''''■''[' ':'//'AV'i]iy:':K'^j\''','-y'Z'[f}yyj^^^^

i\\'-

CORRESPONr)E[CE

OF

KING JAMES VI. 01 SCOTLAND

WITH

SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHES IN ENGLAND,

DURING THE

REIGN OF QUEEN ELZABETH;

WITH AN APPENIX CONTAINING PAPERS ILLUSTRATIVE OF RANSACTIONS BETWEEN

KING JAMES AND ROBERT RRL OF ESSEX.

PRINCIPALLY PUBLISHED FOR THE FIST TIME FROM

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE MOST HON. THE MAQUIS OK SALISBURY, K.G,

PRESERVED AT HATFIII).

EDITED BY JOHN BRUCE ESQ. F.S.A.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDN SOCIETY.

I

M.DCCC.LXI,

COIIRESPONDENCE

OF

KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

WITH

SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS IN ENGLAND,

DURING TIIF.

REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH;

WITH AN APPENDIX CONTAINING PAPERS ILLUSTRATIVE OF TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN

KING JAMES AND ROBERT EARL OF ESSEX.

PRINCIPALLY PUBLISHED FOR THE FIRST TIME FROM

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE MOST HON. THE MARQUIS OF SALISBURY, K.G,

PBKSERVED AT HATFIELD.

EDITED BY JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXI.

WESTMINSTER:

J. D. NICHOLS AND SONS, PRINTEUS,

25, PARLIAMENT STRKET.

rr^^o

[lxxvih.J

COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

FOR THE YEAR 1860-61.

President, THE MOST HON. THE MARQUESS OF BRISTOL, V.P.S.A. WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A. BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. M.F. F.S.A. JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A. Director. JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. F.S.A. Treasurer. WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A. JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A. JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. LL.D. EDWARD FOSS, ESQ. F.S.A. THOMAS W. KING, ESQ. F.S.A. THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A. JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, ESQ. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A. FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas. S.A. ROBERT PORRETT, ESQ. F.S.A. WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary. WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. F.S.A.

The Council of the Camden Society desire it to be under- stood tliat they are not answerable for any opinions or observa- tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors of the several works being alone responsible for the same.

INTRODUCTION.

There were circumstances in the condition of England at the close of the sixteenth century which are without a parallel in the history of any other country. The strong hand which had swayed "the rod of empire " for more than forty years, had now grown feeble. The stately and attractive person, by the princely carriage of which Queen Elizabeth had in early life excited the admiration of all beholders, and had raised the attachment of her people to enthu- siasm, now bowed and tottered. The flattery of artists and the contrivances of ingenuity were no longer successful. Time's victory was apparent. The tallest of ruffs could not conceal it, the most glittering of diamonds could not overpower it; voice, action, attitude, disclosed it; and the exertions necessary for the perform- ance of the more public duties of her royal function pressed home upon her own consciousness the fact, which politeness forbade her courtiers to disclose. When she met her parliament in 1601, the mere weight of the royal purple overwhelmed her. She staggered, and would have fallen at the foot of the throne — that throne which she had contributed to make one of the noblest in the world — but strong arms were ready, as they always had been, to support her ; the brave spirit which dwelt within her put forth its energy; she recovered herself, with a little assistance, and for the last time seated herself in her accustomed chair.

A multitude of similar indications had, for some time before the

CAMD. SOC. h

VI INTRODUCTJON.

occurrence just alluded to, convinced every one, tliat what, up to that moment, had been the greatest reign in our annals, was coming to a close. The thought naturally presented itself — What was to follow? Who was to be the successor? The question was the most important that could be raised. It involved not merely the inquiry as to what individual person should occupy the vacant throne, momentous as that consideration was when the regal authority had been " strained," by Tudor energy, " to a higher pitch than at any previous period"^ of our history ; the inquiry comprehended also the far more weighty question of whether England should still maintain the position among nations to which she had been exalted during the reign of Elizabeth, or whether, entering once more, under a Roman Catholic successor, into the great confederacy of papal Europe, she should abandon Holland to the tender mercies of Spain, and the Huguenots to the dominancy of the party of St. Bartholo- mew, should renounce her friendship with the German Protestants, should close the sacred oracles which had been to her the source of light and truth, should replace her defaced altars, restore her broken images, banish from her literature the noble works which during the Elizabethan period had been the results and were the evidences of increasing freedom of thought, and should submit the general mind to the fetters of that spiritual authority which had traduced and anathematised Elizabeth and all her doings, and, during the reign of her predecessor, had burnt its true character indelibly into the history of the country.

Judged upon the principles of lawyers and canonists, the question of the succession was one of considerable complication and difficulty.

By a statute passed in the 25th Henry Vill, cap. 22, shortly after the marriage with Ann Boleyn and the birth of Elizabeth, the crown was settled upon the King and his issue male. In default of such issue it was to go to his daughter Elizabeth, passing over Mary as

* Forster's Grand Remoiistrar.cp, p. Ci, ed. 1860.

INTRODUCTION. Vll

illegitimate; and if Elizabeth died without issue it was to descend in its accustomed course to the right heirs of Henry VIII. for ever.

By another statute of the same sovereign, passed shortly after the ♦ marriage with Jane Seymour (28 Henry VIII. cap. 7), the mar- riage with Anne Boleyn was declared void, and the succession was limited to the King's sons and their issue, and, in default of sons, to the King's legitimate daughters, which excluded both Mary and Elizabeth. Power was given to the King by this statute, in default of lawful heirs of his body, to direct the succession by letters patent, or by his " last will, made in writing and signed with his most gra- cious hand." —

By a third statute passed seven years afterwards (35 Hen. VIII. cap, 1), immediately before the expedition to Boulogne, after declaring the succession to be in Prince Edward, the heir apparent, it was enacted, that if the Prince should die without issue, the crown should go in succession to the King's daughters Mary and Elizabeth, subject to such conditions as should be limited by the King by letters patent, or by " his last will in writing, signed with his most gracious hand." If no conditions were limited by Henry VIII., then the estates of Mary and Elizabeth were to be absolute ; and by another section the King was empowered to direct, by letters patent, or by his last will, what should be the course of the succession in case of want of issue of his children Edward, IMary and Elizabeth."''

In pursuance of this power, Henry VIII. made his will on the 30th December, 1546, by which, in default of issue of Edward VI., Mary and Elizabeth, the crown was settled, (I.) on the issue of Lady

I am the more particular in stating these provisions, because tlie power given to the King by this Act of Parliament, of limiting the ultimate succession to the crown in default of issue of his children, has been unaccountably overlooked by Blackstone (Comm. lib. i. cap. 3.), and, so far as I have observed, by all his editors, and by the many writers who have depended upon his accuracy.

viii INTRODUCTION.

Frances, the King's niece, eldest daughter of his late sister Mary, Queen of France, and afterwards Duchess of Suffolk ; (II.) on the issue of the Lady Eleanor, the second daughter of the same Mary Duchess of Suffolk: and (III.) on the next rightful heirs.

Under these formal instruments, it could not be doubted that the legal right to the succession to the crown was in the representative of the Lady Frances, the eldest daughter of the House of Suffolk. At certain periods that right had already been strongly affirmed. Sir Nicholas Bacon, when Lord Keeper, was one of its supporters, and during the life of Mary Queen of Scots, the fear of a Roman Catholic successor had multiplied the ffiends of the House of Suffolk.

But a question was raised in- reference to the proper execution of the will of Henry VIII. At the close of his life he used a stamp for the impression of a fac-simile of his signature vxpon formal documents. It was asserted that this stamp had been employed in the execu- tion of his will, notwithstanding the statute which gave him the power, distinctly prescribed, that it should be executed only by a will '* signed with his most gracious hand." One would have thought that this was a question which might have been easily set at rest. But the will was not forthcoming. For a long time it was either mislaid or, more probably, concealed. It is now in the Public Record Office, accessible to all; and no one who has seen it will contend that the king's signature was affixed otherwise than with a pen. In its absence, some persons argued that, even if exe- cuted v;ith the King's ordinary stamp, it was a valid document ; but that, we suppose, is not an opinion that would be satisfactory to lawyers.

Supposing that King Henry's will were not diJy executed, who then would have the right? Unquestionably King James VI. of Scotland, as the representative of Margaret Queen of Scotland, the -eldest daughter of Henry VII. Henry VIII. had, in his will, passed

INTRODUCTION. IX

over the line of Scotland without notice. He had given the crown, as we have seen, in the case now about to happen, to the line of SuiFolk. But that line had no present right except under his will. If that were got rid of, their pretensions were entirely gone, and the crown would legally descend, in default of heirs of the body of Henry VIII. to the nearest representative of the eldest daughter of Henry VII. That person was undoubtedly James of Scotland.

But here arose a new question. James was an alien. Ought he, who, in the language of lawyers, was devoid of inheritable blood, who could not legally succeed to so much as a cottage in England, or an acre of land, — ought he, by right of inheritance, to take the throne? Every mere lawyer thought it "a question not to be asked." Or, again, judging upon wider principles, was it consistent with true policy, or with patriotism, that a foreigner should rule in England? Above all foreigners, should this pre-eminence be given to a Scot, one of a nation whom Englishmen were taught from child- hood to despise? Many a brave heart was ready to declare that it was " foul scorn " that it should be so.

Supposing that on such principles King James were rejected, who would come next? The Lady Arabella Stewart, descended from Margaret daughter of Henry VII. in the same manner as King James, save that her father was a second son, and King James's father was the eldest. But she had the fact of her birth and domiciliation within the kingdom of England as a counterpoise to her father's want of primogeniture.

Against Arabella there were raised objections which had weight according to the prepossessions of the considerers. Many persons thought another long female reign undesirable. The Earl of Northumberland, in one of the letters now printed, says that the people wished for no more queens, fearing they should never enjoy another like Elizabeth.*

* Page 55.

X INTRODUCTION.

Others regarded Arabella's want of definiteness in religion with dislike. It was understood that, in despair of the success of per- sons more absolutely desirable, the Pope had recommended that Arabella should be adopted as the claimant to be supported by the Roman Catholics; and, without openly professing Roman Catho- licism, she was thought to be inclined that way, and to be certainly willing to make favourable terms with the Roman Catholics.

If, perplexed with these considerations, inquirers were inclined to throw aside the line of Scotland and resort to tlxat of Suffolk, there were many difficulties. To say nothing of doubts as to the validity of the marriage of Mary the sister of Henry VIII. with Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, Catherine Grey, the eldest representative of that marriage,' had secretly married the eldest son of the Protector Somerset. Her eldest son was Edward Lord Beauchamp. If legiti- mate, he was the heir of the house of Suffolk, and of the throne under the will of Henry VIII. But was the marriage of his parents valid? Was he legitimate? The question had been litigated. Popular opinion was probably in his favour, but such legal decisions as had been given were against him. He had, moreover, made a marriage of disparagement, which had involved him in much trouble- Was that a family in which to seek an heir to the throne ?

If it were concluded that Lord Beauchamp was illegitimate, the right of the House of Suffolk was vested in the representative of Catherine Grey's sister, who was the Earl of Derby; but he was of course liable to question in reference to the legality of the marriage of Mary Queen of France and Charles Brandon.

If, confounded by these multitudinous difficulties, all the descen- dants of Henry VII. were thrown aside, the uncertainty was not diminished. Partisans were found for the Earl of Huntingdon, a representative of the Duke of Clarence of malmsey-butt memory, brother of Edward IV., and eight other persons were put forth as descended from Edward III., among whom were several foreign

INTRODUCTION. XI

princes. The roll of pretenders was closed with the most powerful, and, in that sense, the most formidable, of the whole, the King of Spain, Philip II., and his daughter the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia, wife of the Archduke Albert, the Governor of Flanders.

The ultramontane Koman Catholics busily fomented the bewil- derment which seemed to hang around this multiplicity of titles. It was their care to exaggerate the difficulties of the question, and to multiply possible pretensions. No less than fourteen titles were in this manner " idly or mischievously reckoned up."*

It seemed as if the uncertainty which was thus generated must be most pernicious. It unquestionably gave schemers and persons of faction ground for disturbing the present quiet, and it looked as if it must be full of danger for the future. Why then, it may well be asked, was not the question brought forward and settled in Parlia- ment, especially as, after the death of Mary Queen of Scots, there would have been little difficulty in doing so ? The only answer is, that this course was forborne out of respect to the decidedly adverse opinion of Queen Elizabeth, It has been asserted that she abhorred to be reminded that she was mortal. But Lord Bacon has emphati- cally declared this opinion to be utterly untrue ; "for very often, many years before her death, she would pleasantly call herself an old woman, and would talk of the kind of epitaph she would like to have upon her tomb." ^ Her objection was of another kind. She feared that the indication of her successor might expose her to the mortification of beholding her own glory wane before the lustre of the rising sun. It seems probable, also, that she had some vague notion of her own prerogative right, as the last of a certain line of princes, to indicate her successor by her will. But such was the intensity which age gave to her feeling

* Hallam, Const. Hist. i. 389 ; and see a Treatise on the State of England by AVilson. [Dom. Corr. State Paper OflBce, 1600.] Wilson was contented with twelve claimants. '' Works, vol. vi. p. 312, of the admirable edition of Mr. Spedding.

Xll INTRODUCTION.

against any approacli to the subject, that neither they who were personally the most intimate with her, nor they who were the most entirely trusted by her in the management of public affairs, dared venture to raise so great a storm as would have ensued from soliciting her to give her mind to the consideration of the proper disposition of so vast a trust.

But, in truth, the public inconvenience resulting from humour- ing the personal feeling of the aged Queen was nothing like so great as might have been anticipated. Injustice to the several claimants there was none, and uncertainty there was really none, except in the minds of overheated partisans. The people settled the case at their own firesides. Unseduced by the cavils or quibbles of Jesuits or lawyers, their common sense threw aside the difficulties piled up before them, and seized at once upon the true principle of a right determination. The line of Henry VIII. was about to fail. They must go back to Henry VII. James of Scotland was Henry VII's eldest lineal representative, his true and obvious and nearest heir. Building upon that foundation, the judgment of the vast majority of the people — it may be said, the judgment of the nation — was clearly in his favour. Without polling-place or show of hands, without affronting the weakness of the Queen by a public discussion, the opinion passed from homestead to homestead by the electrical, influence of an obviously right judgment, until from the Land's End to Berwick there was substantially but one opinion. The Jesuit who pretended that he found very few who favoured the title of the King of Scots, enabled people, as Mr. Hallam has well remarked, by the impudence of that assertion to " appreciate his veracity," whilst the stricter religious party among the Protestants merely exhibited, as they have too frequently done, a distrust in their own power and the power of their principles, and an over-fear of their opponents, by clamouring for a parliamentary recognition of a decision which was already concurred in by every one.

INTRODUCTION. XUl

The only persons who were really deceived by this state of things were to be found in foreign nations. Ignorant of English people as English people were of them, and deriving their knowledge of the circumstances principally from religious exiles and enthusiasts, who had everything to gain from commotion, foreign nations supposed that on the death of Elizabeth there was to be a scramble for the Crown of England: that, as once before in the course of our his- tory, the symbol of royalty would hang upon a bush to be seized by the victor on some future field of Bosworth. It was not in the nature of Englishmen to treat such folly otherwise than with silence.

But there were some persons, as has been already hinted, who were likely to pervert such a state of things for factious or am- bitious ends; and this consideration brings us into contact with one of the principal subjects of the present volume.

The two leading men in England at that time were among the most remarkable persons of their age. They were men also whom nature seemed to have formed in every thing by way of opposites. Robert Earl of Essex was in person tall and well proportioned, a man of able body, and of lofty bearing, although with a remarkable bending forward of the neck, and a curious want of grace in walk- ing or dancing. He was especially distinguished, as all observers have chronicled, by the true aristocratic mark of hands " incom- parably fair." Sir Robert Cecil, on the contrary, was considerably below the ordinary stature; he was deformed, and altogether undis- tinguished by any special grace or dignity, either of feature or person. The statue on his tomb in Hatfield Church represents him as boyish, if not almost dwarfish, in height and general ap- pearance. In manners and ordinary conduct the contrast was ecpially striking. Essex was what in those days was termed " full of humours," wayward, rmcertain, impatient, fantastic, capricious; acting by fits and starts, upon impulses and prejudices ; but ever with a dash and brilliancy that were nearly allied to genius. Sir

CAMD. SOC. C

XIV INTRODUCTION.

Kobert Cecil was his very contrary in all these respects. Brought up at the feet of his pre-eminent father, he acquired, perhaps inherited, the highest official qualities; a calm, quiet, patient thoughtfulness, the power of mastering and applying details how- ever intricate; diligence that was never weary, patience that could not be exhausted, temper that was seldom ruffled, and a habit of comparing, and sifting, and weighing, and balancing, which gene- rally led him to right conclusions. Essex was generous in the highest degree, a patron of literature, and of all noble and gentle arts, and ever ready to take the lead in kind and liberal deeds; he was at the same time impetuous, fiery, vehement, — a man of action; courageous, daring, and more than anything delighted with military command, and with the eclat and brilliancy of a soldier's life. Cecil was a man of tliought and law and peace, neither a soldier himself nor looking upon war in any shape save as a neces- sity to be deplored. Consciousness of his own physical defects kept the one man comparatively humble; consciousness of his own power of dazzling and attracting people, and of attaching them to himself, puffed up the other, and led him into continual extra- vagances.

