereiidenthal, in his monograph
on the work). The theme is announced at i. 13 : " The question, then, which we have now to deter-
mine is, whether the Reason he complete master of the Passions." The author himself divides his
work into two principal parts (i. 12), addressing himself, first, to the ar-ument, and then secondly,
supporting the same by reference to certain supposed facts of history. But this division holds true
only as it respects the general drift of the work, since, in detail, the historical and argumentative are
everywhere more or less commingled. The first part extends from chap. i. 13 to chap. in. 19, chap.
i. 1-12, forming a kind of introduction to the whole. The second part includes chaps, iii. 19-xvni.
2, the remaining portion of chap, xviii. being, as is generally admitted, an addition by another

*The Greek of 4 Mace, is essentially the same as that of 2 and 3 Mace., although not so rhetorically
written as the latter. The stvle is superior to either of these works in its niiiformity, and its arrange-
ment of sentences is generailv natural, simple, and well proportioned. ^ 1 here are but few signs of
a Hebraizing influence, bnt the proper names are generally f;iven in their Hebrew form. Ihere are
but two exceptions to this rule, in the words for " Jerusalem " and " Eleazer. And this is the
more noticeable, since Josephus, to whom this work was formerly imputed, everywhere gives to such
proper names Greek endings, A coloring received from the LXX. is observable only ni a few pas-
sages (ii. 5, 19; xvii. 19) ; Still, it would appear that the edition used contained the apocryphal ad-
ditions (cf. xvi. 3, where he gives the Hebrew, instead of the Chaldaic, names of the three youth,
in harmonv with the Add. to Dan.). ., i » t u •„ n,o oo,.i«-

The authorship of 4 Mace, as we have said, was commonly ascribed to Josephus, i° *!"= ea^'f
times, and so, too, in many more recent editions of the LXX (as that of Strasburg, 1526, Basel.
1S45, Frankfort, 1597, and" several later ones), and of Josephus ■ *orks. So Eusebius [U. t,., m. 10,

638 THE APOCRYPHA.

6), and Jerome (Catul. Script. Eccks., s. v. "Joseplius," or De Vir. Ill, xiii.; Adv. Pelag., ii.) and
Suidas (s. !'. " Jo.-eplius") ; but the oldest Codd. which contain it simply name it the Fourth Book
of Maccabees (III., MuKKaffaiaiv A.). That the book could mver have been written by Josephus is
evident fioin several reasons : such as ihe preat difference of language and style from those of his
■well-known writings ; its ali^urd historical combinations (iv. 5, 26, w 1), of which lie could not weU
Lave been guilty ; the fact that the sources from which our book evidently draws seem to have been
unknown to Josiphus, At least, he nouiiere shows any acquaintance witli 2 Mace, or tlie work of
Jason. Moreover, he could not have been expected to give to any work of his that purely Alex-
andrian coloring which appears throughout in the present one. It is likely, tlierefore, as Ewald con-
jectured, that the error of imputing it to him arose from an old tradition which named some Joseph
i'liiiTTiiros) as its author; or, possibly, because it was thought that it formed a fitting supplement to
the works of Josephus.

As it respects the time of composition, while it cannot be determined with exactne.ss, there are
certain well-defined limits within which it will be tolerably safe to fix its origin. It must have been
written after 2 Mace, which it uses so freely, and before the destruction of Jeru.salem )iy the
Romans, to which not the slightest allusion is made. Again, at xiv. 9 (ver. 7 of Cotton's trans.),
the writer savs of the sufferings of the martyrs under Antiochns Epiphanes, " Now we, on hearing
of the affliction of these youth, are struck with honor" (ipplTTOfnv), which implies that the Jews of
Egypt Avere at this time in a state of comparative peace. And, hence, we cannot think of a period
so late as that of Caligida (n. c. 39, 40). Still further, from iv. 1, where it is said that Oni^s was
holding the high priesthood for life (5io &iov), it may be inferred that the author lived in a time
when this had ceased to be the case, as was true .after the overthrow of the Hasmona^an dynasty.
In a period of one hundred and eight years, there were no less than twenty-eight high priests (cf.
Josephus, Aiitiq.. xviii. 2, § 2, xx. 10). We may, then, with reasonable confidence, fix upon the first
century before Christ as the period in which our book appeared, and, perhaps more definitely, upon
a point sontewhere near the miildle of it.

The object of the book is clearly to stimulate and encourage the Jews to remahi stedfast in their
adherence to the Mosaic law, in the midst of great temptations to forsake it. These temptations
were not simply those of a prudential kind, but concerned the very substance of their tmcestral
faith, which, in this brilliant literary capital, was brought in contact with the most refined and se-
ductive forms of the ruling philosophies. This is most evident from the nature of the argument
itself, made u>e of by the author. He, in fact, tidopts and applies, as far as he thinks that he can do
so to advantage, the prinei|iles of the Stoical ]>hiloso[(hy. But he remains none the less loyal to
Judaism. The realization of the Stoic's ideal man he is able to find only in obedience to the Mosaic
law (i. 15-18). Human reason is, after all, not sutBcient for all occasions and purposes (v. 21, 23;
X. 18).

In one respect, his teaching is peculiar. He seems to represent that the piiins of martyrs are vi-
carious. At vi. 27 (Frit/.sclie's text) he says: "Thou kuowcst, 0 God, that where.is I might have
saved myself, I am dying with fiery torinciits for the law's sake. Therefore be merciful to thy na-
tion, being sati>fied with the puuishinent suffered by me for them." He represents, further, —
more in harmony with the Book of Wisdom than with 2 Mace. — the eternal existence of all souls,
both good and bad, while he docs not appear to expect the resurrection of the body. This is the
more remarkable in view of the fact that this doctrine is so emphatically set forth in those very pas-
sages of 2 Mace, which he uses for the purpose of illustration. He does, indeed, make allusion (xviii.
17) to the passage in Ezek. xvii. 1-10, but only in the way of accommodation along with other pas-
sages and, as it would appear, simply in reference to the life in another state of existence. (Cf. Bret-
Bchneider, Doffinnlik d. Apiile., pp. .'!14-317.) In other respects, his eschatology essentially agrees
■with that of the Book of Wisdom. The virtuous, by whom he means those who have proved faithful
to the law of Moses, will enjoy eternal blesseilncss in the company of one another and of God (v. 36.
ix. 8, xii. 14, xvii. 4), while the wicked will suffer fiery and unending torments after the death of the
body (ix. 9, x. 15, xii. 14, all cited according to Fritzsche's text).

The best editions of the works of Josephus have fnrni.shed, until the appear.ance of Fritzsche's
Liliri Apocrjiphi V. T. Greece, also the best text of our book (Iltig, Lips , 1691, fol. ; Hudson, Oxon.,
1721), 2 vols, fob; Havercamp, Amst., 1726, 2 vols, fol.; Oberthur, Lips., 1782-85, 3 vols. 8vo ;
Richter, Lips., 1826-27, 6 vols. 12ino; Dindoif, Paris, 1845-47, 2 vols. 8vo ; Tauchuitz, Lips. 1850,
6 vols. 16mo; Bekkcr, Lips. 1835-56, 6 vols. 8vo). Of these editions, that of Bekker presents the
text in a form most in harmony with the oldest Greek MSS. There are extant something like thirty
Codd. of 4 Mace, thirteen of which are found at Paris. Fritzsche has made use of all the more im-
portant of these, including III. and X., in the preparation of his text, and given with sufficient full-
ness, in his critical apparatus, the various readings.

THE FIFTH BOOK OF MACCABEES.

Very little has been done by scholars hitherto, in the way of investigating the contents and deter-
mining the historical and critical value of 5 Maccabees, or, as it is otherwise known, Hisloria Mac-
cabao-utii Aral.ica. Its first appearance in print was in the Arabic language and in the Paris Poly-
glot (1645). Subsequently, it was copied into the Loudon Polyglot (1657). And although the
editors of these works give no information respecting the MS. sources from which it was derived,
this text continues to be the one on which reliance must be placed. In both Polyglots the Arabic
text is accompaaied by a Latin translation, which was made by Gabriel Siouita. A French version,

5 MACCABEES.

639

also, appears as an appendix in the Bible of Pe SaCT, and one of chaps, xx.-xxvi., in Calmet. Cot-
ton ri-nders from the Latin {Fice Books, pp. 277-446"), and has taken care to adhere as closely as pos-
tiilile to his copy, " lest a translation of a trauslation should be found to have wholly lost sight of the
oris'.riiil."

There is no Syrinc version of the work, as is falsely asserted by Cotton (p. xxx), -n-ho appears to
have boon misled by the Preface to the Arabic version as it appears in the Pol\glots.

'J he book piir|ioris to be a history of the Jews from the time of Heliodoriis' attempt to rob the
tcni|ile (c. B. 0. 186) to about b. c. 6. But while of some importance fur purposes of comparison, it
has not the value of .'in independent history of this interestiug period. It is obviously a compilation,
and as has been generally supposed, was originally writien in the Hebrew language. This is thought
to be shown in ihe language of the book, which is still undisgnisaldy Hebraic in form and expres-
sion, even ihougli it has been twice translated. The writer S|icaks, for example, of the Pentateuch
as the Toiali, calls the temple the "house of the sanctiiari/," names the Hebrew IScriptures " Ihe twi-nty-
four books," and uses formulas respecting the dead which were in use among the Jews of the Tal-
mudic period, and are common also at the present day, such as: "God be merciful to him," "to whom
he peace," Still all this is far from demonstrating that the book was written in Hebrew. It does
show, however, that the writer was a Jew.

Jogepbus

1 Mace.

2 Mace.

4 Maco.

6 Maco,

Antiq.

Bell. Jud.

■- m.

ill.

_ .

_

_ _

1.

m. -

- —

xi!. 2

-

Ii.

i.

T.

. -

xii. 6, 7

- ~

lii.

Ti. 18-31

v., vi.

_

-

Iv.

-

Tii.

(Tiii.-X. 12 1

j XV. 13-23)

-

-

T.

ii.

-

- -

xii.

i, 1

Ti.

ii. 49-iT.

Tiii.

-

xii. 8-11

- —

Tii.

vi.

ix.

-

xii. 13

- .

Tiii.

It. 36 f .

X.

-

xii. U

-

ix.

V.

X.

-

xii. 12

-

X.

_

xi. xii.

-

-

- -

xi.

_ _

-

. -

- -

-

xii.

Tiii. 24. f .

-

. -

xii. 17

-

xiii.

xii. 32-37

.

- -

. .

xiv.

vi.

xiii.

- -

xii. 14

XT.

Tii. 3

XiT., XV.

- —

xii. 7

- .

XTi.

ix. 1-22

-

xii. i8, 19

-

xvii.

ix. 28-72

—

-

xiii. 1-10

-

XTiii

xiii.-xvi.

-

xiii 11-14

- -

xix

_ -

. -.

xiii. 15

- —

XX.

_ _

_ -

_

xiii. 16, 17

—

xxl

. _

_

.

xiii. 17

— -

xxii.

„

_

—

xiii. 18

-

xxiii

_

-

_

xiii. 8, 20

-

xxiv.

_

- -

. —

xiii. 9

_ _

. -

. -

xvii. 3

ii. 7

XXT.

_

—

- -

xviij. 2

— —

. -

. -

xui.13

i. 3

xxvi.

_ -

_

_ _

xiii. 19

i.3

xxvii.

_ -

_

_ —

xiii. 20,21

i.3

xxviii.

-. .

_ _

_ _

xiii. 21, 22
xiii. 23

i.3

xxix

_

_ -

« —

xxx.

_ _

_

_

xiii. 24

1.4

xxxi.

_ _

_ _

_ m.

xiii 24

i.4

xxxii.

_ _

— -

_ —

xiii. 24

i.4

xxxiii.

_ _

_ _

_

xiv. 1

i.5

xxxiT

^ _

_ _

_ -

xiv. 2, 3

i.5

XXXV.

_ _

^ _

_ _

xiv. 4, 8
xiv. 8

i.5

xxxvi.

_ _

_ _

_ «

1.5

xxxvii.

_

_ _

-

xiv. 9. 10

i.6

xxxvili.

_ _

_

_ _

xiv. 10

i. 6

xxxix

_ _

_ _

_ ^

xiv. 11

i. 6, 7

xl.

— —

. -

_ —

xiv. 12

.- -

xii.

_ _

_

_ _

xiv 14,15

i.T

xiii.

_ _

_ _

^ _

xiv. 15

i. 8

xliii.

. -

_ _

xiv. 16, 17

_ .

XliT.

_ -

- -

— -

xiv. 17, 18

i.9

XlT

_ _

_ -

^ .

xiv. 19

i.9

xlvi.

_ _

_ _

. -

Xiv. 19, 20

i.9

XlTli.

_ _

- -

_ ^

xiv. 22, 23

1.10

xlviii.

. ^

_ __

^ _

xiv. 24, 25

1.11

xlix.

_ __

- -

xiv. 26. 27

1. 11, 12

1.

^ _

^ _

^ _

xiv. 27

1.12

Ii.

_ _

_ «

_ _

xiv. 27

i. 13

lii.

* -

_ _

— —

XV. I

i.l3

liil.

— ..

_ _

— -1

XV. 1. 2, 9

. -

liv.

« ~

_ _

. -

XV. 2, 3

. .

It.

_ -

- .

_ _

XV. 6, 8

1.14

iTi.

^ _

^ _

XV. 9, 10

1.15

ivli.

_ _

_ _

XV. 11

1.17

Iviii.

_ —

_ _

XV. 1, 2, 6,

« -

_

_ _

7,8,11,12,

i.l7

lis.

-

-

-

16,17

1

640 THE APOCRYPHA.

The first nineteen chapters contain matter likewise found in 1 and 2 Mace, while the remaining
forty chapters agree, in general, with what is coniained in the histories of Josephus. The preceding
table will sliow more ileflnitdy the relation of the several parts of the work to those mentioned. In
the preface to the Araliic text, as it appears in the Polyglots, it is remarked : " Liher hie a cap. I
usque ad 16 inclusive iuscribitur, '11 MacltaboEorum ex Hehiaoruni translatione,' uti in calce ejusdem cap.
16 videre est. lieliquus vero liber simpliciter uotatur ' II Machabceorum,' continuata tomen cum anlecedenti-
bus copitum serie," etc. For the material of the table, though not its form, I am indebted to Dr. Gins-
burg's valuable article in Kitto's Biblical Oi/clo/icedia, s. v.

It will be observed how remarkably close the coriespondence is, with respect to the material of
the history, between these authorities, and further, that 5 Mace, follows the exact order of Josephus,
only in the first nineteen chapters making use in addition, and sometimes in preference, of the First
and Second Books of the Maccabees. There is but a single instance in the entire work, chap, xii., where
our author introduces anything which might not have been derived, at least in germ, from one of thess
works, and that relates to some of the most familiar facts concerning the early Koiuan history, which
he could searcely have failed of knowing, but which he narrates with many inaccuracies and positive
misstatements. We are unable, therefore, to adopt the opinion of Ginsburg that we have before us
a valuable and reliable indejiendent history of nearly two centuries of Jewish history next preceding
the Chiistian era, but must hold that it is simply a reproduction in a less trustworthy form, of matter
found in all its essential features in the Maccaba^an books and in Josephus. The writer is guilty of
numerous and most alisurd mistakes, such as calling Roman and Egyptian soldiers " Macedonians,"
Mount Gerizim, *' Jezebel," and Samaria, " Sebiiste," exchanging the names of I'ilate and Herod, ^nd
altogether shows himself to be of far too little capacity for an undertaking of such magnitude as would
be an independent history of this important period. It wonld seem, however, that the tran.slator, or
editor, must have taken considerable liberties with the work; since, in more than one instance, he
speaks of the author as distinct from himself and explains his allusions (xxv. 5, Iv. 25, Ivi. 45) ; and
to him, accordingly, some of its errors may be chargeable.

There are clear evidences in the book itself that its author lived after the destruction of the second
temple (a.d. 70. Of. ix. 5, xxi. 30, xxii. 9, liii. 8), unless, indeed, with Ginsburg, we regard these state-
ments as additions from another hand. But because the history terminates just before the beginning of
the Christian era, it is certainly not necessary to infer, with this critic, that therefore the author must
have lived and written at that time. What more natural, than that he should have aimed at supple-
menting from Josephus the history of the Maccabajan books up to this very date, though he himself
may have lived long after it 1

There is no peculiarly marked religious teaching in the hook. As it respects eschatology, the writer
seems to have adopted, in general, the views tespecting a survival of the soul after death, the resurrec-
tion, and a future judgment, which he found represented in his authorities, though iu a somewhat more
developed form. He puts into the mouth of one of the martyrs under Antiochus Ejiiphanes, for instance,
the words (v. 1.3) : " Whom He will restore to their bodies, when He shall raise to life the dead men
of his nation and the slain ones of his people." The allu.sion may, perhaps, be to Is. xxvi. 19, " Thy
dead men shall live, together with my dead body shall they arise," etc. In the same chapter (vers.
4.3, 44) the heroic mother is represented as saying to her youngest son who was about to suffer a fear-
ful death as his .six brothers had done !)efore him : " For if you could see, my son, their honourable
dwelling-place, and the light of their habitation, and to what glory they have attained, you would
not endure not to follow them ; and, in truth, 1 also hope that the great and good God will prepare
me, and that I shall closely follow you." The doctrine of the punishment of the wicked, too, ap-
pears to have gained somewhat in clearness. The lad, addressing Antiochus, says (vers. 49, 50, 51 ) :
"But your dwelling-place shall he in the infernal regions, with exquisite punishments from God.
And I trust that the wrath of God will depart from his people, on account of what we have suffered
for them (cf . 4 Mace. vi. 27 ) ; but that you He will torment in this world, and bring you to a wretched
death : and that afterwards you will depart into eternal torments." (Cf. lix. 14.)

APPENDIX I.

THE SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.

Foe reasons already given (General Introduction, page 39), the Second Book of Esdras was omitted from the hody of
the present work. But on account of its importance in Biblical studies as one of the leading products of Jewish thought
near the beginning of the Christian era, and the great interest that has been awakened in it in connection with recent
discussions, it has been thought best to reproduce it here in the form of an appendix. The generally excellent version
of 1611 1 have left undisturbed, except where the text followed (that of Frltzsche, Libri Apoc. Vet. Test.^ pp. 590-639,
all essential deviations from which I have meant to indicate) has seemed to require a change. Chapters i.-ii., and xv.
-xvi., however, have been omitted as acknowledged later additions (see below).

The oldest title under which the book was known, according to Uilgenfeld {Messias Judxormvj p. xviii. ; cf. Volk-
mar, Handbuck, p. 3), was *E^pa7 (or 'Eo-fipas) 6 7rpoif)v]TTjs, it being so cited by Clement of Alexandria {Slrorn., iii. 16,
100 ; Cf. 2 End. v. 35), by Ambrose, (Z>e Bono Mortis, c. xii.), in the Arabic Compendium, and in two Codices of the
Ethiopic version. But it may well be doubted whether, in these instances, the composition itself was referred to. It
would seem, rather, that the writer only is meant to be indicated (Cf. Fritzsche, I. c, p. xxviii). The title which has
been preserved in some ancient catalogues of the Biblical books (Nicephorus, aa cited by Fabricius, Cod. Pseudep.
V. T., ii. 176; Cod. Apoc. N. T., i. p. 951 ff. ; Montfaucon, Bibliotk. Coislin., p. 194), the " Apocalypse of Esdras"
{'ATTOKaXui^ts 'Eo-Spa?), or the '* Prophecy of Esdras '" (Ilpo^TjTeta'Ecrfipa), seems far more appropriate, and it is to be
lamented that it did not come into more general use. But the name which was probably most common in the early
times was that found in Cod. Sangermanensis, The Fourth Book of Esdras (or Earas), which, however, is applied only
to chaps, iii.-xiv., chaps, i.-ii. being named the Second Book of Esdras, while chaps, xv., xvi. form the Fifth Book, the
Greek Ezra, (chaps, i., ii. 1-15) making the Third Book, and the canonical books of Ezra and Nehemiah taken together,
with chaps, iii., iv., v. 3 of the Greek Ezra, the First Book. This is also the title that is given to the same portion of
the present work in Cod. A. (discovered by Bensly, see below), the Dresden Codex, and most of the other important
Codices. In the Vulgate, on the other hand, the canonical Book of Ezra is known as 1 Esdras, Nehemiah as 2 Esdras,
our 1 Esdras as 3 Esdras, and the present book as 4 Esdras, and this is the name commonly given to it on the continent
of Europe. The title 2 Esdras, which the work received in the English version of 1611, has the support of the author
himself (i. 1), and of some MSS. of the Old Latin, but seems to have first appeared in the English Bible in connection
with the Genevan version, the Greek Ezra being there called 1 Esdras (Cf- Introduction to 1 Esdras, p. 62, and, for a
full presentation of the subject, Volkmar, Handbuch, pp. 277-284 ; Hilgenfeld, Messias Judseorum, pp. xviii.-xxii. j
Bensly, The Missing Fragment, p. 86).

In form, as it appears in the English Bible, the work is no doubt largely interpolated, but the interpolations are of
6uch a character that, with the aid of present critical helps, they can be easily distinguished from the main composi-
tion. That chaps, i., ii., and xv , xvi., for instance, are later additions from a Christian hand is clear from several
considerations. They are separated from it, and appear under another title in the great majority of the best MSS.,
while a number of others indicate that they were not regarded as a legitimate part of the work ; they are pervaded by
an anti-Jewish spirit quite out of harmony with the remaining chapters (cf. chaps, i. and ii. passim) ; they contain
clear evidence that their author was familiar with the New Testament writings (cf. i. 30, 33, 37 ; ii. 13, 26, 36, 45, 47 ;
XV. 8, 35 ; xvi. 54) ; they are wanting in the Oriental versions. (Fritzsche has published a critical Latin text of this
portion of the work, under the title " Liber EsdrsR Quintus,^^ in his Libri Apoc. Vet. Test., pp. 640-653.) There is
also a brief interpolation at vii. 28, where the word " Jesus ■' has been substituted in the Latin text for " Messiah,"
which is properly given in the Arabic and Ethiopic versions. And not only has new matter been introduced, but a
long and an important passage, between vers. 35 and 36 of chap, vii., has, apparently for dogmatic reasons, been sup-
pressed in the Latin text, though found in the Oriental versions. It not only bears in itself all the marks of genuine-
ness, but was quoted as a part of the work by Ambrose ( De Bono Mart., c. x. Cf. other passages cited by Bensly, pp.
74r-76), and, what is still more to the point, has been recently discovered in its original Latin form ( The Missing Frag-
ment, etc., Cambridge, 1875), and restored to its former place. The probable ground of objection to the passage was,
that in connection v/ith a description of the intermediate state there is found a most emphatic denial of the efficacy of
luterceesory prayers after death. Jerome warmly rebuked a writer of his day (Vigilantius) who adduced it as support-
ing his views (" Tu vigilans dermis, et dormiens scribis : et proponis milii librum apocryphum, qui sub nomine Esdrm a
ie, et similibus iuis legiiur: ubi scriptum est, quodpost mortem nullus pro alils audeat deprecari: quern ego librum nun-
guam legi. Quid enim necesse est in manus sumere, quod Ecdesia non recipit?'^ Contra Vigilant. y c. vii.), and that
fact of itself may have been sufficient to lead to its being stricken from the work.

The original language of 2 Esdras was undoubtedly Greek. The matter was at one time somewhat discussed

whether the work was not composed in Hebrew, but no tangible arguments were ever adduced for such a theory, and

the basis of some of them was no more than the fact that Hebrew words were found written on the margin of this

book in the Latin Bible of H. Stephens (Lutet., 1545), though, in fact, they had been written there simply as Hebrew

41

642 APPENDIX.

equiTalents throwing light on the tatin expreseion, by Cholinus, in modernizing the old version (cf. Bcnsly, p. 3, note).
The influence of the Greek, on the other hand, is everywhere apparent in the translations made from it, especia,lly in
the Latin, which is the most literal. In some cases, lor instance, in harmony with the Greek idiom, an adjective in
the comparative is made to govern the genitive case instead o£ the ablative. The preposition ex is also constructed
with the genitive (v. 23, 24) and so, too, de (xi. 29|. There are, moreover, numerous mistakes made in geF.der, appar-
ently tor the same reason (vii. 31 ; ix. 2, 26; xi, 29; xiii. 11 ; xvi. 61, according to Codd. S. and A,). The citations
made by early Christian writers lead to the same conclusion (?Epistle of liarnabas, c. xii. ; cf. 2 BsdraB, v. 5. See
also the citation made by Clement of Alexandria, noticed above). And if the work, as it is supposed, first appeared in
Egypt, the Greek language would have been the one most naturally employed at this period in its composition. (An
effort to restore the Greek text has been made by Uiigenfeld, Messias JuJxormn. pp. 36-113.)

The akcient veesio>s of 2 Esdras are five, the Latin, Syriac, Kthicpic, Arabic, and Armenian, and they serve to show
the early popularity and wide circulation of the book in the Christian church. The first three, at least, were made
directly from the Greek (cf. Fritzsche, (. c, p. xxix. f.). The Latin, though in itself the most valuable of the.-e ver-
sions, and for a long period the sole representative of the text, had become exceedingly corrupted in its transmission,
and in conteqiience nearly worthless for critical pul-posea (" Die Vulgata von ed. Sixtina piipstlich autorisirt, und von
den Eeforniirten dergestalt beibehalten, ist nicht bios ein Gemisch des \'er8chiedenartigsten, im katholischen Inter-
esse corrigirt wie verstiimmelt, sondern auch innerhalb des zugehorigen Bestandes ein Buch der Oeheimnisse und der
Unbegreiflichkeiten.-' Volkmar, Hanrlhurk, p. 296). It was emended to some extent by Fabricius (1741), still further
by Sabatier (1761), who collated for this purpose, among others, the important Cod. Sangermanensis (Paris, date A. D.
822), also by Van der Vlis (1839) But the first really critical edition of the Latin text was furnished by Volkmar
(1863), who, in addition to the authorities examined by Sabatier, collated himself Cod. Turicensis (Zurich, thirteenth
century), for his work. Both of lliese JISS., however, have been much more thoroughly collated (the former by Zoten-
berg, and the latter by Fritzsche) in connection with new editions of the text by Hilgenfeld (1869), and Fritzscha
(1871), and in addition to them a third. Cod. Dresdensis (Dresden, fifteenth century) by Hilgenfeld. It was now sup-
posed that the text had been established on a reasonably correct and permanent basis. But the discovery of a new
and very important MS. by Bensly has put a new phase upon the entire matter. It had been previously discovered
that a leaf had been removed from the most valuable of the extant IIS., Sangermanensis, which leaf included a con-
siderable portion of chap. vii. of the book, and that singularly enough all the other authorities examined had followed
this one in the omission. But no one seems to have had any hope of ever finding the lost portion. When, to the
astonishment and joy of Biblical scholars, Robert Bensly, librarian at Cambridge, Eng., made the discovery of a
MS. in an abbey at Amiens, France, belonging to the nintli century, which not only supplied the long lost portion, but
is of the first importance for the establishment of the text, being without a peer except in Cod. Sangermanensis, which
in orthography, grammatical peculiarities, and other respects, it greatly resembles. This new authority helps to the
solution of a great number of textual puzzles in our book, and, in comparison with it, Codd. Turicensis and Dresdensia,
which are evidently based on Cod. Sangermanensis, are of very inferior worth. Bensly announces a new edition of
the Latin text of 2 Esdras as already in preparation. In the mean time, we are able to avail ourselves not only of the
complete text of tlie lost portion of chap. vii. according to this new Codex A. (.imiens), which he publishes in fac
simile, but also of numerous and valuable critici.sme of other parts of tlie book, made on the ground of this authority.
There have been already discovered more than sixty Latin manuscripts of 2 Esdras, but only a small part of them have
been thoroughly collated. Next to the Latin, the Syriac version is of the most importance A Latin translation of it
was published by Ceriani, in 1866, and tlie original text itself two years later. Hilgenfeld has embodied Ceriani's
Latin translation in his work, Messias Jiidieorum (pp. 212-261). The Etbiopic version was first published by Tjaurence
in 1820, and in connection with it a Latin and an English translation, but from a single MS. which was found in the
Bodleian Library. Corrections of Laurence's work were made by Van der Vlis (1839), and a collection of various read-
ings from other Codd. by DiUniann, in an appendix to Ewald's monograph upon it (1863). And finally, Priitorius, on
the ba.sis of the readings of Dillmann, and collations made by himself of a new MS. of the work found at Berlin, was
able to introduce still further corrections into the Latin translation, and in this state it was received by Ililgenfeld
into his worlc before mentioned. The Arabic version of 2 Esdras, though the first of the Oriental versions which was
published, is of somewhat inferior worth, on account of the freedom with which it is made. It was reproduced in an
EngU.sh dress by Ockley, in vol. iv. of \S'histon"s Primitive Cliristtanity Revived (i^ond., 1711). The discovery of the
original text, however, was made by Gregory, who also greatly overestimated its value {Notes and Observations, etc.,
Lend., 1616, p. 77). It was first printed by Ewald (vol. xi. of the Ab/iandlungen der k. Gesellsdtnft der Wis^ensdiaften
zit GoUingen). Corrections of Ockley 's translation and Ewald's text were made by Steiner (1868, Zeil nehrift far w.
T/ienlogie, pp. 426-433), and with his cooperation a Latin version was made by Ililgenfeld and received into his work,
Messias Judxaruw, But up to this time dependence had been placed on a single and not quite complete MS. (Bodl.
261). There is another in the Vatican Library, which is said to belong to the fourteenth century. This has recently
been published by Gildermeister and a Latin translation given of the same (Bonn, 1877). The Armenian version,
which is still more free than the Arabic, was first published in 1666, in the first edition of the Armenian Bible, but
was strangely overlooked by scholars, until attention was called to it by Ceriani, in 1861 [Monumenta Sacra et Prof.^
v., fasc. 1, pp. 41-44. Cf. Bensly, p. 2, note). It has been rendered into Latin, for Ililgenfeld's work, by Petermann,
who collated for the purpose four MSS. Translations of 2 Esdras have been made into German by Meyer, for his
edition of the Bible (1819), by Volkmar (1863), and by Ewald (1863) in connection with the Arabic text.

The design and plan of 2 Esdras are clear, even to a superficial reader. The Jews, in the midst of severe oppres-
sions, are encouraged by the prospect of deliverance not far off. Their heathen oppressors should be judged, while
Israel would be restored to the Holy Land, there to enjoy the promised blessings of the Messiah's reign. The commu-
niiationa made to the writer are in the form of visions, of which the book contains seven. The scene of the visions, or
revebitions, is laid in Babylon, and the time is represented as being thirty years after the " ruin of the city,'- that is,
Jerusalem. In answer to complaints of Ezra over the prosperity of the heathen while God's covenant people were in
distress, the angel Uriel is represented as declaring to him in the first vision that, while the .Almighty's purposes were
in themselves unsearchable, yet signs of the last age might be observed. The cup of the heathen was not yet full.
They had their appointed time, and the most of it had already passed. Further revelations are promised (iii'.-v. 19).
Through a fast of .seven days the prophet prepares himself for the second revelation. Again the angel directs the
mind of Ezra to the inscrutableness of the Divine government. But the history of man showed that the plans of God
were gradually developed. Along with the ripening of evil, these plans would be unfolded, and God, the Creator,
would bring them to their certain i.ssue, Ezra himself might see by certain signs that the climax was already near.
He departs with a promise to make still further communications (v. 20-vi. 34). In the third vision, introduced like the
others by complaints of the prophet, the angel informs him that ■when the signs already indicated should appear he

THE SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS. 643

would Bee wonderful things. The Messiah would come, together with those who were with him, and after a reign of
four hundred years on the earth, would die along with all mankind. I'or " seven days •' there would be no one on the
earth. But then would follow the resurrection and the final judgment. The place of torment is dificlosetl, and over
against it the place of rest. Only a few are saved. The punishment of the wicked, like the joy of the mints, is un-
ending. Every one receives according to his deserts, and no Intercession avails to change ones final lot (vi. 35-ix. 25).
To the prophet, still unsatisfied and uttering his complaints before God, there is then granted a direct vision of future
things. A woman laments the untimely death of her son. Ezra rebukes her grief for such a cause when Jerusalem
itself was lying waste. And suddenly, her countenance changes ; she cries out ; tbe earth quakes ; and in the place
of the woman {who represented Israel mourning for Jerusalem), he beholds a strongly built city. In the following
vision there is seen an eagle rising from the sea. At first it has twelve wings and three heads, but undergoes strange
transformations as he gazes : the twelve wings become six, and the three heads one. And, at last, a lion appears, and
rebuking with human voice the eagle, it is consumed in tiatne. The meaning of the vision is explained to Kzra. The
lion is the Messiah. He will, on his coming, judge and destroy the rulers of the earth, and himself set up a kingdom,
which, in harmony with a preceding vision, will last four hundred years, and be followed by the resurrection and final
judgment (xi. l-xii. 51). In a sixth vision, the seer beholds a man rise out of the sea and come forward in the clouds
of heaven. Many come together to fight against him, but he consumes them by the flaming breath of his mouth.
Then gather to him a multitude of a different class ; some are in sorrow, some glad, and some in chains. The man
who rose from the sea, is he through whom God will redeem his people. He will destroy his enemies by the fire of the
law, and lead at last the ten tribes out of their bitter captivity (xiii. 1-53). In the final vision Ezra receives the com-
mission directly from the Lord himself to give instruction to his people, and put his house in order in preparation for
death. He was to associate with himself five men, who, for forty days, should write what would be told them. It is
done ; and what they write, though not understood by the scribes themselves, makes a multitude of books, including
in their number the twenty-four of the Old Testament Scriptures, which are thus restored. The prophet is then rapt
away unto the place of those like himself, ^^ poslquam .scripsit ista omnia -' (xiv. 1-50),

The AUTHoa of 2 Esdras was undoubtedly a Jew. This is clear from the spirit the composition everywhere breathes
towards others than that nation {vi. 56, 57), and that shown, on the other hand, towards the Jews {iii. 30-36 ; iv. 35 ;
vi. 65-59; viL. 10, 11): from the fact that its righteousness is the righteousness of the law {viii. 33-36;) from the
legends it contains concerning Behemoth and Ijoviathan (vi. 49-52) ; its allusion to the ten tribes (xiii. 39-47) ; the im-
portance it attaches to the writing of the cabalistic books for Jlabbinical purposes (xiv. 44) ; and, particularly, from
the striking contrast manifest between the principal work and its interpolations, which evidently came from a
Christian hand.

TuE i>ATE of the work, however, presents a problem of no small difiiculty. Its clear citation by Clement of Alex-
andria, happily sets a limit to speculation in that direction. But whether it was written after the destruction of Jeru-
salem by the llomans, as most suppose (cf. i. 1 ), or on the ground of its doctrinal position as over against Christianity,
particularly its statement concerning the death of the Messiah, which it is thought no Jew would have made after the
Saviour had really appeared and been crucified, it must be held to have originated before the Christian era, there has
been the greatest diversity of opinion. The vision of the eagle is generally regarded as historically significant, and of
the first importance in deciding the question before us. Other data are indeed given, but furnish nothing that can
be regarded as worthy to form a stable and satisfactory basis of reasoning. At vi. 9, for instance, it is stated that the
present world would end with the rule of Edom (^^ Jim's enlm hujas .iiecuil Esau, et principium sequtntis Jacob."') By
*' Edom," Rome was commonly designated in the later times. And many (Ewald, Oehler, hangen) suppose it to be
here meant ; but others (llilgenfeld, Volkmar) think tbat'it refers simply to the Herodian dynasty, which was, in fe.ct,
Idumaean in its origin. In either case, this point is of comparatively light importance, since the House of Herod
itself lasted till a. d. 100. Again, the passage xiv. 11, 12, which declares that ten of the twelve parts into which the
world is divided (" dirisum est scRcidmn "),are already gone, and besides half of a tenth part (" superant antem ejus duas
post medium decinix partis "), is omitted in three of the Oriental versions, and differently given in the fourth, so that
it cannot be regarded as sufficiently well supported to base an argument upon it. And, if scholars were agreed in their
understanding of the vision of the eagle, the.-;e passage.^ could well be spared. It would seem, at first sight, to leave
nothing to be desired with respect to dcfiniteness. But, like other apocalyptic visions, it seems destined to plunge the
present generation of Biblical scholars at least, into the strangest contrarieties of opinion. The e^gle has twelve prin-
cipal wing.«, eisrht smaller (" counter ") wings, and three heids. Ezn himself explains the meanino; of the symbolism.
They represent twenty-three rulers, following upon one another ; first the twelve principal wings ; then two of the
smaller ; then a time of confusion ; next, four more of the smaller wings, followed by the three heads. At this point,
during the reign of the last head, the Messiah appears, and the final vision closes. As nothing is said of the remaining
two small wings, except that they are " kept unto the end," it is supposed that this period, as well as that of the over-
throw of the third head, was to the author still in the future, and that he drew upon his imagination for these events.
Other points to be noticed in the statements of the author are, that the second principal wing reigns more than twice
as long as either of the others ; many of the wings, particularly the smaller, seem not to represent actual rulers, but
only such as sought to rule, — pretenders ; all appear to belong to one kingdom, which is represented under the image
of the eagle, and either ruled, or sought to rule, the whole of it ; the first head dies a natural death ; the second is
murdered by the third. Now as it respects the manipulation and explanation of these data furnished by the book
itself, there are three leading theories held among scholars in more recent times. They are well represented and char-
acterized hy Schiirer {Neutest. Zeitgeschichte, pp. 557-563), whose general course of thought I shall here reproduce
though in a condensed and considerably altered form. (1) There are tho:>e who think that Rome during the time of
the kingdom and the republic is meant ; (2) that it is the Grecian period ; (3) that it is Rome under the empire.

(1.) The first theory is represented by such names as Laurence, Van der Vlis, and Liicke (2d ed.), who refer the
vision to the whole period of Roman history from Romulus to Csesar. The three heads are Sulla, Pompey, and Cffi.sar.
The book was composed shortly before (Liicke), or shortly after (Van der Vlis) the latter's death, or somewhat later
still (Laurence). The difficulty of having more than twenty kings to account for, when Rome really had but seven
makes trouble, still is explained by supposing that later pretenders are meant, and party leaders during the civil wars.
But the chief, and, as it is thought, insuperable difficulty of the theory is that the history of Rome before the time
of Pompey is really of no account to the Jewish Apocalyptic. The reference can only be, if Rome be referred to at
all, to a time when it ruled the world.

(2.) The principal advocate of the second theory is Hilgenf^d. At first {Jiid. Apnkalyptik, pp. 217-221), he supposed
that the rulers intended were represented by the Ptolemies (beginning with Alexander the t>.-eat), but \a.iev (Zeitschrift
fvT w. Theol., 1860, pp. 335-358) adopted the view that they were the Seleucidse (beginning again with Alexander the
Great). But in both cases he held that the three heads were Caesar, Antonius, and Octavianus, and that the time of

644 APPENDIX.

the composition of our book was to be placed immediately after tbe death of the second, that is, b. 0. 30 (Zeitschri/i,
1867, p. 285). One principal objection to this position is the fact that, in order to make out the twenty rulers required,
those of two kingdoms must be included, which eeems opposed to a fundamental requirement of the problem. The
theory ftiils to harmonize with the dnta given also in other respects : in the time assigned to the dominion of the
second principal ruler (which Ililgenfeld feeks to evade by unwarranted suppositions. Cf. Zeit.sc/tri/t, 1867, p. 286 f. ,
1870, p. SIO f.) ; in referring the first head to CEesar, who was murdered, while the text requires that this one should
die super tecivrii ; and especially in representing that the book was written before the destruction of Jerusalem by
Titus, when one of its principal objects seems to be to comfort the Jewish people on this very account. The destruc-
tion of the city under Nebuchadnezzar cannot be meant (i. 1), and hence it is only supposable that that visitation is
used as a tjpe of the later one. A special allusion to the destruction of the city by the Komans seems also to be found
in the words addressed by the lion to the eagle : " Destruxisti kabitationes eorum quifmctijicabanl, et kumiliasti muros
eonir» qui te von iioniervnt "■ (xi, 42).

(3. ) They, consequently, seem to have the right of it, Corrodi, Liicke (Ist ed.), Gfrorer, Dillmann, Volkmar, Ewald,
Langen, Wie^eler, Clutschmid, Le Ilir, who understand by the eagle the Roman Empire. All of the.^e scholars begin
the ^■e^ies of rulers with Csefar, and understand by the ruler whose dominion lasted more than double the length of
the others, Augustus. And these points are made surer by the fact that also in Josephus {Antig., ii. 2, vi. 10) and in
the Sibi/Uine Oracles (v. 10-15), the enumeration of Roman em.perors begins with Csesar (cf. Volkmar, Handbuch,i>. 344),
while by actual computation it is found that the reign of Augustus surpassed in its length that of any Roman emperor
of the first three centuries by more than double the number of years. But these scholars differ among themselves on
Bome other points. While Gutschmid and Le Ilir (they agree in general) suppose the three heads to be Septimus Sev-
erus (B. 0. 193-211), with his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, and that the book was composed in the year a. d. 218 (Le
Ilir distinguishes between the original kernel of the work and its present form), the others refer the three heads to the
three Flavian emperors, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, and so place the period of composition in the last decade of
the first century of our era. The former theoi'y is recommended by the fact that it easily allows the twenty-three
rulers to he made out, while it cannot readily be done if the other be adopted. But, on the other hand, it is a fatal
objection to this view that the work is cited by Clement of Alexandria, and so must have existed toward the end of the
second century. Gutschmid and Le Hir, indeed, maintain that this part was interpolated. But for such a supposition
the book gives no justification or occasion. Besides, tbe theory halts in several minor particulars. Consequently we
are obliged to take our stand on the more conmion opinion that the time of the Flavii is meant. The voluminous dis-
cussions of the last fifteen or twenty years seem to be tending to this conclusion. (Cf. Abbot, in his note appended to
Westcott's article in Smith's Bib. Dirt., s. v.) In most points the requirements of the problem are fully met. Titus
was not, it is true, murdered by his successor, but the belief that he was, was widely spread at the time. Aside from
these, the twelve principal rulers make no serious difficulty, though there is some difference of opinion concerning
them. There is more trouble with the eight inferior ones (or six, since we may suppose that the last two did not repre-
sent actual historical characters). But it would seem that the author must have reckoned among this number the
several Roman generals who, during the time of instability (a. d. 68-70), made efforts to secure for themselves the rule.
And, including them, the number might be made out. We may accordingly decide, with reasonable exactness, upon
the date of our work, supposing, as we must, that the author wrote during tbe dominion of the third head (cf . xii. 27,
2S), and expected the overthrow of the third when the Messiah appeared. " The time of composition is therefore not
to be placed, with Corrodi and Ewald. already under Titus : moreover, also, not with Volkmar and Langen first under
Nerva ; but, with Gfrorer, Dillmann, and Wieseler, under Domitian (a. d. 89-96).-' Cf. Schiirer, Neutest. Zeitgeschickle^
p. 563.

In canonical authority, 2 Esdras ranks among the apocryphal works which are most poorly supported. It was
quoted as a prophecy of Ezra, as we have already seen, by (Element of Alexandria [Strom., iii. 16, 100), so, too, by Am-
brose [De Bono Mortis, x., xii.), and was referred to with respect by Irenaius (Adv. H/xr., iii. 21, 2), but, as the con-
temptuous allusion by Jerome shows ( Contra Vigilant., u. vii., already cited above) enjoyed a not very wide accredited
circulation in the Western church. It was admitted to printed editions of the Vulgate, however, previous to the ad-
verse judgments of the Council of Trent, and citations from it are still found in the missals of the Romish church,
Luther and the Reformed church rejected it as spurious.

THE SECOND BOOK OF ESDEAS.

The First Visiojt.

Chap. III. In the thirtieth year after the ruin of the city I, Salathiel, who am also
called Esdras, was in Babylon, and lay troubled upon my bed, and my thouirhts arose in

2 my heart; for I saw the desolation of Sion, and the abundance of them that dwelt at Bab-

3 ylon. And my spirit was sore moved, and I began to speak words full of fear to the
Most Hig;li, and said,

4 O Lord, who bearest rule, thou spakest at the beginning, when thou didst form l the

5 earth, and that alone, and conimandedst the dust,^ and'it gave ^ a lifeless body unto Adam.

1 I read plasmn^li (it is found in two codd.) instead of jilanlasli. Cf. Bcnsly, p. 23, tbe Arabic and Ethiopic versions
and viii. U, where a similar interchange of those two word.s occurs in one Cod. Tlie Greelc was probably eV^ao-at.

= Cod. A. comes to the support of Cod. S. in the reading pidveri in place of papula, and it is undoubtedly to be
adopted. Cf. following. *

» Both of the leading Codd., S. and A., agree in having dedit instead of dedisti, as the original form, and the latter
must be a corruption for dedit tibi. Cf. Yi. 63, 64, " imperasti terrx, ut crearet coram le jumenta et bestias et reptilla el
iuper hh Adam.^^ '

2 ESDEAS. 645

But he, too, was the workmanship of thine hands, and thou didst breathe into him the

6 breath of life, and he became living before thee. And thou leddest him into paradise,

7 which thy right hand had planted, before the earth came. And unto him thou gavest
comman<lment to love thy way, and he transgressed it; and immediately thou appoint-
edst death in him and in his generations. And from him were born nations and tribes,

8 people and kindreds, without number. And every nation walked after their own will,

9 and practiced strange ^ things before thee, and despised thy commandments. But thou
again, in its time, broughtest the flood upon those that dwelt in the world and destroyedst

10 them. And, since their transgression was one,^ as there came upon Adam death, so upon

11 them, the flood. Nevertheless one of them thou didst leave, namely, Noah with his house,

12 and from him are all the righteous. And it happened, that when they that dwelt upon the
earth began to multiply, and had gotten them many children, and become peoples, and na-
tions, a multitude, they began also again to practice godlessness more than the former ones.

13 And since they practiced iniquity before thee, it came to pass that thou didst choose thee a

14 man from among them, whose name was Abraham. And tliou lovedst him, and revealedst

15 unto him only the end of the times, secretly, at night; ^ and madest an everlasting cove-

16 nant with him, and didst say to him that thou wouldest never forsake his seed. And unto
him thou gavest Isaac, and unto Isaac thou gavest Jacob and Esau. And tliou didst sep-

17 arate Jacob for thyself, but put by Esau. And Jacob became a great multitude. And it
came to pass, that when thou leddest his seed out of Egypt, thou broughtest them up

18 to mount Sina. And thou didst bow the heavens, and didst set fast* the earth, and

19 movedst the globe, and madest the depths tremble, and troubledst the world. And thy glory
went tliroui^h four gates, of tire, and of earthquake, and of wind, and of cold, that thou might-

20 est "ive the law unto the seed of Jacob, and diligence ^ unto the generation of Israel. And
thou tookest not away from them the wicked heart, that thy law might bring forth fruit in

21 them. For the first Adam bearing a wicked heart transgressed, and was overcome; and

22 so all that are born of him. And infirmity became peruianent, and the law was in the
heart of the people along with the root of wickedness ; and the good departed, and the evil

23 abode. And when now times liad passed away, and years had come to an end, thou didst

24 raise thee up a servant, called David. And thou commandedst him to build a city unto thy

25 name, and to offer* incense and oblations unto thee therein. And after this had been done

26 many years, they that inhabited the city forsook thee in all tilings, doing even as Adam

27 and all his generations had done; for they also had the wicked heart. And thou gavest

28 thy city over into the hands of thine enemies. And I said then to myself, Are their deeds
then any better that inhabit Babylon, and on that account must Siou be in subjection?

29 But it came to pass, when I came hither, I saw impieties without number, and my soul

30 hath seen many evil-doers in this thirtieth year. And my heart failed me, for I saw how
thou sufferest them sinning, and hast spared wicked doers, and hast destroyed thy people,

31 and hast preserved thine enemies, and hast not signified at all to any one ' how this way

32 may be left. Do they then of Babylon better thau they of SionV Or is there any other
nation that knoweth thee besides Israel? or what generations have believed thy covenants

33 as Jacob? Their reward appeareth not, and their labor hath no fruit. For I have gone
here and there among the heathen, and seen their abundance; and they think not upon

34 thy commandments. Weigh thou, therefore, now our wickedness in the balance, and theirs

35 that dwell in the world ; and it will be found on which side the scale will sink." Or
when was it that they which dwell upon the earth have not sinned in thy sight? or what

36 nation hath so kept thy couimandments ? Thou wilt find single men, indeed, by name,
who have kept thy precepts ; but thou wilt not find nations.

' The MSS. are nearly evenly divided between ira and mira. Cod. A. has impie. See Bensly, p. 32.
2 The text adopted by Fritzsche from Oodd. D. S. T., in uno rasu [casui S. and A., but the i is erased in A.) is also
that of A. The text. rec. has in nnoquoque. Casus is to be taken, it would seem, in the sense of irapiirriona. Cf .

Bensly, p. 62, note. j. ^ ■ ^ .ii,

1 I follow Fritzsche, who adopts^nem temporum, in place of volunlalem tuam of the common text, in harmony with
ihe Syr. Ethiop., and Ar. ; and secrete noctu from D. S. T. (A., secreta noctu), which is omitted in the common text.

1 Staluisti. Chis is not clear. Hilgenfeld and Vollimar suppose that lireto-M stood in the original and eirnjtrM was

taken for it by mistake. And this is certainly an improTement on the ordinary text. A scholarly friend, however,

suggests to me that possibly the original was i^rr,^ lU t. -fiv, instead of Itttjctw t^v y^v, which would seem to be

favored by a similar thought at 2 Sam. xxii. 10. ,„ , ,„

0 DiUgenliam, i. e,, love for the precepts of the law and due attention to them. Cf. ver. , , tu. 73, and Bensly, p. 6b,

""Fritzsche gives us oferret as the form of the text in S. It is really offerr ^ ibi, which stands for offerre tibi, as at
iv. 3, ostender ^ ibi = oslendere tibi. Cf. Bensly, p. 25, note.

' Nemini This was an emendation proposed by Van der Vlis, and had been adopted by Hilgenfeld and Fntzsche,
and, to our great satisfaction, we find it is supported by the newly-discovered Cod. A. , in place of memmi of the com-
mon text. See Bensly, p. 23. . ^^ . ,. ,■ , ^

» Non invenietur momentum puncti ubi declinet. Lit., " There will be found no trace of the indicator (index finger
ol the balance) where it would deviate." I render according to the sense. The word momentum is a conjecture of
HUgenleld'fl, and it has been adopted by Fritzsche.

646 APPENDIX.

CnAP. IV. 1 And the angel that was sent unto me, whose name was Uriel, p;ave me an

2 answer, and said, Thy heart is exceedingl)' moved over this world, and thinkest thou in

3 comprehend the way of the Most High? And I sniil. Yea, my Lord. And he answered me,
and said, I am sent to show thee three ways, and to set forth three similitudes before thee;

4 whereof if Ihou eanst give me answer concerning one, I will also show tliee the way that
6 thou desirest to see, and I will shew ihee wherefore ' the wicked heart is. And 1 said,

Speak, my Lord. And he said unto me. Go, weigh for me the weiglit of the fire, or meas-

6 ure for me the blast of the wind, or call back for me the day that is passed. And I an-
swered and said. Who of liuman kind could do that, that Ihou shoulde^t ask me coneern-

7 ing these things? And he said unto me, If I should ask Ihee how many dwellings there
are in the niidst of the sea, or how many springs there are in tlie beginning of the deep,

8 or how many ways ^ there are over the firmament, or what are the exits from paradise, per-
adventuie tliou wouldest say unto me, I never went down into the deep, nor as yet into

9 Hades, neither did I ever go up into heaven. But now I have asked thee simply of the
fire, and the wind, and the day through which thou hast passed, and of things from
which thou canst not be separated, and thou hast given nie no answer concerning them.

10 And he said unto me. Thine own things which have grown up with thee, canst thou not

11 understand; how should thy vessel then be able to comprehend the way of the Most High,
and, being already corrupted in a corrupted' world, to understand the corruption that is

12 eviilent in my sight? And I said unto liim. It were better that we were not, than that

13 we should be, and Uve in godlessness, and suffer, and rot know wherefore. And he an-
swered me, and said, I went into a forest in a jilain, and the trees look counsel, and said,

14 Come, let us go and make war against the sea, that it may recede before us, and that we may

15 make us more woods. Tlie waves of the sea also in like manner, they, too, took counsel,
and said, Come, let us go up and subdue the woods of the plain, that theie also we may

16 make us another province. And it came to pass, that the thought of the wood was in

17 vain, for the fire came and consumed it ; and the thought of the waves of the sea, like-

18 wise, for tlie sand stood firm and stopped them. If thou wert judge now betwixt them,

19 which wouldesi thou justify? or which wouldest thou condemn? I answered and said,
lioth ^ look vain counsel; for the land is given unto the wood, and to the sea a place to

20 bear its waves. And he answered me, and said. Thou hast given a right judgment, and

21 why judgest thou not thyself? For as the laud is given unto the wood, and the sea to
its waves, so also they that dwell upon the earth can understand nothing, but what is
upon the earth ; and he who is above the heavens, what is above the height of the
heavens.

22, 23 And I answered, and said, I beseech thee, O Lord, let me have understanding; for
it was not my mind to be curious concerning the higher ways,'' but concerning those that
pass by us daily: wherefore Israel is given up as a reproach to the heathen, Ihe people
whom thou hast loved is given up unto ungodly nations, and the law of our fathers is

24 brought to nought, and the wiitten precepts are no more? And we pass away out of the

25 world as locusts, and our life is fear," and we are not worthy to obtain mercy.' But what
will he do unto his name which has been called over us? Concerning these things have

26 I asked. And he answered me and said. If thou shalt remain, thou wdt see; and°if thou

27 shalt long live, thou wilt wonder; for the world hasteth fast to pass away ; and shall not
be able to bear the things that are proniised in their time to the righteous ; for this world

28 is full of sorrow ' and weakness. The evil, that is to say, about which you ask me, is

29 sown, but the harvest* thereof is not yet come. If therefore that wliieh is sown shall not
have been harvested,^ and the place where the evil is sown have not passed away, so the

30 place where the good is sown cometh not. For a grain of evil seed hath been sown in the
heart of Adam from the beginning, and how much ungodliness hath it brought forth until

31 now, and shall bring forth until the time of threshing come? Weigh now with thyself,

■ I read gnare, instead of uyide sit, with A. D. T. See Bensly, p. 31, note.

= I read vim, whir.li was a conjecture of Van der Vlis, and has been adopted by Fritzsche, though not by Hilgenfeld
instead of vt^nx of the common text. Cf. Syr. and Ethiop. '

" The common text is, Bt jmn exlerius cormpto sxculo intdligere corruptionem evidentem in facie n\fa. Critics havo
boon at their wits' end respecting nierius, and show no agreement in their interpretations. Happily, the new Cod. A.
offers a satisfactory solution of the difficulty by reading exlerritus, i. e., exterilus, " worn out,'" " corrupted •' See
liensly, p. 32.

» The common text has uliijur for which ulrique of S. and other authorities is clearly to be adopted.

' Vii$ was a conjecture of Van der Vli.^, and has been adopted by Fritzsche; common text, (mi. Cf. Syr and
Ethiop.

" Fritzsche omits ;racof, with S. D. T. ; common text, stupor ut pavor. Uilgenfold would read ut vapor.

' I read imrstilin, with S. D. T., instead of iiijustitia of the (trxf. rec.

' The common te.tt has Ue^trudw, but S. read, originally, deslrictio, and A., districtio. Cf . the use of distringo in the
Vulgate, at fclzelc. xvii. 9, and see Bensly, p. 26. I render freely.

" The text adopted by Fritzsche from D. is non emcUum futrit. Cod. A., however, has, as the original rcadin.', non
mmsam fuent, as a corrected reading, non mfssum fuerit ; Cod. S., nam luH, i. »., the original reading of A° Sm
Benaly, p. 32.

2 ESDRAS. 647

32 how great fruit of sodlessness a grain of evil seed hatli brought forth. When ears shall
have been sown, which are without number, how great a harvest will they make up ?

33, 34 And I answered and said, How and when shall these things be? AVherefore are
our years few and evil? And he answered me, and said unto merCo not thou hasten be-
yond the Jfost High; for thy haste is in vain asrainst tlie Spirit itself; for the Hiirhest

35 hastens for many.i Did not the souls of the ritrhtcous ask concerning these thinsrs in
their chambers, saying, How long shall 1 hope thus? And when shaircome the friut of

36 the harvest floor of our reward? And unto these things Jeremiel the arfhangi'l gave an-
swer, and said, AVhen the number of those like you shall have been filled ;°f()rlie hath

37 weighed the world in the l.alance, and by measure hath he measured the times, and by
number hath he numbered the times; and he moveth not nor awaketh, until the said

38 measure be fulfilled. And I answered and said, O Lord who bearest rule, but we all,

39 also, are full of impiety. And for our sakes peradventure it is that the harvest floors
of the righteous are not filled, 2 because of the sins of them that dwell upon the earth.

40 And he answered me, and said. Go to a woman with child, and ask of her when she hath

41 fulfilled her nine months, if her womb can keep longer the birth within her. And I said,
No, Lord, that can she not. And he said unto me. In Hades the chambers of soids are

42 like the womb; for as a woman that travaileth maketh haste to escape the necessity of
the travail, so, also, do these hasten to deliver those things that from the beginning were

43 committed unto them. What thou deslrest to see shall then be shown thee.

44 _ And I answered and said. If I have found favor in thy sight, and if it be possible, and

45 if I be capable, show nie also this, whether there be more to come than is passed, or more

46 hath passed over us than is to come. What is passed 1 know, but what is to come I know

47 not. And he said unto me, Stand upon the right side, and I will expound a similitude

48 unto thee. And I stood, and saw, and behold, a burning oven passed by before me; and
it happened, that when the flame had gone by, I looked, and behold, smoke reniaineil.

49 After this there passed by before me a cloud full of water, and sent down a shower

50 witli violence, and when the rain storm bad passed, there remained drops in it. And he
said unto me. Consider with thyself : as the rain is more than the drops, and the fire than
the smoke, so is tlie quantity which is passed greater; but drops and smoke still remain.

51 And I prayed, and said. Shall I live, thinkest thou, until those days? or who will live

52 in those days? He answered me, and said, Concerning the si'^ns whereof thou askest
me, I can tell thee in part ; but concerning thy life, I am not sent to tell thee ; for I do
not know.

Ch.ap. V". 1 But as concerning the signs, behold, the days shall come, in which they that
dwell upon earth shall be seized with great foolishness,^ and the way of truth shall be hid-

2 den, and the land shall be barren of faith. And unrighteousness shall be increased above

3 that which thou thyself seest, and above that which thou hast ever heard of. And there
shall be strife on the ways of the land, that thou now seest ruling,* and it sliall become waste.

4 But if the Most High grant thee to live, thou shalt see after the third trumpet* that the

5 sun shall suddenly shine forth in the night, and the moon thrice in the day ; and blood
shall drop from wood; and the stone shall give its voice; and the people shall be troubled,

6 and the ways changed; ^ and he shall rule, whom they that dwell upon tbs; earth look not for ;

7 and tlie birds shall take their flight away togetlier; and the Sodomitish sea shall cast out
fish, and give out a voice in the night, whicli many understood not, but they shall all hear

8 the voice thereof. And there shall come confusion in many places, and fire shall often
break out,' and the wild beasts shall go beyond their bounds, and menstruous wouien shall

9 bring forth monsters ; and salt waters shall be found in the sweet, and all friends shall
fight against one another; and then shall reason hide itself, and understanding withdraw

10 into its chamber, and shall be sought by many, and not be found ; and unrighteousness

11 and incontinency shall be multiplied upon earth. One land also shall ask another, and
say. Hath righteousness that doeth the right gone through thee ? And it shall say. No.

12 And it shall come to pass at the same time that men will hope, but nothing obtain; they

13 will labor, and their ways shall not prosper. To tell thee of such signs I have leave ; and
if thou wilt pray again, and weep just as now, and fast seven days, thou shalt hear yet
greater things.

14 And I awoke, and an extreme shuddering went through my body, and my spirit was so

' Cocld. S. A., nam ExceUus pro mullis, but the text of the liitter has been cha-Dged to ab excdso acceperis.

' Cod. A. supports the suggestion of Ullgenfeld, impleatur justorum area, (Uod. S., arex) ; commou text, impleantur
jitnlorum are^.

3 I read insensu, a conjecture of Voltcmar, for m censu of the common text.

< El eric incompositw (so S. and T.) erslisio quam nunc viiles re^nnre regionem. Vollimir renders : " Und es wird zer-
wUrfniss geben auf deni Yfege des Landes, welches du jetzt hevrschen siehest," and I have followed it above. The
authority for mcomposito (D.) is insufRcient. The text. tec. has impasUo.