Sound judgment in the transaction of business was Cecil's greatest quality, and, after a few years' experience of his eminent ability in that respect, there not only gathered round him a knot of attached public men, or, as we should term them, a " political party," but the people came to look upon him as a man to be safely trusted and confidently followed. The influence of Essex extended to a far wider and more enthusiastically attached gather- ing. His early favour with the Queen, his uncertain standing in her estimation — now hot now cold — and his own romantic character, created and kept alive a general interest in his fortunes, which he was careful to increase by constant endeavours after popularity. This last was his weakest point. He sought popular favour; at

^SEL/r INTRODUCTION. ^^^^^^S=i=i.;=;^=^ XV

first, probably, without any other design than that of enjoying the consciousness of being well thought of; but when this end had been often enovigh attained, when he felt and knew himself to be the idol of the soldiery and of the people, and beyond all question the most popular man in England, his mind opened to the charm of a nation's applause, and the peculiar situation of the kingdom inspired him with an ambition which, according to his views and the state of things at the time, could only be accomplished by treason against the present possessor of the throne. Here again there is another most striking contrast between Essex and Cecil. The prin- ciple of loyalty in Cecil was fixed in his very heart of hearts. No circumstances can be conceived which could ever have tempted him to fail in his allegiance. He had been brought up in a school in which the sovereign was regarded as the sacred embodiment of an almost divine authority, and in which obedience was rendered in- stinctively, like some natural action with reference to which doubt or question is almost without meaning. In Elizabeth's case there were other and peculiar considerations which weighed heavily with Cecil. Her age, her sex, the many great qualities she had exliibited throixghout her reign, and the obligations she had laid upon himself and his family were all remembered and set in the balance against the occasional mortifications which resulted from the frowardness and the obstinacy of her old age. Essex's loyalty partook of the fitful uncertainty of his general character. He had received from the mere favour of the Queen honours innumerable, and gifts which were valued at 300,000Z. His memory of these benefits was written in water. Wlien it was his cue to be loyal, no man could exceed him in professions of attachment; but, no sooner did the Queen's wishes or opinions run counter to his feelings, than he was loyal only to himself

In questions of public policy, it was scarcely possible for two

XVI INTRODUCTION.

such men to agree. If Sir Robert Cecil had been a statesman of pre-eminent genius, intellect would have vindicated its power, and Essex would have taken Lis place as a member of a government in which Sir Eobert Cecil was the head. As it was, they stood in the arena as competitors, and it was in their final struggle that the question of the succession was really determined.

That struggle was brought on by the death of Lord Burghley. Essex aspired to step into his position. The thought was mere mad- ness. It shows how little knowledge he possessed either of himself or of the Queen. From early life his overbearing disposition had been a continual source of trouble to his royal patron; she could not but know that, as principal minister, the man whom as a court minion she had found it impossible to govern would have been her master; and he ought to have observed that in no part of her administration had the Queen exhibited more ac- curacy of judgment, or more absolute determination of vsdll, than in her selection of the fittest persons for her official advisers. The Qvieen preferred Sir Robert Cecil, and thenceforward Essex's feud with him became irreconcileable. Even before the appoint- ments were actually made, although it can scarcely be said that they hung in doubt, Essex's mind was full of projects of the most dangerous character. Office was his aim, not becau.se its trammels would have suited his taste or its duties his capacity, but because it would have given him power which, like the Queen's past benefits, would have been "vnngs to his ambition."* He had "a settled opinion that the Queen could be brought to nothing but by a kind of necessity and authority."^ The only way by which it seems to have occurred to him that he could acquire such autho- rity as was necessary to induce her, or rather to compel her, to appoint him to the desired offices was by an open display of military

" Bactn's Works, vi. 300, ed. Montagu. ^ Ibid. p. 251.

INTRODUCTION. xvii

power, or in otlier words bj an armed rebellion. All liis schemes tended to that point; but even armed rebellion, if it design to be popular, which it must be in order to be successful, must assign a cause, and one of a general character and interest. A purely selfish plea, even in the case of the rebellion of an Essex, would never pass muster with the people. Essex deemed that he found the required cause in the unsettled state of the question of the succession. He drew a veil over himself and his own pretensions and alleged grievances, and set abroad or adopted the monstrous fiction that Cecil and the members of the government were favour- able to the title of the Infanta, that they were pensioners of Spain, and were ready to sell the country to the daughter of Philip II.

To avert so frightful a calamity, Essex was ready at all risks to tak,e the field. His object was to drive these iniquitous and unpatriotic ministers from the councils of the Queen. It was his further inten- tion, as soon as the reins of government were in his hands, to call a parliament in which the ejected ministers should receive their due punishment, and an act be passed for the regulation of the succession to the Crown.

The minute details of Essex's plots are now most difficult to be recovered, and that for various reasons. The common practice of the government at that period to omit from the depositions given in evidence all such passages as wore vumeccssary with a view to a legal conviction, or which it was impolitic to make known, has in this case been a peculiar barrier to historical inquiry. The criminal facts of which Essex was ultimately convicted, the treasonable con- ferences at Drury House, and the consequent London outbreak — to which the depositions used upon his trial were principally applied — constituted but a very small portion of his plot. They were the last crowning acts of folly, but they were only the sequence and result of various previous schemes, all of them not less absurd. It is in these previous schemes that the true clue to his intentions is to be

XVUl INTRODUCTION.

found. But tlicy did not come in question legally at his trial, and the little information we find respecting them in the proceedings on that occasion is altogether unsatisfactory and inconclusive. What then ajDpeared in reference to them rather slipped out than was made known intentionally; what remained behind in the par- tially used depositions, or in depositions altogether unused, was purposely kept back because it implicated persons not before the court, and in some cases persons of such station and im- portance that even the government could not venture to call their acts in question. One of these persons was Lord Montjoy, Essex's successor in the government of Ireland, and then successfully em- ployed in putting down that rebellion of Tyrone with which Essex had fliiled to cope. Another person was King James of Scotland, the almost acknowledged successor to the crown. The govern- ment could scarcely throw suspicion upon him, unless they were prepared to move for his exclusion from the succession. Another reason why they would desire to conceal the actions of these two persons, probably was that one, if not both of them, had really given the government more or less information of Essex's dangerous designs. The same reason no doubt applied to other persons. And there was still another reason, that the information which was ob- tained by the government came out gradually, and much of it after Essex had been beheaded, so that the opportunity of using it in the public proceedings against him was not afforded.

The circumstances under which the fuller information was obtained are worthy of being borne in mind. Essex had evidently hoped that his fate would have been determined upon the simple evidence of his endeavour to rouse the citizens to join him in a movement against the Court. In that case, the only point in his case would have been, what was the legal character of his conduct on that occasion? But the government had carried the inquiry farther back, and on his trial examinations were read of several of his

INTRODUCTION. XlX

principal friends in which they had disclosed certain preliminary conferences, in which the course ultimately endeavoured to he acted out had been resolved upon. These disclosures filled Essex with in- dignation. He viewed them as acts of treachery, and before he left Westminster Hall, with his accustomed impetuosity and want of consideration, returned counter accusations against his friends, and began to play against them the game which he suspected they had put in action against himself His indignation, aided perhaps by religious considerations infused into his mind by an attendant chap- lain, led him to make disclosures exceedingly damaging to those of his friends who yet remained to be tried, and implicating persons who up to that time had not been suspected. He even urged his secretary, CufFe, upon whom he ungenerously laid the principal blame of his own misdoings, to imitate his example and disburdenhis conscience by means similar to those which he had himself adopted. The results may be conceived. Essex himself wrote something in the nature of a confession, contained in four sheets of paper, and others of his accom- plices followed his example with willing pens. The feelings of the time with reference to this conduct may be judged from the follow- ing extract from a contemporary letter of George Carleton to his brother Dudley, the future Secretary of State : ^

" It was strange to see the beginning of this action (whereof I was a beholder) and somewhat strange to consider the circumstances now toward the end. For these noble and resolute men, assured of one another by their imdoubted valour, and combined together by firm oaths, being all taken, severed, examined, and the principals ar- raigned and condemned, fell in the end before their deaths to such plain confessions and accusations one of another, that they seemed to strive who should draw one another in deepest ; and sought by all means to remove the blame and shame of being the first movers and

» State Paper OfiBce, Domestic, 1601, March 25.

XX INTRODUCTION.

contrivers of these their confessed treasonable plots one from another, in which the Earl himself exceeded all other, to all men's wonder. For he accused Cuffe, Sir Christopher Blunt, &c. to be his motors; they excused themselves; Sir Christopher Blunt flatly accused him to have entered into consultation at his being in Ireland for the bringing in of 4000 of the Queen's soldiers then under his com- mandment with him, with full purpose to right himself by force, of such wrongs as he complained he had received here in his absence, unto which there were none made privy but the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Southampton, and himself; which course he avouched at his death had been put in execution, had he not earnestly, and the Earl of Southampton in some measure, dissuaded. Further the Earl of Essex of his voluntary confession accused Sir Henry Neville, Lord Ambassador for France, to be privy and a party to this con- federacy, as they term it, of Drury House (where the secret conven- ticles were kept for three months together before the action, at the least,) whom no man did dream upon, in this case. Whereupon he was presently sent for back again, being in his journey toward France as far as Dover, examined, and committed; and his confes- sions served to accuse others. The like with most of the rest. Sir John Davis is thought to have saved his life with telling first, ^ who otherwise was in with the deepest."

The curious information obtained by this general humour of con- fessing has been but partly made applicable to our history. Some of it is to be found in the State Paper Office, but still more among those papers from Hatfield which have been placed at the disposal of the Camden Society for the purposes of the present volume. I have thought that it would be appropriate to our present subject, and most useful to future historians, if such of these confessions as in any way affect the King of Scotland were added to this volume. In some cases, only a passage here and there in a long

INTilODUCTlON. XXI

examination lias that bearing, but partial publication of such papers is always unsatisfactory. I have preferred, therefore, to print the whole in an Appendix.

As my object is not to write a history of the Essex conspiracy, it will suffice that I point attention to these documents, and notice their contents so far as they relate to King James. It seems clear that Essex had been in correspondence with that sovereign for a considerable time, certainly from the year 1598.^ His letters were written, as CufFe states, from a desire to keep King James stcd- fiist in his Protestantism, then popularly esteemed doubtful, and to concert measures for counteracting the designs of the presumed friends of the Infanta, that is, the members of the Queen's govern- ment. James answered these letters, but neither letters nor answers are known to be in existence. Shortly after Essex's return from Ireland, he was committed, as is well known, to the custody of the Lord Keeper. Essex's friend. Lord Montjoy, anxious for his safety, wrote to King James soliciting his interference. James replied by a messenger, that he " would think of it, and put liim- self in a readiness to take any good occasion." Montjoy, in the depth of his solicitude for the fate of his friend, and urged by Essex to do something for his extrication, — probably also being at the time under the maddening influence of his passion for Essex's sister, sent his Scottish Majesty "a project," as it was termed, the efFcct of which was that James should prepare an army, should march at the head of it to the Borders, should thence fulminate a demand to the English government, of an open declaration of his right to the succession, should support the demand by sending an ambassador into England, and of course, although not so stated, if his demand were refused, should cross the Borders as an invader.

To this notable scheme of a northern armed demonstration, Mont- joy added a proposal on his own part, that, being now about to go to

° Cutt'e, Appendix, p. 8G. CAMD. SOC. d

XXn INTRODUCTION.

Ireland as Lord Deputy, he would bring over from that country one-half of the Queen's army, sent thither to suppress the rebellion of Tyrone, by way of supporting the demand of the Scottish mo- narch. Essex was also to raise his friends within the kingdom ; and the union of the Irish invaders with the army of Essex, to- gether with the aid to be derived from the Scottish demonstration or invasion, was^ calculated upon as sufiicient to effect the de- signed purpose. All this was proposed, and was to be enacted, amidst the customary protestations of a reservation of duty to her Majesty, and all possible respect to the claims of allegiance. Tlie Earl of Southampton informs us, that he wrote to James with an offer to support this preposterous scheme with his " endeavours and his person." The reply of the peaceful James is declared by the Earl of Southampton to have been one of acceptance — " he liked the course well, and would prepare himself for it." (Appendix, p. 97.) Sir Charles Dan vers alleges, with more likelihood, that it was one of evasion, either that he was not ready, or that he could not declare himself until the Irish troops were at Lough Foyle prepared to embark for England.

In the mean time Essex, for whose benefit the dangerous pro- ject had been suggested, was partially released, and for the time the scheme fell to the ground. After some months, the Queen, being probably partly acquainted with some of these treasonable plottings, still continued to regard Essex with disfavour. She would not admit him to her presence, notwitlistanding his many protestations of fidelity and affection. Her firmness excited his impatience, whilst the arrest by the government of the messenger who had been sent on his behalf into Scotland alarmed him. In his fear of some great discovery he called upon his friends again to rouse themselves on his behalf The Earl of South- ampton, an impressionable person, full of flighty notions, and evidently as weak as water, was sent into Ireland to propose

INTRODUCTION. XXlll

to Moiitjoy a partial revival of his former project. King James was for the present left out of the calculation. Sir Charles Dan vers, whom Essex much relied upon, thought that the Irish troops, with the addition of the contingent of the Earl of Essex, would be sufficient for the contemplated purpose, and Southampton was commissioned to express to Montjoy the solicitude of Essex that the army from Ireland should be landed in Wales as soon as possible. But Southampton found things greatly changed with Montjoy. As the Queen's representative in Ireland, with a clear perception of the onerous responsibilities Avhich Avere attached to that position, and full practical experience of the serious diffi- culties and responsibilities connected with rebellion in any shape — removed also from the influence of Essex and of Essex's sister — his judgment had regained its clearness. He saw what ruin he had narrowly escaped, and determined no longer to play with weapons so dangerous and so dishonourable. " He utterly rejected it," are the words of the Earl of Southampton, " as a thing which he could no way think honest, and dissuaded me from thinking of

any more such courses I do protest also before God, I left

the Deputy (as I thought and so I assure myself ) resolved to do her Majesty the best service he could, and repenting that he had ever thought that which might offend her."'*

Montjoy endeavoured to find an excuse for his past folly in the circumstance that he had previously been acting, or proposing to act, in conjunction with the presumptive heir to the throne. " He thought it more lawful," is the account of Sir Charles Danvers, professedly derived from Montjoy himself, " to enter into such a cause with one that had an interest in the succession than otherwise, and though he had been led before, out of the opinion he had to do his country good by the establishment of the succession, and to deliver my Lord of Essex out of the danger he was in, yet now his

' Appendix, p. 97.

-^XIV IXTRODUCTION.

life appeared to be safe, to restore liis fortune only, and save himself from the danger which hung over him by the discovery of tlie former project, and to satisfy my Lord of Essex's private ambition, he would not enter into an enterprise of that nature." *

Again there was a pause in these treasonable speculations. Lord Deputy Montjoy suggested to the Queen's government that his friend Southampton — no less repentant than himself — should be appointed Governor of Connaught. The Queen and Sir Robert Cecil were too well acquainted with the nature of their past transactions to concur in any such appointment. Southampton was rejected, and withdrew into the Low Countries.

But the fire in the heart of Essex was unquenchable. The last fatal project of forcing himself into the Queen's presence by a coup (Vetat, and violently assuming the reins of government in her name, broke upon him. The foolish and unprincipled persons whom he gathered about him encouraged the idea; all means were used to increase his popularity. The " people were persuaded that none was careful of them but he ; the soldiers, that none considered their preferment but he;" to " the purer sort in religion" he appealed by seeming more religious than others; to the Roman Catholics by expressions in favour of toleration and the withdrawal of penalties. All the customary artifices of demagogues were used by him and all around him. Mr. John Littleton, of the family since worthily ennobled, was sent over into the Low Countries to tempt South- ampton to return home and take part in the plot. The representa- tions addressed to him are stated by Southampton in his letter before referred to (Appendix, p. 97). They are perhaps a little too highly coloured ; but, whatever was the nature of Littleton's mission, it is unquestionable that it brought Southampton back to England to run with Essex that career which led one of them to the scaffold, and tlie other so close to it that his escape seemed almost a miracle.

* Danvers, pp. 103, 10-1.

INTRODUCTION.

Essex would again have applied to IMontjoy for the troops to be landed in Wales ; but being assured of" the inutility of any such pro- posal, he limited his request to a letter in which Montjoy should complain of the ill government of the State, and express his wish that some course might be taken to remove her Majesty's bad ad- visers. Southampton declared that Montjoy would not write any such letter — " there was no spirit in him towards any such course;" and if Montjoy had been totally free from the weakness of his father, who ruined himself and his family by the vain pursuit of alchemy, he would peremptorily have rejected such a proposal. But the fascination of Essex kept him in awe, and, although he protested against his schemes, and urged him to patience, and the use of ordinary means to recover the Queen's favour, he told him, that if he would needs have a letter from him, he would send him such a one as he could justify. Either this was not the kind of letter which Essex desired, or the denouement came on too rapidly, for no letter seems ever to have been written.