5 Tubam. Ililgenfeld adopts turbatam. Cf . the Oriental versions.

" Mtgressus (so A, and most MSS.) mutabuntur [commutdbimtur, S. T.). Syr., et aires commutaiuntur ; Ethiop.
Helix cudent. Might not gressus here mean the on-going order of things, and refer also to the heavenly bodies J

' Emiaetwr. So f ritzsche, f oUswing Viiu del Vlis ; csmmoa text, remituiur.

648 APPENDIX.

15 overcome, that it fainted. And the angel that had come to talk with me held me. stren^-th-

16 ened me, and set me upon my feet. And on the spcond night it came to pass, that I hal-
thiel 1 leader of the people came unto me, saying, Where hast thou been? and why is (ny

17 countenance heavy ? Knowest thou not that Israel is committed unto thee i" *" ''^'y' "*

18 their captivity? Up then, and eat bread, and forsake us not, as a shepherd leaveth Ins

19 flock in the power of cruel wolves. And I said unto him, Go from me, and come not nigh
me for seven days, and then shalt thou come to me. And he heard what I said, and went

20 from me. And I fasted seven days, mourning and weeping, as Uriel the angel commanded
me.

The Second Vision.

21 And after seven days it came to pass, that the thoughts of my heart were very grievous

22 unto me ao-ain, and mv soul recovered the spirit of understanding, and I began to talk

23 with the Most High again, and said, O Lord who bearest rule, from every wood of the

24 earth, and from all the trees thereof, thou hast chosen one vine; and from all lands of

25 the world thou hast chosen thee one land ;2 and from all the flowers thereof one lily; and
from all the depths of the sea thou hast filled thee one river; and from all cities built thou

26 hast hallowed Sion unto thyself: and from all flying things that are created thou hast
called 8 thee one dove ; and from all cattle that are made thou hast provided thee one

27 sheep ; and from all the multitudes of peoples thou hast gotten thee one people ; and unto

28 this people, whom thou lovedst, thou gavest a law that is approved by all. And now. 0
. Lord, why hast thou given this one over unto the many? and hast prepared * the one root

29 above others, and scattered thy one among many? And they who did p-ninsay thy prom-

30 isfs, and believed not thy cove'nants, have trodden it down. If thou didst so much hate
thy people, yet shouldest thou have punished it with thine own hands.

31 And it came to pass, when I had spoken these words, the angel that had^ come to me

32 the former night was sent unto me, and said unto me. Hear me, and I will instruct thee;

33 and give attention to me, and I will tell thee more. And I said. Speak, my Lord. And
he said unto me. Thou art too much moved in spirit over Israel; lovest thou it better

34 than he that made it ? And I said to him. No, Lord, but in grief have I spoken; for my
reins pain me every hour, while I seek to comprehend the way of the Most High, and to

35 search out a part^'of his judgment. And he said unto me, Thou canst not. And I said,
Wherefore, Lord? Whereunto was I born then? or why became not my mother's womb
my grave, that I might not have seen the travail of Jacob, and the Avearisome toil of the

36 race of Israel ? And he said unto me. Number for me the things that are not yet come, and
gather together for me the drops that are scattered abroad, and make for me the witheied

37 flowers green again, and open for me the chambers that are closed, and bring forth tor
me the winds that are shut up in them ; or show me the picture of a voice : and then I will

38 show to thee the thing that thou askest to know. And I said, O Lord who bearest rule,

39 who can know this, but he that hath not his dwelling with men? But I am unwise ; how

40 could I then speak of these things whereof thou askest me? And he said unto me, As thou
canst do none of these things that I have spoken of, so canst thou not find out my judg-

41 ment, or the end of the love' that I have promised unto my people. And I said, Yet be-
hold, O Lord, thou art nigh unto them that live till the end, and what shall they do that

42 have been before me, or we, or they that shall be after us? And he said unto me, I will
liken my judgment unto a crown: the last cometli not too late, as the first came not too

43 early. And I answered and said, Couldest thou not then make what has happened, and ie
now, and that shall be in the future, at once; that thou mightest show thy judgment the

44 sooner? And he answered me, and said. The creature cannot hasten beyond the Crea-

45 tor; nor could the world hold them at once that are created therein. And I said. As thou
hast said unto thy servant, that thou calledst the creation made by thee at once into be-

46 ing, and the creation bore it, so it might now also bear future things ' at once. And he said
unto me. Ask the womb of a woman, and say unto it, If thou bringest forth ten ^ children,

* So A. and others. Cf. the Oriental Tersions.

a Foveanc is retained by Tritzscho, but must be a mistalce. The oriental versions have regionem or campum. Yolk-
mar, GefiUle. Ililgenfeld, x^^pt'o"', and p. 126,/Mn^7uj7J.

8 Nomina^tl. More liliely, exaAeo-as, i. e., vocaati, in the original, than ii'oVao-as. Cf. Volltmar, p. 28.

4 Dehone^tasti is adopted by Volltniar, in harmony with the Oriental versions. Fritzsche retains prs-parnsii of the
text. rec.

e Partem. According to Volkmar, ra rayMa probably stood in the original, which also might mean "part," but
Bbould here have been rendered, with the Ethiop., by ordinem.

» Finem caritatts {a correction of Van der Vlis, and adopted by Fritzsche) ; common text, in fine (S. ^.^finem) ckari'
tatem.

7 So I render with Volkmar. The original creation was immediate. So the Scriptures told him. Would it be
harder to bear an immediate revelation of the future ?

• Decern. So Volkmiu, Hllgeuf eld, and Fritzsche (cf . Oriental Tersions) ; common text, et si.

2 ESDRAS. 649

47 why one after another ? Request it therefore to bring forth ten at onee. And I said, It

48 cannot indeed, but in its time. And he said unto me. And I have given a womb to the

49 earrh for those that are sown in it in tlieir times. For as ayouncr child bringeth not forth,
nor they that are aged any longer, so have I disposed the world which I created.

50 And I asked, and said. Seeing thou hast now opened to me the way, I will speak before
thee: Our mother, of whom thou hast told me, is ' she young? or draweth she already nigh

51 unto age ? He answered me, and said, Ai-k a woman that beareth children, and she shall

52 tell thee. Say unto her. Wherefore are not they whom thou hast now brought forth like

53 the earlier ones, but less of stature? And she also will tell thee, They that are born in the
strength of youth are of one kind, and they that are born in the time of age, when the

54 womb faileth, of another. Consider thou therefore also, that ye are less of stature than

55 those that were before you; and they that come after you less than ye, as creatures that

56 now begin to be old, and have passed beyond the strength of youth. And I said, Lord, I
beseech thee, if I have found favor in thy sight, shew thy servant by whom thou visitest
thy creature.

Chap. VI. 1 And he said unto me. In the beginning of the circle of the earth, and before

2 the ends of the world stood, and before the assembled winds blew, and before the voice
of thunderings resounded, and before the glitter of lightning shone, and before the founda-

3 tions of paradise were laid, and before the fair flowers were seen, and before the movable
forces were established, and before the innumerable hosts of angels were gathered to-

4 gether, and before the heights of the air were lifted up, and before the measures of the

5 firmament were named, and before the footstool of Sion was built, ^ and before the present
years were sought out, and before the inventions of them that now sin were estranged, and

6 they were sealed that have gathered faith as a treasure : then did I consider these things,
and they were made through me alone, and through none other, as by me also they shall
be ended, and by none other.

7 And I answered and said. What shall be the separation of the times? or when shall be

8 the end of tlie first, and the beginning of that which foUoweth ? And he said unto me,
From Abraham unto Abraham's seed : since Jacob and Esau were born from him ; for

9 Jacob's hand held from the first the heel of Esau.' For Esau is the end of this world, and

10 Jacob is the beginning of that which followeth. The hand of a man * is betwixt heel and
hand ; further, Esdras, ask thou not.

11 And I answered and said, O Lord who bearest rule, if I have found favor in thy sight,

12 I beseeoli thee, show thy servant the end of thy tokens, whereof thou showedst me part

13 the preceding night. And he answered and said unto me, Stand up upon thy feet, and

14 thou shalt hear a mighty sounding voice. And it shall be as if the place upon which thou

15 standest were greatly moved.* Thereby when it speaketh be not afraid, for the word is

16 of the end ; and the foundation of the earth will understand, because the speech is con-
cerning it ; it trembleth and is moved, for it knoweththat its end and change must come.'

1 7 And it°happened, that when I heard it I stood up upon my feet, and hearkened. And behold

18 a voice that spake, and the sound of it was like the sound of many waters. And it said.
Behold the days come. And it shall come to pass, that when I begin to draw nigh, I will visit

19 them that dwell upon the earth ; and when I shall begin to make incpusition of them, that
have hurt unjustly with their unrighteousness, and when the humiliation of Sion shall have

20 been fulfilled, and when the world, that will begin to vanish away, shall be sealed, I will
show these tokens : the books shall be opened before the firmament, and they shall see

21 all together ; and the children of a year old shall speak with their voices ; and women with
child "shall bring forth untimely children of three and four months old, and they shall live,

22 and be raised up; and suddenly shall the sown places appear unsown, and the full store-

23 houses shaU suddenly be found empty ; and a trumpet shall give a sound, which when he

24 beareth, every man shall suddenly be afraid. And it shall come to pass at that time, that
friends shall fight one against another like enemies, and the earth shall stand in fear with
those that inhabit it ; and the springs of the fountains shall stand still, that for three hours

25 they may not run.' And it shall come to pass, that every one who remaineth from all these
that I have told thee of shall escape, and see my salvation, and the end of my ' world.

• Num was a, suggestion of Volkmar (adopted by Fritzsche), for nam of the MS3.

» The text. rec. has astuarent camini in Sion. Eor the second word, S. A. give camillum (for scamillum), and the
first word is doubtless a corruption ioT Jirmaretuj or adificaretur. See Bensly, p. 26, note.

« I follow Hilgeufeld : Ab Abraham usque ad Abraham (so S. Cf . the Greet of Hilgenfeld, p. 56). Qmniam natus est
ab eo Jacob et Esau, manus enim Jacob tenebat ab initio calcaneum Esau.

» That is, the government of a man, apparently. Hilgenfeld would write membra for manus.

' Simt commotione comma oebitur locus. The second word was a happy conjecture of Van der Vlis. The common
text has commotio nee. See Bensly, p. 27, note.

« I have rendered freely. The Latin is, scit enim quoniamjinem eorum opartet commutan.

' The original reading seems to have been ut non decunant (3., ut nan decurrunt) and not as text, rec, et non decur-
rent.

* Text, rec., falsely, vestri.

650 APPENDIX.

26 And the men thfit have been taken up shall see it, who have not tasted death from their
birth; and the heart of those who inhabit the earth shall be changed, and turned to an-

27, 28 other feelinff. For evil shall be blotted out, and deceit shall be quenched ; but faith
fhull flourish, and corrnpfinn shall be overcome, and the truth, which hath been so lonj
williont fruit, shall bo manifested.

29 And it came to pas* that when it^ talked with me, behold, the place upon which I stood

30 was Fomcwliat moved. ^ And he said unto me, I am come to show tliee these things.
SI And with the opportunity of the coming night' if ihou wilt pray yet more, and fast seven

32 days aoain, I will tell thee greater things. Already long since thy voice reached ihe ear
of the Most High ; ^ for the Mighty bath se-en thy righteous dealing, he halh taken note

33 also of thy chastity, which thou hast had ever since thy youth; and therefore hath he
sent me to show thee all these things, and to say unto thee. Be of good comfort, and fear

84 not; and hasten not, with the times that are past, to think vain things, that thou mayest
not hasten ^ from the latter times.

The Third Vision.

35 And it came to pass after this, that I wept again, and fasted seven days in like manner,

36 that I might fulfill the three weeks of which he told me. And it came to pass, that in the
eiffbth night my heart was troubled within me again, and I began to speak before the Most

37, 38 High! For my spirit was greatly kindled, and my soul was in distress. And I said,
O Ijord, thou spakest in the beginning of the creation, on the first day, saying. Let heaven

39 and earth be; and thy word completed the work. And then was the Spirit brooding, and
darkness and silence were on every side ; the sound of man's voice had not yet come from

40 thee. Then comniandedst tliou a clear light to come forth from thy treasures, that thy work

41 might appear. And upon the second day thou raadest further the spirit of the firma-
ment, and comnianilccist it to part asunder and to make a division betwixt the waters,

42 that the one part might go up, and the other remain beneath. , And u_gon_the_t]iiaLday
thou didst conmiand that the waters should be gathered in the seventh jjart of the e.arth ;
biit six parts hast tliou dried up, and kept, to the intent that some of these being planfed

43 by GodJ^'and tilled, might serve thee. For as soon as thy word went "forththe^wbrE^wSs.

44 For immediately there came forth a great abundance of fruit, and divers pleasures for the
taste, and flowers of inimitable coloring, and indiscoverable' odors ; and this was done the

45 third day. But upon the fourth day thou commandedst that the sun should shine, the

46 njoon give her light, the stars should be in order ; and gavest them their charge to do

47 service unto man, that was to be formed. But upon the fifth day thou commandedst the
seventh part, where the waters were gathered, to bring forth living creatures, both fowls

48 and fishes; and so the dumb and soulless water brought forth living things as it was com-

49 manded, lliat the nations hereby might speak of thy wondrous works. Andthendidst thou

50 let two li\ing creatures * live, llie one thou calledst Enoch, and the other Leviathan ; and
thou didst separate the one from the other; for the seventh part, where the water was

51 galhered togclber, could not liolii tliem. And unto Enoch thou gavest one part, which

52 was di'ied up the third day, to dwell in it, where the thousand Tiiirs^ are ;~bTitrmit2JEievra~than
thou gavest the sevenlh, moist part ; and thou hast kept them to be devoured by wEom

53 thou wilt, and when thoii wilt. But upon the si.Kth day thou gavest commandment unto
the earth, that it should bring forth before thee beasts, and cattle, and creeping thinn-s ;

54 and after tbese, Adam, whom thou niadest lord over all the works which thou didst

55 make ; and from him come we all, also the people whom thou hast chosen. Kow all this
have I spoken before thee, O Lord, because thou hast said that thou madest the world '"

1 That is, the voice. Cf . ver. 17.

2 The reading of S. is intuebaUcr (so A.) super quern stabam super turn. Text. rec. has intuebar for the first ; Tritzache
commovt-batur ; Ililgenfeld, tUubabat and etr^aXXero \ Volkmar, immovebaiur.

3 The text is corrupt, and I follow Ililgenfeld rather than Fritzsche, although they differ but little, except in
punctuation.

* Here, too, I follow Ililgenfeld : IlaAat tj5t) aicop i^icovff^Tj ^ ^uivri irov napa. T(j> v^Cartf. Cod. S. has auditu^ corrupted
in the uxt. rec. to awiiti, and adopted in that form by Fritzsche.

6 Fritzsche retains the text, rec., et non properes. The authorities are against it. Cod. S., ut non properas, amended
ut nan properes. Sec Itensly, p. 21, note.

0 Tlie a deo which Ls found in the text. rec. is doubtless correct. See Bensly, p. 9, note. Ililgenfeld and Fritzsche
adopt for it adeo. Both S. and A. liave a dj.

1 For investtgnbilis, Volkmar and Fritzsche write minvesligabilis. Cod. S. has the former, but apparently in the
sense of the latter.

'Let ... . tire. Lit., keep, preserve. Dims animas. Volkmar, duo animata ,- Ililgenfeld, duo animalia. And
for the following " Enoch, '■ a common conjecture, expresised in the margin of A. V., is '• Behemoth.''

» Probably the " thousand hills •■ spoken of in Ps. 1. 10, are meant. See the Hebrew, and compare the Targum on
that passage.

"> In Cod. A. a word has fallen out before .racuium, and it seems to ha.To been proge»tJiMn. See Bensly, p. 25.

2 ESDRAS. 651

56 for our sakes. But thou hast said that the rest of the nations born from Adam are noth-
ing, and that they are like spittle, and hast likened the abundance of them unto the drop

57 from a vessel. And now, O Lord, behold, these heathen, which are reputed as nothing,

58 have benun to be lords over us, and to devour us. But we thy people, whom thou hast
called thy firstborn, thy only begotten, and thy dearest partizan,' are given over into their

59 hands. And if the world be made for our sakes, why do we not possess an inheritance
with the world? how long shall this be V

Chap. VII. 1 And it came to pass, that when I had made an end of speaking these words,

2 there was sent unto me the angel who had been sent unto me the former nights ; and he

3 said unto me. Up, Esdras, and hear the words that I am come to tell thee. And I said.
Speak, my Lord.^ And he said unto me. The sea is set in a wide place, that it might be

4, 5 deep and great. But the entrance to it is so narrow, that it is like rivers. He now
who would go upon the sea and look at it, or rule it, if he go not through the narrow, how

6 can he come into the broad? Likewise another thing: A city is built, and set upon a

7 broad plain, and is full of all good things ; but' the entrance thereof is narrow, and is set
on a steep place, in such a way that there is fire on the right hand, on the left deep water;

8 but only one path lies between tliem, that is between the fire and the water, h, path so nar-

9 row that there can but one man go there at once. If this city now were given unto a man
for an inheritance, if the heir pass not through the danger set before him, how shall he

10 receive his inheritance? ^ And I said, It is so. Lord. And he said unto me. So also is

11 Israel's portion. Because for their sakes I made the world ; and when Adam transgressed

12 my statutes, that was decreed which has taken place. And the entrances of this world be-
came narrow, and painful and laborious ; also tew and evil, and full of perils, and attended

13 with irreat labor. For the entrances of the elder world were wide and sure, and brought

14 immortal fruit. If then they that live, labor not to enter these strait and transitory ^

15 thiniTS, they cannot receive those that are laid up. Now therefore why disquietest thou
thyself, seeing thou art but a corruptible man? and why art thou moved, seeing thou art

16 but mortal ? And why hast thou not taken to thy heart that which is to come, rather than
that which is present?

17 And I answered and said, O Lord that bearest rule, behold, thou hast ordained in thy

18 law, that the righteous shall inherit these things, but that the ungodly shall perish. Never-
theless ° the righteous shall suffer strait things, while hoping tor the wide. LJut they that

19 have done godlessly have also suffered strait things, and shall not see the wide. And he said
unto me. There is no judge above God, and none that hath understanding above the Most

20 Hio-h. For many of the present time perish,' because they neglect the law of God that is

21 set^before them. For God hath given strait commandment to ihem that come, when they
came, what they should do to live, and what they should observe to avoid punishment.

22 Nevertheless they were not persuaded, and spoke against him, and thought out idle plans,

23 and proposed to themselves wicked deceptions, and said of the Most High, that he is not,

24 and knew not his ways, and despised his law, and denied his covenants, and in his statutes

25 have not been faithful, and have not performed his works. Therefore, Esdras, for the

26 empty are empty things, and for the full are full things. For » the time shall come, and it

27 shall come to pa.^s, that when these tokens which I have told thee of shall come, the bride
shall appear, and the city shine forth, that now is withdrawn, and the earth be manifested,

28 and every one who is delivered from the before mentioned evils shall see my wonders. For
my son Jesus' shall be revealed with those that are with him, and they that remain shall

29 reioice for four hundred years. And it shall come to pass after these years that my son

30 Christ shall die, and all men that have breath. And the woi-ld shall be turned into the

31 old silence seven days, as in the first beginnings,i» go that no man shall be left. And it
shall come to pass after seven days the world, that yet awaketh not, shall be raised up,

32 and what is corrupt shall die. And the earth shall restore those that are aslee,p in her,
and the dust those that dwell in silence in it, and the chambers" shall deliver those souls

33 that were committed unto them. And the Most High shall be revealed upon the seat of

1 ^mulatorem carissimum.

2 Text, rcc, deus.

8 Cod. S. haa autem, but it is not received by Fritzscbe. _ ■ ■ , l ^

* I adopt the restored text of Bensly, p. 33, si non hmres antepositum periculum pertranstent, guomodo accipiet hxred-

^ I so rmder vana here, in harmony with the context. Hilgenteld would change to mala

0 Here (Jod. S. has enim, Cod. A. autem. These words were frecLuently interchanged in the MSS. CJ. ver. 4i, and

^Tor> "hVolkmar!" "; rather the many of the present perish," who would read pereant for pereun,. It is the

reading of S. Cod. A. hus perient.
' Cod. S. has ecce before enim of the common text.
• Syr. Bthiop. Ar., Messiah, the true reading. See p. 641.
" Iniciis, with S., and uotjudiciis of the text. «c
11 Of. iT. 41.

652 APPENDIX.

34 judgment, and mercy' shall pass away, and long suffering shall have an end; but judg-

35 ment only shall remain, and truth shall stand, and faith shall grow strong; and one's work
shall follow, and one's reward shall be shown, and righteous dealings shall be awake, and
unrighteous dealings sleep ^ not.

36 And 8 the lake < of torment shall appear, and over against it shall be the place of rest,
and the furnace of Gehenna shall be seen, and over against it the Paradise of delight.

37 And the Most High will then say to the nations which have been raised, Look, and un-
derstand whom ye have denied, or whom ye have not served, or whose commandments

38 ye have despised. And see, on the other hand, the opposite state: Here is delight and
rest ; and there is fire and torment; this now, wilt tliou speak and say to them on the day

39, 40 of judgment.' This is a day « that hath neither sun, nor moon, nor stars, nor cloud,
nor thunder, nor lightning, nor wind, nor water, nor air, nor darkness, nor evening,' nor

41 morning, nor summer, nor spring, nor heat, nor winter, nor ice, nor cold, nor hail, nor

42 rain, nor dew, nor mid-day, nor night, nor early morning,* nor brightness, nor clearness,
nor light, save alone the splendor of the glory of the Most High, by means of which all

43 begin to sec that which lieth before them. For it will last not far from a week of years.

44 This is my judgment and its determination, but only to thee have 1 shown these things.
46 And 1 answered, 0 Lord, I said then, and now say I again, ^ Happy are they who are

46 present and who observed what was determined by thee ; but also those for whom I
prayed! '" For who is there among those present, who hath not sinned? or who hath been

47 born, that hath not transgressed thy covenant? And now I see that the future world

48 will bring delight to only a few, but tornit-nt to many.'' For the wicked heart increased
in us; this alienated us from these and led us into corruption and the ways of death, showed
us the paths of perdition, and brought us far from life; and that not a few, but nearly

49 all who were created. And he answered me and said; Hear me and I will instruct thee

50 and will admonish thee anew. On this account the Most High hath not made one world,

51 but two. For do thou, since thou hast said that there are not many righteous, but few,

52 while tlie godless are multiplied, hear in reply : ^^ If thou hadst a very few precious stones,

53 thou mightest add to their number lead and clay!" And I said, Lord, Low could it be?

54 And he said to me. Not alone that, but ask the earth and it will say it to thee, beg it ear-

55 nestly'* and it will tell thee. Say to it, Thou createst gold, and silver, and brass, and iron

56 also, and lead and clay. But there is more silver than gold, and brass than silver, and

57 iron than brass, lead than iron, and clay than lead. Do thou also fix the worth of what
is precious and desirable, of that of which there is much, or of that of which there is lit-

58 tie. And I said, O Lord who bearest rule, that of which there is much is of little worth, for

59 what is the more rare is the more precious. And he answered me and said. Weight' with

60 thyself what thou hast thought, for he who hath something which is rare, rejoiceth more
than he that hath much. So also with me is the demand of the judgment; '^ for I shall re-
juice over the few, even those who are saved, because they are those who have now made

61 my glory chief, those through whom now ray name is named. And I will not mourn over
the multitude of those who are lost; for they have turned to vapor and fire, have turned

62 to smoke and are consumed, have glowed and are extinguished. And I answered and
said, O earth, wherefore hast thou borne, if our consciousness was made of dust, as also

63 the rest of creation. For it were better tliat the dust itself had not been born, that our

64 consciousness might not have sprung from it. But now our consciousness gronieth with us,

65 and therefore we suffer turment, for we know that we perish. Let the race of men mourn,
and the beasts of the field rejoice! Let all who are born mourn, but fourfooted beasts and

66 cattle, let them be gladl For it is far better with them than with us; because they expect

67 no judgment, and know no torments, nor salvation promised them after death. But what

1 Misericordie is tlie readiBg of Cod. S. ; text, rec, mUerim.

2 Cod. S., dorniibunt ; text, rec, dominabuntur.

3 Uere follows, vers. 36-105, the lost fragment of our work above referred ta I follow Bensly'a text, unless othaT-
wise indicated.

* I read lacus instead of locits. Cf. Bensly's note,
c }i(£c aulem loqueris dicens ad eos in diejudicii.

" I supplj this word, with Fritzsche and the Arabic version.

' Sero.

3 Ante lucem. Tritzache has dies.

* I follow Fritzsche's punctuation.

i» Sed ct [rfej quibus ml oratio mea. Bensly suggests as the possible original : i\Aa kA wepl S>i> (or nepX mimv) i

hirirrU jaou .

" 1 follow Fritzsche's Latin, which Bensly also favors. Cf. his note in loc.

i> Ad km.

13 The text is corrupt, and I follow the emended form given in Bensly's note.

1* Aduiare.

« Slant j.ondera in the text, but it is clearly a corruption.
. " '^^'^ ^.""'^ ""*?" ™ *'™'"=> ^""l I '"i»P' "i» suggestion of, Bensly, who would restore the original thus : Oii™t .coi

i\ nap ejxou CTrayyeAia ttJs KptVeius-

2 ESDRAS. 653

68 (loth it profit us that we shall live again, if we are to he tormented? For all who have
been born are mixed up with transgressions, and filled with sins, and laden with offenses.

69 And if, after death, we were not to come into indgment, it might, perhaps, have gone

70 better with us. And he answered me and said. When the Most Ui^h created the world,
Adam and all who came with him, he first prepared the judgment and wliat pertaineth to

71 the judgment And now learn from thine own words; for thou hast said that consciousness

72 groweth with us. Those, therefore, who lived upon earth, are for that reason tormented,
because while having consciousness they practiced unrighteousness, and while receiving
commandments kept them not, and having obtained the law, ihey acted falsely with that

73 which they received. And what will they have to say in the judgment, or how will they

74 a;nswer on the last day? For how long is the time that the Most High hath had patience
with them, who inhabit the world, and not because of them, but because of tlie times

75 which he foresaw! And I answered and said, If I have found grace Ijefore thee, O Lord,
show, O Lord, to thy servant, whether after death or now, when each of us must give
up his soul, we shall be kept in rest till those times come, in which thou wilt renew the

76 creation, or whether we shall be tormented at once. And he answered me and said, I will
show you also this. But do not join thyself with those who have despised, nor number

77 thyself with those who are tormented. For there is a treasure of works laid up for thee

78 with the Most High, but it will not be shown thee until the last day. But ' we were speak-
ing of death. 'When the decision shall have gone forth from the Most High that a man is to
die, the Spirit departeth from ihe body that it may return again to him who gave it, in or

79 der, first, to prostrate itself before the "glory of the Most High. And if, indeed, he belong-
eth to those who have despised and not kept the way of the Most High, and to those who

80 have had contempt for his law, and to those who hated them that fear him, these souls

81 will not go into dwelling-places, but will wander around, from tliis time forth in torments,
always in pain and soi ruw. The first kind ^ is, that tliey have despised the law of the

82 Most High. The second kind, that they can make no sufficient repentance that they may

83 live. The third kind, that they see the reward laid up for thuse who believed the cove-

84 nants of the Most High. The fourth kind, that they will behold the pain laid up for them

85 against the last day. The fifth kind, that they see the dwelling-place of the others in

86 deepest peace, ^ guarded by angels. The sixth kind, that they see how* men pass over

87 from them into torment. The seventh kind is worse than all tlie kinds which have been
before mentioned, that they shall melt with confusion, and consume with horror, and
shrivel with terrors, as they see the glory of the Most High before whom they sinned

88 while alive, and before whom they shall be judged on the last day. But the order of those
who have kept the ways of the Most High is as followeth, when they are released from the

89 mortal franie.^ Tari-ying in it for a time they have earnestly served the Most High and
imperilled themselves every hour in order to keep perfectly the law of the Lawgive

90, 91 Therefore fliis is to be said concerning them. First of all they see with great e.tulta-

92 tion the glory of him who hath received them, for they shall rest in seven orders. The
first order is, that they have striven with great labor to overcome an innate spirit of evil,

93 that it njight not seduce them from life ujito death. The second order is, that they see
the confusion in which the souls of the godless wander about and tlie punishment which

94 awaiteth them. The third order is, in seeing the testimony that he who formed them

95 beareih to them, that while living they kept the law that was given tliem in trust. ^ The
fourth order is, in comijrehending the rest which tliey will now enjoy, assembled in their

96 chambers in o-reat peace, guarded by angels, and the glory that awaiteth them on the last day.
The fifth order is, tliat they exult over the manner in which they have escaped from that
which passeih away and will receive what is to come as their inheritance ; at the same
time they see the strait and toilsome, from which they are freeil, and the broad, which,

97 happy and immortal, they will soon receive. The si.-ith order is such that when it shall
be shown them, how will their face begin to light up as the sun, and how will they begin

98 to become like the light of the stars, from now on incorruptible. The seventh order,
which is higher than any other before mentioned, is that they will exult with confidence
and that they will trust without confusion, and rejoice without fear; for they h.isten to
see his face whom they served when alive, and from whom they receive a reward in glory.

99 This is the order of the souls of the righteous, as they are now declared ; and tliese are
the kinds of pain, as before mentioned, which they forthwith suffer, who have trans-

100 gressed. And I answered and said. So will there be given to souls, after they sliall have

101 been separated from their bodies, time to see that of which thou hast spoken to meV And

1 Nam^ but the sense given seems to be required. ^ Ibat is, of pain.

* SUeniio.

* lieusly says : " It is not unreasonable to suppose that instead of qutmadmodum there stood originally a"'" C= 5""-
niam)avioUo.

^ Vaso cuiTuplibili.

' PerJiUem. Clearly, another rendering would be possible. Cf. Benfllj's note,

654 APPENDIX.

he paid, Their freednm will last feven days, that they may see what hath been before

102 spoken of, and afterwards they shall be assemljled in their dwellin'j-places. And I an-
swori'd and said, If I liave found <:raeB in tliy sight, show nie, who until now am ihy
servant, whellier on llie day of judnment llie riohteoiis can crivc excnse for the <rodless,

103 or pray on tlicir belialf to the Mo^t High; fathers on behalf of sons, or sons on behalf of
parcnis, lirotbers on behalf of brolliers, relatives on behalf of neighbors, confiilants on be-

104 lialf of those whom they love best. And he answered me anil said. Since thou hast found
grace in my sight, I will show thee also this. The clay of judgment is the decisive day and
will make manifest to all the seal of truth. For as now the father sendelh not the son,
or the son the father, or the master the servant,^ or the confidant his best beloved, that

105 he may he sick,^ or sleep, or eat, or he cured for him, so no one will ever pray on behalf
of any other one, for all shall then bear, each for himself, his own wrong doing or well
doing.