The King of Scotland, the other party to the original scheme of the three armies, was not forgotten. A letter to him was debated and finally agreed upon about Christmas time in 1600, by the Earls of Essex and Southampton, Sir Charles Danvers, and CufFe. The purport of only one part of it appears. That was to urge the King to send up the Earl of Mar to London, by the first of February, as an ambassador to the Queen ; but to act, in that character, in concert with the Earl of Essex, so as to promote the objects of some con- templated movement. Essex and his friends knew, by this time, that the government was watching them with eagles' eyes.'' It was difiicult therefore to communicate with King James by any messenger who should not excite suspicion. Such a messenger was

» The expression is Sir Robert Cecil's (State Paper Office, Doni. Feb. 13, 1600-1), but was applied by him to the suspicious scrutiny with which the proceedings of Essex were watclied in Ireland.

XXvi INTRODUCTION.

found in a person who is described as " Norton tlie bookseller," not Bonham Norton, but his cousin who stands in the list of printers as " John Norton, Esquire." This Esquire printer kept shop in St. Paul's Churchyard, and had business connections with Scotland, wliich would render his journey to Edinburgh in the dead of winter less liable to suspicion. He had very lately been engaged in the republication of a book of public interest,* originally printed in Scotland, by royal command. Cuffe, it will be seen, leaves him a legacy in his will (printed in the Appendix, p. 92), and mentions him in terms which almost lead to the infei'ence that he had induced Norton to lend himself to this dangerous employment. Norton received Essex's letter at Berwick from the hands of Lord Willoughby, the Queen's governor of that town, — how conveyed to him, or whether with his knowledge of the contents, does not appear. Norton was to deliver it to the Scottish King, and his Majesty was solicited to return his answer " in dis- guised words of \i.e. relating to] three books," which it is said he did. The scribe who penned the examination from which we quote, began to write the names of the three books which were disguisedly to stand in place perhaps of those of Essex, King James, and the Earl of Mar ; but having written thus far, " vizt. Garrie Lonyes," he desisted and struck his pen through what he had written. The last word is confused by the attempt at cancellation, and is difficult to be made out ; I am not sure that I read it accurately. The word " Garrie" may perhaps mean " Gowrie," and have reference to the account published of the Gowrie conspiracy.

James's answer has not been found, nor have I discovered any allusion to its contents. We may conclude that it was to a certain

* " A Discoverie of the unnatural and traiterous Conspiracie of Scottish Papists against God and his Church ... set down as it was confessed by Maister George Ker and David Graham of Feutrie." Lond. 4to. 1593. The book related to the conspiracy known as that of the " Spanish Blanks."

INTRODUCTION. xxvii

extent favourable — first, because it was preserved by Essex with great care ; and secondly, because, in consequence of Essex's request, the Earl of IVIar was expected to arrive, and did actually arrive, in London, although not at the time appointed.

The point of the Earl's careful preservation of King James's letter is thus made out. Several of the examinations indicate that Essex was accustomed to wear round his neck a small black taffeta bag, or purse, for it is called by both names. In this purse he kept, as he himself says, " a paper, which contained not in quantity above a quarter of a sheet, and in it there was not above six or seven lines." He further described it as " an adver- tisement sent unto him, and not of his own hand, but written by another man."^ All this very well describes what James's answer may have been, and CufFe distinctly says that the answer of the King of Scots " was it which the Earl carried about him in a black purse." Southampton asserts the same thing. The Earl himself, when in- terrogated on the subject, declared, that on his return to Essex House, after his failure in the City, he took the paper out of the bag and threw it into the fire, in the presence of his wife and sister, and the lords, knights, and gentlemen who were then with him. The govern- ment, deeply interested in tracing out and securing the evidence of every ramification of the conspiracy, especially so far as related to King James, directed Sir John Peyton, the Lieutenant of the Tower, to search the person and clothes of the Earl for the black bag. Sir John's report of the way in which he performed his disagreeable duty, couched in terms of jailor-like particularity, will be found in the Appendix, p. 80. The search was entirely unpro- ductive, and was conclusive against the Earl's having any such bag in his possession whilst in the Tower. Edward Bushell, it shovdd be added, one of the persons examined in reference to the conspiracy, and who was probably the first to give information respecting this

■ Peyton, Appendix, p. 81.

XXVIU INTRODUCTION.

black bag, stated, that when the Earl came back to Essex House he said, " that if a black purse [originally written ' bag,'] he had about his neck were found, it should appear by that was in it, how he was betrayed in the City." Both accounts are probably true; the Scottish letter may liave been ordinarily and principally kept in tlie bag; but some paper, received at tlie last moment, perhaps from SheriiF Smyth, who was Essex's principal reliance in the City, may have been temporarily deposited there. There can be little doubt that, whatever were the contents of the bag, they were presumed by Essex to be inculpatory of the writer, or writers, if there were really two papers, or of himself, and that Essex destroyed them on tlie occasion above mentioned. His rebellion of a day having miserably failed, and his fate staring him in the face, he consigned to the flames many papers over and above those in the black purse. Besides the written paper or papers, the purse contained the key of a little iron chest, in which there was " a book of his troubles, all written with his own hand." He had also another " little iron chest," of which the key was lost. He broke it open, and took out " divers private papers and letters that no man's eye ever saw but his own " — perhaps letters from the Queen — and destroyed them all, together with the book of his troubles, and the contents of the black purse.

The fact that the Earl of ]\Iar was expected by Essex, is unques- tionable. Essex prepared a paper of instructions for him, of which Cuife gives the main particulars, in Appendix, p. 82. It states, at considerable length, the assumed facts from which Essex inferred, or would have had the King of Scots infer, that the members of the Queen's government were in a conspiracy against his interest. From one of Cuffe's letters, it also appears that it was the Earl's intention to send " some well-qualified confidant" to meet the Earl of Mar before his arrival in London. The object of this confidant would have been to understand " the full resolution of the principal

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

]^aity from whom he [Mar] was sent," and, according as it was found to be thorouglily favourable to Essex's views, or not, so Mar was to be dealt with. If Mar's instructions from King James were such as Essex desired, the part which the ambassador was to play in London was clearly defined for him by Essex in these instructions.

I cannot doubt that the arrival of Mar and his coadjutor — for James joined with him in his embassy Mr. Edward Bruce, the titular abbot of Kinloss, a lawyer of eminence in the Scottish courts — was purposely delayed. They left Edinburgh about the middle of February, with a train of forty persons. Such a cavalcade at that time of the year travelled slowly. Essex was executed on the 25th February. It was well into March before the Earl of Mar and his companions reached London. ^^.

In that interval an extraordinary change had taken place in the state of England, and in the position of the question of the succession ; but, blinded by the representations of Essex, full of deep-seated prejudices, and living at a distance from the scene of action, James comprehended little of the real character of the new position in ■ which he was placed. He was iniinltely grieved for the fate of Essex. It was In vain that those about him pointed out that the popular Earl would have been as dangerous to the hopes of the presumptive successor as he was to the peace of the actual sovereign. James termed him his martyr, and expressed him- self strongly against Sir Robert Cecil, whom he still believed to be his enemy. In James's second instructions to the Earl of Mar and his fellow ambassador, written after the death of Essex,'* he proceeds upon the supposition that there was a serious disagree- ment between the Queen and the jDeople. He instructs his ambas- sadors how to finesse according to the nature of this dlsagrce-

* Their first instructions written before tliat event liave not been found. CAMD. SOC. e

XXX INTRODUCTION.

meiit, and the prospect of a consequent rebellion. He directs tliem to crave of the Queen and Council, or, as he more frequently terms them, " the present guiders," the release of all persons imprisoned for going into Scotland without licence, and a declaration to be entered of record that he was untouched by any action or practice ever intended against her Majesty, especially by that of Essex ; also to solicit them to put a difference between those of her subjects who dealt with him and those that practised with her greatest enemies; also that the Queen would liberally consider of his necessities, and would bear in mind her old promise not to do anything in prejudice of his future right. On these heads he directed them to assure Mv. Secretary and her principal guiders that if the King found his requests answered, he would make account of their affections towards him accord- ingly. He authorised his ambassadors in that case to give them full assurance of his favour, ' ' especially to Mr. Secretary, who is king there in effect." If they could get nothing but a flat and obstinate denial to all their requests, "which," he says, "I do surely look for," he directs them to inform the Queen that he should pray to God to open her eyes, and to let her see how far she was wronged by such base instruments about her as abused her ear, and that, although he should never give her occasion of grief, yet the day mio-ht come when he would crave account of her ministers of their presumption, and when there should bo no bar betwixt him and them; "and ye shall plainly declare," he proceeds, "to j\Ir. Secretary and his followers, that since now, when they are in their kingdom, they will thus misknow me, when the chance shall turn I shall cast a deaf ear to their requests ; and whereas now I would have been content to have given them, by your means, a pre-assurance of my favour if at this time they had pressed to deserve the same, so now, they contemning it, may be assured never hereafter to be heard, but all the Queen's hard usage of me to be hereafter craved at their

INTRODUCTION. XXXl

hands; and thus shall ye part, without any just ofience to the Queen, please the humour of the people, and use no greater threatenings than such as I shall be very able to perform in the own time." **

These instructions have been praised as an exhibition of King James's sound judgment and clear apprehension; they rather indicate his want of information, and folly. They are a manifestation of the spirit which had been i-aised by Essex, and, if acted upon, would have gone far to have been fatal to King James's hopes of succession. That the ambassadors of a prince who had been mainly kept on his throne by Elizabeth, and for many years had received a handsome annuity from her bounty — a prince who owed her respect, if not allegiance, as the head of his house — should have been instructed to address her in the language which is above quoted, and that, among other reasons, in order to buy popularity, or, as it is termed, to please the humour of the people, and thus to pave the way to the throne, was an act of almost incredible want of wisdom. It was fortunate for James that his ambassadors were wiser or had better means of observation than himself.

A few days' residence in London must have convinced them of the necessity of adopting a very different course. They would there have learned that the asserted support of the Spanish title by Sir Robert Cecil had been proved to be a wild and mon- strous fiction, by one of the most striking incidents in our history. It occurred in court on Essex's trial. Credulous in the belief of anything which told against his opponents, Essex justified his declaration, made openly in the streets of London, that the Crown of England was sold to the Spaniard, by asserting that he had been told that Sir Robert Cecil had said to one of his fellow-councillors that the Infanta's title was as good as that of any other person. On the instant, Cecil, who had been sitting within ear-shot, but in some

* Lord Ilailcs's Secret Correspondence, pp. 9, 10.

XXXll INTRODUCTION.

place where he was hidden from observation, stepped forth into the open court. Dropping on his knee to the honourable tribunal, he begged permission to answer " so foul and false' a report."^ The Lord Steward and others of the peers made light of Essex's accusa- tion; but Sir Robert persisted in his request, and in a speech of vehement eloquence challenged Essex to name the councillor to whom he was stated to have spoken those words: "Name him, if you dare; if you do not name him, it must be believed a fiction !" Essex, thus openly challenged, turned to his fellow- prisoner, the Earl of Southampton, and vouched him as having heard the assertion as well as himself. Cecil appealed to South- ampton, by all the love and friendship that had been between thera from their tender years, by the honour of his family and house, and by his Christian profession, to name the suggested councillor. After a little hesitation, Southampton indicated Sir William Knollys, an uncle of the Earl of Essex, and the Comptroller of the Household. Cecil entreated that a messenger might instantly be despatched to the Queen to command Sir William's immediate attendance in Westminster Hall. Mr. Knevet was directed to wait upon the Queen accordingly, Cecil charging him, "as he was a gentleman and tendered his reputation," not to acquaint Mr. Comptroller with the cause of his being needed, and to assure the Queen, that if either out of her care for Cecil's reputation, or out of her love to Mr. Comptroller, who was her relative, her aunt Mary Boleyn's grandson, she denied to send him, Cecil vowed upon his salvation that he would never again serve her as a councillor while he lived. The cause proceeded during Knevet's absence. In due time he returned into a crowded court, in which every heart must have fluttered with anxiety. He came accompanied by Sir William Knollys. Sir William stood forward. This was the critical moment of Essex's fate, no less than that of Cecil. The answer would be the ruin of

^ Jardine's Criminal Trials, i. 353.

INTRODUCTION. XXXlll

one of them. What a breathless hush must there have been among the crowded and excited auditory ! No need to pray silence in the court. The lawyers stood aside whilst the cause was being deter- mined upon an issue which they had not raised. The Lord Steward put the question, *' Did Mr. Secretary ever use any such speeches in your hearing, or to your knowledge?" The answer was prompt and decisive: " I never heard him speak any words to that effect!" The reply must have fallen upon Essex like the stroke of the axe. But there was something more. Sir William proceeded: "There was a seditious book written by one Doleman, which very corruptly disputed the title of the succession, inferring it as lawful to the Infanta of Spain as any other; and Mr. Secretary and I being in talk about the book, Mr. Secretary spake to this effect : ' Is it not strange impudence in that Doleman to give an equal right in the succession to the Crown to the Infanta of Spain as any other?' Hereupon was grounded the slander upon Mr. Secretary, whereof he is as clear as any man here present." The witness returned to his attendance in the palace. Essex apologised, but his cause was lost ; his principal pretence for rebellion was cut from under him, the chief link which bound him to the hearts of his adherents was severed, he stood before them the champion of a lie. " I confess I have said," added Cecil, with scarcely more than allowable triumph, " I have said that the King of Spain is a competitor of the Crown of England, and that the King of Scots is a competitor, and my lord of Essex I have said is a competitor; for he would depose the Queen, and call a parliament, and so be king himself; but as to my affec- tion to advance the Spanish title to England, I am so far from it, that my mind is astonished to think of it, and I pray God to con- sume me where I stand, if I hate not the Spaniard as much as any man living !"

In this incident there was far better instruction for the ambas- sadors of King James than in the paper dictated by his own petu-

XXxiv INTRODUCTION.

lance and misinformation. They soon fonnd it to be so. Cecil had refuted the Essex slander, he had repudiated the King of Spain, but the question remained — whom did he favour ? The juxtaposition in which he had placed the King of Scots in the passage just quoted seemed almost to answer the question; but could not an explicit declaration be drawn from him ? The Scottish ambassadors deter- mined to try. Cecil favoured their attempt. His situation had been materially altered by the removal of Essex. In England his power had been greatly increased; towards Scotland he stood in a new position. The influence of his opponent had ceased, the untruths circulated against him, merely, as Essex is said to have admitted in his confession, ad faciendum populum, had been swept away. James could now, therefore, be fairly approached, and there were circum- stances which rendered such approach desirable — the Queen's growing infirmities; the fiissy anxiety and curious self-conceit of James, which laid him open to deceits and misleadings on all hands; and the fact that Essex's death had not removed all those who sought to derive personal advantage from intrigues in reference to the succes- sion. It is clear that, although upon Cecil's principles a parliamentary recognition of James's title could not be obtained, it was for the benefit of the country that an understanding with him should be come to by those upon whom would devolve the business of taking the practical initiative in reference to his succession. To have left all that was then to be done to the last moment, and to the hap- hazard determination of the Queen's dying hour, would have been both unstatesmanlike and unpatriotic. Eegard for the Queen's feeling, or folly, if it pleases any body so to term it, rendered it necessary that the understanding should be private ; but regard for the public and the country rendered it imperative that there should be an understanding. Since Sir Robert Cecil's appointment as head of the ministry, no opportunity until this time had been offered for anything of the kind. It came now, and he took advantage of it.

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

A meeting was held between Cecil and the ambassadors, appa- rently on their request, at the Duchy House, that is, the house of the Duchy of Lancaster in the Strand. Probably some cause of con- ference was assigned in reference to James's solicitation for an increase to his allowance, or to his claim of the right of succession to the lands of his paternal grandmother, Margaret Countess of Lennox. However that may be, the conference was held, overtures were made to Cecil by James's ambassadors, he replied to them without disguise, and thence ensued the understanding out of which sprang the following letters.

Among Cecil's terms stipulated with the ambassadors were the following : —

1. That an absolute respect should be paid to the feelings of the Queen, and therefore that there should be a cessation of all en- deavours on the part of King James to procure any parliamentary or other recognition of his right to the succession ; and

2. That all intercourse between Cecil and the King should be kept an inviolable secret, so that it might never reach the ears of the Queen, with whom it would be a subject of misconstruction and an occasion of the deepest offence against both parties.

In order to carry out these terms of arrangement, a series of num- bers, which should represent the principal persons whose names were likely to be introduced in any communication by or on the part of Cecil or James, was agreed upon, and these numbers will be found to be used throughout the following Correspondence : —

0 was The Earl of Northumberland.

2 „ Sir Walter Raleigh [?].

3

7

8

9

10

Lord Henry Howard. Lord Cobham. Mr. Edward Bruce. Mr. David Foulis. Sir Robert Cecil.

XXXVl INTRODUCTION.

20 was The Earl of Mar.

24 ,, -Queen Elizabeth.

30 ,, King James.

40 ,, A coUeagvie of Cecil's, but who has not been discovered. The report which Mar and Bruce made to their sovereign of the results of this important conference was quickly followed by the first of these secret letters, addressed by King James to Cecil. James commended, it will be seen, Cecil's plain and honourable dealing with his ambassadors, and suggested that Lord Henry Howard, whom he recommended to Cecil in terms which indicate that he did not suppose that Lord Henry had hitherto been much in Cecil's con- fidence, should be the " sure and secret interpreter " between them. Out of Cecil's concurrence in this suggestion arose that corre- spondence which was published at Edinburgh in 1766, in a small 12mo volume, under the title of " The Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil with James VL King of Scotland."

The letters thus published are unquestionably genuine. They agree in every way with those now brought to liglit, and, although all written by or to Lord Henry Howard, in a certain sense they constituted a " secret correspondence " between James and Cecil; but they were not their only nor their principal secret correspondence. The letters now published were the only correspondence which can with strict propriety be so entitled.