106 And I said, Abraham prayed first for the Sodomites, and Moses for the fathers that

107 sinned in the wilderness, and Jesns after him for L-srael in the time of Achaz, and Sam-

108 iiel and David lor the destruction, and Solomon for them that came to the dedication,*
100, 110 and Klias for them that received rain, and for the dead, that he might live, and

111 Ezecldas for the people in the time of Sennaeherili, and many for many. If in this
manner, therefore, when corruption increased, and unrighteousness multiplied, the right-

112 eons prayed for the ungodly, wherefore shall it not be so then * alsoV And he answered
nie, and said. The present world is not the end; glory doth not abide in it continually ;

113 therefore have the strong^ prayed for the weak. Bui; the day of judgment shall he tlie

114 end of this time, and the beginning of the immortality to come, wherein corruption hatii
passed away, and intemperance is at an end, infidelity cut off, but righteousness grown,

115 truth hath spi'ung up. Then, therefore, shall no man be able to save him that is lost,
nor to oppress him that hath gotten the victory.

116 And I answered then and said. This is my first and last word, that it had been better not
to have given the earth unto Adam, or else, when it was given him, to have restrained

117 him from sinning. For what profit is it to men in this present time to live in heavi-

118 ness, and after death to look for punishnieiitV O thou Adam, what hast thou done? for
though it was thou that sinned, thou art not fallen alone, but also we that have come from

119 thee. For what profit is it unto us, if there be promised us an immortal life, when we

120 luive done works that bring death? And that there is foretold to us an everlastinn- hope,

121 when we in the last degree have become vaiu? And that there are reserved for us

122 dwellings of health and safety, when we have lived wickedly? Anil that the alory of the
Most High will defend them who have led a chaste" life, when we have walked in the

123 worst ways? And that there should be shown a paradise, whose fruit endureth forever

124 wherein is satisfaction' and healing, when we shall not enter into it? For we have

125 walki'd in un]ileasant places. And that the fa<:es of them who have used abstinence shall

126 shine above the stars, when our faces shall be blacker than darkness? For while we
lived and committed iniquity, we considered not that we' should begin to suffer after
death.

127 And he answered, and said, This is a condition of the battle, which man that is born

128 upon earth shall fight: that, if he be overcome, he shall suffer as thou hast said; but if

129 he get the victory, he shall receive wliat I say. For this is the way s whereof Moses
spoke while he lived, saying unto the people. Choose thee hfe, that thou mayest live.

130 Nevertheless they believed not him, nor yet the pi'ophets after him, no nor me who have

131 spoken unto them, that there should not be heaviness in their destruction, as there shall
be joy over them that are persuaded to salvation.

132 And I answered, and said, 1 know, Lord, tliat the Most High is now called merciful in

133 that he hath mercy upon those who have not yet come into the world; and the Pitiful' in

134 that he hath pity on them who walk in his law; and long-suffering, in that he show'eth

135 long-suiiering toward those that have sinned, as his creatures ; and bountiful, in that he

136 is ready, indeed, to give where one needeth ; and of great mercv, in that he multiplieth
more and more meicies to them that are present, and that are past, and that are to

137 come; for were he not to multiply his mercies, the world would not contiuue with them

» The wliole of this verse to this point is omittea in the original portion of Cod. A., ana has been adapted to the con
text by a corrrcctor.

2 Intellegat, but I follow the Syr. and Ethiop., which presuppose 'iva. rocrij in the original.

3 Sanctioned with Cod. S. ; text, rec., ianctijicationem.

< Adopted by Volkmar and I'r.tzsche, though wanting in the MSS. It refers to the judgment
rectly"""'""'' '""" °°'^' ^' '°'' ^™''-'' "' ^°'' ""'^ ""' '''^""'' "'"' ^''^'""'"■' '''^'''^- l^oweyer, gives the sense cor-

•J Caste, and not tarde of the text. rec»
the f v"""' "** '"" '""""" "' '"^ '"'• •■"• ^o"' "'^ ■"' prefcned readings are noticed in the margin ol

* Via, ■with S., not mia of tlie ttxu r«.

4

2 ESDRAS. G55

138 that dwell therein ; and the Giver, since if he gave not of liis goodness, that they who
have committed iniquities might lie eased of them, a ten thousandth part of men could

139 not remain alive; ;ind btdnij; judge, if he did not forgive them that were created by his

140 word, and blot out the multitude of transgressions, there would be left, peradventure, but
very few among an innumerahle multitmle.

Chap. VII 1. 1 And he answered me, saying. The Most High hath made this world for

2 niMny, but the world to come for few. But I will tell thee a similitude, Esdras: As when
thou aski'st the earth, it will say unto thee, that it giveth iriuuh mould whereof earthen
vefsels are made, Iiut little dust that gold cometh of, even so is the course of the present

3 world. There be muny, indeed, created, but few sliall be saved.

4 And I answered and said, Sw;dlow <lown then, O my soul, understanding, and drink

5 in, O my heiirt, knowledge. For thou comest without thy choice, and goest away against

6 thy choice ; for no power is given thee save only in the short space of life. O Lord wlio
art over us, if thou suffer not thy servant, that we may pray before tliee, ami thou give
us not seed of the lieart, and culture of the understanding, whence fruit may come, how

7 can any man live that is corrupt, who shall hold the place of a man? For thou art alone,

8 and we are one woi'kmnnship of thine hunds, as thou hast said. And since now thou giv-
est life ' to the body fashioned in the womb, and givest it members, thy creation is pre-
served in fire and water, and nine months doth thy workmanship endure thy creation

9 which is created in lier. But that wbich keepeih and that which is kept shall both be
kept ; ami having been kept, from tiu)e to time, the womb delivereth up whiit halh grown

10 in it. For thou hast commanded that from the members themselves ^ milk shall be given,

11 the fruit of the breasts, that the thing which is fashioned may be nourished for a time,

12 and afterwards ihou wilt commit " it to thy mercy. Thou didst nourish it with thy righteous-

13 ness, and instruct it with thy law, and reform it with thy understanding ; and thou

14 shalt mortify it as thy creation, ami make it living as thy work. If therefore I hou dost
destroy him who with so great Uibor was fashioned, it is an easy thing to be ordained by

15 thy commandment, that the thing which was made should also be preserved. And now I
will speak fully.^ Touching man in general, thou knowest best; but I iviU speak touch-

16 in>T thy people, for whose sake I grieve; and thine inheritance, for who^e cause I mourn;
and for Israel, for whom I am heavy ; and for the seed ^ of Jacob, for whose sake I am

17 troubled. Therefore will I begin to pray before thee for myself and for them ; for I see

18 the falls of us that dwell on the earth. But I have heard of the swiftness of the judge who

19 is to come. Tlierefore hear my voice, and understand my words, and I wdl speak be-
for6 tllGG*

20 ATid I'said, O Lord, thou that inhabitest eternity, who beholdest from above things in
■21 the heavens and in the air ; and whose throne is inestimable ; and whose glory is incom-
prehensible; before whom tlie hosts of angels, wliose service is conversant wilh wind and

22 lire stand wilh trembling ; whose word is true, and sayings abiding; whose commandment

23 is stron<s and ordinance fearful ; whose look drieth up the depth, and whose indignation

24 maketh'the mountains melt away; and who.e truth abideth for ever : O hear the prayer
9,5 of thy servant, and give ear to the petition of thy creature. For while I live I will speak,

26 and wliile 1 have understanding I will answer. O look not upon the sins of thy people ;

27 but on them who serve thee ^in truili. Regard not the effoi-tso them that behave im-

28 riiously, but of them that keep thy testimonies in afflictions. Ihink not upon them that
liave walked feignedly before thee; but remember them who accord in- to thy will have

29 known thy fear. Let it not be thy will to destroy them who have lived hke beas s; but

30 to look upon them that have clearly taught thy law. Be not indignaiU '^t then who are

31 deemed vvorse than beasts ; but love them that always put their trust in thy glory. For
we and our fathers have acted according to such customs ; ' but because of us sinners thou

32 Shalt be called merciful. For if thou be willing to have mercy upon us then shalt thou

33 be called merciful, because we have no works of righteousness, lor the just who have

34 many works laid up with thee, shall from their own works receive reward ior what is

anf that thou shouldest take displeasure at him? or what is a corruptible generation

35 that thou shouldest be so bitter toward it? For in truth there is no man among then that
a e bom" b ° haih dealt godlessly; and among the faithful (here is none who hath not

36 do" e amiss. For in thisT O Lo/d, thy righteousness and thy goodness shaU be declared,
if thou be merciful unto them who have no store « ot good works.

1 Texl rec. has quomodo lor quoniam, and omits vii-ificas.

2 The word mamilUs, after membris, is rejected by the best cntics as a gloss.
8 Cod. S. has dispones.

* In place of domine of the texl. rec, Cod. S. has dicens.

I rth\7lsrl'l™rittro'::'tr;hrp"a;e"r'of Esdras is here given (M-W ver,o,.n, Esdr. ,nus,ua,n assumeretur),
but H doefnot -prop'ci^ blCg in the t^t^ and I have, therefore, with Fritzsehe. omitted it.
' Moribus, and not morbis, as r-ramonly read.

* So I render substantial:

656 APPENDIX.

87 And he answered me, and said, Some tilings liasfc thou spoken aright, and according

38 unto tliy words it shall be. For indeed I will not think on the work of tliem wlio have

89 sinned before death, before judgment, before destruction ; but I will rejoice over the work

of the righteous, and I will remember also their pilgrimage, and the salvation, and the

40 reward that they shall receive. As I have spoken therefore, so shall it come to pass.

41 For as the husbandman soweth much seed upon the ground, and planteth a multitude of
trees, but all that is sown in its season conieth not up, neither doth all that is planted take
root ; so is it also with them that are sown in the world, they shall not all be saved.

42, 43 And I answered and said, ]f I liave found grace, let me speak. As with the hus-
bandman's seed, if it come not up, because it receiveth not thy rain in due season ; cr be-

44 cause there conielh too much rain, and corrupteth it, so perisheth man also, who is
formed by thy hands, and thou hast called him thine image, because thou art like unto
him? For whose sake thou hast made all things, likenest thou him unto the husband-

45 man's seed? Be not wroth with us, but spare thy people, and have mercy upon thine in-
heritance; for thou art merciful unto thy creature.

46 And he answered me, and said, Things present are for the present, and things to come

47 for such as are to come. For thou comest far short that thou shouldest be able to love
my creature more than I. But thou hast ofttimes counted thyself with the unrighteous,

48 but never with the righteous.' But in this also thou shalt be marvelous before the Most

49 High : in that thou hast humbled thyself, as it becometh thee, and hast not judged thy-

50 self wnriliy to be much glorified among the righteous. On that account many great miser-
ies shall be felt by them that in tlie later time shall dwell in the world, because they have

51 walked in great pride. But understand thou for thyself, and seek out the glorj' for such

52 as are like thee. For unto you is paradise opened, the tree of life is planted, the time to
come is prepared, abundance is prepared, a city is built, rest is assured, ^ goodness and

53 wisdom made perfect. The root of evil is sealed up from you, weakness and the moth is

54 hid from yon, and (corruption is fled into hell ; * sorrows are passed away to be foro-otten ;

55 and in the end is shown the treasure of immortality. Therefore ask thou no more ques-

56 tions concerning the multitude of them that perish. For when also they * had received
liberty, they despised the Most High, thought scornfully of his law, and forsook his ways.

57, 58 iNIoi'eover they have trodden down his righteous, and said in their heart, that there is

59 no God ; yea, and that knowing they must die. For as the things promised shall receive
you, so thirst and p;un which are prepared, them ; for it was not the will of the Most

60 Hi',rh s that men should co)ne to nought ; but they who are created have defiled the name
of him that made them, and have been unthankful unto him who prepared life for them.

61, 62 And therefore is my judgment now at hand. These things have I not shown unto all
men, but unto thee, and a few like thee.

63 And I answered and said. Behold, O Lord, now hast thou shown me a multitude of
signs, which thou wilt begin to do in the last times; but at what time, thou hast not shown
me.

Chap. IX. 1 And he answered me, and said. Measure thou the time diligently with thy-
self;" and it shall come to pass, that when thou shalt see part of the signs^of which I have

2 told thee before, past, then shalt thou understand, that it is the very time, wherein the

3 Most High will begin to visit the world which he made. And when there shall be seen in

4 the worhl earthquakes, uproar of peoples, unrest of nations, inconstancy of leaders, over-
tlirow of princes,' then shalt thou understand, tliat the Most High spoke of the.-e thinn-s

5 fi-oni the days that were before thee, from the beginning. For as all that is made in the

6 world hath in like manner a beginning -and an end, and the end is manifest, so the times
also of the Most High: the beginnings are manifest in wonders and forces, and the end in

7 effects and signs. And it shall come to pass, that every one that shall be saveil, and who
shall be able to escape through his works, or 8 through faith, whereby he hath believed,^

8 he shall he preserved from the predicted perils, and shall see my salvation in my land, and in

9 my borders ; for i" I have sanctified them for myself from the beginnin"-. And then shall
they wonder," who now have abused my ways ; and they that have cast them away de-

1 The text is corrupt, but the context seems to require the sense given, and it is in harmony with the text as restored
by Fritzsche. The A. V. renders : " But I have often drawn nigh unto thee, and unto it, but never unto the un-
righteous."

2 Probata; Syr., constituta ; ^i\i\o^., substrata.
8 III inferiiuin.

* Et ipsi Is a proper correction of etsi of Cod. S. CI. Bensly, p. 23.
B Text, rec omits.

' Cod. S., ill temetip.w : text, rec, tempus m semettpso.

' Text. rec. omits genttuin cogilatwnes, ducum mcon.slanticF., prindpum twtatio.
B Vel, with S., not et of ttac text. rec.

» MSS., cretlidistis. Fiitmche adopts a conjecture of Hilgenfeld, cndidit.
'» Cod. S. has, according to Fritzsche, qmm.
u Mirabmttur, with S., and not miser,buniur of the common text. A. V : " be in pitiful caw."

2 ESDRAS. 657

10 spitefully shall dwell in torments. For they that in their life have received benefits, and

11 have not known me ; and they that have loathed my law, while as yet they had liberty,
and wliile as yet place for repentance was open unto tlieni, understood it not, but despised

12, 13 it, these must know it after death by pain. Therefore be thou not further curious
how the ungodly shall be punished, and when ; but inquire how tlie righteous shall be
saved, whose is the worhl, and for whom the world is.

14, 15 Aiui I answered and said, I have said before, and now say, and will say hereafter,

16 that there are more who perish than will be saved, as a wave is greater than a drop.

17 And he answered me, and said, As the field is, such is also the seed ; as the flowers, such
are the colors also ; and as the workman, such also is the work ; and as the husbandman,

18 sucli is the harvest ^ also. For there was a period of the world, when I prepared it for
tliem who now are ; before the world was made, for them who now inhabit it, and no man

] 9 spake against me ; for there was no one at all. But now are there those who were created
in this world that was made ready, and who have liad unfailing liarvests, and a law which

20 is nnsearcliable, who are corrupt in their customs. And I considered my world, and be-
hold, there was ruin, and my earth, and beholil, there was peril ^ on account of the devices

21 that are come into it. And I saw, and with great difficulty ^ spared them, and have kept

22 me a grape from a cluster, and a plant from a great race. Let the multitude perish then,
wliich was born in vain ; arid let my grape be kept, and my plant ; for with great labor

23 have I brought it about. Nevertheless, if thou wilt wait seven days more (but tlioii shalt

24 not fast in them. Thou shalt go into a field of flowers, where no house is built, and eat
only the flowers of the field; and thou shalt ta.ste no flesh, and drink no wine, but cat

25 flowers only) : pray unto the Most High continually, and 1 will come and talk with thee.

The Fourth Vision.

26 And I went my way into the field which is called Ardath,* as he commanded me ; and
there I sat amongst the flowers, and did eat of the herbs of the field, and the eating of

27 them satisfied me.° And it came to pass, that after seven days I sat upon the grass, and

28 my heart was troubled, just as before ; and I opened my mouth, and began to talk before
the Most Higli, and said,

29 O Lord, thou hast truly revealed thyself unto us, unto our fathers m the wilderness, when

30 thev came out of Esvpt and entered the desert which was untrodden and barren, and

31 thou spakest, saying," Wear me, O Israel ; and mark my words, thou seed of Jacob. For
behold, I sow mv law in you, and it shall bring fruit in you, and ye shall be honored m it

32 for ever. But our fathers, who received the law, kept it not, and observed not thy ordi-
nances, and yet the fruit of thy law did not perish ; for it could not, since it was thine.

33 34 But they that received it perished, because they kept not what was sown in them. And
'lo it is wont to happen, when the ground hath received seed, or the sea a ship, or any ves-
sel food or drink, ami it comethto pass, that ihat perisheth which was sown, or was sent

35 forth or was received, that while these perish,^ the receptacles remain ; but with us it

36 hath not happened so. For we that have received the law shall perish by sm, and our

37 heart which received it. Notwithstanding the law perisheth not, but remameth m toree.«

38 And as I spoke these things in my heart, I looked back with mine eyes, and upon the
rio-ht side I saw a woman, and behold, she mourned and wept with a loud voice and was
much o-rieved in heart, and her clothes were rent, and there were ashes upon her head.

39 40 And I let my thou<Thts ■'o that I was thinking, and turned me unto her, and said unto
41 'her. Wherefore weepest thou? why art thou grieved in mind? And she sai.l unto me,

Mv lord, let me alone, that I may bewail myself , and continue in my;;or™w, for I am sore

42 wounded in my spirit, and brought very low. And I said unto her. What aileth thee ? tell

43 me. She said unto me, I thy servant have been barren, and had no child though I had

44 a husband thirty years. But during those thirty years, day and night, and every hour, I

45 made my prayer to the Most High. And it came to pass that after thirty years God
heard me thine handmaid, and looked upon my misery and considered my distress and
aave me a son. And I was very glad of him, my husband also, and all my nei^^hbors

46 and we gave great honor unto the Mighty. And I nourished him with great travail. And

47 it came to pass, that when he grew up, and the time came that he should take a wife, I

made a feast.

• For cultura, I adopt area (S., atria).

2 I have not followed Eritzsche, but Bensly. C£. Tlie Missing Fragment, p. dU.

: I itv^e Te f^r^^kif pr!;:fnaL't found in te.t. rec. Cod. S. .as, fro. t.o tat hand, A.ar, .y a .ecoud

°'°Tlieap''odo8i8 begins with CT(«-mmra«Kr. It is improperly punctuated in Mtzsche's text.

' Jnsuolonore. The last word is adopted by Wtzsche from the ixabic. The MSB., accordmg to h.m, have laior.
Volkmar receives robare ; Hilgenfeld, valore.

658 APPENDIX

Chap. X. 1 And it came to pass, that when my son entered into liis wedding-chamber, he

2 fell down nnd died. And we all overthrew the li<;htP, and all my neighbors rose up to

3 comfort me; nnd T kept (jiiiet until the second day at nifrht. And it came to pass, that
when they had all left off to comfort me, to the end I might be quiet. I rose up by night,

4 and fled, "and came into this field, as thou secst. And I now pnrjiose not to return into the
city, but here to stay, and ueither to eat nor drink, but continually to mourn and to fast
tmiil I die.

5 And 1 chanrred my former ' wny of speaking, and spoke to her in anger, and said toher,
G ]\Iost fdolisb of women, seest ihoii not onr monrning, and what happenclh unto us?

7 How that Sion tlie mo her of n.s all is iuW of heaviness, and much humbled, and moiirncth

8 very sore ? And now we all mourn and are sad, for we are all in heaviness; and art thou

9 in lK'avine>s for one son ? For ask the earth, and she will tell thee, that it is she which

10 ought to mourn for the fall of so many that sprang from her. Even out of her came all at
the first, and shall others come, ancl behold, they almost all go into destrnction, and a

11 mullilude of iheiu is rooted out. And who then should make more mourning than she,

12 that halli lost so gieat n muliitude ; and not thou, who gricvest but for one 'I Hut if thou
Siiyest unto me. My lamenlalion is not like the earth's, because 1 have lost the fruit of my

13 womb, wdiicli 1 brought forili with pains, and bore with sorrows ; but the earlli according
to the way of the Ciirth ; and ihe multilude present in it is gone, as it came : then say I

14 unto thee. As thou hast lirought forth with grief,^ so the earth also liath given her fruit,
1.5 man, from the beginning unto him thi\t made her. Now therefore keep thy sorrow to

16 thyself, and bear wiih a good courage that which hath befallen thee. For if thou shalt
acknowledge the determination of God to be just, thou shalt both receive thy son in time,

17 and shalt be comniemled amongst women. Go thy way then into the city to thine hus-

18 band. And she said unto me, I will not do it ; I will not go into the city, but here will I
ID, 20 (lie. And 1 proceeded to speak further unto her, and said. Do not as thou hast said,

but be counselled by me ; for what is Sion's case V and be comforted because of the sor-

21 row of Jerusalem. For thou seest that our sanctuary is laid waste, and our altar broken

22 down, and oui' temple dcSMoyed ; and our psaltery is laid on the ground, and our song is put
to silence, and our rejoicing is at an end, and the light of our candlestick is put out, and
the ark of our covenant is spoiled, and our lioiy things are defiled, and the name that is
called over us is almost profaned ; and our children are put to shame, and our priests are
burnt, and our Levites are gone into captivity, and our virgins are defiled, and our wives
ravished; anil our righteous men are carried away, and our little ones are destroyed,'

23 and our young men are bi'ought into bondage, and our strong men have become weak ; and
what is the grcaiest of all, the seal of Sion since she lost her glory,* is now also do-

24 livcrcd into the hands of them that hate us. Therefore do thou shake off thy great heavi-
ness, and put away the multitude of sorrows, that the Mighty may be merciful unto thee
again'; and the Most High will i^ive thee rest from thy labors.

25 And it came to pass, that while 1 was talking with her, behold, her face upon a sudden
shone exceedingly, and her countenance became as lightning,' so that I was sore afraid of

26 her, and nuisid what it might be. And behold, suddenly she uttered a great cry, very

27 fearful, so tljat the earth shook at the cry. ^ And I looked, and b<'hold, the woman ap-
peared unto me no more, liut there was a city built, and a place showed itself with sreat

28 foundations. And I was afraid, and cried with a loud voice, and said, 'Where is Uriel the
angel, who came unio me at tlie first? for he hath caused me to come into this great ecstasy

29 of spiiit, and mine end is turned into corruption, and my ])rayer to rebuke. And as I
was speaking these words, behold, the angel came unto me, who had come to me at first.

30 And he looked upon me; and lo, I lay as one dead, and mine understandin"- was taken
away. ^ And he took me by the right hand, and comforted me, and set me upon my feet,

31 and said unto me, What aileth thee? and why art thou disquieted? and why is thine un-

32 derstanding troubled, and tlie feeling of thine heart? And 1 said, Because thou hast
wholly forsaken me ; and truly 1 did according to thy words, and I went into the field,

33 and lo, 1 have seen, and see, what 1 am not able to relate. And he said unto me. Stand

34 lip manfully, and I will advise thee. And 1 said. Speak, my lord ; only forsake me not,
'Jo lest 1 die without cause. For 1 have seen what I knew not, and hear wdiat I do not know.
36, 37 Or is my sense ileceived, and my soul in a dream? Now therefore 1 beseech thee that
38 thou wilt show (by servant concerning this vision. And ho answered me, and said. Hear

me, and 1 will teach thee, and tell thee concerning what thou art afraid; for the Most

1 Cod. S. adds ail/iuc iifter {tfrelli/ui.

2 I adopt ijolore front S. ; I'l-iizBche, labore.

8 VorpeidUi, botb S. ai.d A. himivoJUi. Cf. Bensly, p. 27. It is also quoted in that form by Ambrose- but it
must Imvo mucli the same rendering as tlie other word. '

* liesignata est de gloria ,sim.

s Kritzsche adopts specie (MSS., species, which seems bettor) coruacus Jiebat vUus ejus. Syr., Et sicut similiiudo fm
guris facta est species vultus ejus. Similarly the Ethiop.

» I'rilzscho, a muiieris sono. But the second word is wanting in 8.

2 ESDRAS. 659

39 High will reveal many secret things unto thee. He hath seen that thy way is ri.^ht ; that
thou sori-ow.'st continually for thy people, and makest great lamentation on account of

40, 41 ision. rius therefore is ihe conception of the vision. A woman appeared to thee a lit-

42 tie whde aa:o, whom tljoii sawest mourning, and whom thou didst begin to comfort; but
now seest thou the appearance of (he woman no more, but wbat appeareth unto thee as a

43, 44 city built ; and she told thee of the death of her son. This is tlie solution : This

45 woniiin. whom thou siiwest, is Sion, whom thou now seest as a city built. And whereas
she said unto thee, that she had been thirty years barren: it was because of the three
thousand! years of the world, in which there liad not b<cn, as yet, oirerimrs offered in

46 her. And after three thousand years ^ Solomon built the city, and offcre<l offerinus ; and
4 7 then was the time when the barren hove n son. And whereas she told thee that she

48 nourished him with lal)or :-that was dwelling in Jerusalem. And whereas she said unto
thee, My son coming into liis marriage chamber happened to have a fall, and died : this

49 was the destruction that came to Jerusalem. And behold, thou sawest her likeness, how
she mourned for her son, and thou didst begin to comfort her ; and of the things which

60 have happened, these were to be opened unto thee. And now the Most Hiith saw that
thou art grieved unfeignedly, and sufferest from thy whole heart for her, so hath he shown

51 thee the brightness of her glory, and the comeliness of her beauty. Therefore I bade thee

52 remain in the field where no house was built ; for I knew that the Most High intended to
63 show this unto thee. Therefore I commanded thee to go into the field, where no founda-

54 tion of a building was ; for in the place wherein the Most High began to show his city,

55 there could no work of man's building stand. Therefori! fear not, let not thy heart be
affrighted, but go within, and see the splendor and greatness of the building, as much as

66 the sight of thine eyes is capable of seeing ; and afterwards slialt thou hear as much as

57 the hearing of thijie ears can comprehend. For thou art blessed above nianv, and art

68 called with the Most High as are but few. But to-morrow at night thou slialt remain

here; and the Most High will show thee dream-visions of what the Most High will do

unto them that dwell upon earth in the last days. And I slept that night and another, as

he commanded me.

The Fifth Vision.

Chap. XT. 1. And' I saw a vision, and behold, there came up from the sea an eagle,

2 which had twelve feathered wings, and three heads. And I saw, and behold, she spread her
wings over all the earth, and all the winds of heaven blew on her, and the clouds * were gath-

3 ered together unto her. And 1 beheld, and out of her feathers there grew contrary feathers;

4 and they became little feathers and small. But her heads were at rest; and the head in the

5 midst was greater than the other heads, but it also rested with them. And I beheld, and lo,
the eagle fiew with her feathers, and reigned over the earth, and over them that dwelt there-

6 in. And I saw how all things under heaven were subject unto her, and no man spoke

7 against her, no, nut one creature upon earth. And I beheld, and lo, the eagle rose upon her

8 talons, and spoke to her leathers, saying. Watch not all at once; sleep each one in his place,
9,10 and watch by course; but let the heads be preserved for the last. And I beheld, and lo,

11 the voice went not out of her heads, but from the midst of her body. And 1 niuiibered her

12 contrary feathers, and behold, there were eight of them. And I looked, and behold, on the

13 ri;iht side there arose one feather, and it reigned over all the earth. And it came to pass,
that when it had reigned, the end of it came, and it appeared not, so that the place there-
of appeared^ no more. And the following rose up, and reigned, and it maintained itself

14 a long time. And it happened, that when it had reigned, the end of it came, so that it

15 appeared no more, like the first. And behold, there came a voice unto it, and said,

16 Hear ihou that hast borne rule over the earth so long; this I announce unto thee, before

17 thou beginnest to a|)pear no more, Thei-e shall none after thee attain unto thy time,

18 neither unto the half thereof. And the third arose, and i-eigned as the former ones; and

19 also appeared no more. And so went it with all the birds," one after another, that it

20 reigned, and then appeared no more. And 1 beheld and lo, in process of time the feathers
that foUoweil ro^e up, themselves also upon the right side, that they might also rule. And

21 some of them ruled, but soon appeare<l no more; and some of them were set up, but ruled not.

22 And after this 1 looked, and behold, the twelve feathers appeared no more, nor the two

23 little feathers ; and there was nothing more left upon the eagle's body, save the three

1 Text, rec, trigiiita. Fritzschc follows the Oriental versions. Cod. S. lias simply III.

2 See preceding note.

» Cod. A. supplies tievc as follows : pmcepit mihi. Et/actum est secunda node et alia sicul, that is, these words are
added between sicul and dixeral of the common text,
* Fritzsche adds the words nuhes ad earn from the Syriac.
0 The words ila ut non appareret are adopted from Cod S.

» Cod. A, has avilius (cf. Bensly, p. 27), but I'ritzscho receiTes alis Irom T. Cod. S., ouu.
' (3od. S. Syr. Ar. Ethiop. Arm., tria ; text, rec, duo.

660 APPENDIX.

24 heads tliat rested, and six little feathers. And I saw, and hehold, two little feathers di-
vided themselves from the six, and remained nndcr the head that was upon the right side;

25 but four continued in their place. And I beheld, and lo. tho^e under the wing tbouffht

26 to set up ibenisilves, and to bear rule. And I beheld, and lo, there was one sot up, but
27, 28 shortly it appeared i no more. And the second was sooner away than the first. And

29 I beheld, 'and lo, the two that remained thoupht also with themselves to reign. And
when they so thousht, behold, there awoke one of the beads that were at rest, the one that

30 was in the midst; for this was L'reater than the other two heads. And I saw bow the two
SI bends were joined with it. And behold, the head turned with them that were with it,

32 and did eat up the two under the wing that would have reigned. But this head put the
whole earth in fear, and hove rule in it over tliose that dwelt upon the earth, with much
oppression; and it had gri'atcr power over the world than-all the wings that had been.