It is not my intention to dwell on the contents of the letters now published. They speak for themselves, and must be read by all persons who desire to understand this incident in our history, or the feelings of the several parties; but I cannot refrain from pointing attention to the second letter, which is Cecil's first direct address to his royal correspondent. It contains an explanation of his past conduct, a vindication of the step taken by him in opening up this secret com- munication, a full assurance of the state of the Queen's mind, and

INTRODUCTION. XXXVll

plain advice with respect to James's future conduct. In all these points the letter alluded to will be found clear and satisfactory. Cecil's vindication against the accusations of Essex had been effected before the correspondence was opened. That James believed him to have been wronged by Essex, and promised henceforth not to credit adverse rumours without inquiry of himself, constituted the foundation of Cecil's whole proceeding. For the future, he entreats the King to quiet his thoughts in reference to the Queen, to dismiss from his mind all apprehension that she entertained any alienation of heart from him, and to pluck vip by the roots any notion that she was inclined to " cut off the natural branch and graft upon some wild stock ;" he warns him of endeavours made by many persons to prejudice the Queen against him, and urges the adoption of clear and temperate courses to secure her Majesty's heart, " to whose sex and quality nothing is so improper as either needless expostulations or over-much curiosity in her own actions." He assures the anxious King that so long as he keeps from virging his pretensions he may sleep secure, so far as concerns the Queen, Above all things, he cautions him against being over busy and anxious to prepare the people for the coming event. The whole letter deserves the most careful attention and study. As an indication of the course of policy recommended by Cecil to James, and from this time acted upon by him, it is peculiarly valuable. In that view,^ it fully establishes for Cecil the honour of having, by his advice and manage- ment, brought his aged sovereign to the grave in domestic peace and with untarnished lustre, and secured the transference of the crown from the house of Tudor to that of Stuart with the same' tranquillity that it might have passed from father to son.^

The correspondence began between March and June, 1601. Dur- ing the two years that elapsed between the former of those dates and the death of Queen Elizabeth, all the letters now published were

» Hume, cap. xlv. CAMD. SOC. /

xxxviii INTRODUCTION.

written. Throughout that time it is obvious tliat there was a gradual but steady increase in Cecil's influence, not only in England, but over the flighty self-conceited James. His Majesty's eyes were at length opened to the danger of Essex's plottings. He learned to write of him as '' a noble gentleman," but one in whom he " lost no great friend " (p. 65). On the other hand, Cecil's solid business qualities won their way, until from intense dislike the King passed to the most ardent admiration. He came to see how entirely the minister's policy, neither blind nor overtrusting, but persistently quiet and quieting, was surely working in the direction which his Majesty desired to steer. There was something, too, in the mystery of the cor- respondence, and the little plots and concealments and evasions and denials to which both parties had recourse in order to secure their secret, which was quite to the King's taste. It smacked of the state- craft which was then too generally practised by all parties, and was pretty nearly King James's idea of the perfection of wisdom. Sometimes an occasional doubt came over him. He longed to be doing something to widen or to strengthen, as he thought, his foun- dations, and the correspondence now published, as well as other letters which passed from 1601 to 1603 between Cecil and Nicol- son, and the Master of Gray, and which exist in the State Paper Office or at Hatfield, show that Cecil occasionally found it difficult to repress the disposition to make surety doubly sure, which was natural under James's circumstances, as well as the unwise and unwary gossip in which it was part of his nature to engage.

The secret of this correspondence was well preserved. Known to half a dozen persons (King James, Cecil, Lord Henry Howard, the Earl of Mar, Bruce, and Foulis), and probably to several others, nothing ever occurred to betray it to any of the inquisitive persons by whom the leading parties were surrounded. James, on one occasion, dropped unwary words, which Nicolson, the English agent in Scotland, instantly caught up and communicated to Cecil. A

INTRODUCTION. XXXIX

Strong denial written by Cecil to Nicolson in reply, In a form designed to be communicated to tlie King, either put an end to Nicolson's suspicions, or demonstrated to liim, as well as to James, that the subject was not one to be talked about. Many persons suspected that there was an understanding between the King and the minister, but no accident ever revealed its exact character. A well-known story, which stands upon the authority, excellent in many respects, of Sir Henry Wotton, and by him asserted to be " precisely true,"" proves the hazard of detection which Cecil occasionally ran, and the ease with which he could extricate himself by a stroke of mother-wit. " The Queen," says Wotton, "having for a good while not heard any thing from Scotland, and being thirsty of news, it fell out that her Majesty, going to take the air towards the Heath (the Court being then at Greenwich), and Master Secretary Cecil then attending her, a post came crossing by and blew his horn. The Queen, out of curiosity, asked him from whence the despatch came, and being answered ' From Scotland,' she stops the coach and calleth for the packet. The Secretary, though he knew there were In it some letters from his correspondents, which to discover were as so many serpents, yet made more show of diligence than of doubt to obey, and asks some one that stood by (forsooth, in great haste), for a knife to cut up the packet (for otherwise he might have awaked a little apprehension); but in the mean time approaching with the packet in his hand, at a pretty distance from the Queen, he telleth her it looked and smelt ill-favouredly, coming out of a filthy budget, and that it should be fit first to open and air it, because he knew she was averse from ill scents. And so, being dismissed home, he got leisure by this seasonable shift to sever what he would not have seen."

Cecil's eyes seem to have been ever open to the possibility of his correspondence coming to the knowledge of the Queen. His

» Reliq. Wotton. p. 169, ed. 1672.

xl INTRODUCTION.

letters now published were clearly written with that idea in his mind, and he was careful to keep about him persons who could be trusted with a secret of such importance, or those who had not wit enough to draw inferences from what they might possibly see going on around them. An instance in proof of this occurred in July 1602. Cecil had at that time a Secretary named Simon Willis, a man of ability, but a pushing, excitable, ambitious person. Of a sudden he was dismissed. The cause privately assigned was "insolence and harsh behaviour " " to his master; but Willis, jus- tifying his dismissal, went to Rome, and, with the accustomed zeal of such converts, strove to make himself conspicuous, and of use to his new church. Half-a-dozen years afterwards, when James was well seated on his English throne, Cecil was desirous to ascertain something of Willis's doings at Rome, and wrote upon the subject to Sir Henry Wotton, then ambassador from England to Venice. He prefaced his letter thus : —

" You know Simon AVillis, whom, about a year before the Queen died, I discharged of my service, partly for his pride, whom pro- vender had pricked, but principally because I was loath he should have come to some discovery of that correspondency which I had with the King our Sovereign, which without great difficulty I could not have avoided, considering his daily and near attendance as my Secretary, to whose eyes a packet or a paper might have been so visible, as he might have raised some such inferences thereof as might have bred some jealousy in the Queen's mind, if she had known it, or heard any such suspicion to move from him. Wherein, although I hope you remain secure, if her Majesty had known all I did, how well these [she ?] should have known the innocency and constancy of my pi'csent faith, yet her age and orbity, joined to the jealousy of her sex, might have moved her to think ill of that .

^ Chamberlain's Letters during tlie reign of Elizabetli, edited by Miss AVilliams for the Camden Society, pp. 151, 154.

INTRODUCTION. xli

which helped to preserve her. For what could more quiet the expectation of a successor, so many ways invited to jealousy, than when he saw her ministry, that were most inward with her, wholly bent to accommodate the present actions of the state for his future safety, when God should see his time?" He further assured him that this cause of Willis's putting away was known to most of those great men with whom in this correspondence he was associated, and then proceeded to th6 main purpose of his letter, which is not connected with our present subject.*

Some persons, who may be presumed to have known more or less of the correspondence, are indicated by the seals still remaining attached to many of the letters now published. In only one case, and that not a royal letter (p. 52), is there a seal which clearly belonged to the King himself. The others are seals of Sir Thomas Erskine ("afterwards Earl of Kellie), Patrick Young, David Foulis, and Edward Bruce, all well known persons in connection with the royal household, or with this correspondence. It would seem to have been the King's practice, in reference to his letters to Cecil, to use the seal of some member of his household, acquainted with the secret, who chanced to be in attendance upon him at the moment when the letter was despatched.^

It is a curiovis subject of speculation in what way letters of such great importance and secrecy were conveyed from London to Edin- burgh. The ordinary mode of government conveyance was that described by Sir Henry Wotton, The packet, inclosed in a budget or wallet, was carried by a special messenger who rode post, that is, on horses furnished by the postmasters at the ordinary stage towns, and accompanied by a guide or servant of the postmaster, who

* CoUins's Sydney Papers, ii. 326.

•> In describing and identifying these seals, I have had the great advantage of the assistance of Thomas William King, Esq., York Herald. His perfect aeciuaintanee with all heraldic subjects, and the zeal with which he aids literaiy inquirers, cannot be too frequently commemorated.

xlii INTRODUCTION.

attended to the hired horses on the road, and after the traveller had completed his stage brought them back to the place of departure. Such a mode of conveyance, at a time when men are presumed to have been rough and unscrupulous, and over such roads as then existed, seems as if it must have been dangerous and exposed to many chances. Private travellers no doubt sometimes got roughly handled, and the ordinary messenger or letter-carrier of the postmaster was occasionally waylaid and robbed of a par- ticular letter or packet, but my recollection does not supply me with any instance of the stoppage or loss of a government packet conveyed in the way that I have indicated. Still, I cannot think that these letters were forwarded by any common channels. Letters to Edinburgh passed ordinarily through Berwick, and the messengers were subjected to inquiry by the government authorities of that Border garrison. Certainly these letters did not go to George Nicolson, the ordinary English agent in Scotland (the "pigeon" of this correspondence and that published by Lord Hailes) , for delivery to the Scottish King;. A g-overnmcut messenfrer brine-in sr letters to any other person than Nicolson, would have given occasion to more suspicion and inquiry than any of the parties to this corre- spondence would have desired to excite. I incline therefore to the supposition that they must have been conveyed by special and secret messengers, and probably by or through diplomatic agents of the Scottish sovereign, not ordinarily carriers of letters.

It has been asserted that they were conveyed round by Dublin, a mode of transit which seems full of difficulties. It is true that the messenger going that route would not be liable to the same suspicion as he would if taking the direct road to Edinburgh ; but such a rovmdabout way must have added immensely to the danger and the chances of accident. It must have been as diffi- cult to get the letters to Dublin as to Edinburgh, if not more so. In Dublin, James had certainly two trusty agents — i\Ir. Jaincs Hamilton and Mr. James Fullerton, two Scotchmen connected

INTRODUCTION. ^^^i;-^^iFOI^Nl^/ xllii

with Trinity College, Dublin. Hamilton was the eldest of the six adventurous sons of Hans Hamilton of Dunlop, who all sought fortune in Ireland, ana founded families in that country, mem- bers of several of which have been ennobled. Fullerton's origin was humble, but both were men of learning, and both, for several years before the death of Elizabeth, were in direct communication with the court of Scotland as political agents. The story told about them is, that they were sent into Ireland by King James in the year 1587, to keep alive and advance his interests in that country. The better to disguise their object, they established a school in Dublin, and took upon them the places of master and usher. Among their pupils they had the honour of numbering the illustrious Usher, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh. On the esta- blishment of Trinity College, Dublin, Hamilton was appointed a Fellow, and in that capacity continued his tutorship of Usher, who followed him to Trinity College in 1593, at the age of thirteen. Hamilton was much employed in the affairs of the College and of his master King James, and is traceable in the correspondence of the period, now in Scotland, now in Ireland, now in England. He was anxious to have arranged with the English government for the em- ployment of Scottish troops in Ireland against Tyrone, and was. recommended to effect that object by Sir Eichard Bingham, who praised his honest carriage and loyal demeanour, and described him as having lived in Ireland with the good liking and commendation of the State and best-affected.'* It is perfectly possible that he may have been one of the messengers employed in the transmission of this secret correspondence, and there was a tradition that he was so. The rewards heaped upon him very shortly after James's accession, indicate that his services had been of a kind which were deemed to have deserved ample recompense. Weighty grants to him are quoted from the Patent Rolls, ultimately cidminating in his elevation to the peerage in 1622, by the titles of Lord Hamilton

» Ireland, State Paper Office, 1600, Feb. 1.

xliv INTRODUCTION.

and Viscount Claneboy. Ho survived until the 23rd January, 1643-4."

The usher Fullerton's services are not so obvious; but after James's accession he removed to England, and not only attained to high offices about the Court, but procured also some of those con- venient grants which courtiers generally managed to appropriate to themselves. The last office held by him was that of Groom of the Stole to Charles I., said to have been worth 2,500^. per annum.^ He died in January, 1630-1, and was interred in Westminster Abbey by torchlight, his body being accompanied from his house in Broad Street by a procession of one hundred coaches. A news-writer, in communicating the intelligence, remarks, " Little did he think of such grandeur when he was visher of the Free School in Dublin, and Sir James Hamilton, since created Viscount Claneboy, and now one of the greatest subjects in that kingdom, schoolmaster, where they laid the first foundation of their fortune, in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, by conveying the letters of some great lords of England, who worshipped the rising sun, to King James, and his letters back to them ; this way of obliquity being chosen as more safe than the direct northern road."" Here, at any event, we have the tradition.'^

Among the Scottish agents of the highest class who may have been similarly employed, David Foulis was probably one. He came with the Earl of Mar and Bruce as their secretary, and was several

» Lodge's Peerage, ed. Archdall, iii. 1 ; and Strype's Life of Sir Tliomas Smith, p. 137.

'' Court and Times of Charles I., ii. 89.

<^ Court and Times, ii. 89, 90. Fullerton's punning epitaph was, I suppose, written by Fuller.

^ Bishop Goodman says that " the correspondency was ever sent by the French post, and not by Berwick," which seems more improbable than the asserted transmission by way of Ireland. The Bishop follows this statement with a singular perversion of the story quoted at p. xxxix. from Wotton. It is evident that he had not any accurate information upon the subject. (Court of James I. i. 32.)

INTRODUCTION. xlv

times sent to London to receive the allowance paid to James by Queen Elizabeth. He attained his reward in estates in Yorkshire, but fell under the displeasure of Lord Wentworth, the subsequent Earl of Strafford, and the censure of the Court of Star Chamber, in the reign of Charles I.

As the time drew on for the realisation of James's longf- cherished liopes — when, according to his own figure, he was to change the wild unruly colt which it had been his hard and weari- some business to manage, for the towardly riding horse which was ridden by St. George (p. 31) — his anxiety and that of his friends increased. As early as November, 1599, when, under the blinding influence of Essex, and almost regardless of the goodwill of Eliza- beth, or the maintenance of a good understanding with her Ministers, then supposed to be Spanishly affected, James procured it to be suggested to his principal nobility of Scotland that they should enter into a league or "Band" for the preservation of his person, and the pursuit of his right to the crowns of England and Ireland. Such an engagement was accordingly entered into. He also solicited from his Parliament, perhaps in connection with the Montjoy plot of the three armies, which had just been proposed to him, a liberal grant for warlike purposes in reference to the succession. " He was not certain," he told them, " how soon he should have to use arms; but whenever it should be, he knew his right, and would venture crown and all for it".* The Scottish burghers gave no support to these wild and foolish schemes, calculated only to irritate Elizabeth, to render James himself unpopular in England, and to play the game of Essex.^

* Scotland, State Paper Office, Dec. 15, 1559. Nicolson to Cecil.

'' The Bond entered into by the Scottish nobility attracted little attention in England, although well enough known. Chamberlain notices it as an article of news in a letter to Dudley Carleton, dated 22 Feb. 1600. See Chamberlain's Letters during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, edited by Miss Williams for the Camden Society, p. 66, CAMD. SOC. ff

xlvi INTRODUCTION..

After the fall of Essex, and tlie understanding with Cecil, all James's tactics were changed. He became the most alFectionate of relations to the Queen. To disturb the amity between them was a thing not to be dreamed of " With what mask or veil," he asks, could I cover that blot to mine honour, in being the first breaker of (for an untimely ambition) that long-continued friendship be- twixt the Queen and me, especially at this time when, by my long honest behaviour towards her, I have at last attained to a more inward and confident amity with her than ever was betwixt us here- tofore?" (pp. 62, 63.)

The idea of employing arms against England Avas shocking to him. " He could neither be religious, wise, nor honest," to do anything of the kind. " How," he innocently inquires, "could I be religious to prevent God's leisure by unlawful anticipation, and to do that wrong to my neighbour the like whereof I would be loth to suffer in my own person? It were very small wisdom by climbing of ditches and hedges for pulling of nnripe fruit, to hazard the breaking of my neck, when by a little patience and abiding the season, I may with far more ease and safety enter the gate of the garden, and enjoy the fruits at my pleasure in the time of their greatest maturity." In these quaint similes we see the evidence and the results of Cecil's influence.