33 And after this I beheld, and lo, the head in the midst suddenly disappeared, just as the

34 wings. But there remained the two heads, wdiich also in like manner ruled over the

35 earth, and over those that dwelt therein. And I beheld, and lo, tlie head upon the right

36 side devoured that which was upon the left side. And I beard a voice, which said unto

37 me, Look before tbee, and consider what thou seest. And 1 beheld, and lo, as it were a
roaring lion sprang ^ out of the wood ; and I beard as ' he spoke in a man's voice unto the

38 eagle, and said. Hear thou, and I will talk with thee; and the Most High saith unto thee,

39 Art not thon it that remainest of the four beasts, whomi made to reisn in my world, that

40 the end of their times might come through them? And he who came forth hath over-
come all the beasts that went before liim, and hath ruled the world with great fear, and
the wliole globe with wicked oppression; and so long time they occupied * the earth with

41, 42 deceit. And the earth hast thou not judged with truth: for thou hast afflicted the
meek, and hast hurt the peaceable, and hast hated the righteous,* hast loved liars, and
hast destroyed the dwellings of tbem that brought forth fruit, and bast cast down the

43 walls of them who did tbee no harm. And thy contempt hath come up unto the Most

44 High, and thy pride unto the Mighty. The Most Hinh hath also observed his ^ times, and

45 bcliold, they are ended and liis periods ' are fulfilled. Therefore appear no more, thou
eagle, nor thy horrible wings, nor fby wicked little feathers, nor thy malicious hea<is,

46 nor thy wicked claws, nor all thy unworthy body: that all the earth may be refreshed, and
may become free from thy violence, and may hope for the judgment and mercy of him
that made her.

Chap. XII. 1. And it came to pass, while the lion spoke these words unto the eagle, I

2 saw, and behold, the bead that remained, appeared ' no more; and the two wings which
had gone over to it, set themselves up to reign, and their kingdom was small, and full of

3 uproar. And I saw, and behold, they appeared no more, and the whole body of the
eagle was burned, and the earth was in great fear.

And I awoke out of the trouble, and mental trance, and from great fear, and said unto

4 my spiiit. Lo, this liast thou done unto me, in that thou searchest out the ways of the Most

5 High. Lo, I am yet weary in mind and very weak in my spirit; and little strength is

6 there in me, by reason of the great fear wherewith I was affrighted this night. Now there-

7 fore will I Ijeseeeb the Most High, that he will comfort me unto the end. And I said,
Lord who beai-est rule, if 1 have found grace in thy sight, and if I am justified with thee

8 above many, and if my pi'ayer liatb, indeed, come up before thy face; comfort me and
show me thy servant a clear interpretation 8 of this fearful vision, that thou mayest per-

9 feetly comfort my soul. For thou hast judged me worthy to show me the end of the
last times, and the last days.

10,11 And he said unto me, This is the interpretation of this vision: The eagle, whom
thou sawest come up from the sea, this is the fourth ^o kingdom which was seen m the vis-

12 ion of thy brother Daniel. But it was not expounded unto him, as " now I expound it unto

13 tbee. Behold, the days come, that there shall rise up a kingdom upon earth, and it shall

14 be feared above all the kingdoms that were before it. But in it shall twelve kino-s reio-n,

15 one after another; the second shall begin to reign, and shall have more time°thaa the

^ Fritzsche adopts comparuit ; S. has opparuit.

' Cod. S. has siiscilatus, and afterwards rmigiens, instead of concitatus and nigiens, adopted by Fritzscho. Cod. A.
agrees with S. in the latter reading.

8 Cod. A. reads, el audivi qiiomodo, and S. has l;he second word, by the first hand. Fritzsche, vidi quomodo

' Fritzsche gives lulmhaant as the reading oi S. According to Bensly (p. 31), however, it is inlmbitabunt, which would
also give a good sense.

5 The words el odisii nclos arc received by Fritzsche from the Syr. Cf . the other Oriental versions.

0 Sim instead of suf.eiba, with Ililgenfeld, Fritzsche, and the Oriental versions.

^ ScFcula, with S., and not scetera of the lext. Tec.

8 Cod. A. also reads companitt, which was suggested by Van der Vlia and approved by Hitonfeld and Fritmoha

" Lit., " interpretation and distinction.'' "•.«>«u=.

" I add " fourth,'' on the authority of Cod. A. Of. Bensly, p. 80.

^^ Cod. S. guomodo, and not (juoniam with the text, tec.

2 ESDRAS. 661

16, 17 twelve. This do the twelve wings signify, which thou sawest. And as for the voice
which thou heardest speak, which did not go out from her heads, but from the midst of

18 her body, this is the interpretation : That after the time of that kingdom there shall arise
great contonlions, and it sliall stand in peril of falling ; nevertheless it shall not then fall,

19 but shall he restored again to its beginning. And whereas thou sawest eight under feath-
ro ers sticking to her wings, this is tbe interpretation: Tn him there shall arise eight kings,

21 whose times shall be small, and their years swift. And two of them shall perish, the mid-
dle lime approaching ; Irat four shall be kept until their end lieain to approach ; while

22 two shall be kept unto the end. And whereas thou sawest three heads resting, this is the

23 interpretation : In his last days shall the Most High raise up three king<loms. and renew l

24 many things therein, and they shall hnve the dominion of (he earth, and of those that
dwell therein, with much oppression, above all that were before them; therefore are they

25 cidled the heads of the eagle. For these are they that shall fill up her wickedness, and

26 that shall bring her end. And '^ whereas thou sawest that the great head appeared no more,

27 one of them shall die upon bis bed, and yet with pain. But the two that remain shall be

28 slain with the sword. For the sword of the one shall devour him that is with him ; hut

29 at the last shall he also fall through the sword. And whereas thou sawest two under the

30 wings passing over to the head that is on the right side, it sisnifieth that these are tliey,
whom the Most High hath kept unto its end ; this is a small kingdom and full of turmoil,

31 as thou sawest. And the lion, whom thou sawest rising up out of the wood, and roaring,
and speaking to the eagle, and rebuking her for her unrighteousness' with all his words

32 which thou hast heard : this is the Anointed, whom the Most High hath kept for them
unto the end ; and he will rebuke them for their godlessness, and will bring up before *

33 them their contempt. For he will set them alive in judgment, and when he has rebuked

34 them, he will correct them. But the rest of my people will he deliver with mercy, who
have been saved in my borders, and he will make ihem joyful until the coming of the end,

35 the day of judgment, whereof I have spoken unto thee from the beginning. This is the

36 vision that thou sawest, and this is its interpretation.^ Thou only now hast been meet to

37 know this secret of the Most High. Therefore write all these things that thou hast seen

38 in a book, and hide them ; and thou shalt teach them to tbe wise of thy people, whose

39 hearts thou knowest can comprehend and keep these secrets. But wait thou here thyself
vet seven days more, that it may be shown thee, whatsoever it shall please the Most High
to make known unto thee. And he weilt from me.

40 And it came to pass, when all the people heard that seven days had passed, and I had
not come again into the city, they gathered all together, from the least unto the greatest,

41 and came unto me, and said, In what have we sinned against theeV and what wrong have

42 we done ao-ainst thee, that thou forsakest us, and sittest in this place? For of all the
prophets thou only art left us, as a cluster of the vintage, and as a lamp in a dark place,

43 and as a haven, and a ship preserved from the tempest. Or are not the evils which have

44 come to us sufficient? if therefore thou shalt forsake us, how much better had it been

45 for us, if we also had been burnt in the burning of Siou ? For we are not better than they
that died there. And they wept with a loud voice.

46 And I answered them, and said, Be comforted, O Israel, and be not heavy, thou house

47 of Jacob ; for the Most High hath you in remembrance, and the Mighty hath not forgot

48 ten you in temptation. For 1 have not forsaken you, neither have I departed from you;
but 1 have come into this place, to pray for the desolation of Sion, and that I might seek

49 mercy for the humiliation of your sanctuary. And now go every man to his home, and

50 after these days will I come unto you. So the people went their way into the city, as I

51 bade them ; but I sat still in the field seven days, as the angel commanded me ; and I
ate ° in those days only of the flowers of the field, and had herbs for my food.

The Sixth "Vision.

Chap. XIII. 1 And it came to pass after seven days, that I dreamed a dream by night ;

2 3 and lo, there arose a wind from the sea, that set in motion all the waves thereof. And

' I beheld, and lo, that man came flying' with the clouds » of heaven; and whither he

1 Renovabunt. Cod. S, lioweTer, renoDoiif, CJ. Benslj, p. 31.

2 The words htBc est inutpretaliii ejus, found in the text, ree., are not found in Ood. S., and are struck out by Hilgen-
feld and Fritzsche.

8 Cod. A. here supports, against Cod. S., the text adopted by Fritzsche.
* Both A. and S, hare infidcit (lit., stuff in), instead of incutiet, adopted by Fritzsche.
5 Cod. A. alone has the obviously correct reading, et kac interptetalio ejus. Cf. Bensly, p. 83.
« Cod s' {contra Fritzsche, p. 631) has mandncabam, with the text. rec. See Bensly, p. 31, note.
' Convoidbat is an emendation suggested by Van der Vlia, in harmony with the Oriental yersion ; text, rec, cormales
rebat.
' Cod. S., niMbus: text, rec, mUlibui.

662 APPENDIX.

4 turned his coiintennnce to look, all thines trembled that were seen under him. And
wherever a voice went out of his mouth, all they burnt that heard his voice, as wax melt-

5 elh 1 when it feeleth ihe fire. And after this I beheld, and lo, there was galhered to-
gether a mnltilude of men, without number, from tlie four winds of the heaven, to fiijht

6 airainst tlie n)an who had risen out of the sea. And I beheld, and lo, he had hewn out

7 for himself a great nlOunt^un, and flew up npon it. But I would have seen ihe region or

8 jilaee whenee ihe monntain was hewn, and I could not. And after this I beheld, and lo,
all they who had galheied togelher to fight against him were sore afiaiil, yet dared to

9 fight. And lo, as he saw the violence of Ihe ninllitmle that came, he neither lifted up his
30 hand, nor lield a ^word, nor any weapon of war ; lint I saw only how he sent out of his

moulli as it bad been ii blast of fire, and out of his lips a flandng breath, and from his

11 tongue he sent forth sparks and tempests.^ And they were all mixed togelher : this blast
of file, and Haming breath, and the great tempest ; and it fell with violence uf)on the
multitude who were prepared to fight, and burnt up every one, so that suddenly of an in-
numerable niultituile nothing was to be perceived, save only dust of ashes and smell of

12 smoke ; and when I saw it I was terrified. And afterwards I saw the man himself come

13 down from the mountain, and call unto hiiu another peaceable multitude. And there
came many people unto him, whereof some were glad, some were sorrowful; but some
were bound, and some brought of them that were offered.^

14 And ] awoke, through great fear, and prayed to the Most High,* and said, Thou hast
shown thy servant these wonders from the beginning, and hast counted me worthy that

15 thou shouldest receive my prayer; and now show me further the interpretation of this

16 dream. For as I conceive in mine understanding, woe to them who shall be left in those

17 days I and much more woe to them who are not left ! For they that are not left shall be ^

18 in heaviness, understanding the things that are laid up in the later days, which shall not

19 happen unto them ; but also to those that are left, therefore woe, because they shall see

20 great perils and many necessities, as these dreams show. Yet it is easier for bim that is
in danger to come into these things, than to pass away as a cloud from the world, and
not see what happeaeth in the last days.

21 And he an.swered me, and said. The interpretation of the vision will I tell thee, and I

22 will open unto thee what thou bast inquired about. Whereas thou hast spoken of them

23 th;it are left behind, this is the interpretation : He that will bring the danger in that time
will keep those that have fallen into danger, who are such as have works, and faith to-

24 wards the Almighty. Know therefore, that they who are left behind are more blessed

25 than they that are dead. This is the meaning of the vision : Whereas thou sawest a man

26 coming up from the midst of the sea, this is be whom the Most High hath kept a long
season, who by himself will deliver his creature; and he will S(^t in order them that are

27 lelt behind. And whereas thou sawest, that out of his mouth there came as it were a

28 breath, and fire, and storm, and that be held neither sword, nor weapon of war, but that
the rushing in of him destroyed the multitude that had come to fight against bim, this is

29 the interpretation : Behold, the days come, when the Most High wi'Fl begin to deliver

30 them that are upon the earth. And there shall come astonishinen''t of mind "to them that

31 dwell on the earth. And some shall undertake to fight against others, one city against
anoi her, anil one place against another, and one nation agtdnst another, and one realm

32 against another. And it shall be, that when these things shall come to pass, and the
signs shall happen which I have shown thee before, then shall my Son be revealed, whom

33 thou sawest as a man ascending. And it shall be, that when all nations hear his voice,
every man shall in his own land leave his war which they have one an-ainst another.

34 And an iniiumeralile multitude shall be gathered together, as thou saw°est them wdl-
3o I'lg lo come, and to fight against him. But be shall stand upon the top of mount Sion.
31) And bion shall come, and shall be shown to all men, being prepared and built as thou

37 sawest a mountain hewn out without hands. And this my Son shall punish those nations

38 whieli have come, for their godlessness, that is like the tempest ; and shall brin-- before
them their evil tboiiglits, and the torments wherewith tbev shall be<dn to be tonueuted
which are like thefiame; and shall destroy them without labor by the law, which is like

3J the hre. And whereas thou sawest that he gathered another peaceable multitude unto

40 hun : tliese are the ten ^ tribes, whieh were carried away prisoners out of their own land

in tiie time ot Josias the king, whom Salmanasar king of Assyria led captive, and carried

1 Liquescil cera, anil not queicil ttna ot tlie text. rec.

2 Poi-hapa Ijctler, sciiuUiis lempeslalh, with .1.r. anj Iliigenteld.

3 AU,,ui arf,/i,„„,,., ,^ „,, ,„, „ffmba,u,cr. Volliniar : " Ottiera brouglit before him of that, whicli they had suffered"
,,<« ,.rf,r,M,.u,r .Me, er : - And some biought some of them, who approached." Juni^. : - brouit of the th n.3

that were offered (so marg, of A. V,,. Ewaid (Arable) : " Others bringing him manifold gifts •> °"=" "' ''"^ '"^"S^
the words, .( dtp,ecutu> sum AU:ss,mum, fritzsehe adopts from the Syriac.
^ 1 adopt erunt from Cod. A. (Cf, Bensiy, p. 33) for era,u of Cod. S. and I'ritzsehe's text.

2 ESDRAS. 663

tl them over the river, and they were broucrht over into another laml. But tliey took this coun-
sel amonjrpt themselves, that they would leave the mnltitiule of the heathen, and go forth

42 into afnrther country, where mankind never dwelt, that they mi;j;ht there keep their own

43 statutes, which they hiid not kept in their own land. But they entered into Euphrates

44 by the narrow passages of the river ; fur ihe Most High then wrought signs for them, and

45 held still the waves of the river, till they liad passed over. But through that country there
was a long journey to make of a year and a half ; and the same region is called Arzarelli.^

4G Then dwelt they there uniil the laier time. And now when again Ihey shall bc>;in to

47 come, the JMost High will hold still tlie waves of the river again, that they may go through;

48 iherel'ore sawust tliou the uiidtitude gathered in peace, but also those of my peo[)le who

49 are left, who are found wilhiu my holy ^ borders. Therefore it shall come to pass, that
when he slndl begin to destroy the multitude of the n:itions that are gathered together, he

50 will defend his people that remain ; and tlien will he show them great womlers.

51 And 1 said, O Lord, who bearest rule, show me this ; Wlierefore have I seen the man

52 coming up from the midst of the sea? And he said unto me, As thou canst neither seek
out nor know the things that are in the deep of the sea, so can no man upon earth see my

53 Son, or those that are with him, but in the daytime. This is Ihe interpretation of the

54 vision which thou sawest, and concerning which tliou only art enlightened. For tliou hast

55 forsaken thine own way, and applied thyself unto mine, and sought my law. 'i'liy life

56 hast thou ordered in wisdom, and hast called understanding thy mother. And therefore
have I shown thee the reward of the Most High ; and after other three days I will speak
other things unto ihee, and e-xplaiu unto ihee nnghty and wondrous things.

57 And 1 went forth into the tield, giving praise and thanks greatly unto the Most High

58 because of tlie wonders, wliich he would do in process of time; and because he governelh
times, and such things as fall out in their season; and there I sat three days.

The Seventh Visiox.

Chap. XIV. 1 And it came to pass upon the third day, that I sat under an oak. And be-

2 hold, there came a voice out of a bush over against me, and said, Esdras, Esdras. And I

3 said. Behold, here am I, Lord. And I stood up upon my feet. And he said unto me, In
the bush I did clearly reveal myself unto Moses, and talked with him, when my people

4 served in Egypt; and I sent him, and led my people out of Egypt, and brought him upon

5 mount Sina'! and kept him by me a long season, and told him many wondrous things,

6 and showed him the secrets of the times, and the end; and I commanded him, saying,

7 These words shalt thou declare, and these shalt thou hide. And now I say unio thee,

8 Lay up in thy heart the signs that I have shown, and the visions that thou hast seen,

9 and the interpretations which thou hast heard; » for thou shalt be taken away from men,
and from henceforth thou shalt remain with my Son, and with such as are hke thee, un-

10 til the times arc ended. For the world hath lost its youth, and the times begin to grow old.

11 For the world is divided into twelve parts, and ten parts of it are j;one already,'* and half
12, 13 of a tenth part; but there remain its two parts after the half o£ tlie tenlh part. Now

'therefore set thine house in order, and reprove thy people, and comfort such of them as

14 arc cast down; and now renounce corruption, and let go from thee mortal thoughts, and

15 cast away from thee the burdens of man, and put off now from thee the weak nature, and
lay aside the thoughts that are most heavy unto thee, and haste thee to go away from

16 these times. For°yet greater evils than those which thou hast seen happen shall come

17 to pass For as much as the world is weaker through age, so much more shall evils in-

18 crease upon them that dwell therein. For truth shall flee far away, and lying come near;
for now hasteth the eagle ^ to come, which thou hast seen in vision. „ , , , t -m

19 20 And I answered and said, Behold, Lord, I will speak before thee. Behold, 1 will
' cTo as thou hast commanded me, and reprove the people of the present; but they that shall

be born afterwards, who will admonish them V Tlie world therefore lielh m darkness,

21 and they that dwell therein are without light, since thy law is burnt; therefore no man

22 knowetl. the things that are done by thee, or the works that shall begin. But if I have
founil "-race before thee, send the Holy Spirit into me, and I will write all that hath taken
place in the world since the beginning, which were written in thy law, that men may find
a path, and that they who would live in the later days may live.

• So S., but the word means no more than terra alia (cl. ver. 40), being the mnS V"l^ of Dent. xxlx. 23. Seo

''^Cod.^A^estabUshes the conjecture of Ililgcnteld, who, with the Oriental Tersions, read sanctum for factum See

"™The emendation of Van der Vlis, audisti, is supported by Cod. A. See Bensly, p. 33.
< Codd. S. A. read c(ecem yam. See Bensly, p. 29. ,,. „ . » ,

■i This word is omitted in the text, rec, bat is adopted by Futzsche from the Onental Terpens.

664 APPENDIX.

23 And lie answered me and said, Go, gather the people together, and say unto them, that

24 they seek thee not for forty days. But look thou prepare for thyself many tablets, and
take with thee Sarea, Dabria, Salemia, Elcana, and Asihel, these five who are prepared to

25 write swiftly; and come hither, and I will light a lamp of understanding in thine heart,
which shall not be put out, till the things be performed which thou shall begin to write.

26 And when thou art done, some things shalt thou publish, some things shalt thou show
secretly to the wise; to-morrow at this hour shalt thou begin to write.

27 And I went forth, as he commanded me, and gathered all the people together, and said,
28, 29 Hear these words, O Israel. Our fathers at the beginning were strangers in Egypt,

30 and were delivered from thence; and they received a law of life, which they kept not,

31 which ye also have transgressed after them. And the land, even the land of Sion, was
parted among you by lot; and your fathers, and ye, have done unrighteousness, and have

32 not kept the ways which the Most High commanded you. And since he is a righteous

33 judge, he took from you in time what he had given. And now are ye here, and your

34 biethren among you. If therefore you will rule your understanding, and instruct your

35 hearts, yon shall be kept alive, and after death shall obtain mercy. For after death
will the judgment come, when we shall live again; and then shall the names of the right-

36 eons be manifest, and the works of the ungodly shall be made known. But let no man
come unto me now, nor seek after me for forty days.

37 And I took the five men, as he commanded me, and we went into the field, and remained

38 there. And it came to pass, that on the next day, behold, a voice called me, saying, Es-

39 dras, open thy mouth, and drink what I give thee to drink. And I opened my month, and
behold, there was reached me a full cup. This was full as it were with water, but the color

40 of it was like fire. And I took it, and drank ; and when I liad drunk of it, my heart streamed
over with understanding, and wisdom grew in my breast, for my spirit strengthened my mein-

41, 42 ory. And my mouth was opened, and shut no more. But the Most High gave under-
standing unto the five men, and they wrote the visions of the night that were told them,
which they knew not. And they sat forty days; but they wrote in the day time, and at night

43, 44 they ate bread. But I spake in the day, and was not silent by night. In forty days

45 they wrote ninety-four ^ books. And it came to pass, when the forty days were fulfilled,
that the Most High spoke, saying. The first that thou hast written publish openly, that

46 the worthy and unworthy may read ; but keep the seventy later ones, that thou mayest

47 deliver them to such as are wise among the people ; for in them is a spring of under-

48 standing, and a fountain of wisdom, and a river of knowledge. And I did so in the
seventh year, the si.xth week, five thousand years after the creation of the world, and

49 three months and twelve days. And in the.se'vvas Ezra snatched away, and taken up to

50 the place of those like himself, after he had written all these things. But he was called
the scribe of the knowledge of the Most High forever.

1 Text, rec, hitxos multos ; but the Oriental Toi'sions give tlie true sense in iabulas mullas.

2 I'ritzsche lollows here the Oriental Tersions. The text. rec. has " two hundred and four." Cod. S., DCOCCIIII.

= What is found after these words is supplied by Tritzsche from the Syriac. " In libris Lalinis idea exciilil, quia
nescio quo errore sequentis libri posterior pars utpote caput xo. el xvi. adsueretur, cum prior para initio hujus libri ulpote
caput primum et secundum locata esset.^' See Libri Apoc. V. 2*., p. 639.

APPENDIX 11.

LEADING WORKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
PSEUDEPIGRAPHA.

THE BOOK OF ENOCH.

A yrOKK imputed to the patriarch Enoch enjoyed a wide circulation in the eavly Christian church
and was not infrequfutly cited by various writers. As most Biblical scholars claim, and as seems
probable, it was made use of by Jude in the well-known passage of his Epistle (vers. 14, 15; cf.
Enoch i. 9), although, indeed, it cannot be determined with absolute certainty tliat the words he em-
ploys were not then current in the form of a tradition. What Justin Martyr (Apol., ii. 5) has to say
roucerning the angels, their fall, their instruction of men, and the like, certainly seems to have been
derived from this source, since it is found in close connection with matter of another sort, which like-
wise appears in the same connection in the original work. Irenieus also used tlie book. {Adu. ffcur.,
iv. 30 : " Sed et Enoch sine circumcisione placets Deo, cum esset homo, legatione ad angelos fungebatur,'*
etc. Cf. also. Adv. Hcer., iv. 16, 2.) And 'I'ertuUian even looked upon it as a product of divine
inspiration {De Idol., xv. ; " Htec igltur ab initio prcevidens Spiritus Sanctus etiam ostia in superstitio-
neiu venUira prcececinit per antiquissunum poetam Enoch.'* Cf. also, De idol., iv., and De Hainta Muli-
ebri, ii., iii.). So, too, Clement of Alexandria refers to it with respect {Strom., p. 550 in the ed. of
Sylburg), and Origen {De Principiis, iv. 35; Hom. in Numb., xxxiv. ), and Augustine, although both
the latter deny its getiuineness (Augustine in De Civitate Dei, xv. ^2S ; Origen in his work Contra
Celsiim, v.). It was later and less widely known in the Eastern church; Ijnt fragments of it, in
Greek, are still preserved in the Chronographia of Georgius Syncellus, which is dated about a d. 792
(cf. Dillmann, Uebersetzmg, pp. 82-86). A small Greek fragment has also been discovered in the
Vatican Library, but proves to be of less importance than was at first supposed, as it contains only
eight verses of chap. Ixx.xix. (42-49).

In more modern times the work first made its appearance in an Ethiopic translation found in
three manuscripts, and brought to Europe by Bruce in 1773. An English version was made by
Laurence in 18J1 (new editions in 1833, 1838), and the Ethiopic text published by him in 1838. Hoff-
mann rendered the English of Laurence into German, as far as chap. Iv. inclusive, and for the re-
mainder of the work translated directly from the Ethiopic, comparing for that purpo-e a newly-dis-
covered manuscript of it in that language. In 1851, the Ethiopic text whs published anew, and in a
much more correct form, by Dillmann, who had the aid of five different Codices, and two years later
the .'•ame scholar issued a new German translation, which since that time has furnished the basis of
investigation for those unacquainted with Ethiopic. (For other works and articles, see List of
Authors below.)

Our space is too limited to give more than a meagre outline of the contents of this voluminous
work, which is divided by Dillmann into one hundred and eight chapters. In form, it consists of a
series of revelations which are said to have been made to Enoch. The matter of these revelations is
of the most varied character, relating as well to the phenomena and laws of nature as to the ordi-
nances and history of the kingdom of God among men. In order to give instruction to men ou these
topics, the revelations are claimed to have been given and written down by the ])atriMrch. There is
first an introduction in which Enoch reports that he has seen a vision and heard the history of all the
five future generations of men (i.-v.). He then proceeds to give an account of the fall of the angels
(vi,-xi.), and is himself sent to the earth to proclaim to tlieni their impending doom. Asking him
to intercede for them, he does so, but without effect ; and hence, a sccoiid time, announces their de-
struction Cxii.-xvi.). In the chapters next following, he recites further his experiences in the
heavenly world, discourses on nature, discloses the end of the earth, the place where the fallen angels
are punished, and the abode of spirits (xvii.-xxxvi.). The so-called "second vision of wisdom " is
then described in three sections, and is a singular combination of revelations concerning the lot of the
blessed in heaven and the mysteries of the physical world (xxxvii.-l.-ixi.). This is followed by eleven
chapters devoted especially to astronomy, the angel Uriel giving Enoch the information which he
communicates (Ixxii.-lxxxii.). Of the next two visions, the first relates to the destruction of the
world by the flood (Ixxxiil-lxxxiv.), and the second, to the history of Israel down to the time ofthe
Messi«iJ»» the Qovenant people beiflg represenWdi uoder tiie symbolism of anii»als of various .k4mi9

666 APPENDIX.

(Ixxxr-xc). Admonitions follow to liis children (xci.), an explanntiou of the "weeks" of the
world's historv (xcii.-xeiv.), woes are denounced against the sinful (xcv.-cv.), and an account is
given of the birtli of Konh, with the singular events tliat attended it (evi.-cvii.). The work closes
with "ivnoiher writing of Eniicli," in wliieh hecomniunicatcs still more fully wliat is to be the con-
dition of tlie wiuked and the righteous in tlie future (cviii ).

But few diiUi are given in the cojuposition itsdf, by which its authorship and age mightbe deter-
mined, aud ilure lias been, in fact, the widest diversity of 0|jinion respecting both the time of its
ori;;iu and the question of its integrity and unity. But, with this great diversity in the matter of
detail.s, there is i.ssential agreement among scholars touching the principal features of the book. A
large majority of the more recent investigntois, for exani|jle, hold that the central portion, the so-
called " Second Vision of Wisdom " (.\xxvii.-lxxi.), was not written by the author of the main work,
although some regard it as a later addition (Liicke, KiJstlin, Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, Sieffert), while
others hold that it preceded it (l)illmann, Ewald). Again, most scholars agree that the original
work was composed some time during the perioil of the Hasmonasan dynasty (B. c. 166-98). Here
DiUmaun and Ewahl join Lang^eu, Wittiehen, with the others mentioned in tlie first class above ex-
cepting only Volkmar, who with Stuart, Weis.se, Hofmann, and Philipjii, fix upon some period con-
siderably after the beginning of thi' Christian era for its oriiiin. Still further, Dillmann (who thus
retracts his first opinion), Ewalil, Kostlin, Wittiehen, and Schiirer regard the parts relating to Noah
as interpolations. It is by no means nulikely, indeed, that there are other smaller interpolations ;
Ewald, for instance, maintaining with great confidence that the work, in its present form, had six
authors, the date of whose several productions he attem]its to give with much exactness; but we
may with tolerable safety adopt the general conclusions arrived at by the scholars above men-
tioned.

'i'he time of the composition of the principal portion is determined by means of the historical vision
found in chaps. Ixxxv.-xc , where the whole history of Israel, from Adam to the time of the airthor,
is symbolically represented in four distinct period.s. We can only give results. The first [eriod is
generally thought to extend to the time of Cyrus ; the second, to that of Alexander the Great; the
thiril, to that of Antlochus Epiphanes ; and the fourth, to the time of the work, which seems from in-
ternal evidence to have been towards the end of the second century before Christ. The main inter-
polation (.xxxvii.-lx.\i., excepting some minor fragments), which shows itself to be such by its pecul-
iar use of the divine name, its angelology, eschatology, etc., is most generally referred to a period
not earlier than about the time of Heroirthe Great (B. c. 37). This point is determined liy means of
an allusion found in chap. Ivi., which contains an ostensible prediction concerning an inroad of the
Parthians and Mcdes into the Holy Land, where they finally perish in mutual conflicts. This actu-
ally took place b. c. 40-.38. Others, however (Hofmann, Weisse, Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, Philippi), on
the other hand, tirgne in favor of a Christian origin for this pan also. The Noaehiau fragments (liv.
7 ; Iv. 2 ; Ix. ; l.w.-lxix., 2.5, and probably cvi.-cvii.), so called from the fact that Noah is concerned in
thcin or is represented as having written them, are of uncertain date, as is also the concluding chapter,
which moreover seems to have been of independent origin. Still, it is likely that they arose somewhat
later than the main work, which would naturally suggest and inspire further coiupositions of this
character. (Cf. Ewald, Ahhandlunr/en, p. 58, who seems to show that the other portions were made
use ol by the author of these.)