But some of his gentry, who were not in the secret, did not display anything like the King's calmness and equanimity. Ignorant of his actual position, they even thought to win his favour by exhibiting their zeal for his unrecognised rights. An example occurs in a letter of Xicolson's, in Vol. 92, No. 130(2), of the Hatfield letters, which may be quoted as an unpublished evidence of the fact. This letter is dated " Brighen [Brechin], the 16 of April, 1602." Nicolson writes —

" The King remaynes still in these partes feasted vp and downe the contry, and very kyndely caryenge me with him, and playenge

INTRODUCTION. xlvii

at mawe against Mr. Lepton and me. At his being at Kynnarde he was well entertayned and welcomed, where in drinck the larde of the house thought he should have pleased the King by drinckingo to the joyninge of thes two kingdomes in one, and soone, and sayeing he had forty muskitt ready for the Kinges service to that vse; which the King saide was a faulte in him to- wish soone, or by force, and protested he wished no haste but Godes tyme in it, and lier ]\Iajestie's dales to be longc and happie without any abridgment of them or howre of them, for any cause or kingdom to him ; prayeng God if lie wished otherwaies in the secrett of his harte, that he neuer enjoyed his owne kingdome or life, with many good wordes of her Majesty, and protestacones that he looked not for it by force but by right, when that day should come, and with fauor of the people and not as a conqueror. And, by the way, in his goinge from thence to Montrosse, he protested in his discourse with me, his vpright and true harte to her Majesty to be neuer to wishe or know her hurte but to reveale it as God should judge him, and that as her kynsman and commed of her IMajesty he aught her and would performe her alleageance, and would be subject and answere her as her subject so in any thing, albeit as King of Scotland he was not so bounde; with many other better wordes then I can write, acquiting her Majesty of the Queen his mothers dcathe freely. Tlie King intends to write his thanckes to her Majesty and is still impeded, but Avithin few dales will do it. I se him of that good mynde as I can not wish him better, nor do thinck there is any thinge in his powre that he may pleasure her IMajesty in that he will not willingly do, so well affected is he now to her Majesty. He staid in thes partes huntinge, but with mynde also to rcconsile Murray and Huntlay, and to have them at the baptisme, where the younge Prince " I thinck shall not now be; in this tyme also he is doinge justice and agreinge other quarrells in this contry."

* I'rince llt'iiry.

xlviii INTRODUCTION.

The papers at Hatfield give mueli information respecting the final illness of the Queen, and the movements in consequence, both in England and Scotland. The way in which Cecil secured the sixc- cess of his plans for the peaceable accession of the successor, may be clearly gathered from his own papers.

The Queen's illness assumed a decided character early in March, 1602-3. Want of sleep was its first and most continuous symptom, accompanied by weakness and exhaustion. " I am not sick, I feel no pain," she said of herself; " and yet I pine away."a The news spread like wildfire, and with it all kinds of rumours and specula- tions. The citizens were warned to pay attention to watch and ward, and it appears, from a letter of Sir John Carey, Lieutenant- Governor of Berwick, to Sir Eobert Cecil, that as early as the third of March, either Sir Eobert himself or some one whose letter was inclosed in the government packet for Scotland, apprised Sir John " of my Lady of Nottingham's death, and of her Majesty's not having been well." Sir John had long been striving to get leave of absence to come up to the Court — partly, probably, to seek instruc- tions with reference to coming events. It was now, he judged, too late to solicit such permission. With the Queen ill, it was out of the question for him to quit his government. He mi;st, he says, " arm himself with patience perforce."^ On the 9th March, matters had so far advanced that Sir Eobert Cecil took the initiative more deci- dedly. He wrote to Xicolson in Edinburgh the following letter, which is printed from a draft or copy in the handwriting of Levinus ]\Ionck, probably dictated to him by Sir Eobert.

Mr. Nicholson, Although booth the last packetts served for convoye of other mens letters, and this haue noe other great perticuler occasion, yet because I would not haue you ignorant of those thiuges which

^ Ellis's Letters, 2nd Ser. iii. 19i. ^ Hatiield MSS. vol. xcii No. 19.

INTRODUCTION. xlix

are like enough by bruict to passe into tbat kyngdome, espe- cially concerninge matter of that nature wherof I now must write, I haue thought it ray part to acquaynt you as followeth : First, it is trew that till within these ten or twelve dayes I never beheld other shew of sickenes in the Queen, then meerely those thlnges that are proper to age; Next, that now, her Majesty, thankes be to God, is free from any perill ; but because all fleshe is subiect to mortallity, and that all her creatures can never ymagyne to [her ?] to die, or fear to much when ought concerneth her, I must coufesse vnto you, that she hath been soe ill disposed theise eight or nyne dayes, as I am fearefuU least the contynuance of such accidents should bringe her Majesty to future weakenes, and soe to be in danger of that which I hope myne eyes shall never see ; for although she hath good appetite, hath nether cough nor fever, distemper nor inordinate desyre to drincke, yet she is troubled with a heate in her brestes and drynes in her mouth and tongue, which keepes her from sleepe every night, greatly to her disquiett. And this is all, whatsoever you hear otherwise ; for which she never keept her bedd, but was within theise three dayes in the garden. For all other matters I must referr you to the next, and soe committ you to God's proteccon."^

About the 13th of March it was rumoured that the (^ueen was better. On the day following, Lord Cobham wrote to Cecil from his house in the Black Friars, expressing his hope to hear from Cecil " the continuance and assuredness of her Majesty's recovery."^ The amendment was merely a flash of lightning. On the 16th, Sir John Carey writes to Cecil, from Berwick: " I despatched away your last letter to Master Nicolson into Scotland presently, which went in good tyme, for that there came post with the same packett a gentleman of Scotland, called Master Alexander Morrey, who came a thorrowe post from London, although he deneyed it hear,

^ Hatfield M8S. vol. xcii. No. 18 (2). '' Ibid. No. 33.

1 INTRODUCTION.

and brought with him letters of her Majesty's being verey ill; but your packett was at Edenborrowghe befor he came ther, wherbey Master Nicolson had the first knoUedge, wiche the retorno of his packett will fortefey you. Honorabell Sir, youer last letter to me, with the report of Master Morrey , hathe sett suche a grefe so neer my hart as I fear will not eseley be removed, styll doutinge the worst." ^ Nicolson writes the same day from Edinburgh that he was comforted by Cecil's last, and that he prayed for her IMajesty's " yet good and many days . . . albeit some other do advertise secretly otherways."^ The " some other" were probably the correspondents of whose letters Alexander Murray was the bearer.

On the 17th ]\Iarch, the Earl of Rutland, who had been in the Essex outbreak, writes from Belvoir, that Lady Howard had sent him word that the Queen had promised that he should see her and kiss her hand — a parting token of reconciliation ; but that the report of her indisposition was no less grievous than the former was com- fortable. He would pray for her recovery as for his own soul.° On the same day was written from London a letter of the Earl of North- umberland to King James, which will be found at p. 72, and which gives one of the best accounts in general terms of the Queen's ill- ness. She had then been ill almost a month; for the first twelve days her indisposition was kept secret, under the mistaken notion that annoyances in public affairs and the death of Lady Nottingham were the occasion, and that time would restore the patient. These anticipations had totally failed. Sleep and appetite had forsaken her. For twenty days she had scarcely slept at all. Physic she would take none, and serious apprehensions began to be entertained. In these grave circumstances the Council had called upon Lord Thomas Howard, Lord Cobham, and the Earl of Northumberland (being all the noblemen, besides the Council themselves, then in London), to

» Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 42. i' Ibid. No. 43. <: Ibid. No. 46.

INTRODUCTION. H

give their assistance in consultation, and the result was that the Earl became daily more and more convinced of the power of the Secretary, and that he was friendly to King James. " If your Majesty can win him sure to you, you shall give a great hope to your business, and to all our eases,"

On the 19th March, Nicolson writes that the accustomed musters of King James's household had been put off for this time, and a contemplated northern journey with a French ambassador been turned into a Stirling journey to see the young prince.* On the same day Sir Robert Cecil's elder brother Lord Burghley, Lord President of the North, addressed him in a very remarkable letter: — " My desyre is now," he says, " after so manny days paste, to know what is to be lookyd for. Her Majesties yeres consyderyd can bcare no vyolent nor long sycknes. But pryncypally my wrytyng is to know from yow what course yow think fittest for me to hold, for that yow know best what is to be intendyd .... whether to come uppe or to go north- ward. Here I doo intend to make my randyeuouse to be ready ethar way as occasyon shalbe ofFryd. For I thank God I can remayne strong in booth places, by authoritye in thone place, and by love and frendes in these partes. I only doo relye uppon God's prouydence, but yett I thank God not vnprovyded booth of men, horse, and weapons, to defend the ryght, to the which God direct our myndes ; and I hope though we may be farr dystant in myles, yet we shall concurr ' in one harte and in one waye,' as yow repetyd, tlicmbleme of hym that is gone.""^ The allusion is of course to their illustrious father, and to his motto, " Cor uniim, via una" still retained by the elder branch of his descendants. On the same day, probably, Sir Robert Cecil forwarded to King James a copy of the intended proclamation of his accession (p. 47); and Sir Robert Carey des- patched a messenger from Richmond, where the Queen was lying

^ Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 47. •• Ibid. No. 47 (2).

Hi INTRODUCTION.

past all hope. The messenger had audience of King James in his bed at seven in the morning, and delivered his tidings. The Queen, it was affirmed, could not outlive three days ; and Sir Eohert Carey, in anticipation of that journey which brought him fame and fortune, had already placed horses along the Northern road, that he might be the first to bring the King the news of his accession. ,

By the 21st the rumour ran that the Queen was in extremis. The tide now flowed strong towards the North, and the letters here pub- lished picture vividly the arrival of ^successive messengers, and the feverish impatience of King James. Throughout England uncer- tainty and agitation were becoming extreme. Sir John Carey, either craftily, or in utter ignorance of what was to ensue, suggested to Sir Kobert Cecil the propriety of fortifying Berwick, and fur- nishing him, as governor, with victual and munitions. He pictured the wonderful discontent and desperate murmurs of the Scots at rumours that the Lady Arabella was about to be married, and foolishly revived his request to be allowed to come up and be the better resolved how to discharge his duty.«

As the real crisis approached, offers of service and assistance flowed in, some to the Coimcil, and some to Sir Eobert Cecil individually. Official people were bewildered as to what they were to do, and Lord Burghley and Sir John Carey were not the only persons who wished to have a few private words with Sir Robert Cecil ; — the last thing which Cecil would permit. The Lieutenant of the Tower, if I understand rightly the following letter, was as much puzzled and as distrustful as any one. He had already been in communication with King James, who entertained a very exalted idea of his importance, perhaps derived from some conjectured similarity be- tween the situation in reference to the metropolis of the Tower of

» Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 58,

INTRODUCTION. Hil

London, and that of Edinburgh Castle. At sunset on the night of the 22nd March, some directions were sent to Sir John Peyton by the Council, perhaps relating to his prisoners. Some clue to their purport may perhaps be guessed from the following mysterious letter Avhich was his reply: —

" Right Honorable,

"Yesternight, at the shutting of the gates, I receyued your honors letters, having then neither tyme nor means to return answere, as to me in duty appertayned. Tocheing the matter informed, I doe assure me selfe, that in your honorable judgements your [honors] wylle con- ceyve, that I am not so voyde of respect as to immagin that singula- larytye or disorder can geue any advancement vnto meryte, leaueing those hasty cowrses onely to be vsed in suche cases wher ther is an opposytion agaynst right intended, the which I am sure is as farre remoued from every of your honors reasolutions, as it is from my no to doe eny thing that maye preiudys your honorable opinions of me. Most humbly takeing mc leaue. Your honors to doe you all seruyss.

John Peyton. Towre, this 23 of March, 1602."

\_Addressed,'\

" To the right lionorable, my very good lords, the lords and others of her majestyes most honorable pryvye Councell."*

When the Tower gates were next closed after the date of that letter, the Queen was lying in utter unconsciousness. At midnight she fell into a slumber, the state which she had so long desired, but had found to be unattainable. After a couple of hours she awoke, but it was only to die. At three o'clock the consummation had been attained. She had ceased to breathe.

For days and weeks past much public business had been utterly

» Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 65. CAMD. SOC. h

liv INTRODUCTION.

paralysed. Now of a sudden all was bustle and activity. The members of tlie Council who had stood rovmd the Sovereign as she sank to rest shortly afterwards dispersed. Posting to London, the doors of Wliitehall opened for them as the grey dawn of a March morning began to appear. Summonses were issued to other persons whose presence was desired. At six o'clock, as the sun rose, they assembled in the Council Chamber. Cecil produced the proclama- tion which had sounded so harmoniously in tlie ears of James. It was read and settled. If any one spoke of making terms, the analogy of an heir succeeding to a patrimony, was the answer. At ten o'clock the ceremony of proclamation was commenced at Whitehall Gate, at eleven it was repeated at the Cross in Cheapside, and that same night printed copies of the proclamation were transmitted to the new Sovereign. Before he received them the voice of the nation had fiilly ratified the act of the Council ; the will of Henry VIII. had been set aside; all questions respecting inheritable blood had been passed over; James the First was in full possession, and the act of statesmanship of Sir Robert Cecil was complete. In his own words, he had steered King James's ship into the right harbour, without cross of wave or tide that could have overturned a cock-boat.

The present volume originated in two purchases, one made by the Camden Society, and the other by the Editor, of transcripts made many years ago of some of the letters now published. Those transcripts were found to be imperfect, and an application was made to the IMarquis of Salisbury, through the noble Presi- dent of the Camden Society, to know whether he possessed the originals from which the transcripts had been made, and whether, in that case, he would permit the Camden Society's transcripts to be collated. The j\Iarquis answered the appeal made to him in the most liberal spirit. Anxious that any publication which might possibly aflect the reputation for statesmanship of his an-

INTRODUCTION. Iv

cestor Sir Robert Cecil, should represent the actual truth,, the Marquis placed in the hands of the Editor, for the use of the Society, the whole of the invaluable originals of the Secret Correspondence, with other papers bearing upon the subject. The Camden Society, and all lovers of historical truth, will, I am sure, properly appreciate an act of such kind and judicious liberality.

John Bruce.

0, Upper Gloucester Street, Dorset Square, 6th March, 1861.

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

KIjVG JxVMES yi. OF SCOTLAND,

RESPECTING HIS SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE OF ENGLAND.

PART I.

CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL.

No. I. 30 [KING JAMES] to 10 [SECRETARY CECIL.]

[IIATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 54. ORIG. AUTOGRAni.]

I amc most liairtelie glaid tliat 10 [Sec, Cecil] hath nou at last maid choice of tuo so fitt and confident ministeris* quhoni with he hath bene so honorablie plaine in the affaires of 30 [K. James], assuring 10 [Sec. Cecil] that 30 [K. James] puttis more confidence in thaime, according to the large and long proofe that he hath had of thaime, then in any other that followis him, lyke as 10 [Sec. Cecil] is most beholden unto thaime for the honorable reporte that thaj haue maid of him to 30 [K. James], quhorato thay haue, upon the perrel of thaire credit, geuin full assurance of the sinceritie of 10 [Sec. Cecil]; and because 30 [K. James] can not haue the occa- sion to speake face to face with 10 [K. James], that, out of his owin mouthe, he may giue him full assurance of his thankefidl acceptance of his plaine and honorable dealing, he thairfore prayes 10 [Sec. Cecil], to accepte of his long aproned and trustie 3 [Lord Henry

* John seventh Earl of Mar, and Mr. Edward Bruce, afterwards Lord Kinloss, sent by King James as ambassadors to Queen Elizabeth in February IGOl. CAMD SOC. B

2 COlUiESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

Howard],* both as a suretie of his thankefuhies and his constant loue to him in all tymes hearafter, as also to be a sure and secreate inter- pretoure betwixt 30 [K. James] and 10 [Sec. Cecil], in the opening up of euerie one of thaire myndis to another ; quhom 10 [Sec. Cecil] hath the bettir cause to lyke of and truste, since, long before this tyme, 3 [Lord Henry Howard] dealt uerrie earnistlie with 30 [K. James] to take a goode conceate of 10 [Sec. Cecil], offering him self to be a dealer betuixt thaime, quhair upon 30 [K. James] was contentid that 3 [Lord Henry Howard] shoulde deale betuixt essex and 10 [Sec. Cecil] for a conformitie betuixt thaime, for the uell of 30 [King James] in the OAvin tyme,t but that 10 [Sec. Cecil] mis- trusted the aspyrlng mynde of essex, 30 [K. James] can not but comend, taking it for a sure signe that 10 [Sec. Cecil] uoulde neuer allow that a subiect shoulde clinibe to so hie a roume, and that he shoulde euer be thrall to a subiect that hath from his chyldehode bene trained up in tlie seruice of a free prince; and yett 30 [K. James"! doth protest, upon his concience and honoure, that essex had neuer any dealing- with him quhiche uas not most honorable and auouable. As for his misbehauioure thaire, it belongis not 30 [K. James] to iudge of it, for althoch 30 [K. James] loued him for his uertues, he uas no uaycs obleished to embrace his querrellis, but to accepte of euerie man according to his owin desairtis. This farre hath 30 [K. James] thocht goode to comitte to paper, to be a uit- nesse to 10 [Sec. Cecil] of his inuarde disj)osition touardis him, as- suring him that he takes in uerrie goode pairt his warenes in deal- ing, lyke as he doth promeise, upon his honoure, that in all tymes heareafter, the suspition or disgraceing of 10 [Sec. Cecil] shall touche 30 [K, James] as neare as 10 [Sec. Cecil], and quhen it shall please

* Second son of Surrey the poet. King James, shortly after his accession to the throne of England, advanced Lord Henry to the Earldom of Northampton, and subsequently con- ferred upon him the order of the garter, and other honours. Lord Henry inherited much of his father's ability, but degraded it by many vices. He won the heart of James by flattery almost unparalleled.

f This passage is printed as it stands in the original.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHEKS. 3

god that 30 [K, James] shall succeide to his richt, he shall no sure- lier succeide to the place then he shall succeide in bestowing as greate and greater fauoure upon 10 [Sec. Cecil] as his predecessoure doth bestoAv upon him, and in the meane tyme ye maye rest assured of the constant loue and secreatie of

Youre most louing and assurid freinde,

30 [King Jamf.s]. [^Addressed in the King's haridwriting,']

" 10."