It is almost universally admitted {contra, Volkmar, Philippi) that our work was composed in the
Hebrew (or Aramaic) l.inguagc, although the Ethio])ic version was clearly made from the Greek. If
first appeared in Palestine (cf. Dillinanu, Uebcrsciz., Einleit., p. li.), where at the time of the Has-
mouafans Greek would scarcely have been employed for siuli a composition. It uses Hebrew roots
iii foimiug the names of angels, winds, etc., receives a long and important notice in the Hebrew Book
of .lubihes, and wa.s wiihly known and cited by Jewish writers down to a late period. Indeed, it
has been pretty conclusively shown by Halle'vi {Journal Asiatique for April and May, 1867, pp. 352-
395), not only that the work was written in Hebrew, but that it was the almost Biblical Helirew of
the Mi.ihna and Midrashiin. He also succeeds in clearing up a nuiuber of difficult passage.s in the
book. (Cf. Al)bot's note iu the Aiuerican edition of Smith's Bib. VicL, s. i\)

In doetriital teaching the Book of Enoch adds nothing essentially new to what is found iu the Old
Testament Scriptures. The most important feature of its teaching is that relating to the Messiah aud
the Messianic iiingdom. The epithets applied to the former, the " Son of God" (cv. 2), the " Son of
woman " (Ixii. 5), " the Elect " (xL 5), " the Word " (xc. 38, although Dillmann and others maintain
that this is a gloss from a Christian hand), are remarkalde, and especially the statement, that " be-
fote the stars of heu\en were made, his uaiue was naiued by the Lord of Spirits" (xlviii. 2). Still, it
is very much to be doubtid whether by tlicse ;md other similar expressions the author meant to im-
jjute to the Mes.-iah the attributes of Deity. There seem rather to be transferred to this mysterious
jjersonage characteristics, \\hieh had become familiar in the Jewish thougiit of the time in connection
with their coinmou ideal re|)re-entation of wisdom. At least, if this was his intention, he must be re-
garded as very inconsistent with himself, since his chief emphasis throughout is laid upon the king-
dom rather than the king, the kitig himself being represented as for the kingdovi, and iu fact an out-
gi owtli of it. In the final conflict, wlien the new order of things comes really to be set up, the Messiah
falls tpiite into tlie background, and it is the Almighty who appears and interposes for bis op|ires-ed
people (xc. 16 ff ). And this is in harmony with the abnormal development of nearly all the Old Tes-
taiueiit revelations in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha.

THE SIBYLLIJSTE ORACLES.

The Sibyl of the ancient world, as is well known, was a being half divine, who communicated to
men the decrees of the heavenly powers, especially respecting , cities and kingdoms. The idea seems

THE OLD TESTAMENT PSEUDEPIGRAPHA. 667

to have originated in the early Koman history, and the great reverence with which her supposed re-
sponses were regarded by the Konie of later time may be inferred from the manner in wliicli they are
spolien of by Livy and otlier historians. The original Sibylline Books perisbed in the year fi71 ot
Kome (u, c. 83). Suljsequenlly anew volnmeof oracles sprang up, but in connection witli it a mits of
similar literature, the most of wliich wa.s at once recognized as spurious, and so dl.scredit ciiuie to be at-
tached to the whole mutter of prophetical ntterances'ot the kind. Beside this earlier legendnry Sibyl
of Tanpiiii, there were n number of otiiers acknowledged in the earlier times, whose shrines were at
different places, as iit CnimB and Eryihra;, at Delphi, in Libya and Phrygil, some authors Ciiumerat-
ing as many iis ten of them. Tlieir prophecies, first communicated orally, were aficrwards committed
to writing, and generally in the form of hexameter verse The Jews of Alexandria now, wlio found
aggression the best method of defense, naturally bethought themselves, in connection with their own
prophetical books, of ihis means foi- bringing their faith in an neceptable and impressive manner be-
fore the minds_ of their heathen neighliors and lulers. And following them Christian apologists of
the first centuries were not slow in adopting what apjieared to tbcm a fitting cliannel for coinmuni-
catiiig the higher " oracles," and for showing that Chri^tianity had been predicted from the beginning
of time as the true religion. Jiistinus, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Clement of Alexnndrin, among
others, appeal t_o_ the Sibyl as to a recognized authority, and no fewer thiiu fifty passages have been
found in the wiiiings of Lactaniius, where he makes use of some part of whatis now liuown as the
Sibylline Books to support his arguments (cf. the valuable ariiele in tlie Ediiibui-i/l, het-inv, July, 1877,
p. 19). These Christian writers, bowevei-, made a clear distinction between the inspiration' of the
Sil)yl and that of a prophet of tlie Bible, and not a few among thetn refused to avail themselves of
this weapon of defense, and oven ap].lied opprobrious epitliets to sucli as did. And from the fourth
century such productions came more and more into disreiiute and disuse, and finally, they were almost
entiiely lost tt) view. Still, the old traditions lingered to some extent even in the" Middle Ages, as is
evident from the language of the well-known hymn, —

" Dies iro!, dies tWo,

Soivet smclum infavillaj
Tistc David cum Sibi/Ua."

The Sibylline Books were first published in modern times by Betuleius (Basle, 154.5), and were
eight in number. Ten years later Castalio issued another edition at the same place, and still others
subsequently appeared in Paris (1599) and in Amsterdam (1689). In 1817, Angelo Mai puVilished
an atlditional book, the fourteenth, and in 1828, the remaining ones of our present number, fourteen
in all. The best of the more recent editions, however, are those of Alexandre (2d ed., 1869), and of
Kriedliel) 1 1852), the former being accompanied by a Latin, and the latter by a German translation.

The collection, as it now exists, it is universally agreed, had a mimber of different authors, some of
them Jewish and some ChrL-^tian, the latter, however, as it would seem, very largely prep(mderating.
To separate the work into its constituent parts has been, in fact, the mo.st difficult tiusk of scholars
who have given attention to the subject, and they are by no means in harmony on this jioint. Ac-
cording to Schiirer {Neatest. Zeit(jescliiclite, p. 517), the only certain result of invet^tigatiou thus far is,
that the Third Book, at least with the exce|iiion of smaller interpolations, may be looked u)ion as of
Jewish origin, and as having originated previous to the beginning of our era. All the rest is in dis-
pute. The weight of evidence would indeed appear to be in favor of regarding the Fifth Book also
as having emaiuited from a Jewish pen, but still there is doubt concerning it. The I bird Book, then,
may be considered as the kernel of the collection, and its date can be determined with reasonable ex-
actness. The campaigns of Antiochus Epiphanes into Kgypt were already matter of history (vers.
611-615), but Kome had not yet become an empire (ver. 176). Still further and more dehnitely, it
is three times said, that under the seventh llelLeuic king of Egypt the end would come (vers. 191-193,
316-318, 603-610). Hence the author of this portion wrote, as mo-^t suppose, under Ptolemy Phys-
con (li. 0. 170-164, 14.5-117). Hilgenfeld {AiJoLuli/ptik,Tp. 69 f. ; Zeilsrhrift, 1860, p. 314 ff., 187!, p.
35) fixes the date more exactly at u. C. 140, and Schiirer ('. c. pp. 519, 52li) pronounces his conclu.sions
just, although not satisfied with all his reasoning. Still, it is not impo-sible that Alexander the Great
(as Alexandre and Bleek suppose) was reckoned among the number of Hellenic kings of Egypt, in
which ca>e Ptoleinv Philometor (b. c. 184-146) must be held to be the seveiiih, in whose time the
author probably lived. And it is a strong support of this theory, which ou the face of it is the more
natural, that the high hopes expressed in the work concerning the coming kingdom of the Messiah —

" Then from tlie East the Lord sliall send a king,
To liusli the voice of war throughout the worid,"

would scarcely have been justified by the state of political affairs in Palestine, after the death of Si-
mon (b. c. 156). Around this nucleus now, other Jewish and Christian productions of a similar char-
acter were gathered, each new author endeavoring to follow the model set by the first, preserve in
outward form as much as possible the character of the mysterious Sibyl, and at the same time give
utterance to r/mni Biblical truth.s, colored by the hopes or the miseries of bis own experience and times.
In the original work the stvle of the first part is annalistic, in the secimd and third prophetical. Ju
the historical portions, the Israelitish history is strangely mixed up with classical myths and the
history of contiguous peoples, but all is made" to contribute, under a thin veil, to the glorifying of the
chosen people. The prophetical portion is preceded by a pause, in wliich " the .Mighty Father " is en-
treated to hold back the influence of inspiration under which she has hitherto spoken. But compelled
to proceed, she enters upon a series of fiery denunciations against the several empires of the ancient
world, the Trojan war and the beautiful Fury ( Helen) not being overlooked, nor the " blind old man,"
who would teli the story in the time to come. (Cf. the interesting article before alluded to in the
Edinburgh. Beoiew, pp..25-r2X, and for the Uteiature in general the List of Authors given below.)

668 APPENDIX.

THE APOCALYPSE OF BARUCH.

Besides the apocnphal Book of Barnch, the so-called First Epistle of Baruch in Syriac, found in
the London and Pai is I'ohglots (defended liy Wliiston as authentic, A Collection of Authentick [\ecords,
i., pj). 1 f., 25 fF.), and a worlv entitled Paralipomena Jei-emice (by Ceriani, Movnmenta Sacra ei PrO'
faiut. v., fasc. 1, Mcdiolarj, 1868, |ip. fl-18), or Heliqita Verhorum Barudii (by Billmann, Chreslomathia
^Cthiopi'ca, hjps., 1866, and translated by Pratorius into German, Zeitschri/'t fur w. Tlieol., 1872, pp.
230-247. Cf. also Lwald, Gfscldilite d. Volk. Is., vii. 183), there is extant in the Syriac language a
■work known as the Apocalvpse of Baruch, It is found in a MS. belongins: to the Ambrosian library
at Milan, and was tiist jiuLJlished iu the form of a Latin translation by Ceriani (1866), and five years
later (1871 ), in Syriac, by ihe same fcliolar. Fritzsche adopted Ceriani's Latin text in his edition of
the Apocrypha and selict Pseudepigrajiha (1871), and the work has also been more or less fully treated
by Langen ( De Apocoli/pni Bariuh, 1867), Ewald {Gotting. Gclehr. Anzeigen, 1867, p. 1706 ff., and Ge-
sckichled. Volk.Is.,\n-,3te Aufl., 1868, pp. 83-87), Schiirer (Neutest. Zeilgeschiclde, pp. 542-.')49), and
Kneucker (Dus Buck Bariich, etc. Mit einem Anhang iihcr den pseudepigraphischen Baruch, Leipz.,
1879). The work seems to hiivc been little known in the early Chrij-tian church, but Papias appears
to have hollowed Lirgely from it (e.-pecially fioni xxix. 5), and it is possibly referred to in the Si/nopsis
of Atliana.^ius and the Sitclionieiri/ of Nicephorus, under the title Bapoux ^evSeniypacpos. (Cf. Fabricius,
Cod. Pseudepig. V. 'J'., i. 1116.) A fragment of the work (cliiips. Ixxviii -Ixxxvi), also in the Syriac
language, is found iu the London and Paris Polyglots, and Lagarde's edition of the Apocrypha in
Syriac (1861), and was rendered into Latin by Fabiieius for his work just mentioned.

The composition is([uite a long one, although inconiplcte in its present form (cf. Ixxvii. 19), requiring
forty-five jiages of Friizsche's work (Libri Apoc. V. T. Grace, pp. 654-699), and purports to be from
the pen of Baruch, who everywhere speaks in the first person. The time of receiving the revelaiions
communicated is claimed to be just before and just after the destruction of Jerusalem (by Nebuchad-
nezzar). Under a tliin disguise of .symbolism, the writer depicts the relations of Israel to other peoples,
and in a series oi jiost faclo iiredictiuns seeks to comfort them by awakening a hope of better times in
the near future. Among the pTeilictions made after the event is one concerning a second destruction
of Jerusiilem (xxxii. 2, 4), which clearly proves that the work was written subsequent to the over-
throw of that city by Titus. And this is the only passage which gives any positive clew to the date
of the eom|iosition. But it has a close relationship to the Second Book of Esdras (cf. Langen, pp.
6-8), and it is evident that the one must have borrowed from the other. Whether the present book,
however, antedates 2 E.sdras (so Fritzsche and Schiirer), or 2 Ei-dras first appeared (Ewald, Langen),
it is impossible to say with certainty. But the fact that Papias (a. d. 12U-170) used so freely the
Apocalypse of Baruch (cf. L'enasus, Adv. Har., v. 33), would seem to favor the view of the former;
and it is probable, therefore, that it was composed soon after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Rom-
ans. The present Syriac version was derived from the Greek, and it is most likely that this was the
language of the original (see Langen, Lfe Apocali/psi Baruch, p. 8, " Jam vero grcECO sermone scrlpior
usus esse vidciur " (ef. also, Judenihum in Palestina, p. 119 f.), and that it first appeared in Palestine.

THE PSALMS OF SOLOMON.

There is extant in the Greek language a collection of eighteen Psalms under this title (TaA/io! SaAo-
fiHiiTos). They were first publii-hed, with a Latin translation by La Cerda, in his work entitled Ad-
ver^oria Snciu (Lugd. 1626), from a manuscript found in Augsburg, which has since disappeareo,
then by Fabricius (2d ed., 1722, p. 914 ff.) ; and in 1869 by Hilgenfeld IMessias Judatorum, pp. 1-33;
cf. Zyilschrijlfur n: TIkoI., 1868, pp. 134-168). The still later editions of Geiger (1871 ) and Fritzsche
(1871 ) agree i'or the most part with Hilgenfeld, in the form of the text adopted, but that of Geiger is
accompanied by valuab'e explanatory notes. Wittiehen has furnished a resume' oi the contents of the
Psalms fnim a theological joint of view, in his work. Die Idee des Eeiches Gottes (1872, pp. 155-160.
Cf. also Smith's Bib. Diet, under " the Maccabees " sec. 10).

The work displays a remarkable unity of form from beginning to end, the way being prepared in
the earlier portions for what appears in the later, and its style and spirit are also everywhere the
same. It makes itself no claim to the authorship of Solom'on, the title being a later addition, and
probably .suggi stcd by 1 Kings iv. 32. The place of composition was Palestine, the author identifyino'
himself with those who there sufiered, and the original language, probably Hebrew (Hilgenfeld say's
Greek, but i.. almo.st alone in his view). The writer seems to have been an carne.st partisan'of the Phar-
isees. He advocates, with earnestness, a righteousness of works (xiv. 1 ; cf. ix. 9); declares the justice o!
God in the punishment of his people on account of their sins; and holds to a resurrection, when one's
past deeds will determine whether it shall be to life (iii. 16), or to condemnation (xiii.9ff. ; xv.).
Having prepared the way for it by his sketch of the course of unrighteous rulers, and the miseries of
Israel, the author proceeds in the latest Psalms (xvii., xviii.) to picture on the basis of the Messianic
prophecies of the Old Testament the glory of the coming Messiah. The earth is divided amono- the
chosen people, and the heathen come bending to the new king, leading back his dispersed children°wlio
have dwelt in their borders. But, as in the Book of Enoch, the Messiah acts oulv as a kind of deputy or
(iod. He IS siidess (in a ceremonial sense), has wisdom and power to rule, but the real soverei"n over
all is Jehovah. Much light is hereby thrown on the attitude of the Jews of his time toward our
Lord, since the present work may be taken as fairly representative of current sentiment at least
anuuig the mighty party of the Pharisees. ' '

Respecting the tune of composition, scholars differ to some extent, some holding that the work
origmated m the time of Antiochus Epiplianes (Ewald, Grimm, Oehler, Dillmann, WestiooU),.oth6rsi

THE OLD TESTAMENT 'PSEUDEPIGRAPHA. 669

(Movers, Delitzsch, Keim) in the time of Herod, but a growing number of the Inter investigators
(Lanften, Hilgenfeld, Noldeke, Hausrath, Geiger, Fritzsche, Wittichen, Schiirer) fix with great con-
fidence, and on vir hat seem to be conclusive grounds, upon a period soon after the taking of Jerusa-
lem by Pompev _(b. c. 63). The walls of the city are represented as having Ijeen destroyed with bat
tering rams (viii. 21; ii. 1, eV Kpif), the noblest inhabitants put to death, while the young men,
women, and children are carried captive to the West (xvii. 13, U, 4v hpyfi KaWous avrov i^wiriaTuXev
aiiri eti)s_ ^irl Sua-ficSv. Cf. ii. 6 ; viii. 24). Finally, however, the "dragon" is himself slain on the
" mountains of Egypt, upon the sea," and his body lies unburied (ii. 30-31 ). This seems to make it
reasonably certain that I'umpey is referred to. It could have been said only of Fompey and Titus,
that they carried their captives to the West, and the other particulars make it evident that Titus can-
not be meant. And Pompey was actually murdered, while at sea, off the coast of Egypt (b. o. 48).
It is rare, in fact, in books of this character, that we are able to trace with so sure a hand the circum-
stances amidst which the author wrote.

THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES.

We receive the earliest notice of a work known as the Assumption of Moses {'AviiKriif/is yiavaeus)
through Origen {De Princip., iii. 2. 1) who remarks that what is said in Jude (ver. 9) concerning a
strife between the archangel Michael and Satan over the body of Moses is taken fi-oin it (he names
it the " Ascension " of Moses). It is referred to by other church fathers also, and later Christian
writers : as Didymus of Alexandria (t c. a. c. 395), Clement of Alexandria {Strom., vi. 15), Gelasius
(pope, A. D. 492-496), Evodius, who called it "Apocrypha et secreta Moy8i,".in the so-called Synopsis
of Athanasins, in the Apostolical Constitutions, and the Stichometry of Nicephorus. (Cf. Hilgenfeld,
Alessias Judceorum, p. Ixxi., flnd Fritzsche, Prolegom., pp. xxxiv., xxxv.) In more modern times tho
■ work was first brought to light, excepting small fragments found in Fabricius ( Cod. Pseudepig. V.
T., i.), by Ceriiini, in a Latin MS. belonging to the Ambrosian Library at Milan, which he ediied and
published in his work, Monumenla, etc. (1861 ). The MS. proves to be itself a fragment, and is without
a title, but is of considerable extent, and that it is a version of the original Greek work is evident from
a passage found at the beginning (i. 14), which corresponds with an eiirlier citation. Since the ap-
pearance of Ceriani's publication, the composition has been republished by Hilgenfeld (1866), Volk-
mar (Lat. and Germ., 1867), Schmidt and Merx (Merx' Archio, 1868), andby Fritzsche (1871). Hil-
genfeld has also attempted a retranslation into Greek {Zeitschrlft, I86.S, and Alessias ./udceoram, 1869).

The work purports to be a sort of historical and prophetic address of Moses to .Joshua on the oc-
casion of his succeeding him as leader of Israel. After a brief sketch of Jewish history, intermingled
with prophetic announcements, reaching down to the time of Herod the Great, both the descriptions
and the predictions become at once more full and definite, showing that we a])proaeh the period in which
the author himself lived. That Herod the Great is referred to, there would seem to be little room
for doubt. His character is described with great exactness, as, also, the more prominent events that
characterized his reign. He is called " rex pelulans, qui non erit de genere sacerdotum (a reference to
the preceding Hasmonsean dynasty) homo temerarius et improlius" (vi. 2, of Fritzsehe's text). It is
said that his reign will contii'iue thirty-four years, and that his sons will succeed him, but their su-
premacy will be shorter than his. Cohorts will come into their land, and a mighty king of the West
(probably Quintilius Varus, b. c. 4) will subdue them, take them prisoners and destroy a p.irt of their
temple with fire {" et partem mdis ipsornm igni incendet," vi. 9). Then, after a little, the end would
come {" ex quo facto ^finientur tempora"). The book ends abruptly in the twelfth chapter, the MS.
being imperfect at its close ; and it is this very portion, as the context shows, which contained the ac-
count of the alleged strife over the body of Moses. It is earnestly to be hoped that the lost fragment
ma}- yet be discovered.

According to the data already given, it would seem that tho author wrote his work just before, or
just after the beginning of our era, that is not long after the death of Herod (so Ewald, Wieseler, Schii-
rer). That it was before the end of the reign of Herod's two sons, Philip and Antipas, seems clear,
frotn the fact that he predicts a shorter reign for them than their father enjoyed, when it was really
longer. That it was soon after the war with Varus, the words quoted above, ex quo facto, etc.,
would lead us to infer.

There has been much discussion concerning the attitude of the author towards the leading Jewish
sects, some holding him to be a Pharisee, others a Sadducec. He, in fact, appears to coincide fully
with neither of these parties; and Wieseler and Schiirer seem to be right, therefore, in placing hin-.
among the so-called Zealots. He held, indeed, to the leading principles of the Pharisees, but differed
from them widely in his more spiritual interpretation of the law and in his decided stand with respect
to the civil government.

It is a noticeable circumstance, that, notwithstanding the Messianic kingdom is the leading thought
of the writer, there is not a word said of a personal Messiah. In this respect our work agrees with
another of the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, soon to be noticed, the Book of Jubilees. It is the
Most High God {•' summus Deus, atternus solus "), the alone Eternal, who will rise up for the destruc-
tion of the heathen and the vindication of his people (cf. x. 7). The work appears to have been writ-
ten in Palestine, and may have been composed in the Hebrew language, though the present Latin
text was clearly derived from the Greek.

THE ASCENSION OF ISAIAH.

In Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho (e. cxx.), there is an allusion made to the death of Isaiah.
It is said that he was sawn asunder with a wooden saw (x/rfo« iv\lv(f). It would seem that this was

670 APPENDIX.

taken from tlie Fsoudepiffvaphal work, entitled the Ascension of Isaiah, althoviph it is not there stated
thiit Isaiah was i-awn with a ivooden saw. Tertullian, also (De Paticntia, c. xiv.), makes use of the
pi0|ihct's example as tliire depicted to enforce the duty of patience : " His palientim virihns secotur
Esaius et dp Domino non tacel." At v. 14 of tlie Ascersiou we read ; "But Isaiah, wliile he was he-
ing .sawn, did not cry nor weep, hut liis mouth spoke with the Holy Spiiit until he was cut in two
pieces." (Cf. tlie Iranshition of the work, with introduction and note.«, in the Luiheran Qunrtnti/ for
October. 1878, pp. 51,'i, 522.) In the Apostolical Constilvliotts (vi. 16), the work is spoken of underthe
title air6Kpu<poi' 'Ho-oiou. So also hy Origen, who cites it in several instances (Com. in Matt., xiii. R7 ;
Ejiist. ad African., c. ix. ; Horn, in Is. >.). Epiplianius (cf. Diilmann, p. xvii. ) named it avafim-iKhv
'Kaaiou, and charged that a certain heresy of his day was derived from it. Ambrose alluded to it
{Com. in Ps. clxviii.), and Chrysostom quoted it at length (Com. in Matt.).

'1 he fir.'it knowledge of this'intere-ting work in modern times was through the di.'covery of an
Etiiiopic MS. of it in tlie Bodleian Library by Laurence, who published it, with tran.slatiousjn Latin
and English, in 1819. Two Latin fragments were also edited by Mai [c. Codice re.scripto Vatlcano),
Eoine, 1828. A new edition of the whole composition has recently appeared (1877), by Dillmann,
who made use of two additional Ethiopic MSS., and his work is accompanied by all the critical helps
needful for a thorough study of the look. He devotes a number of pages to ex]ilanatory notes, ap-
pends the fragments jireviously edited by Mai, and a second Latin version from anotiier MS. of chaps,
vi. 1-xi. 40, the part containing the real Ascen.sion, which was found byGieseler. Some others have
treated of the woik at diHcrcnt times : as Grimm ( Com. Uber Jesaia, Leipz., 1821, pp. 45-45), Nitzsch
{Sliidien ti.KriliI.en, 1830, p. 210 ff. ), Gfriirer (Z^os ./o/i?7(«nc/CT< des Hei's, Stuttg., 18.38, pp. 6.5-69, ii., p.
422 ff.), Movers {Kirchen-L'rikon, i. 3.38), Ewald ( Geschirhle des Volkes Is., 3d cd., vii., pp. 369-373), and
Langen {Jndtnlluim in Palasiina, etc.. pp. 157-167). It seems to have been written in the Greek lan-
guage, from wliich at least the Ethiopic version oiigirated (" vniversa orutionis Graca indoles in libra
ylitliiojiico ifa servata est." Dillmaun, Prolffjom., p. viii.)

The work as it now exists, accoi ding to liillmann, is properly two works : one the Ascension proper,'
being from the hand of a Christian, and the other part mainly from a Jew, exccptiug what was added
hy a later editor. Eollowiiig this critic's analysis, the former includes vi. 1-xi. 1, 23-40. It is evi-
dent that this part once circulated as a separate book, since it is shown in the fragments published by
Mai, which contain it alone. On the otiier hand, that the work also circulated in the Western
cliurch in its entirety is proved hy the other Latin fragment, where parts of the wliole are found. In
form the original coiriposition is an account of what was revealed to the prophet Isaiah, as he was
being carried n])ward to the seventh heaven, " in the twentieth year of the reign of Hezckiah, king
of Judali." Its age may be approximately determined from the fact that it contains Christian ele-
ments, and is referred to by Justin Martyr aud Tertullian.

THE BOOK OP JUBILEES.

In our General Introduction, pp. 40-42, we have spoken at some length of the Haggadistic litera-
ture of the Jews. In the so-called Book of Jubilees, we have a good specimen of its character. It ia
nothing more or less than a Haggadistic commentary on the Book of Genesis, fioin which circum-
stance also, its other title, the " Little Genesis" (" Little," i. c, not in extent, but in rank) is derived.
A commentary in the modern sense of the word it is not, but a free reproduction of the matter of
Genesis, and the first part of Exodus with the enlargements, interpolations, and interpretations pecul-
iar to the Judaism of the later times. It professes to be a revelation made to Moses ou Mount Sinai,
and so to come with the highest authority, but moves, notwithstanding, on a decidedly low pilane of
intellectual and spiritual attainment. The author is supposed to know whence the first fathers of
the race got their wives, how Noah managed to gather the animals into the ark, why it was that Re-
becca loved Jacob so much, and other matters of that sort. The patriarchs are also made pattern Jews,
of the later order. Good and bad angels participate freely in human affairs. It is represented that
the patriarchs, in addition to the teaching embraced in the Mosaic revelations, received secret commu-
nications from God, which were afterwards to be made known, as in the present book, for instance.

In the fourth and fifth centin*ies of our era it was cited hy a number of the fathers (Epi])hauius,
Jerome, liufiuus) under both its titles, tci 'Ioi/StjAuTo, and ri XeTrr}) reV6iris,but most frequently the lat-
ter. Like several other works of the kind, it seems to have found the most admirers, however, in the
church of Abyssinia.and from thence it was brought to Europe and introduced to the modern world.
Fragments of it are found in Eabricins (Cod. Pseudepiq. V. T., vol. i. of the 2d ed.) and Treuenfels
(Piirst's Z,('(c-ro/HrUa« des On'ente, 1846,1851), and it is fully presented by Dillmann (1850-51) in a Ger-
man tran.siation, and later (1859) in the Ethiopic text. It was afterwards treated by a number of
scholars, whose works or articles will be found in the list of authors below.

The oiiginal Language of the work is admitted to be Hebrew, and its birth-place Palestine, though
it was early tran.slated into Greek and Latin, from the former of which languages the Ethio))ie version
was made. In addition to the numerous internal proofs of such an original, we have the positive tes-
timony of Jerome (cf. Dillmann in Ewald's .Jahrhiicher, iii. 89). The Book of Enoch was freely used
and cited by our author, and, on the other hand, the present hook, as it would seem, was known to
the writer of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (Dillmann, I. c, pp. 91-94), which originated
in the second century of our era. And inasmuch as the work contains not the slightest allusion to
the destruction of Jerusalem, hut everywhere represents it as being still the great spiritual centre of
the nation's religious life, it is tolerably clear that it must have appeared in the first century and iirob-
ably not far from the middle of it.

THE OLD TESTAMENT PSEUDEPIGRAPHA. 671

THE TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE PATRIARCHS.

The name iiidicntes the professed character of the present woi-k. It is made up of the stip])Osed
ntterancea of the twelve sons of Jafob. With an account of theii' lives, cinbraciiig particulars not
found iu the Canonical Scriptures, thtre are combined various moral precepts intended for the in-
pLruction of their descendants. There are also pretended revelations of the future in which the com-
ing of the Messiah is made the goal. The work seems to have been wriltou by a Jewi>li Christian,
whose aim was to win over his fellow countrymen to Chi'istianity.

The Lingnnge in which it was written seems to liave been Greek, as we now find it in extant MSS.
This is ])roved, in connection with other thinijs, by the character of the Greek employed, instances of
pnrouomasia, a frequent use of the genitive absolute and of the verb fieWeif, and the introduction of
terms common to the Greek philosophy. The Testaments are referred to by Tertullian {Ado. Mar-
r.ionem, v. 1 ; Scorpiace, xiii. ; cf. Beu]"., ii.) and by Origen (Horn, in Jos., xv. 6 ; cf. Reiib., 2, 3) ; also
apparently in Jerome {Adu. Virjilant., c. vi.), iu the Si/nopsis ascribed to Athamisius, and the Slichom-
etry of Nicephorus. (Cf. Introductory Notice to lihe translation of the work found in connection
with the works of Lactantius, vol. ii. of the Ante-Nicene Christian Libiary. pp. 7, 9.)

In times more modern the work came into notice as published iu Latin by Bishop Grosseteste, of
England, in the middle of the tliirteenth century. The Greek text was first published by Gral)e (Spi-
ciler/ium Patrnm, etc., Oxford, 1698), from an inaccurate transcript of a Cambridge MS. Eabricius
{Cod. Pseudep.) reprinted Grabe's text with but slight changes. Grabe's second edition (171 + ) was an
improvement on the first, but still left much to be desired. The second edition of Fabricius (1722) and
that of Giillandi (who followed Grabe's second edition, Venice, 1765) and Mi>;ne (also followed Grabe,
Patrologia Gi(Eca, ii. Paris, 18.57), are all very Imperfect. In 1869, Klebard Sinker published the
text of a Cambridge MS. of the work, noting the variations of one fonnd in Oxford, and used this
text in making his translation for the volume of the Ante-Nlcenc Library above referred to. There
are four Greek MSS. of the Testaments extant : one in Cambridge, one iu Oxford, a third in the Vat-
ican Library not yet edited {i. i-.., at the time Sinker's work appeared), and a fimrth, which was discov-
ered hy Tischendorf at Fatmos, the special character of which is unknown. Of the Latin text there
are many MSS., twelve being found in Cambridge, England, alone. An English translation was
rande by Arthur Golding (1581), which was frequently republished. (Cf. under " Sinker " in List of
Authors.)

The date of the work Is confidently placed in the fir.st part of the second century of our era. It re-
fers to the destruction of Jerusalem on the one hand, and was cited by Tertullian, and hence must
have originated within these limits. The New Testament Books seem to have been already collected
to a n-reater or less extent. There is also an allusion to the Jewish priesthood, which would be with-
out force, if the destruction of Jerusalem by Hadrian had already taken jilace, that followed the in-
surrection under Bar-Cochba (a. d. 13.5). We must, therefore, fix on a period ranging .*.. D. 100-135
for its composition. So Sinker, but most other scholars place it somewhat earlier. The work has
been treated, among others, by Nitzsch (see List of Authors), Ritschl [Die Enlstehiinj di-r Altkath.
/CiVcAe, p. 171 ff., Bonn, 1850; 2d ed., 1857), Vorstman (see below), Kayser (in Keuss and Cunitz's
Beitrii'je z\i den theol. Wissensdiaften, 1851, pp. 107-140), and an interesting article on itsapologetical
value appeared in the Presbyterian Review for January, 1880.

LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

AcKERMANir. Introductio in Libros Sacros Vet. Foederis. Editio Tertia. Tiennae, 1853.

Acta Synodi Dordrecktaiice. Leyden. 1620.

Alexandre. XPH2M0I 2IBTAAIAK0I. Oracula Sihyllina. Editio Altera. Pariaiia, 1869.

Alexandre. Excursus ad Sibyllinos Libros. Parisiis, 1866.

Anderson. The Annals of the English Bible. Abridged by Prime. New York, 1849.

Apel. Libri Vetens Teslamenti Apocnjphi Greece. Lips., 1837.

Apocn/pha, The, Greek and English in Parallel Columns. Lond., 1871.

Appiiin. Werhe. Stuttg., 1832.

Arnald. A Critical Commentary on Such Books of the Apocrypha as are Appointed to be Read in the

Churches. Lond., 1st ed.. 1744, 4th ed., 1822.
Assemiini. BibUoth. Apost. Vaticance Codicum MSS. Calalogus. Romas, 1756-.59.
Auberlen. Der Prophet Daniel u. die Offenbarunq Johannis. 3te Aufl., Basel, 1874.
August!. Libri Vet. 7'est. Apocryphi. Textum Grcecum recognovit et Variarum Leciionum Delectum ad-

jecit. Lips., 1 804.
Augusti. Grundriss einer Historisch-Kritischen Einleitung in's Alte Testament. 2te Aufl., Leipz.,

1827.
Badt. De Oracidis Sibyllinis a .Tudms compositis. Breslau, 1869.
Balfour. The Plants of the Bible. Lond., 1866.

Bauermeister. Contnientarius in Sapientiam ISalomonis. Getting., 1828.
Baumgarten. " Der National] Udische Hintergrund der Neutest. Geschichte nach Elavins Joseplras "

{Jalirhiicherfur Deutsche Theol., 1864, pp. 616-648, 1865, pp. 605-693).
Beer. Das Buck der Jubdiien u. sein Verhiiftniss zu den Midrascfdm. Leipz., 1856.
Beer. Noch ein Wort ilber das Buck der Jubilden. Leipz., 1857.
Bendtsen. Specimen Exercitalionum Criticarum in V. T. Libros Apoc. e Patrum Scriptis et Antiquis

Verslonibus. GiJtting., 1789.
Bengel. Gnomon of the New Testament. Edinh., 1860.
Beusly. Tlie Missing Fragment of the Latin Translation of the Fourth Booh of Ezra. Cambridge,

1875.
Bernhardy. Grundriss der Griechischen Litteratur. 3te Aufl., Halle, 1861-76.
Bertbeau. Die BUcher der Clironik erkldrt. 2te Aufl., Leipz., 1873.
Bei'tbeau. De Secnndo LIbro Maccabatarnm. Gotting., 1829.

Bcrtholdt. Einleitung in Sttmmlliche Kanonische u. Apokryphische Schrifien d. Alien u. Neuen Testa-
ments. Erlangen, 1812-1819.
BcsauPon. De I'Emploi que les Peres de I' iSglise ontfalt des Oracles Sibylllns. Paris, 1851.
Bianchiui {Lat. Blanchinus). Vindiclce Ganonicarum Scripturarum Vulgaice. Romse, 1740.
Bidder. Ueber Kolieletli's Stellung zum Unsterblichkeitsglauben. Erlangen, 1875.
Bleek. " Ueber die Entstebung u. Zusammensetzung der uns in acht Btichern erhalfenen Sammlung

Sibylliniseher Orakel " ( Theolog. Zeitschrift, i., 1819, pp. 120-246, ii., 1820, pp. 172-239).
Bleek. " Ueber die Stellung der Apokryphen des Alten Test, im Christlichen Kauon" (Theoloq.

Studien u. Krit., 1853, pp. 267-354).
Bleek. An Introduction to the Old Testament. Translated from the 2d German ed. 2 toIs Lond

1869.
Bleek. Einleitung in das Alte Testatnent. Vierte Aufl., bearbeitet von Wellhansen. Berlin, 1878.
Blocb. Studien ziir Geschichte der Sammhing der Allhebralschen Literatur. Leipz., 1875.
Blocb. Hellenistische Bestandtheile im Bihlischen Schriflthum (previously in Judische Literaturllatt).

1877.
Bohl. Forschungen nach einer Volksbibel zur Zeit Jesu u. deren Zusammenhang mit der Septuaginta-Ve-

bersetziing. Wien, 1873.
Bost. L'lipoque des Macchabies. Strassb., 1802.
Bretsclineider. De Libri Sapientice Parte Priore, c. i.-xi., e duobus libellis conflata. Pars i.-iii.

Viteb., 1804. "^

Bretscbneider. Liber .fesu Siracidai Greece. Ratisbonso, 1806.

Bretschneider. Systematische Darstellung der Dogmatik u. Moral der Apokryphischen Schrifien des Al-
ten Testaments. Erster Band, "die Dogmatik enthaltend." Leipz., 1805.

LIST OF AUTHOEITIES. 67S

Bretschneider. Lexici in Jnterpretes Grcecos Vet. Test, maxime Scriptores Apocri/phos Spicilegium.
Post Bielium et Schleiisnerum. Lips., 1805.

Brown. IJhionj of the British and Foreign Bible Society. Lond., 1859.

Brucli. Weislieits-Lehre dc-r Helr/ler. StViissb., 1851.

Bi'iich. Die Lehre von der Priiexistenz der Mensrhlichen Seele. Strassb., 1859.

Briill. Das Apokryphische Susanna- Buch. Frankfurt, 1877.

Bui-her. Philonische Studien. Tiibing., 1848.

Buckley. A History of the Council of Trent. Lond., 1 852.

Bunsen. Volhtdndiges Bibelwa'kfiir die Geineinde. Diitter Theil, " Die Apotiypbischen Buchcr."
llernnsgegebcn von Holtzmann. Leipz., 1869.

Butt. Tlie Genuineness of the Book of Enoch Invistigated. Lond., 1827.

Butimann. Grammatik des Neutestavtcntlichen Sprachgehraurhs. Berlin, 1859.

Buttmann. A Grammar of the New Testament Greek. Translated by Thayer, with numerous addi-
tions and corrections by the author. Andovcr, 1876.

Cainerarius. Sententice ,/esu Siracidm Gnece. Basil, 1551, 1555. With a Latin version and addi-
tional notes, Lips., 1568, and other editions.

Cappellus. Commentarii et Notes Criticoe in V. T. Amstelod., 1869.

Carriere. "Kote sur le Taxo de I'Assomption de Moise" {Revue de Thgol., 1868, 2 livr.).

Ceiiani. Mortumcnta Sacra et Profana. Vols, i.-vii. Mediol., 1861-74.

Chainpollion-Figeac. Annates des Lagides, ou Chronologie des Rois Grecs d'Egypte. 2 vols., with
supplement. Paris, 1819-20.

Cigoi. Hislorisch-Clironohgische SchwierigkHlen im Zu-eiten Makkahaerhnche. Klagenfurt, 1868.

Clemens. Die Offenhoruvg d<r Propheten Henoch, Ezra u. Jesaia im Jahrhunderle des Heils. Erster
'I'heil, Die Oftenbaruiig Henoch. Stuttg , 1 850.

Colani. " L'Assoniption de Mo'ise" (Rcviiede Tlie'oL, 186?, 2" livr.).

Colani. ,7^siis-Christ et ks Croyances Messianiques de son Temps. 2 e'd., Strassb., 1864.

Cosin. A Scholastical History of llie Canon of the Holy Scriptures (vol. iii. of the Library of Anglo-
Catholic Theolo'iy). Oxford, 1849.

Cotton. The Five Books of Maccabees in English. With Notes and Illustrations. Oxford, 1832.

Cozza. Sacrorum Btblioriim Vctustissiina Fragmenla Graica et Latina e codiclbus Cryptnf'erratensibus
eruta atque cdita. PrjEcodit Daniel ex unico codice Chisiano. Pars iii. Romse, 1877.

Cozza. Biblionim Sacrorum Graicus Codex Vuticanvs auspice Pio IX. P. M. Collatis studiis C.
Vercellone ft ,/os. Cozza. "Vols, i.-v Leipz., 1868-72.

Cramer. Versuch einer Systematisclien Darstdlung der Moral der Apokryphen des Alten Testaments.
Leipz., 1814.

Credner. Gr-scliichte des Neutest. Kanon. Berlin, 1860.

Cremer. Biblico-Theological Lexicon of Nrw Testament Greek. Edinb., 1872.

Crenzer. " Zur Kritik'dcr Schriften des Juden Philo " ( Theolog. Stud. u. Krit., 1832, pp. 3-43).

Curtiss. The Name Machabee. Leipz., 1876.

Curiius. Griechische Schulgrammatik. Prag, 1873.

Curtius (Q. C. R). De Rebus Gestis Alexandri Magni. 2 vols., Biponti, 1782.

Dahne. Geschiclilliche Darstellung der JUdisch-Alexandrinisclien Religions-Pliilosophie. 2 Bde. Halle,

1834.
Davidson. Introduction to the Old Testament. 3 vols. Edinb., 1863.
Davidson. A Concordance of the Hebrew and Chaldee Scriptures. Revised and Corrected. Lond.,

1876.
Davidson. The Canon of the Bible. Loud., 1877.
Decheut. Ueber das Erste und Eilfie Buch der Sibyllinischen Weissagungen. Inaugural Dissertation.

Frankfurt, 1873.
Dditzsch, Franz. De Hnbacuci Prophetce Vita atque yEtate. Lips., 1842.
Delitzsch, Franz. Zur Geschichte der Jiidischen Pogsie vom Abschluss der Heiligen Schriften des Alten

Bundcs bis auf die Neuesie Zeit. Leipz., 1836.
Delitzscb, Franz. See under " Keil."

Delitzscli, Johaimes. Das Lehrsystem der Romischen Kirche. Gotha, 1875.
De Montfaucon. La Verile'de I'Histoire de .Judith. Paris, 1690.
De Rossi. Specimen Var. Lect. S. Textus et Chaldaica Estheris Additamenta, cum Lat. Vers. acNotis.

2daed. Tubing., 1783. „ , , ^i , ,

Derenbourg. Essai'sur I'Histoire et la Geograpliie de la Palestine, d apres lei Ihalmuds et les autres

Sources Rabbiniques. Paris, 1867.
Dereser. Die Heilii/e Schri ft des Allen Testaments. Zweiten Theils dritter Band. Fortgesetzt von

Sch'olz. Frankfurt, 1833. . . , ,

De Sacy. " Notice du livre d'Enoch " (Magazin Encyclopgdtque, an vi., i. 383 ; also on the same sub-

icct in. /o»™a/*s Savons, Sept., Oct., 1822). , „ . n;,-

De Sacy. Articles in Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliot/ieque du Jxoi et autres Biblio-

tliiques, 1831, torn; xii. ,.,. ,^, ,.i o,

Dessauer. Gesckiclite der Israeliten mit besnnderer Beriicksichtigung der Cullurgesclachte. Lrlangen,

De Wette. Lehrbuch der Hislori.tch-Kritisclien Einleitiing in die Kanonischen u. Apolcryphisclien BUcher

des Alten Testaments. 8te Aufl., neu bearbeitet von Schrader. Berlin, 1869.
De Wette. Die Heilige Schrifl des Alten u. Neuen Test, uebersetzt. 2te umgearbeitete Ausgabe.

De Wette. An Hisiorico-Critical Introduction to the Canonical Books of the New Testament (Parker's
Trans.). Boston, 1858.

43

674 LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

Diegtel. Geschichle cles Alien Testaments in der ChristUchen Kirche. Jena, 1869.

Diedeimauu. Die Pharisiirr u. Stuidnciin. Ziirichj IS-'i-i.

] )illiiijuiii. Das IJnch Henoch. Uebersetzt n. er/c/ilrt. Leipz., 1853.

UiUiiiaiiii. " Das Hiich tlrr Jubiliien, oiler die KIcine Genesis, iius dera iEthiopisclien iiebersetzt" (in

ICwald's .laiub'dviter, J3tle. il., iii. Cf. also Z-itseiiViJl d. Deidsclien Moryenl. Gcseitsc/i.^ xi., 1837,

])]). 1G1-1G3).
Dilliiiami. Liber Jnbikeoriim yElh. Ed. Kid, 1859.
Dilliiiaim. Liber lltnoch /Elliinptce ad quinijuc Codicum Fidem editus, cum Variis Lectionibus. Lips.,

1851.
Dillinaim. Art. "Pseiulopip;rn]i1ien," in Herzog's Real-Encyh.
Diodorus Sifiilus. 'I'auclinit/. edition.

D/uinie ^crijiturce, neinpe Vetens ac Noui Testamenti Omnia, etc. Franeofurti, MDXCVII.
Diriiice ^^ciij'lnrci Viteris ac Novi 'J'tstamenti Omnia, etc. BasileiE, MDXLV.
IJollin^er. Clirisieniltunt «. Kirche in dtr Zeit der GrundUyung. 2te verbesseitc Aufl. Regcnsburg,

1868.
r)ollin<;or. Ileidenihum u. Jndenthnm, Regenpburg. 1857.
DonalilsoQ. TIte Apo.itoUcal Eut/iers. Loud., 1874.
l)re\eliiis. Tobias Morali Dortrina lUustratus. Moii.achii, 1641.
Urovsen. Gesrhichte des Uetlenismus. 2te Aufl., 3 Bde. Gotlia, 1877-78.
Drnnunond. The Jewish Messiah. Lend., 1877.
Dru.sius. De Palrmicha IJeiioch ejusque Raptu et Libra e quo Judas Apostolus Testimonium profert.

Fninek., 1615.
Drusiiis. Cominentarins in Prophetas Minores XII. et in Librum Primum Sasmonceorum. Amstel.,

1627.
Dukes, Rabbinische Bhimenlese. Leipz., 1844.

Dcineker. Gescliichle des Allerlliums. 5te Aufl., 4 Bde. Lei]3Z., 1878.
H)rjird. Zetvrnisse geyen d>e Aji'iknjpheii. Basel, 1851.

Kielilioni. Eiiileitiiiii/ in die Apukri/pbischen Schriften des All. Test. Leipz., 1775.
Kuyelbreth. Librum Saineiilne iSuloinonis Inlerpretaudi tipecinnna I. tt IL, Capita quinque priora

CunipUcteiiiia. Ilafn , 1816.
Ewald. Geschiclite di-s I o//,es /smc/, Vierter Band, " Gescliiclite Ezra's u. der Heilighcrrschaffc in

Israel l)is Cliristus." 3te Ansg. Giitting., 1864.
Ewald. Jalirh'ucher der Bib. ►K('.«piiscA«/( from 1848 to 1852. Golting.
Ewald. Die Prcjiheleii dis Alien Bmdis eildilit. 3 Bde., 2te Aufl. (Jotting., 1367-68.
Euald. iJiis Vierie E-rubmli nach seiiiein Zeitalter, seinen Arabischen Ueberseizuiujeu und

Wiederkerstellunij. Gdtliug., 1863.
Ewald, Ab>'aiiitiiinri iibur des Aethiopisclien Buches Hendkk Enlsteliung, Sinn und Ziisanunenseizunq,

Gotting., 1854.
Euald. 'Iliellisionjoflsrael. Translated from the German. 4 vols. Lond., 1871.
Ewald. _" Ablia}ulUiiig uber Entstchurig, Iiihalt und Werih der Sibylliiiisebeu Bueher " (46/iunc//.

d. Kiinii;. Gisellsrh. der Wissensclmjl zu GSilingen. Bd. viii. 1858-59).
Ewald. " Ueber d e Alte Arraeiiischo Ueberactzuug des Vierteu Ezrabuch" IGSiling. Nachrichien,

1865, pp. 504-516).
Ewald, 1'. Puke Aboth oder Spriiche der Vdter, ein Traktat aus der Mischna. Utberseizt und erhUH.

Erliui^'eu, 1825.
Faber. Pro'asiuiies VI. super Librum Sapientiam. Onold., 1776.

l''iiliricius. Codex Pseudijiigraphiis Veleris Tesiumenii. 2 vols. Editio Altera. Hamb., 1722-23.
Eabricius. Liber Tobi(E, clc. Eraucof, et Lips., 1691.
Fayiiis. Ben ^irai Seuteiilice MoraUs. Tobias Ilebraice. Isnffi, 1542.
Field, Orii/eiiis Jlexaptoium qiiie suptrsuiit. 2 vols. O.xford, 1867-75.

einer neuen

Fisher. 'J lie Ber/iniiiw/s q/' Christianitu. New York, 1875.

I'latbc, Geschidile Macedoniens u. der Reiche, wetche von Macedonischen Koniqen heherrscht wurden.

Leipz., 1832-;i4.
Fraeiikel, Die Apokrgplien d. Alt. Test, nach dem Griechischen ins Hebraische iihertraqen. Leinz

1850. ■' '■ '
Fraukel. Ueber Puliistini-iche u. Alexandrinisrhe Srhriflforschung. Brcslau, 1854.

Fratikel. Voisiuilien za der Sepiunginia. Leipz., 1811.

Fraukel. Ueber den Eiiifluss der Palastinischeii E.xegese an f die Alexandrinische Hermeneutik. Leinz

1851, ' '*
Fi-emle',thal, Die Flavins Josephus beigeleqie Schrift ilber die Herrscliaft der Vernunft Breslau

1869. '

Friedlieb, I/ie Sibijllinisclien Weissagimgen rollslandig gesammelt, nach neuer Handsrhrift-Vergleichunq,

iiiit kriliscliein Coiiimeiilare u. metrisijier Denlscher Uebeiselziinq heniusqeqebeii. Leipz,, 1852.
Fri.-jch, " VerjKiehung zuischen deu Ideen, welclie in den Apokryphei'i il. Alt, 'I'e^t, u. den'Schrif-

teu (1. N, T.St, iiber Uusterblielikeit, Anfdr.tehuiig u. Ver.;eltiing herrscheu " (Alujem. BMiuth

(/, //(i/. Air, iv,, pp, 653-718).
Fritzsche, O, F, Libri Ajioc. Vet. Test. Giace. Accedunt TJlri Vet. Test. Pseudepig. selecli. Lijjs.,

Fritzsehe O, F, Kiirzgefassles Exegetisrhes Handbuch zu den Apok. d. Alt. Test., in Verhindimg mH

Carl L. W. Griniin. Leipz,, 1851-60, ^

Fritzsehe, O. F, Esllier Unplieein Libri Text, emend. Ziirich, 1848.
Fritzsche, O, F. Art. on the Apocrypha in Schenkel's Bibel-Lex.
Fritzselie, C, F. A, Pauli ad Romanos Epistola. 3 Tomi. Halis, 1836-43.

LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 675

Frolich. Annales compendiarii Rerjum et Rerum Sf]rim Numis Veleribus ilhislrali. Vienuae, 1744.
Frijlich. iJe Fonlibus liislorut Si/rice in Libris M uccahanorum Prolusio, Lipsix edita, in Examen vocata.

Viudoh., 1746,
Fiivst. Hihraisches u. CliiildiJisches IlandivvrterhucJi. Leipz., 1870.
Fiirst. (ifschichte d. Biblifclitn LiteidUir. Leipz., 1867.

Fiirst. iJm- Canon d. All. 'J'tst. iwch den Uebnlleferunycn in I'lilmndv. Midrasch. Leipz., 1868.
GaiUi. lluvdimch zinii Pliiloloi/ischen Verstthai' d. Ajiokrypliischeii Scliriflen des Alt. 2'est. 2 Bde.

Tubing., 1818,
GcbViavdi. " Die. Sielizig Hirtcn d. Bnchfs Henoch u. ilire Dentnng, mit besomlerer Kiicksicht auf

die Barkoeliba-IIvputhese" (Mcrx's Arrhiv, ii,, pp. 163-246). See also uiidei- " ratrum."
Geiev. lin Ptolniiai'j.af/idie Vila. Hal., 1838.
Geigcr. Uisilnifi ii. Udiersettvngen der Bibel. Breslau, 1857.
Geiger. Judaism and ils Hislory. Translated from tlio German by Mayer. Vol. i. Kew York,

1866.
Geiger. Das Judenflium V7id seine Gesdn'cJite. Bde. 1-4. Bicslan, 1864-71.
Geiger. Arts, in .Jiidische Zci'schift, on l)ie Book of Enoch, iii , 196-204; the Assnmption of Moses,

1868, pp. 41-47 ; and on tlie " Inner History of the Period of the t^econd Temple/' etc. Ibid.,

lip, 247-277.
Geiger, K. E. Der Psalti-r Salomons heravsgeben vnd erklurt. Augsburg, 1871.
Gerlach. " Die Gtfaugenschatt u. Bekehrung Manasses" {Tluolog. 8iud.it. Kril., 1861, pp. 503-ii24).
Gesenius. De Ptntateuchi Samnritani Origine, Indole et Auctoritate. Hal., 1815.
Ge.'-eniiis. A Hebreio and Enijlish Lexicon. Trans, by E. Kobiuson. Boston, 1866.
Gtriirer. Proplietm Vet. Pseudepigrapki. Stuttg,, 1840.
Gfiiiier. Krilische Gcscliiclile des Lirchrisienthums ; also under the title, P/ii7o u. die Alexandrinische

Theosophie. Stnttg., 1831,
Gieseler. " Was hei.^st Apocryphi.<ch ? " {Theoloq. Stud. u. Krit., 1829, 141 ff.)
Gieselcr. Veins 'Pranslaliu Lulina Visionis Jesaicc. Gijtting., 1832.
Girdlestone. Si/nongms oftlte Old 1 eslatnent. Loud., 1871.
Graetz, deschivhte der Jnden von der iillesten Zeilen bis anf die Gegenwart. Bde. 1-3. Leipz,,

186,3-75.
Graf. Die Geschiclillichen Biicher d. Alt. Test. Leipz., 1866.

Graf. " Die Gefangcnschaft u. Bekehrung Manassis " (Theolog. Stud. u. Krit., 1859, p. 388 ff.).
Grimm, S( e " Fritz.^che,"
Grimm. " Zur Chameicristik der Lutherischeu Uebersctznng des Bacbes Jesus Sirach [Zeitschrifl

furw. Theol.,\S72,p.n2l E.).
Grimm. Lexicon GriicuLutinnm in Libros Kovi Teslamenli. Lips., 1868.
Grosni teste, Tlie Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. Trans, out of the Greek into Latin.

Caniliridge, 1811.
Grote. II, s:or!i of Greece. 12 vols. New York, 1871-75.
Grotiiis. A]ino'aiion'S in Veins Teslamentnm. 3 tomi. Hal,, 1775.
Gruuehcrg. Kxercilalio de Libra Baruchi Apocrijpho. (Of. Eiubhorn's Allgem. Bib. d. Theol. Lit.,

viii, 'J9-102,) Gotting,, 1797,
Gutbcrlct. Das Bnch Tobias iiliersetzt v. erklart. Miinster, 1877.
Gutberk't. Das Biich der Weisheil iihersetzt u. erkldrt. Miinster, 1874.
Gutniann, Die Ajiokri/jihen d. Alt. Test, iibersetzt u. erianlert. Altona, 1841.
Gutscbmid. " Die Apotalypse des Ezra u. ilire spatereu Bi'arbeitungen" (Zeitschri/l fur w. Theol.,

1860, pp. 1-81).
Haase, Sulomo's Weishelt neu iibersetzt mit Anmerkvvgen u. Untersuchungen. Jena, 1785.
Halm. Aai/iTjX Kara. Tovs e^So/iijKoi/Tci. K Codice Chisiano post Hegaarium edidit, secundum versionem

Sijriaco-lteTaplarem recognoxnt, etc. Lips., 1845,
Haneberg. Die Heiigiiisen AlterthUmer der Bibel. 2te Anfl. Miinehcn, 1869.
H.-irnack. See"Patrum,"
Hartnunm. Die eni/e Verhindung des Alt. Test, mit dem Neuem aus rein Biblischem Standpunkte ent-

loickelt. HiimbnrL', 1831.
flasc. A Illslorij of the Chris'ian Church. New York, 1856.

Haug. ICssaijS on ihe iSarred Language. Writings, and Religion of the Parsis. 2d ed. Boston, 1878.
Hausrath. Geschichte der Altlestamenllichen Literalnr. Heidelli., 1874.
Haiisrath. Neutestamenthche Z-itgeschichte. 3 Bde. Ileidelb., 1873-75,

Havernick. Ilandlmch der Hiilorisch-Kritisrlien Einleitnng in das Alte Testament. Erlangen, 1839.
Havernic-k. De Libra Baruchi Apocrgpho Commenlatio Critica. Kegiom,, 1843.
'Beidenlieim. " lieitrage zum bcssern Versiiindniss der Ascensio Mosis" (Vierteljahrsschrift fir

Deutsch- and Englisch-Theolog. Forschung u. Krilik, iv,, p. 76 ff.).
Heinze, Die Leiire i-ovi Logos in der Grierhischen Philosophic. Oldenburg, 1872.
Ucniistcnbeig. Bcitriige ziir Einleilung ins Alte Testament. 3 Bde, Berlin, 1831-39.
Uenastenbcrg. " Nuch einmal uber die Apocryphen " (Evungelische Kirchen-Zeitung. Nos. 29, 30,

31, Apr.Tl854),
Herbst, Histurisch-Kritische Einleitung in die Heiligen Srhriften des Alt. Test. Nach des Verfassers

fade verroiUtflndiijt u. herausgegeben von Welte. 4 Bde. Freiburg, 1840-44.
Heitwig. Tabellen zur Einleitung in die Kanonischen u. Apok. Biicher d. A. T. 2te Aufl. Berlin,

1869,
Herzleld. Geschichte des Volkes J Israel. 3 Bde. 1847-57.
Herzo"-. Real-Enci/Uopadie fUr Protestanlische Theologie Und Kirche. 22 Bde. Gotha, 1854-68. 2to

A,u9. begun Leipz., 1877.

676 LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

Heydenreich. "Probe einer Uebersetzung u. Erlauterung des Buchs d. Weisheit" ( Tzschu-ner's

" lUem., V. 2-viii. 2).
Heyse et Tischendorf. Bihlia Sacra Latina Vet. Test. Hieronymo interprete ex antiquissima auctoritate

in stichos deacripta. Lip-., 1873.
Ililgeufdd. Ai-t. on the Psiilter of Solomon {Zeitschriftf. Wissenschaftl. Theol. 1868, pp. 134-168).
Hilgcnfekl. " Die Psalmeu Salome's ins Deutsch uebersttzt u. aufs Neue untersucht (ibid., 1871

pp. 383-418).
Hils'enfeld. Die .Tildisclie Apolali/ptik. Jena, 18.57.

Hil^eufeld. Die Propheteii Esra u. Daniel und i/i'e neuesten Benrheitunqen. Halle, 1863,
Hilneuleld. Der Kaiion u. die Kritilc d. Neuen Testaments. Halle, 1863.
Hilyenfeld. Alessias Jwi(eoruiii, Lihris eoruin paulo ante et paulo post Christum natum conscriptis

iltastrat/is. Lips. lt^69.
Hill. Tran.-lation into linglish of chaps, i.-xxx. of Ecclesiastieus {Monthly Reliff. Magazine. Vols.

ix.-xi. Boston).
Himpel. " Poliiische a. Religiose Ziisiiinde des Judenthums in den letzten Jahrhunderten vor Chris-

tu.s" (Tlieoloq. Quartalschrift, 1858, pp. 63-85).
Hitzig. Die Psalinen Ufhersetzt a, ansijelefft. Leipz., 1869.

Hitzig. Treats of several of tlie Apoc. Books (Zuitschriftf. Wissenschaftl. Theol., 1860, pp. 240-273).
Hitzig. Dns Bach Daniel erkldrt. Leipz., 1850.
Hitzig. Geschiclite des Volkes Israel. Leipz., 1869.
Hoffmann, A. G. Das Bach Henoch in Vollstdndiger Uebersetzung mit /ortlaufendem Commentar, etc.

Jena, 1833-38.
Hoffmann, J. F. Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, Konig von Syrien. Leipz., 1873.
Hofinanu. " Ueber die Eutstehung des Buches Henoch" [Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenland. Ge-

si-llschaft, 1832, pp. 87-91 ).
Holmes. Annual Account of the Collation of the MSS. of the Septuagint Version. Oxford, 1789-1803.
Ilonieri Opera Omnia. Lips., 1824.
Houbi^ant. Prolegomena in Scriptnram, Paris., 1753.
Howard. Apocrypha of the Book of Daniel. Lond., 1829.
Jnlui. Einleitami in die i/iitlliclien B'ucher des Alt. Bundes. 2te Aufl. 1802.
Jelliuek. Ueber das Bach der ./nbiiaen u. das Noali-Buch. Leipz., 1855.
Joiil. " Ueber ejnige geschicbtliche Beziehungen des Pliilonisulien Systems" (Monatsschriftf. Ges-

chichte u. Wissi'nHckifl d. Judenthums, 1863, pp. 19-31).
Joel. Notizen zum Biich Daniel. Breslau, 1873.
Joseplms, The Works of. Tr;mslated by William Whiston. Baltimore, 1839. (For the best textg

of tlic original, see above, p. 638.)
Jost. Geschichte der Israeliten seit den Zeiten der Makkahder bis auf unsere Tage. 9 Bde. Berlin,

1820-28.
Jost. Geschichte des .ludenthums u. seiner Secten. 3 Bde. Leipz., 1857-63.
Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record. Arts, on Tobit, 1857, pp. 59-71; 1858, pp. 373-

382;' on Judith, 1856, pp. 342-363 ; 1861, pp. 421-440.
Junius. See " Tiemellius.'

Kahle. Biblische Eschalologie des Atten Testaments. Gotha, 1870.
Karl-tadt. De Canonicis Scripturis Lihellus. 1520.
Kauleu. Geschichte der Vulyala. Miiinz, 1868.
Kecil. Die Apokry/i/ienfrage, etc. Leipz., 1855.