[The letter has been fastened in two places with pink silk, and sealed, also in two places, with a seal bearing for arms, a pale, charged with a crescent as a mark of cadency; and for crest, a cres- cent, between the horns of which is placed the letter T with the letter S on the dexter side of the crescent and the letter A on the sinister, probably the initials of Sir Thomas Aireskine, or Erskine, afterwards Earl of Kellic.]

\_l7idorsed hy Sec. Cecil,']

" 1600. 30, first letter to 10." He has siibsequently ndrled in explanation of 30 and 10, " The K."; " Secretary."

No. II.

10 [SECllETARY CECIL] TO 30 [lvl\(; JAMES.]

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 55. COPi' COllRECTED BY SEC. CECIL.]

JNIay it please your Majesty, Although it hath pleased you to lett me reade in royall charac- ters, what the constitution of your mynde is towardcs me, what you esteeme my disposition towardes you, and vppon what argumentes both your favour and opinion are and shalbe grounded (whereby I rest secure that an even measure hath been offered me by all those that haue handled that subiect), yet can I not deny my mynde that ius- tice which it exactcth from me, to be heard speake as much (with

4 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

liis proper organ) as hatli been allready reported by otber nieanes. A desyre deriucd from noe exception to tlie least article of their rela- tions (of whom [sic] integritye and wisedome your Majesties lettres have yeilded soe cleare demonstration), but only as a motive from those reverent respectes of myne which liue in doubt how silence would be censured to such a siimmons. In which consideration I have resolued in this forme to retourne my humble thankes. First, because it hath pleased your Majesty to beleive that I have been wronged. Secondly, because you expect nothinge from me to wrong any other. Thirdly, because you promise hereafter in all accusations to dcale with me as God did with Adam, '" Vbi es?" Fowerthly, because I perceaue when that naturall day shall come, wherein your feast may be lawfully proclaymcd (which I doe wish may be long deferred) such shall appeare the equitye of your mynd to all men, as those shall not be reiected (as wantinge their wedding garment) Avhoe have not falslye or vntymely wrought for liiture fortunes. For I doe herein truly and religiously profess bcl'ore God, that if I could accuse my selfe to haue once imagined a thought which could amount to a grayne of crioiu- towardes my deare and precious souverayne, or could haue dcscerncd (by the ouvertures of your ministers) that you had intertayned an opinion or desyre to draw me one poynct from my individual! center, I should wish wdth all my hart, that all I haue done, or shall doe, might be converted to my owne perdition. For, though it is trcAV that natural cares and providence might have importuned me long since, to seeke some honest meane to dissolue those hard obstructions which other mens practise had bredd wdthin your hart, yet had I still determined con- stantly to haue runne out the glasse of tyme (thoughe with ideas of future pcrill), rather then by the least circumstance of my actions (ether open or priuate) to give any ground for insidious spiritts to suspect that I would varryc from the former compass of a sole dependencye, by which I haue only steered my courses.

But when I saw that all those whose eyes weare blynde to all but high imaginations, had left behynde them the dreggs of Ibwle iui-

M ITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OT

pressions agaynst some ministers of this estate (especially agaynst ray selfe, as one that was solde ouer to Spanish practise, and swollen to the chynn witli other dangerous plottes agaynst your person), I did straight consider how necessarye it would be for me^ if ether I desyred to keep my souvcrayncs cleare intentions from beeing blemished, or to quiett your thoughtcs towardes her (in which the preservation of your future hopes (by consequence) is included), to plucke upp quickly by the rootes those gross inventions of my conspiracyes, because the multiplyinge still of such shaddowes vppon me (holdinge that place I doe) might prooue in tyme the cause of some effects vcrye prciudiciall to both your Majesties fortunes, the feare whereof hath been (I protest to God) the principall ground of my soe playne dealing with your embassadours. For when I perceaued that the practises which weare vsed to disgrace mc, must conse- quently haue setteled an apprehension in you, of an alienation of hart in her Majesty towards you, which must have mortised an opinion in your mynde, that she must needes be inclyned (if not resolued) to cutt of the naturall branch, and graft vppon some wilde stocke, seeinge those that helde the neerest place about her weare described to be soe full of pernicious practises agaynst your Majesty, I did thinke it my dutye to remooue that inference, by that occasion which was offered me vppon your Embassadours beeinge liere, though I assure my selfe (it beeing knowne) would preiudice mc in her Majesties iudgment, of whom that language which would be tunable in other princes eares would iarr in hers, whose creature I am. But, Sir, I know it boldeth soe iust proportion, even with strictest loyaltye and soundest reason, for faythfull ministers to coriceale soine- tymc booth thoughts and actions from Princes, when they are per- swaded it is for their owne greater service, as albeit I did obserue the temperature of your mynde (in all your courses) to be such, as gaue me great hopes that you woidd doe allwayes like your selfe, yet I was still iealous, least some such causelesse dispayre of the Qaeenes iust intentions might be wrought into you, as might make you (though happelye not dissolue the mayne bond of honour and anaitye), plonge your selte vnawares into some such actions, as might

6 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

ingage all honest men, out of present dutye, to oppose tliemselfes soe farr agaynst you, as tliey would stand in doubt hereafter what you would doe, in the future, towardes those which should soe lately haue offended you. Wherein I will only for the present lay downe this position, which I knuw I can iustly mayntayne. That it is, and wilbc, in noe mans power on earth, soe much as your owne, to be faher fortunce tuce.

And now must I leaue the quicke and resort to the dead,* of whom I would to God I could speake the best, seeing by your selfe his name was remembered, which is shortly this: — that if I could haue contracted such a freindship with him, as could haue giuen me securitye that his thoughtes and myne should haue been noe further distant then the disproportion of our fortunes, I should condemne my iudgment to havie willingly intruded my selfe into such an oposition. For whoe know not that haue lived in Isaraell, that such weare the mutuall affections in our tender yeares, and soe many re- ciprocall benefittes interchanged in our growing fortunes, as besydcs the rules of my owne poore discretion, which taught me how perilous it was for Secretarye Cecyll to haue a bitter feudf with an Erie Marshall of England, a Favorite, a Nobleman of eminent partes, and a Counsellour, all thinges els in the composition of my mynde did still concurr on my part to make me desyrous of lais favour.

Thus have I now (ex mero offi,cio to my Souverayne, and out of affectionate care to your j\Iajestics future happines, whom God hath instituted to sitt (in his dew tyme) in the chayre of state, at the feet whereof I dayly kneele,) exposed my self to more inconvenience then ether your Majesties former indisposition or my owne caution (in a iealous fortune) should adventure, seeing (by it) I doe reape noe other purchase then what I know your justice would yeild to all, which is to be only secured thus farr (in my owne honest and payn- flill labours), that 1 shalbe censured by cleare and vpright proofes, and not by borrowed lightes of envy and revenge.

It remayneth, therefore, that I draw toward an end of this tedious

* Of course the allusion in this very important passage is to the late Earl of Essex, f This word has been altered and is a little doubtful.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 7

lettre of myne, in wliicli my affection must only couver my crrours. Your Majesty knowes that iealousye stirretli passion, even between the father and the soonn, that passions begett iniuryes between Princes, and that iniuryes ether giu.en or taken, in your case, breed alienation. To the first weaknes in her Majesties mynde I haue allready breefely sayd, That what was possible for art and industrye to effect, agaynst the person of a successour, in the mynde of a possessour, hath been in the highest proportion laboured by many agaynst you. Out of this conclusion, that the eyes of her IVhijesties suspitioii could not be diverted from other practises, vnles it weare ingrauen in her hart that you weare impacient of any longer attention. It beinge well knowne. that as love is of all thinges subiect to greatest blyndnesse, soe feare once multiplied nether trusteth profession, nor heareth reason. To resort therefore to my first groundes, your best approach towardes your greatest end, is by your jNIajesties cleare and tempe- rate courses, to secure the heart of the Highest, to whose sex and qualitye nothinge is soe improper as ether needles expostulations, or over much curiositye in her owne actions. The first, shewinge vnquietnesse in your selfe; the second challendging some vntymely interest in hers; booth which, as they are best forborne when there is noe cause, soe be it farr from me (if there shalbe cause) to perswade you to receaue wronge and be sylent. Only this I dare say for the present (and that vppon good experience) that as longe as we see our horison cleare from lively apparitions of anticipation, your Majesty may dormire securus, for any counsell or humour rising from hence, of preiudice or prevention.

Further I must presume (vnder the former pardon) to say thus much to your Majesty; — that although it be a common rule with many rising princes to refuse noe adress, yet you will fynde it in your case, that a choyce election of a feaw in the present, wilbe of more vse then any generall acclamation of many ; the one strength- ninge selected and honest myndes when they see they are not reckned in the ordinarye (though they affect noe singularitye) , the other having such a repugnancye in the mynde of her Majesty as those

8 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

tliat resolue to be trew to booth, mi ordine, shalbe forced to be more negligent of the second, least they should be mistrusted of lack of duty to the first. Whoesoeuer therfore perswades your Llajesty that it is necessarie for you to be to busy,* to prepare the vulgar before- hand, little understands the state of this question : nether shall your majesty fynde my woordes vntrew in this one thing more ; — that if the extraordinarye persons (though small in nomber) whom nether base nor hawtye humours draw to love you, should fynde themselfes to be vsed as a motive to increase a publicke partye, (it being ordinarye for the vulgar to follow better example, without any such precedent insinuation,) suerly the myndes of men of spiritt and valine are so compounded, the addition that is sought of the greater part, will be the privation of the other; sed hoc nimis^ Mc posui baculum. From my selfe and my f frcind 3 [Lord Henry Howard] you shall not be combered with other petition, then that you will remember for your owne good (wherein I leaue to your iudgment to applie it to the right person) that noe man is soe very impious that travayleth not for some opinion of vertue. Next, that we doe nether presume to indent with you for future favours, nor present reseruidnesse, because we thinke it not ingenious to recommend to honour it selfe the thinges which honour requireth; with which conclusion I humbly kisse your royall handes, beeseechinge your Majesty to beleive that when I lived in deepest silence, your Majesty might then (as you may now) have iustly sayd vnto me {usque ad aras); Cur non mecu7n loqueris, qui mecum sentis?

\_Indorsed hy Sec. Cecil,~\ A copye of my first lettre to the Kinges Majesty in the Queenes life, vppon my conference with the Erie of ]\larr and the Lord Kinlosse, at the Duchye House.

* The words " to be to busy ■" are an interlineation. The second " to " seems super- fluous.

f " worthyc " was struck out in revision.

WITH SIR RORKRT CECIL AND OTHERS. 9

No. III. SO [KIXG JAMES] TO 10 [SECRETARY CECIL].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 59. ORIG. AUTOf;RAI'J1.]

liiclit trustle and uelllx-louit 10 [Sec. Cecil], If at my firpt dealing uitK jou hj my kite ambassdouris, I had not bene setlid in that assurance that the partie I delttnith uas uise, and that my fanoure Avas to be gronndit upon a fixed starre, and not a mobile or xiauering pianette, I coulde not (I must confesse) haue thocht mj selfe fullie secure of a thankefull meiting, quhill from youre selfe I hadde bene certified of youre thankefull acceptance of my lettir by a dircHjt and dewtiefull ansoure thairunto, as laitlie ye haue done; but being (as I haue allreaddie said) uell aquaintid luth youre qualities, and resolued that I dclt with a uyse man. I no sooner uas certaine that my lettir uas putt in youre handis, but as soone I laide my counte euer after dormire secnrus in utramque aurem for youre pairt, and thairfore mayeye assure youre self that I doe accepte of youre most uyse and kynde ansoure as only j^rocceding ti'om the feruentie of vonre affection, qvdiiche hath made you to surmount all ■doubtis of incurring suche liazairdis thairby as one in youre place is euer subicct unto, accounting noii youre honest affection so muche the more precioiise iinto me that ye have ncuer untymouslie and undeutifullie snatched at future fortunes, quhlche unlaAvfuU forme of doing micht some daye tende as farre to my owin discontentement; protesting in the presence o? god that, uitli his grace, I shall euer keepe that alyke christiane as politike reiile, to measure as I uould be measured unto, and since (god be praised) my claime is both iuste and honorable, euer to ioyne the adnerbe to the name in using honum bene.

It is indeid trcw, as in youro owin lettir ye confesse, that if youre' sylence hadde continued any longer it micht haue bi'cdde sum ha- zairdis to the fortunes of botli the princes (besydes youre owin par- ticulaire), for as princes must heare and see uith other oares and eves

CAMD. SOC. C

10 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

then thaire owin, so (to deale plainlie ulth jou) it uas continuallie beatin in my earis that youre sylence did proceede, not of dewtie to youre souueraine, but out of unquenchable malice against me; for, althoch I thocht it euer the pairte of a uyse man to iuge by certaine effectis, and not by outuarde and deceauable apperances, yett too many impressions micht in the ende haue proued it to be trew that gutta cauat lapidem, non in sed sepe cadendo, so as by youre breaking of sylence at this tyme ye haue not onlie reaped the full assurance of my constant fauoure, but also done most honest seruice to youre owin souueraine, by remouing suche iealousies as micht other iiayes haue brangled oure amitie, quhiche, allthoch it be not convienient that she know, (by reason of her iealousie,) yett is it most avowable hou soone it shall come to licht, promeising to you for my pairt, in the honoure of a king, that not only shall I neuer by any untymouse impatience preasse in the least iote to dluert you from youre dewtie- full fidelitie to youre souueraine, but shall also in all tymes cumming reule all my actions for aduauncing of my lawfull future hoapes by youre aduyce, euen as ye uaire one of my owin counsaillouris all- readdie, being justlie moued to this confidence in you, as uell by the experience of youre uisdome and sinceritie in her seruice, as by the uyse and honest aduyce ye giue me hou to behaue myself touardis her, in your laite most kynde and uyse lettir, assuring you that I will not only use youre honest aduyce in my behauioure touardis her, (as I proteste to god I was neuer other uayes enclyned,) but I uill also use and follou youre other aduyce concerning my beha- uioure uith her people.

No ! ye neid not to thinke that I ame so euill aquentid uith the histories of all aages and nations that I ame ignorant quhat a rottin reide mobile uulgiis is to leane unto, since some in youre cuntrey haue uerrie derelie bocht the experience thairof of lait. I ame no usurper; it is for thaime to play the absalon. Yea, god is my uitnes that I shall euer eschew to giue the queue any iuste cause of iealousie, throuch my to bissie behauioure, and besydes that, I euer did holde this maxime, that a fcAV great spirites uaire the ordinarie instrumentis

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 11

and seconde causis that made the iiorlde to be reuled according to thaire temperature; other iiayes I behoued by fauouring democratie fichte against my self, but yett is it trew indeid that the hairtis of the people are not to be reiectid, but not to be compassid by any par- ticulaire insinuation uith euerie one of thaime, quhiche nolde breide greatter iealousie in the quene then goode successe uith thaime ; but goode gouucrnement at home, firme amitie uith the quene, and a louing caire in all things that maye concerne the uell of that state, are the onlie three steppes quhairby I thinke to mounte upon the hairtis of the people ; and suirlie I ame iniportunid by sindrie thaire more then I coulde uishe, for feare thay beuraye thaimselfis, for I coulde be uerrie well contentid to be sure of thaire goode uill uithout the renewing of many messages, and in speciall I coulde uishe the dittaye of " I saye not-hing" micht haue a goode simpathie uith the owner thairof, as for my pairte I shall follow the aduyce of my faithfull 3 [Lord Henry Howard] thaiiin.

And thus, hauing unfoldit before you the anatomic of my mynde, 1 hairtlie praye you to rest assured that, althoch to mercenarie men I uolde keipe proineise for my owin respect, but uithout any care for thaire uell-doing, yett the only respecte that can moue you and my faithfull 3 [Lord Henry HoAvard] to loue me being for the loue of vertu, I shall euer aquyte it in that uertuouse sort that I shall neid no other remembrancer for you both then my inuarde gratitude to sturre me to be cairfull both for present reseruidnes and futoure fauouris in the owin tyme.

Youre most louing freinde,

30 [King James]. [A^o address. The seal gone.] [Indorsed hy Sec. Cecil,'] 30 to 10 2d. lettre.

12 CORKESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

Xo. IV. 10 [SEC. CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 61. OIUG. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITINU OF SKC. CECIL.]

When I beheld tliis second lettre of yours, so full of wisedom, greatnes and moderation, it gaue my mvnd a dobble consolation, first, becawse I fownd you vouchsafed to dispense with my borrowed hand, which broght you no colored merchandise, next, becawse it shewed plainly that whensoever men of honesty shall deale with your ]\Lijesty that they do still in portu nauigare.