Keerl. Die Apokryphen d. All. Test. Erste gekroute Preisschrift. Leipz., 1852.
Keerl. Das Wort Gottes u. die Apok. des Alt. Test. Leipz., 1853.
Kefei-stein. Philu's Lfhre von den gottUclien Mittelwesen. Leipz., 1846.
Keil. Leiirbnch der IIIslorisch-Krilischen Einleilung in die Kanon. u. Apok. Schriften d. A T 3te

Aufl. Frankfurt, 1873.
Keil. ilundhuch der Biblischen Archdologie. Frankfurt, 1875.
Keil. Comnienlar Uber die Biicher der Maklcabder. Leipz., 1875.
Keil and Delitz,-eh. Biblical Com. on the Old Test. The' Book of Chronicles and Others by KeiL

Irans. from the German. Edinburgh, 1872. '

Keim. Geschichte Jesa von Nazara. 3 Bde. Zurich, 1867-72.
Keil". Die Salomonischen Schriften. Freiburg, 1815.

Kiiell, Autorilas ulrinsque Libri Maccabceorum Canonico-hlstorica adserta. VienniE 1749
Kirchen-Lexicon, von Wetzer u. Welfce. Freiburg, 12 Bde. 1847-56.
Kitto, A Cyclopaidia of Biblical Literature. 3d ed., 3 vols. Lond 1869-70
KleuUer. Sahmonisclie DenlcWurdigkeiten ( Auhang, Das Buch der Weisheit iibersetzt u. erldutert) Rio-a

1 78o. /'at

Klostermaun. U ntersuckunq en zur Alttestamentliclien Theol. Gotha 1868

Kneoeker. Das Bach Baruch. Geschiclite u Kritik, Uebersetzung u. Erkldrang auf Grand des wie-
de.-hergestelUen Hehratsclien Urtexles. Mit einem Anhang uber den pseudepig: Barucli. llpl,

Kueneker. Art. " Kalender " in Schenkel's Bib. Lex

^^""'fsil.ln ^^'" ''"■^^°''"' B^'^^'^lis, aus dem yEthiop. iibersetzt" (Theolog. Stud. u. Krit.
KOstlin. '•' Ueber die Entstehung des Bnchs Henoch " ( Theolog. Jahrb., 1856, pp. 240-279 370-3861
''"'th.. f SS' '). 'Te'sLf isff ^^""^^^^'^ "-' ^-'- ^*- (^PP-'eS^arlier"i^ 'll'." ^^
Kranssold. Zmei Episteln iiber die Apok. Fiirth, 1851.

LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 677

Kruger. "Die Chrouologie im Buche der Jubilaen " (Zeitsckrijl der Deutschen Morgenland.Gesellsch.,

xii., pp. 279-299).
Kriigcr, K. W. Gnechische SpracJilehrc fiir Schulen. Leipz., 187.5.
Kiibel. " Die Ktljischen Grundanscliauungen der Weisheit Salomo's " {Theolon. Stud. u. Krit., 1865,

pp. 290-722).
Kiiliuer. Grammar of the Creek Language CECwurds'nttims.). Kew York, 1858.
Kueiien. The Beligion of Israel. I'rans. iidm the Dutch. 3 vols. Loud., 1874.
liuinoel. Ohsermtiones ad Novum Test, t.v Lihris Apoc. V. T. Lips., 1794.
Lagarde. Libri Vet. 2'est. Apoc. Si/riace. Lips., 1861.

Lani;e. Bible-Work. A Commenlarji on the Holy Scriptures. (Am. ed.) New York, 1865-80.
Langen. Die Deuterocanonischen Stiicke des Buches Esther. Freiburg, 1862.
Langen. Vas .ludenthum in Palaslina zur Zeit Christi. Freiburg, 1866.
Langen. De Apocali/psi Baruch anno super iori primum edita Commentatio. Friburgi, 1867.
Laugen. "Die beiden Griecliischeu Texte des Buches Esther" (Theolog. Quartulschriji, 1860,

pp. 244-272).
Larocque. " Snr la Date du troisifeme Livre des Oiacles Sibyllins" {Revue Arch€ologique, Nouvella

Se'rie, 1869, torn, xx., pp. 261-270.
Laurence. The Book of Eifoch .... now first translated from an Ethiopic MS. in the Bodleian Lib.

Oxford, 1821 and 18.38.
Laurence. Libi'i Enoch Vet'sio ^thiopica. Oxon., 1838.
Laurence. Primi Ezrce Libri Versio .^thiopica, nunc prima in medium prolata et Latine Angliceque

reddita. Oxon., 1820).
Le Hir. " Du IVe Livre d'Esdras" (Studes Bibliques, i. 139-250).
Lepsius. Konigsbuch der alien yEgypter. Berlin, 1858.
Letronne. Becherches pour servir a iUistoire de I'Egypte pendant la Domination des Grecs et des Eo-

mains. Paris, 1823.
Leyrer. Art. " Schriftgelehrte," in Herzog's Real-Encyh.
Lightfoot. liorcE Hebraicce. 4 vols. Oxford, 1859.
Linde. Sentenlice ,h.su Siracidm Greece. Gedani, 1795.
Linde. Glauhens- und Sittenlehre .lesu dps Sohnes Sirach. Leipz., 1795.
Lipsius, R. A. De dementis Rom. Ep. ad Corinth. Disquisitio. Lips., 1855.
Lipsius, R. A. " Alexaudrin. Religion s-Philoaophie" (Schenkel's Bib. Lex., i., 8599).
Lipsius, R. A. " Ueber das Buch Judith " (Zeitschrift f. w. Theol, 1 859, pp. 39-121 ).
Lipsius, K. F. H. A. " Ueber das Buch Judith " {&tschriftf. w. Theol, 1862,_pp. 103-105).
Livy. Historiarum ab Urbe Condita Libri qui supersunt XXXV. 6 tomi. Paris., 1747.
Looman. Geschiedenes der Jsraeliten. Amsterd., 1867.
Luttcrbcck. Die Neutest. Lehrheijriffe. Mainz, 1852.
Liicke. Versuch einer vollstdndigen Einleitung in die Offenbarung Johannis. 2te Aufl. 2 Bde. Bonn,

1852.
Mai. Spicilegium Romanum Vaticanum. 10 Tomi. Romse, 1839-44.
Mangey. Philonis Opera quae reperiri potuerunt omnia. 2 vols. Lend., 1742.
Martini. Libri di Tobia, di Giuditta e di Ester, etc. Venez., 1844.
Mendelssohn. Senaticonsulta Romanorum, qua; sunt in Jos. Antiq. Lips., 1875.
Merguet. Die Glaubens- und Sittenlehre des Buches Jesus Sirach. Konigslierg, 1874.
Merkel. "Ueber den Autor und die Zeit der Abfassung des Vierteu Buches Esra"(in Vermischte

Anmerkungen, p. 77 ff.). Leipz., 1772.
Meyer. Kritische Exeget. Com. uber d. Neue Test. 2te Aufi. 16 Bde. Gcitting., 1865.
Merx. Archiv fur Wissenschafttiche Erforschung d. Alt. Test. Halle, 1867-69.
Metzger. Geschichte der deutschen BibetUberseizung in der Schweizeriscli-Reformirten Kirche. Basel,

1877.
Michaelis. Deutsche Uebersetzung d. Alt. Test. 2te Ausg. Gotha, 1773-85.
Michaelis Deutsche Uebersetzung des ersten Buches d. Maccabder mit Anmerkungen. Gottmg. und

Leipz., 1778.
Michaelis. Oriental, u. Exeget. Bibliothek. Frankf., 1771-79.
Milmau. The History of the Jews. 3d ed., 3 vols. Lond., 1863.
Movers. Art. on Judith (Zeitschrift f. Pliilos. u. Kathohsche Theol, 1835, p. 35 ff.).
Movers. Loci quidam Can. Vet. test. ilUstrati. VratislaviiE, 1842. r- ., ,

Moulinie'. Notice sur les Livres Apoc. de VAncien Testament en riponse a la question, t aut-il les sup-
primer? Geneva, 1828.
Miiller. Erklarung des Gebetes Manasse. Salzwedel, 1733.

MuUer. Philo's Buch von der Weltschopfung. Berlin, 1841. , , • ,o^« c=,<.,i

Muller Alois. " Pharisiler u. Sadduciler" (Sitzungsherichte der Wiener Academic. lS60,pp 65-164).
Miiller, Carl. Fragmenta Historiconim Graicorum, etc. 5 torn. Pans, 1841-72. (Part II. of torn. v.

ed. by V. Langlois. )
Miinster. Historia Tobice. Basilca;, 1563. -n -i ,n,n

Munster. Opus Grammaticum ex variis Elianis Libris concinnatum. Basil., 1542.
• Murrav. Enoch Restitiitus. Lond., 1836.
Nachtigal. Das Buch der Weisheit. Halle, 1799. „ ,„ ,

Nagelsbach. Art. " Buch der Weisjieit," in Herzog s flraWtnc^ r fi, ,««,

Neander. Allgem. Geschichte d. Christlichen Religion u. Airche. 4te Aufl. 9 Bde. Gotha, 1863.
Netelcr. Die 'Bucher Esra's, Neh. u. Esther. Munster, 1877.
Nickes. De Libra Judithce. Vratislav., 1854. ..,<,.„

Niekes. De. V. T. Codicum Grcecorum Famihis. Monasteru, 1853.

678 LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

Nicolas. Des Doctrines Ileligkuses des Juifi pendant les deux SMes anlerieurs a I'Ere Chritienne.

Deuxiemeod , Piuis, 1867. ,

Nitz.«ch. Vomiimilatio Criticade Test.X/T. Patnardmnm. Wittenb., ISU).^ „ , ^ , Wpishpif "
NitLch. "UcLer die Ajiok. d. Alt. Test. u. d.,9 so-enannto ClmsiUche im Bache d. Weisheit

{ Deutsche Zeltsrhrifl., 1850, Ko9. 47-49).
Kieliiihr. (lescliirlde Assur's n. Uahel's, etc. Berlin, 1857.
N61dcke. Die Alilest. Lileratur. Lcipz., 1868. „ , .„ „ -. ■ ,q,q

Kork. Rabhiiiisrhe Qnellen a. Pwallelen zn Neutest. SchriOstdhn. Lcipz., 18.39.
Nussbauin. Ohsercali.ines in Flau. Joseph! Anliq. Lil). xii. 3 to xui. 14. Ijotting., l»7a.
Oeliler. Die Gnuidzii/je der Alltist. Weisheit. Tuliing., 1854.

Orliler. Th,ol,H/ie des Alt. Testamenls. Tiibing , 1X73-74. rp . „

Oi'hler. Art. in MerzoK'.s I!eal-Ena/L, vol. xxi., '' Uustcrblichkeit, Lehre des Alten lest.
0«en. Uistonj of the British mid'Foniijn Bible Societij. Loiid., 1816-20.

Palestine Exploration I'mid. Qnarterlii Statement. Lond., from 1869. ,, ., , t^ * looa

I'alinrr. De Epistotarum r/nie S/uirtani atr/ue Juduii inricem sibi misisse dicunturVentate. JJaimst., 182S.
I'artliey. Das Abxandrinische Mnsmm. Berlin, 1838. . r> v locfi

I'atrizi. PtoVmdiis Lngi, der GrilncUr der zwei u. dreissigsten Jugi/pt. Djnastie. Berlin, 1860.
Pittvizi. De Conspnsu'utrius(jue Libri ilnchalKeorum. Rornoe, 1856. -, »,

Patrum Apostolicornm Opera. Ev Geldiardt, Harnack, and Zahn. Fasc. 1-3. _ Lips., 18/.5-77.
Pauliis. " Ueber das 2te Biich d. Mace." ( Kiohliorn's Allg^jn. Bib. d. Bib. Lit., i., 23a It.).

rhilii.pi. Das Bnch Henoch, eU: 8tuttg. 1868. ,, ;-rt,osQ

Polilinann. " Ueber das Anselien des Apok. dritten Buches Esras " {Theolog. Quartalsclmft, 1859,

pp. 257-27-').
Polvbiiis. Hisloriariun. qim supersunt, 4 vols. Berlin, 1868-72.
Pie^sel. " D;is Volk Gottes in der nachbiblischen Zcit" (Hcrzog's Real-Encyk., xvii. 30d-385).

I'lessensc. Geschichle der drei tr.^ten Jahrkunderle der Christlichtn Kirche. 6 Theile. Leipz., 1862-77.

I'nsey. Daniel the Prophet. Lond., 1R68.

liaelJi^'er. Elhicc Lib. Apoc. V. T. Vratis., 1838.

liaphall. Po-t-Biblical History of the Jews. 2 vols. Lond., 1856. , c- .

l;aHlin,on, H, C. " On the Position o£ Ecbataua " (Journal of the Royal Geoip-aph. i>ociely, K.,
l.'i.'i rt). -r, , , A

Kawliuson, George. The Historical Euidences of the Truth of the Scripture Accords stated Anew.
Boston, 1860,

Rawlinson, George, itonarchies of the Ancient World. 3 vols. New York, 1871.

liawlinson, George. I'lie Sixth and Setxnih Urienlnl i^fon. 2 vols. New York, 1873-76.

Itawlinson Geof'e. The II istorij of Herodotus. 3J cd , 4 vols. Lond., 1875.

li,cor,ls of the Past. English Trans, of the Assyr. and Egypt. Monuments. Vols. i.-x. Bagsters:
London.

Pensch. Das Bnch Tobias iibersetzt u. erkltirt. Freiburg, 1857.

KensL-h. Erklarunt/des Biichs Baruch. Freiburg, 1853.

lieuscli. l.ehrlmch d. Einleit in das Alte Testament. 4te Anfl. Freiburg, 1870.

Pensch. Ohservationes Crilirce in. Libriim Sapientice. Fiiburgi, 1861.

UluslIi. Ldieltiis Tobit e Codice Sinaitico editus et recciisilns. Bonnse, 1870.

lU'Uscb. Lilier .Sapientice Greece secundum Exemplar Vaticanum, etc. Fi-ibnrgi, 1858.

Peiiseh. " Der Diinioii Asmodiins ini Bnclie Tobias" (Theol. Qnartalschrift., 1856, pp. 422-445).

Penss. Dl-i.-erlalio Pofemica de fJbris V. '/'. Apoc. psrperani plebi n-galis. Argentor., 1829.

Pen«8. Alt. " Sibyllen" in Hcrzog's Real-Enci/li:. ; also. " Kabhala."

Piehm. Handwiirlerbnch des Biblischen Alterlhnnis. Leipz., from 1875.

Kiebni. Die Messianische Weissagung. Gotlia, 1875.

liit-cbl. Die Alexandrinischen Bililiutheken nnter den ersten Ptolemdern. Breslau, 1838.

l^uberts. Discussions on the Gospels. Lond., 1862.

Poll i)ig. Das Burh d. Projih. Daniel uliersetzt u. eriddrt. Mainz, 1876.

PiiH-ch. Das Biicli der Jubiliien. Leipz., 1874.

Ponsch. Arts, on the Assumption of JNloses (Zeilschrift f.w. T/ieoZ., 1868, pp. 76-108, 466 f£. ; 1869, p.
213 ff.).

Piinscb. Die Leptoqenesis, etc. [ibid., 1871, pp. 60-98).

PiJhricht. " Ziir Johannischen Logoslehre " (Theol. Stud. a. &•/(., 1868, pp. 300-314 ; 1871,503-509).

Poseii in idler. Handbiich fiirdie Literatur der Bib. Kritilc u. Exeyese. 4 Bde. Gijtting., 1798-1800.

Poseiithal. Das erste Mtikkabderbuch. Leipz., 1867.

l{usenzweig. Znr Einleitung in die Bilcher " Esra n. Nehemiah.^' Berlin, 1876.

Potlischild. 'J'he History and fAterature of the Israelites. 2 vols. Lond., 1871.

Ihiliiii. Das Bnch der ./nbilaen. Ins Hi'biaisch iibersetzt, etc. Wien, 1870.

Saliatier. Bibliorum Sacrontm Latince Versiones Antiqu(e. Paris., 1751.

Sachs. " Uelier die Zeit der Eiitstchung des Synliedrin's" (Frankel's Zeitschrifl, 1845, pp. 301-312),

Salvador. Ilistuire de la JJonnnation Romaine en Jude'e et de la Ruine de Jerusalem. 2 vols. Paris,
1847.

Sclienkel. Bihel-Lericon. JReahvorterbuch zum Ilandgebrauch far Geistliche u. Gemeindeg Ueder.
.') vols. Leipz., 186S-75.

Schiller. Gottes Wort u. die Apokryphen. Neustadt, 1851. •

Sclilen-ner. f^vricon in LXX. 5 ^■oN. Lips., 1820.

Schlunkes. E/iistubc ipuc Secundo Mace. Libra, i. 1-0, legitur Explicaiio. Colon,, 1844.

Schliinkes. DijHciliorum locorum Episloke, qure 2 Mace. i. 10-ii. IS, legitur Explieatio. Colon., 1847,

Schmid. Das Uuih der Weisheit iibersetzt u. crkldrt. Wieu, 185S.

Schmidt, J. H. Synonymik der Griechischen Sprache^ Vols, i., ii. Leipz., 1876-78.

LIST OF AUTHOIUTIES. 679

Sehmklt, M., a. Merx. " Die Assumptio Mosis mit Eiiileitung u. erklarenden Anmerkungen "

(Mcrx' Archil), i., ])p 111-152).
Sclimioder. Ueher das Biich der Weislieit. Ein Vortrag. Berlin, 1 853.
Scliiieckenl™rp;ei-. Vorksimgen ilher Neutest. Zritfjcschiclde. Frauk£iirt, 1862.
Scliulz. /Jle Backer der Mitccahuer. Frankfavf, 1838.

Sclicilz. Eitilcitinirj in die Heilliien Sclirifleti des Alt. u. Neven Testaments. 3 Bde. Kiiln, 1845-48.
Sclnader. Die Keilinscliriften n. das Alte Testament. Giessen, 1872.

Schrailor. " Die Diiuer clejs zweiteu 'J'empelbaiu's" {Theoloi/. Stud. u. Kril., 1867, pp. 460-504).
Scliriitler. Wie reimen sirh Stroli ti. Welzeji ziisammen ? (on the Apoc.) Elberfeld, 1851.
Sflilivev. Lelirhncli der A'etilrst. Zeitgesdiichte. Leijjz., 1874.
Scluivev. Art. '' A])ok." in Ilerzog's Ileal- lincyk. 2tfe Anfl.

Sclinltz, n Dp X'vrrnissetznnr/eii der Clirisllichen Lelire von der Unsterblichleit. Cotting., 1861.
Schultz, H, Ahlv.tinmcntliche'Theoloriie. 2 Bde. Frankfurt, 1869. 2te umjreavb. Aufl , 1878.
.'<c]iiiltz, V. W. Die Bilcher Jisra, Neh. u. Ksllier (part of Lange's Bibelwerk). Bielefeld u. Leipz.,

1876.
Scliiilze. Cesrhir/ife der Alt-Hehriiischen Literatur. Tliorn, 1870.

Scrivener. 77(6 Candnidrie Paragraph Bille of tlie Avihorized English Version. Cambridge, 1873.
Seidell. De Synedrils et Pnefednris Juridicis Velerum Ebraorum. Amstelod., 1679.
Sengelmaiiii. Das Hitch Tohit erUdrt. Ilanib., 1857.

Sharpe. History of Egyjil from the Earliest Times. 3d ed. Loud., 1860.

Sicffert. Nonnulla nd Apoc. LIbri P/enochi Origivem et Compositionem, etc. Kegimonti Pr., 1867.
Siififried. Die Aufi/abe der Geschichte der Altlest. Aiislegung in der Gegenwart. Jena, 187C.
Siegfried. " Pbiloiiiselie Stnilien " fMerx' Archiv, ii. 14'S-163).

Siegfried. T>ie Ilehrdischen Wortcrlliininqen des Philo (he has articles also on tlie same general sub-
ject in Zeitsclniftf. w. Theoi, 1873, pp. 217 ff., 411 ff., 522 ff.).
Simciii. Onoieaslicon Nori Test, et Librorum V. T. Apoc. Hal., 1762.
Sinker. The Tfstaments of the 'Ticeloe Patriarchs. A new edition, with a collation of the Roman nnd

Piittnos MSS. and liibliographical notes). Camb., 1879. ("Translated, with Lactantius' Works,

vol. ii., in the Ante-Niceiie ('hristian Library, vol. xxii. Edinli., 1871.)
Sixtns Senensi^. Bibliotheca Sancta, ex prwcipuls Catholicai Ecclesix Aucloribus collecta. Colon.,

1626.
Smith. A Dictionary of the Bible. 3 vols. Lond.. 1860-63. Am. ed., 4 vols., Boston, 1870.
Smith. A Dictionary of Ciiristian Antiquities. 2 vols. Lond., 187.'5-SO.
Soplioclcs. (Ireek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods. Boston, 1870.
Spiegel. Die Alrxandersage bei den Orientalen. Leipz., 1851.
Spiegel. Eranisrim Altertiinmsktinde. 3 Bde. Leipz., 1878.

Spiess. Entwicl-eliinqsgesdiichte der Vorstellungen rorii Ziistande nach dem Tode. Jena, 1877.
Stade. Ueber die Alllesi. Vorstellungen rom Ziistande nach dem Tode. Leipz., 1877.
Stapfor. Les Ide'es Rcligienses en Palestine a I'Epoqiie de .Te'sns-Christ. Deux. c'd. Paris, 1878.
Staid. " Ver-iich eiiies Sv^tematischen Kntwurfs des Lehrbegriff's Philo 's von Ale.xaiidrien" (Eich-

horn's Alh/em. Bibliolhek. der Bib. Lit., iv,, jip. 770-890).
St.mlev. Lecivri-s on the History of the .Jewish Church. Part ii.. New York, 1871. Part iil., Lond., 1876.
Stark." Forsrhungen ziir Geschirh'te u. Allnthiimskunde des Hellenist. Orients. Jena, 1852.
Stein. Herodolos erklilrl. 2 vols Berlin, 1864.
Steiner " Der Ar.ibisehe Auszug des 'Propheten Esra' [trans, into German] nebst Berichtignngen

zu der Arab. Ueber-ctzmig " [Zsitschriftf. lo. Tlieol., 1868, pp. 396-433).
Steinschueider. Alphahetiiin Sirce iitriimgne. Berlin, 1858.
Stier. Die Apokryphen. Bratinscliweig. 1853.
Strabo. Grographicn. 4 vols. Tauchnitz ed., 1819.
Stuart. Arts, in the Biblical Repository for 1840, on the Book of Enoch.
Sutter. Zeiigniss gegen die Apokryphen. Karlsruhe, 1850.

Tanner. Ueber das Katholische Traditions- vnd das Prolestantische Schriflprincip. Lnoern, 1862.
Thenius. "Die Bucher der Konige erklart" (Kurzgefasstes exeget. Handbuch zum A. Test. 2te Aufl

Leipz., 1873).
Theoloqische Literalnrzeitnng. Leipz., 1876-79.

Thiersch. De Pentatevch'i Versione Alexandrina Libri tres. Erlangen, 1841.
Thilo. Specimen Exei-cilationnm Criticarum in Sapientiam Sal. Hal., 1825.^
Tiele. Die Assip-iologie u. Hire Ergebnisse fiir die vergleichende Etligionsgeschichte. Leipz., 1878.
Tiele. De Godsdienst van Zarathustra. Harlem, 1865.
Tirinus. Commentarius in Socram Scripturam. 2 Tonii, 1771.
Tiseliendorf. Apocalypses Apocri/phai Mosis, Esdrm, Pauli, etc. Lips., 1866.

Tischendorf. Vetns Teslanientiini Greece. 5th ed., 1875 (the edition of 1880 contains, as an appen-
dix, the readings of IL and X. by Nestle).
Tiscbeiulorf. See under " Ileyse."

Tiansiictions of the Societi/ of Biblical Arrhmology. Lond., from 1872.
Ti-emellin=. Vet. Test. B'iblia Sacra Liit. rert. Treiiielliiis et Franc, .hmius (1st ed., 1575-79, Eo

vised liv Junius and the A]K)e. adrled, 1590). Hanov., 1618.
Trench. Si/noni/ins of the Neio Testament. New York : 1st series, 1854 ; 2d series, 1 864,
Traitel. Lie Ptiilimis .ludiei Smnone. Breslau, 1872.

Treuenfels. " Die Kleiiie Gene.sis " (Literaturbliilt des Orients, 1846, Nos. 1-6 ; cf. No. 15, 1851 ).
Trommias. Concordantice Groicai Versionis vtilgo dictm LXX. Interpretum. 2 tomi. Amstelod.,

1718
Usher. De Grceca LXX. Interpretum Versione cum Libri Esthers Origenica et r.elere Grceca altera ex

Arundeliiana Bibliotheca nuncprimum in Lucem producta. Lond., 1655. (Lips., 1695.)

680 LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

Vaihinger. " Zur Untersuchung iiber den Abschlass des Alttestamentlichen Kanons" (Theolog.

Stud. u. Kritik., 1857, p. 93 ff.)
Van der Vlis. Dispui.atio Criticade Ezrm Libra Apoc.vvlgo IV. dido. Amstelod., 1839.
Van Gilae. Commentatio qua Libri Sir. Aryumento Enarrato accuratius DoclTinte Fans exponitur, etc.

Griin., 1830.
Vercellone. See under " Cozzn."

Vervoist. De Carminihus Sihi/llinis apud Sanctos Patres Disceplatio. PariiS., 1844.
Vetiis Testamentiim Grceciim Variis Lectionibus. A liobejio Holmes inckoatam coniinuavit Jacobus Par-

sons. Oxon., 1798-1827.
Vetter. Conspectus Introductionis in V. T. Apoc^ et Pseudepifjrapha. Lubbenas, 1827.
Viucenzi. Stssio Quarta Cone. Trident. Vindicata. Eomae, 1844.
Vitiin.i;;a. De Si/nayoga Velere. Franek., 1696.
Volkmann. Ve Oraculis Sibyllinis Vissertatio, Supplementum Edilionis a Friedliebto exhibitce. Lips.

1853.
Volkmar. Ilandbuch der Einleitung in die Apohri/phen. Tiibing., 1860-63.
Volkmar. " Beitra^'e zur Erklarung dos Buches Henoch nach dem JEthiop. Text" (Zeiischrifl d.

Deutschen Morgenltlnd. Gesdisch., 1860, pp. 87-134. Cf. Zeitschrifl fur w. TheoL, 1861, pp. 111-

136, v., p. 46 fi:., and a separate work with the title, Eine Neutest. Entdeckung, etc. Zurich, 1862).
Volkmar. Mose Prophetie it. Himmelfahrt. Leipz., 1867.
Von Gumpach. Zeitrechnung der Bahglonier u. Assgrier. Heidelb., 1852.
Von Meyer. " Ueber diis Buch Henoch " {Theolog.' Stud. u. Krit., 1841, p. 637 ff.).
Wahl. Clavis Librornm Vet. Test. Apocryphorum Philologica. Lips., 1853.
Weiss. Zur Gesclu'c/ite der ,/iidischen Tradition. Wien., 1871.
Weisse. Die Emnqelienfrage. Leipz., 1856.
Welte. Specielle Elnleit. in d. Deuterokan. B'dcher des A. T. Freiburg, 1844. Seealso under " Herbst "

and " Kirchen-Lexicon."
Wendt. Noliones Ciirnis tt Spiritus, etc. Gottinfj., 1877.

Weinsdorf, G. F. De Foutlbus Hist. Syria in Libiis Mace. Prolusio. Lips., 1746.
Wevnsdorf, G. Commmtatio Hist. Crit. de Fide Historica Lib. M'accabceorum. Vratis., 1747.
Westergaard. Zendnvesta, or the Re/ii/ious Books of the Zoroaslrians. Copenhagen, 1852-54.
AVetstein. Afrirani de Susan. Epist. ad Orig. Responsio. Basil., 1673.
M'erzer. See under *' Kirchen-Lexicon."

Whiston. A Collection of .iiithenlick Records, cic. I.ond., 1727-28.
Wiederliolt. Art on Addiiions to Dan. {Theolog. Quartalschrifi, \87\,Tp. 373 if.)
Wieseler. " D^is Vierte Buch Esra." {Theolog. Stud. u. Krit., 1870, pp. 263-304.)
Wieseler. Art. " Aera " in Herzog's 7Jea/-£ncyi. (Assigns date to 1, 2 Mace. Cf. Theolog. Stud u

Krit., 1875, p. 522 f.)
Wiesuler. Beitrage zur richtigen Wilrdigung der Evangelien. Gotha, 1869.
■yVieselcr. " IMe jiingst antgefuudene Aufuahme Moses nach Urspiung u. In halt untersucht "

{Jahrhuchrr filr Deut. ThroL, 1868, pp. 622-648).
Wild.^ Ein Wort gcgen den iiblichen Gebrauch u. die herkommliche Stellung d. Apok. in d. Eoangelischen

Kirche, etc. Koiillingen, 1854.
Wdke. Die Neutest. Rhetorik. Dresd. a. Leipz., 1843.

Wilson. The Buoks of the Apocrypha, with Critical and Historical Observations. Edinh., 1801.
Winer. De utriusque Siracidie y^Ctate. Erig., 1832.
AViner. Biblischs Realuvrterhiich. 2 Bde. Leipz., 1847-48.
Winer. A Gi-ammar of the Idiom of the New Testament. 7th ed. Revised and authorized trans.

by Tlmyer. Andover, 1872.
Winzer. De Philosophia Morali in Libro Sap. exposita. Viteb., 1811.
"Wittiidien. Die Idee des Relches Gottes. Giltring., 1872.

AVolf, 0. Das Bmli.fudith als Geschichlliche Urkunde vertheidigt u. erkldrt. Leipz., 1861.
Wolff, M. Die Philonische Philosophie in ihren Hauptmomenten darqestellt. 2te Aufl. Gothenbur?

1858. *'

Xenophontis Opera. Paris., 1861.
Zahn. See under " Patrum," etc.

Zeller. Philosophie der Grieclien. 4te Anfl. Thl. 1 and 2. Leipz., 1876.
Zotenberg. " Ge«chiehte Daniels. Ein Apokryph. Herausgegcbeu'u. aus dem PersischemUbersetzt "

(Merx' Archiv, i., pp. 385-427).
Ziindel. Krilische Unlersuchunq iiber die Abfassungszeit des Buches Daniel. Basel, 1861.
Zunz. Die Gotlesdienstliciien Vortrdge der Juden hislorisch entwickelt. Berlin 1832!
Zunz. Die Ritus des Synagogalen Gottesdienstes. Berlin, 1859.