In this contemplation of your disposition I took no long deli- beration at first to make an answer to your embassadors sommons, becawse my integrity needed no counsaile how to limit my answers within the bounds of loialty; yet dyd I let them plainly see, that I was fully minded to vse such provydence in all my proceedings, as to observe and discover whyther your Majesties mynd (which had ben so long possessed with preiudice,) wold be satisfied sufficiently with just apologys, and by an afectionat profession only of my de- sires to do yoAv those humble services which stand precisely with real] duty to my soverain and convenient caution to my poor fortune, of both which tributes when you find any person careless in his pro- fessions, I beseech your jMajesty to believe that of those blossoms you shall never reap other then blasted fruicts of trechery and folly. For, in the first, I hold it certain that he that is fals to the present will neuer be treu to the future, and, in the second, I see by expe- rience t\\n.t contra fatales morbos nullum est remedium.

How things do pass in this estate which haue any essentiall refe- rence to your Majesties fortune it may please you to receaue from yowr worthy 3 [Lord Henry Howard], whom I do infornie of all things necessary, there being nothing more vnfitt, nor more vnsafe, tlien often wryting vj^pon needles grounds ; for, syr, as in any case whicli necessarily requires advertisement or prevention, the meanest man that liveth shall be no more prodigall of his labour then I will,

WITH Sm KOBEllT CECIL AND OTHEKS. 13

SO when I do know that there is nothing which concerns you to pur- pose (or if there be some idle thing, that it shall prove to [be] no- thing) I will take such freedom then, out of myne owne sincerity, and* from the trust which you please to promise me, as not to play the nouellant in steed of the watchfull centinell, so farr, I say, the centinell as if in matter of succession any base spiritts shall sett any practise on foot, I will not only advertise it, thogh it be but in eiiibrione, but if it shall, in any counsaile or convention, great or small, ptiblick or privat, come to voice or question, I will shew my- self in an honest and resolute opposition as farr as tong or power is able. Sed quorsurn perditio hcec, cum ex nihilo nihil Jit ? For I beseech your majesty giue me the honour thus farr to belieue me, that shold not be a stranger to all things of such nature which can occurr in this estate, that. First, the subiect it self is so perilous to toutch amongst vs, as it setteth a mark vppon his liedd for ever that hatcheth such a byrdf ; next, on the fayth I ow to God, that there is neuer a prince or state in Europ with whom either mediate or imediate her Majesty hath entredinto speach these xij. yeares of that subiect. Ko ! as it is trew that, such is our misfortune, as it in her Ma- jesties mind a capitall thing to settle, so is it not in her hart so much as to bethink her how to divert it, and therefore, if yow will distin- guish between the pamphlets and proiects of priests and fugitiues, who are alwaies labouring to sett up one golden calf or other, as their fortune or fancy leadeth them, and the negotiations between princes or their ministers, retaining such a belief in some well chosen professions, as neyther to be ielous of sylence because you hear other idle ecchos, nor mistrustfull of care and industry because every thing we do is not howerly made demonstratiue to yow, then may I, and all as I, say to them sells securely, that they haue found in you a hart of adamant in a world of feathei-s.

* " the " stands in the draft after "and," which has been obviously left standing by mistake in the course of some alterations. It was originally intended to write " and the confident trust."

t " an egg " was first written, and in striking it out gieat part of the " egg " was left standing.

14 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

Lastly, renoumed prince, wKere you voutclisafe to shew me, that you will vse no other stepps for your gradation to assure the right you haue to your future fortune but a constant care to conserve the the queens good will entierly, to retaine the affections of her honest subiects, and to invite them to respect you by shewing them an example of your kingly government, I haue little more to say, be- sydes that comfort I take to see the mynd which I do reverence so well tempered, but that when all the roots and fractions of nom- bers shalbe serched by the greatest mathematicks you will fynd that this is only the golden nomber which will shew you veram Galaxiam, for all other plotts are dreames, and all other covmsails such as Almighty God will scatter lyke chaff from of the earth ; to whose blessed protection of yow in your religious and just resolutions I do comend you in my devotions, and ever remaine in humblest afec- tions after one, and her alone, at your Majesties comandment, hum- bly and honestly, t

E.G.

[^Indorsed by Sec. Cecil, 1^ 4 Octobris, 1601. 2 Lettre, 10 to 30.

* The successive changes made by Cecil before he finally fixed upon this conclusion are worthy of note. Doubt arose in his mind after he had written the words '• ever remaine.'' His first intention was to proceed with the sentence in some contemplated form of ■which " my sover " was written, and then struck out. The second thought was to follow "remain'" with " after Caesar, yours above all." The third attempt was by in- sertion of the words " to command " between " yours '' and *' above all, R. C." In the fourth, every thing after " remain " was struck out, and the termination made to stand " Yours affectionately and humbly, Ro. Cecyll." The fifth change ended in the adop- tion of the words as they now stand, but these were not approved without some erasures, and the insertion of the word " in " twice before " humblest afections," both at the end and the beginning of a line. So it still stands.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 15

No. V.

30 [KING JAMES] to 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 63. ORIG. ADTOGRAPH.]

Mistake not, I praye you, mj dearest 10 [Sir Eobert Cecil], the honest sincearitie of my meaning, in kaice I seame by this paper some quhat to uarie from these groundis and transcende these limites quhiche first uaii'e promeised and agreed upon betuixt us, in drawing on a more affectionatlie familiare, thoch lawfull, corre- spondence betviixt us, then uas at oure first dealing promeised by me to be urged, or by you to be parformed: but ye maye, notuith- standing heirof, boldlie repose in that sccuritie of his upricht and honorable intention that deales uith you, that, al thoch sindrie interueining accidents maye in sum sort chainge my style of urytino-, yett shall I neuer in substance uarie one iote from these maine pointes quhiche at oure first aquaintance I did promise, and uowe unto you.

For I must plainlie confesse that both ye and youre faithfull col- legue 40 * haiie by youre uigilant and iudiciouse caire, so ayselie settelid me in the only richt course for my goode, so happelie pre- seruid the quenis mynde from the poison of iealouse praeiudice, so ualiantlie resisted the crooked coursis of sum seditiouse spirits quho can neuer uearie seacretlie to sting the heiles of honest men, quhom thay onlie enuye for uertues sake, and so carefullie labourid to furder all my reasonable and lawfull endis, as the great proofe I haue hadd of your happie and honest concuri'ance for my uell doth force me, out of the abondance of a thankefuU mynde, to uryte in a more louing,- plaine, and familiare style then euer I was uoonte to doe before.

But not that heirby I have any intention to dcsyre you or 40 (quhom I alluayes and euer shall accounte as one) anyuayes to alter, ather in forme or substance, youre accustumcd forme ot" ansouring me, for, althoch that I, in respect of my birth and place, can not fall under the censure of any daingerouse constructions (thoch I neuer

* The person indicated by 40 has not heon discovered.

16 COKKESPONDENCt: OF JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

iiith gioddis grace shall doe any thing in priuate quiche I maye not uithout shame procUiimc upon the toppcs of housis), yett so dain- gerouse is youre state, as subjectis, that althoch yonrc intention to youre souueraigne be neuer so upricht, yett, if the lyon thinke youre ear«s to be homes thaire uill be no place admitted you for excuse: it shall thairfore suffise me that ye r^st in a full and certaine persuasion of my loue and thankefull mynde to you both, quhairof this my hand urytte shall serue for a witnesse unto you, assuring 40 that, uith goddis grace, he shall neuer be disappointed of his confidence in my honestie upon youre relation, and as it noucr uas, nor shall be, my course to preasse him, or any, beyonde the boundis of thaire dewtifull allegeance to thaire souueraine, so doe I protest in goddis presence that, if I hadd uronged any of you so farre as to haue suspectid you guiltie of so great unuorthinesse, I uolde not haue so faiT stained my consoience, and honoure, as to haue fosterid so uyle a motion, not for the gaining of the quhole worldis monarchic unto me.

I can not also omitte to displaye unto you the great contentement I receaue by yoiire so inuarde and united concui'rence in all the pathes that leade to my future happincsse, most hairtelie uishing you to contincw in that happie course as ye maye be sure of my thankefulnes touardis you, quhom I know to be only moiied for the respect of conscience and honoure, to deserue so uell at the handis of a lawfull, naturall and louing successourc to youre quene and cuntrey; and thus praying 40 to be assured that by youre meanes only he shall heare from me, that he maye thairby disoerne if any other uorde come to him in my name that it is but false and adul- terate coine, and persuaiding him of my entearc affection touardis him, as to youi-e self, I bidde you hairtelie fairuell

Youre most assured louing freinde,

30 [Kino James.]

From falkelande the thridde of iuine, 1602. [^Addreftsed by King James,'] ^' 10."

[Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed also in two places, with a seal bearing a saltirc, or St. Andrew^s cross, on an escutcheon.]

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHEllS. 17

No. VL

10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL] to 3o" [KING JAMESJ.

[hATFIELB MSS. vol. CXXXV. FOL. 65. ORIG. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITING OF SEC. CECIL.]

Althogh the wisedome and sincerity of fidel 3 [Lord Henry Howard] do clearly represent the dayly circurastances of all parti- culers which do concern you, yet when I do behold your extraor- dinary favour in vouchsafing me the honour of your owne princely lettres, I can not quiet the affections of mine owne mynd, if I shall injoine them alwayes to speake in tertia persona. I beseech your Majesty, therfore, (after receauing my humble thanks for yowr so gracious acceptance of my poor indevours whilst the Duke was here,) to believe thus much, that the sight of yowr last dispatch dyd breed in me two powerfull passions : — the first of ioy and admiration of your roiall integrity and temper, whom I do still observe so free from desire of any mans afection, further \\\Qn suum caique trihuere, et alteru7n non Icedere, as any honest man may so caryhym self* in all things towards yow, as if it shold happen that the vaile of se- cresy were taken of by errour or by destiny, the Queue her self (who "were likest to resort to ielousy) shold (notwithstanding) still discern .clearly, that whatsoever hath passed in this correspondency hath wdioly tended to her owne repose and safety, without any incroch- mentvppon other lyberty then swch as divers good phisitiens do take "when they deceaue an indisposed patient by giving salutaria pro 'soporiferis.

The second perturbation I must confess was only owt of dowbt and feare^ lest the treasure of such a princes secret trust coming to light, either by the levity of those that haue offerd trafick, or by their owne election of loose instruments, might call in question my

* This was originally written "so to cary them selfs;" in the process of alteration "them" was altered into " hym," but the final letter of "selfs" was omitted to be struck out. I have made this obvious correction in the text. CAMD. SOC. D

18 CORRESPONDENCK OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

gratitude for sucli a favour, or my sincerity in making vse of such a confidence, (especially when I am so acquainted with some of their vnsecresys,) as vppon evry flux of humour tlie secretest arctery of their hart is like the sive of -Danae that leaked faster then the springs cold fill it, which she frequented howerly.

In which consy deration, renowmed prince, (be it spoken without

deminution of my impressions of yowr roiall fauours,) althogh it is

most trew that by my knoledg of particulers from you I shalbe

better able to convert all such merchandise to yowr advantadge, yet,

rather then the creditt of my sincerity shold be in danger to be

tainted by any accident (beyond my power to remedy), I wold most

humbly crave it of your Majesty that I might rather be left to mine

owne discouerys of their greatest secretts, then to receaue any lyght

from you of their deepest misteryes. For this I do profess in the

presence of Him that knoweth and searcheth all mens harts, that if

I dyd not some tyme cast a stone into the mouth of these gaping

crabbs, when they are in their prodigall humour of discourses, they

wold not stick to confess dayly how contrary it is to their nature to

resolue to be vnder your soverainty ; thogh they confess (Ealegh

especially) that (^rehus sic stantibus) naturall pollicy forcetli them to

keep on foot such a trade against the great day of mart. Tn all

which light and soddain humours of his, thogh I do no way check

him, becawse he shall not think I reiecthis freedome or his affection,

but alwaies {sub sigillo confessionis) vse contestation with him, that

I neyther had nor ever wold in individuo contemplate future idea,

nor ever hoped for more then iustice in time of change, yet, vnder

pretext of extraordinary care of his well doing, I have seemed to

disswade him from ingaging him self to'firr, even for him self, much

more therfore to forbeare to assume for me, or my present intentions.

Let mc therfore presume thus farr vppon your Majesties favour,

that whatsoever he shall take vppon him to say for me, vppon any

new humor of kyndness, wherof sometyme he wilbe replete (vppon

tlie receipt of privat benefite), you Avill no more believe it (if it

come in other sliajx?), be it neuer so much in my comendation, then

WITH SIR KOBEKT CECH. AM) OTllEKS. 19

that his owne conscience thoght it needfull for him to vndertake to keep me from any humour of imanity, when, I thank God, my greatest adversaries and my owne sowle haue euer acquited me from that of all other vices. Wold God I wei'e as free from ofense towards God, in seeking for privat affection to support a person whom most religious men do hold anathema.

But why do I thus farr presume to troble your eares so much with my poor privat griefs at his ingratitude to me, when I resolued rather to record my privat ioies? I will therfove leave the best and worst of him, and other things, to 3 [Lord Henry Howard's] rela- tion, in whose discretion and affection you may dormire secu7'us ; but this I will beseech, that, however your Majesty shall resolue in omnem euentum to serve your self of their professions, whom the D[uke] conceaueth to have gaigned as so fitt instruments for you, that you will thus farr please to give me creditt as to believe that, when- soever yow shall ( without great occasion, palpably seen to the world) imploy a person of any so eminent qwality, whose experience is no better (thogh otherwise he be very worthy) in distinguishing between ventosity and verity, he will leaue more clay and rubbish behynd him in our streets then some of the best labourers you haue can be able to cleanse in seven yeares after. For it is to well knowen to me that during his aboad (what with the discourses of his fol- lowers and the noyse that he had great resort vnto him, the changing of his lodging, the refusing to see (one tyme) the Queens phisitien,) that such ielousy was raised of his bestowing his time in privat con- ferences and accesses, as, althogh her Majesties mind was well prepared towards you before hand (with long foresight)"et was it one of our greatest industry es euen to effect any reasonable desires, without suspicion of some privat end or iuAvard afection. Where, on the other syde, it may be noted that, notwithstanding both your former Ministers arrivall here in a time when my soverains hart was bytterly inflamed with preiudice against your self and them, yet by their great discretion and observation they conducted all their sowre business to so good endes, and handled her so well, and evry other,

20 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

as that when they took their leaue there was no more remain of any- ill impressions then is of the flights which byrds do make in th'ayre ; to which I must also add, that in the manadging of all this corre- spondency I receave so good assurance by proofs infallible, to which neyther your Majesty nor they are privy, as I am no way curious, you see, in all things confidently liberare animam meam.

I will therfore conclude with this petition, that whensoever I shall take vppon me most to perswade you, either one way or other, to that which slialbe contrary to the prudent rules of your owne great iudgment, it will please you onely to suffer my good meaning to pleade my pardon ; so shall you be assured that on the earth he treads not that is or shalbe (next ray dearest vowes to my soverain) more humbly or afectionatly ready to do you service then is your Majesties for evev assuredly.

Addressed: " 10 to 30."

Sealed with three impressions in red wax of a circular seal bearing a lion rampant.

Indorsed in Cecil's hand " Febrr."

Xo. \\\.

to f8IR ROBERT CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMESJ.

[hATFIKLD MSS. vol. CXXXV. FOL. 67. DRAFT, NOT IN CECIL'S HAND, BUT CORRECTED"

BY HIM.]

May'it please your Majesty, When I reade over most of those dispatches (after they are written) which 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] doe soe often send }0u, 1 confesse I should for many considerations change countenance at my owne errours, if I had not now sufficiently beheld your vertues in their trewest colours. For what could be more absurd for men of common sense then still to pester a prince (whose tyme is precious) with so many pety particulers, if we had

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 21

not tryed your liabite of pacience ; and what ought men of any un- derstandinge to be more afrayd of then to offer soe much counsell to a prince of soe much understandinge, if it weare not trew that we haue founde in your mynde a plentifull springe of favour and grati- tude. For in my owne particuler, when I doe wey my actions in indifferent balance, I am soe farr from assumption of any extraordi- nary desert, as I assure your Majesty I scarcely picke vpp graynes inough to make vpp half an ounce of valuable mcritt, and therefore must only hope that ether you will, with the civillians, reputare voluntatem pro facto^ or imitate the Godes (whose image you [carry*]) and soe creare ex nihilo.

For the matter, therefore, which I doe offer to your consideration, it is, that you will be pleased to write to my Souverayne to that effect which foUoweth, wherein, as I will leave to discourse of all the motives of my desyre to haue you write, to the faythfull pen of your affectionate 3 [Lord Henry Howard], which shall deliver you principium et Jinem, soe doe I whoaly and absolutely leaue the matter to your owne wisedome, and my proposition to your gracious interpretation. Butt I must here deliver (in my owne proper sence) because my hart speakcs it, that if your Majesty (for your owne par- ticuler service) shall not thinke it fitt that I doe still (according to the proper institution of my place) give eare to lew and Gentile, I will change myne owne custome, and abridge my owne priveledge, with your owne subiectes, rather then to be putt every hower to the racke of ray owne wittes, to prevent that mischeife which I should think to haue done my self, if in any action I should but incurre the least suspicone, howsoever you should receave any after satisfaccone. As for any other rumours or fond discourses of idle braynes, I know it is so impossible for men (in my place) to avoyd them (seeinge I must heare discontented sprittes, imploy men malce Jidei, and reward men for particulers whoe are otherwise vnsounde in radice), as I referre all

* The original stood "you you carry." In striking out the second "you" the cor- rector's pen ran on and erased also the succeeding word. I have inserted it, as necessary to the sense.

22 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

to Godes providence, and serye my prince and countrey witli ioy and confidence ; and yet because contynuall practise and envy at hoome and abroade may rayse soe many probable arguments, as if I doe contynew dayly by my lettres to preoccupate or confute them, such will be the frequencye of my dispatches, as it cannot be free from iealous observation.

In this respect I haue heretofore presumed to doe two thinges; first, to move you to write to the Queen (because her woordes may be as quiett as her actions), for they movinge oft vppon such reportes as flye abroade (which never soe abounded as now) that greater free- dome is yeilded to all your subiectes that travayle through this countrey (and spare not to discourse at random), are often sharpe to strangers, as well as to those about her, though otherwise, to preiu- dice you or yours in any matter of importance, be pleased to take my trew and purest vowes and protestations that she is as free from it as. your Majesties owne hart could wyshe.

The next thinge which I did now thinke fitt to recommend to your consideration was, to acquaynt you with the causes which make me hold intelligence with Gray, because I am infinitely desyrous to be able to say (vppon your answeare and dyrection which I will follow), Anima, quiesce. Beseechinge your ]\Iajcsty (howsoever you o-ive me liberty to write often or seldome) to beleive that I am soe farr, and wilbe, from any reservation or remissnes to advertise you (when I fynde any thinge to concerne you in honour or safetye) as if there should happen in one night an vniversall deluge of all the posts of Eno-land, I would make the only soonn of my body serve for a postilian, to carry my packett, before the least haire of your head should luiscanye which yow could not spare. And as it is trew that your constant advised and vninfected flocke, greater, I assure your Majesty, now then my pen shall need to expresse, in power and place, are so devoted to the present, as all the earth cannot change their duty or devide their aifections from her person, to whom their only allegeance is dew (vntill allmighty God shall otherwise dispose of her), soe vouchsafe me in this to be your

' f ^ Of Tut '

WITH SIR llOBEUT CECIL AND OTHe!^-^'^^'^^^^^"^ 23

oracle, that wlien tliat day (soe greivous to its) sliall liappen which is the tribute of all mortall creatures, your shippc shalbe steered into the right harbour, without crosse of wave or tyde that shalbe able to turne over a cockboate, for whicli many that will talke now, and brave it, wilbe fitter pilotts then yet they can be; for, Sir, soe idle and soe superfluous are many of the double dilligences which divers liumours would insynuate, because they want power and knowleidge in the mysterye of this government, and of the Queenes disposition, as if, vnknown to them,* many of their errours weare not palliated, they wold loose you that which is and wilbe your greatest safe[t]y, thogh it may try your patience.f For God doth* know I speake truth, that her vnwonted forme of seeinge and vsinge all your sub- iectes now, with extraordinary courtesy es to them towardes her, if you recommend them, makes the myndes of those that otherwise haue noe affection, but rather secrett indisposition, to you and your nation, privately conclude that you are Avritten her successour in corde^ though not in ore aperto. This course of hers is that which diverteth and prepareth and bindeth all mens harts, which otherwise would stand at gase, and like trew worldlinges only goe and come accor- dinge to occasion. And soe I humbly take my leaue, Avith prayers to God that he will send both you and yours eternall blessinges.

At your Majestys commandment

humbly and absolutely, my duty

first reserved. Indorsed, Copye to the King.

* In the original draft here were inserted the following words in a parenthesis: " for God forbidd they knew me, how much soever they have been bound to me."

•f- Instead of the passage " they wold loose try your patience," there origi- nally was written the following : " I doe protest to your Majesty insteed of their fonde and gyddieofferinge you themselfes (whose power and vertue becinge tryed will spend in fume) they would loose you the Queen, whose mynde keapt secure and kynd you have found the trew Philosopher's stone ! "

24 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND

No. VIII. 30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 69. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

My deepest and trustie 10 [Sir Robert Cecil,] My penne is not able to expresse lion liappie I tliinke my self for bauing cbauncid upon so uortbie, so uyse, and so prouident a freinde as 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] is, qubicbe ye conlde not bettir bane mani- festid tben by tliat bonest aduyce ye giue me for nritting to xxiiii. [Queen Elizabetb], and altbocb I baue uerrie lately urytten unto Tier some qubat concerning tbat subiect, yett baue I now againe uritten tbis otlier, according to youre aduyce, onely tbis farre I wisbe you to be aquaintid witb, tbat in treutb sucbe remon[s] trances as ye sent me uaire neuer presentid unto me, and as for tbe frenshe ambassadoure, be batb often upon bis oatbe purged bim self unto me tbat be batb no direction to moue any sucbe matter ; for it uas muche noised amongst oure ministerie tbat bis only earande to Skotlande uas to craue libertie of conscience, and tbairfore I bad no uill to putte my self in use of lyeing, but as indeid I uas laitely aduertisbed by some subiectis of my owin out of france tbat great offers uaire to be sent me from s]3ayne, and tbat upon condition of graunting liberty of conscience, so did I treuly aduertisbe tbe queue tbairof, as uell in my laste as in tbis, qubairin I baue follouid youre groundis, only leaning out some pbrasis tbat in my opinion smellid of* flatterie, and some otbers tbat seemed too sbairpe, and to accuse ber of mistrust- ing me.

Alluayes, quben ye baue redde tbe coppie of my letre, I leaue it to youre discretion, qubo best knowis ber bumoure, qubitber to pre- sente it or not, qubairin I must repose upon youre discreit fidelitie, tbat if it maye please ber and uorke goode eifectis, it maye be putte in ber bandis, otber uayes tbat ye maye freelie aduertisbe me qubat ye uolde baue to be mendit tbairin.

As for youre course in tyme cumming witb tbe maister of graye,

* Two words concealed here, by having been written over, apparently not by the writer.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 25

I remitte my opinion tliairin to 20 [the Earl of Mar] his lettir, but this farre 1 hairtely praye you to assure youre self, that ye can haue no dealing with quhatsumeuir, iewe, gentile, or heathen, that euer uill breede the least suspition in me, of any crakke in youre integri- tie touardis me, but by the contraire the further ye are upon thaire secreates the more able uill I be to sitte as a godd upon all the imaginations of thaire hairtes, and the more secure uill my state be from all thaire practises, quhairof ye haue allreadie giuen me so lairge a proofe, that if euer I needit any moe apologies or excuses in that maitter I uaire not wortliie of the place I posesse, nay, by the con- traire, ye maye assure youre self that I truste no more in the fidelitie of 20 [the Earl of Mar] that of a chylde was brocht up with me,* then I doe in you, protesting that thir uordis doe only proceede ex abundantia cordis, and not of any intention to paye you with italiane complementoes, and thairfore I doe quhollie remitte it to youre owin discretion, and as ye shall fynde the necessitie of tyme to requyre it, to use greatter or lesse frequentie of advertishementis ; and thus uith my most hairtie comendations to my deare and faithfull 3 [Lord Henry Howard] I bidde you hairtelie fare uell.

Youre constantly assured freind

30 [King James.]

\_Addressed, probably not by King James,^ "3."

Sealed in two places with a seal impressed on red wax, bearing three piles issuing from a chief, with a roundel on each, and on the chief a crescent. On the dexter side of the shield is the letter G., and there are traces of a letter, perhaps M, above the shield ; the letter on the sinister side has not caught the impression.

[Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,] " 30 to 10."

* Nearly a line, consisting of fourteen or fifteen words, has here been concealed by having been scribbled over.

CAMD. SOC. E

26 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

IX.

30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 71. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

My dearest 10 [Sir Kobert Cecil], I ame ashamed that I can as yett by no other meanes uitnesse my thankefulnes for youre daylie so honorable iudiciouse and painfull labouris for the furtherance of my greatest hoapes, then by baire inke and paper, and that youre tra- uellis of so great uorthe and inaestimable ualew shoulde be repayed uith so poore a recompence, but the best excuse is that these pa- peris are but uitnessis of that treasure of gratitude quhiche by youre goode desairtis is daylie noorished in my hairte.

I ame not a lytle encouraged by the letre of 24 [Queen Elizabeth] quhiche discoveris a great integritie in her aifection, and plainnes in her dealing ; quhoni I oucht to thanke for her goode temper, ye may easilie guesse. I haue ansourid her in the best sorte I coulde, as by the coppie thairof ye will persaue, and that ye maye haue proofe that my confidence is flillie setlid upon you, I haue sent you the sub- stance of tuo messages that Sir Antonie Shurley hath latelie sent me, uithout keepmg up one iote thairof, quhose errouris appeare rather to proceide from ignorance then malice. Ye can not doe me a greatter seruice then to moue 24 [Queen Elizabeth] to continew this inuarde and privie forme of intelligence, quhairby I hoape ye shall in the ende proue a honest and happie minister.

To faithfull 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his lettir I remitte all particu- lairs, and speciallie my opinion hou ye shall behaue youre self in that maitter, quhiche, god knowis, is more greeuouse unto me then any temptation that satan by goddis permission coulde haue deuysed to haue aflicted me uith. But heir I ende, with the assurance of the continuance of my constant loue to my most faithfull 3 [Lord Henry Howard], assuring him that, as I ame infinitelie sorie for that defluxion fallin upon his eye, so uoulde I thinke ane hospitall a reuairde that uolde keepe no proportion, ather for a kings honoure

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 27

to giue, or by him for so uell meriting seruices to be receaued. And thus, my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], I bidde both you and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] most hairtelie fair uell.

Your moste louing and assurid freind

30 [King James]. • [Addressed,']

" 30 to 10." Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed with two impressions of a seal bearing, a saltire, on a chief three crowns, and above the letter M, with E on the dexter side and B on the sinister; probably intended to designate " Mr. Edward Bruce." \_Indorsedby Sir Robert Cecil,] " 30 to 10, concerning the Queen."

No. X.

10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMESJ.

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 72. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITING OF SIR ROBERT CECIL.]

It is the property of the creator to accept the labours of men accord- ing to his knoledg of their desire withowt measure of their ability. Of this devine qwality, if ever mans eys beheld on earth a lively image, the same appearith in your person, from whom I haue receaued so iust a censure and so gracious an acceptation of my proceedings. Let therfore this petition in this lettre craue at once from you two severall pardons ; th' one for me, th' other for it self For me, that I haue no sooner sent the humble acknowledgment of your favour, which I had not failed to do, if respects to yowr owne service had not staled the dispatch; for it self, in that (being admitted an imediat messinger to so complete a prince) it delivereth not all which it hath in chardg, a fawlt swerly vnpardonable, if any paper or any woords cold con- taine it, but your Majesties exquisite judgment can not but knou, that that which I can tendt?r you, must be finite, imperfect, and of small valew, thogh the dwty, the utfection and zealous thankfulness of my hart be like your favors, infinite, perfect, and matchless.

28 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

For that which may concern the branded sheep, be pleased to se- cure your self of these' two things; — first, that here is so little dispo- sition to do fauour, as there is more question whyther sylence shall not be the answer to those with whom (for their qwality and many other good respects) I cold rather wish more decorum observed. Next (which were impiety in me to conceale) that in the recomend- ation, there appeared no shew of other affection then that which may proceed meerly from the abused pity d'un bon nature, and therfore how much so ever Grey his relations, with his coments and para- phrases, corrvipt evry text whereon he readeth, eyther there or here, I beseech your Majesty to assure your self that althogh I have ben oft constrained, (for prevention of suspicion in his multiplying braine) to couer my affection, (sometyme with the vaile of dispaire, some- tyme with the mislike of open carriadge of all addresses,) that God hath neuer so farr forsaken me, as to suffer me to leaue it in the power of swch a vyper to tax me by woord or writt of malicious practise, intention of preiudice, or so much as a desire to procure the good of this state in substantivo by an euill adverb. For your answer likewise sett downe for me, your Majesty shall find, God willing, that as I haue hytherto ben farr fi-om any contrary coiu'se, hauing alwaies observed that the practises of both kingdoms ar principally grounded uppon the contemplation of her Majesties disposition to mislike or approve them, so there cold neuer haue come to me a more joy fiill direction, then when I perceaved that by observing yowr owne iudi- ciall comandments, set downe in 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his lettre, I shold obey both yow and mine owne conscience.

Lastly, for that which your Majesty saw of my hand writing, my purpose is not nou to iniury \sic\ your princely constancy with idle apologies, which wold sauour of folly and weaknes, only I wold be gladd to impart to your Majesty some circumstances, becawse you may be able to iudg whyther that were counterfait or originall. Not long since this Thraso moved me to write some tyme vnto him in swch a manner as might secure you of his integrity, which cold be by no other meane so direct (lie sayd) as if I wold write some

WITH SIR EGBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 29

lettres in swch sort as lie might venter to bring them to you vn- opened; hereby, sayth he, it will confirme that I am valued, if you continew correspondency, and it shall wype away the Kings ielousy if I adventvire such an imediat delivery. In this he directed two principall grounds for my lettre, one that I wold make it appeare that he had comended the Marquis Huntly, for that wold please your Majesty and serve his tourn, to whom he fownd the Marquis a freend; thother, that I wold write that the Duke was wronged, to be charged with concealing of my lettre, when it was trew that Hambleton had it not, at first departure, but was sent after him. Of this subject was his desire to haue my lettre consist, which he wold shew, as owt of integrity, reserving other matter to my more privat lettre, which shold concern his other idle toyes and proiects. In this kind I dyd resolue to comply with him, for the most because I knew what foundation I had layd in your Majesties mind, but in that poinct of the Duke I varied a little from his compass, and writt only in the generall of him, becawse I knew not what present advan- tadg he might haue made of that part, which was so contradictory to treuth, and to thintent he shold see by my writing in that (which he ment to shew you) that I was farr from correspondency with your Majesty, I added fiirther some what in that sense with the rest. If therfore he dyd shew you no other matter, then is sett downe by 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce J from your memory, it was the originall, wherin I see your Majesty need borrow no writing tables, for I assure you it was in verbis conceptis.

To conclude, thogh I do confess that his iniquitys towards me are such as flesh and blood cold hardly beare, yet God hath given me so much feeling of mine owne ofenses towards himself, as it racketh but breaketh not my charity ; and for the rest, were it the greatest labour or sorrow, paine or perill, I shold despise them all to prevent yowr preiudice, to whom I will only presume to say this much, at this time; — first, that as it is a fawlt in any man to be so fiill of apprehensions as nubem sumere pro lunone, so it hath ben the saying of the best nauigators, that a good master of a shypp shall lack many

30 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

a tryfle in a storme which others will not esteem worthe taking vp in a calme; secondly, that whensoever so audacious thoghts hath seised the harts of subiects in a monarchy, to be workers of reforma- tion, there enters also a constant resolution to extinguish all soverain power that may after censure their owne actions, sed hoc non opus. It is fitter for me to conclude with this, that when I behold the dis- creet and kynd conduct of this poor correspondency between your worthy 20 [Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] and us, I can not but in that one circumstance often acknoledg your happines, for whom God hath ordained ministers of so great wisedom and reserv- ednes, with whose meritt towardis you, thogh I can not participate in their condition, yet I will pray for your safety when I can not watch over it, for your greatnes thogh I can add nothing to it, and confess that if I cold do more then any one, it were less then nothing (balanced with my desires), or if I cold do as much as all the world, it were farr inferiour to your vertew and gratitude. [Indorsed by Sir Robe it Cecil, ^ " A lettre to 30 in Jaimary."

No. XI.

30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL],

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 76. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

My dearest 10 [Sir Eobert Cecil], In regairde that my trustie 3 [Lord Henry Howard] , in a letre of his to 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], wisheth him in youre name to make me aquainted of the laite uakening up againe of a commouning for a treatie of peace be- twixt englande and spaine, craving my aduyce hou to behaue youre selfthairin, I haue taken occasion by these few lynes, first, most hairtely to thanke you for youre tymouse aduertishement heirof, and nexte to sette you doune, as shortly as I can, my opinion thair- anents. Quhen I haue aduysedlie considderit and deepelie looked in

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 31

this maitter, I can not surelie but tliinke that, the tyme being ueyed, and the present state of things, suche a peace at this tyme must be greatlie prgeiudiciall, first to the state of religion in gcnerall, secondlie to the state, both in religion and policie of this yle in speciall, and lastlie most perrelouse for my iust claime in particulaire. Amongst many, three principall gatis for procuring these fore nam id mischeifis by this peace uoulde appearantly be oppenid, first, liberum commer- cium betuixt these nations uolde so soundlie conciliate and extin- guishe all former rankouris as it uolde no more be thocht odiouse for ane englisheman to dispute upon a spanishe tytle; secondlie, the king of spaine woulde thairby haue occasion, by his agents of all sortis, loadenit with golden argumentis, quho (if so uaire) uoulde haue free accesse in englande, to corrupte the myndes of all cor- ruptible men for the aduancement of his ambitiouse and most iniuste pretencis, besydes the setling sure meanis for intelligence at all oc- casions; and lastly, iesuites, seminarie preistis, and that rable, quhair witli englande is all readdie toe muche infectid, uoulde then resorte thaire in suche suarmes as the katerpillers or flyes did in aegipte, no man any more abhorring thaime, since the spanishe practises uas the greatest cryme that euer thay uaire attaintid of, quhiche nou by this peace uill utterly be forgo ttin.

And nou, since I arae upon this subiecte, lette the proofes ye haue hadde of my louing confidence in you pleade for ane excuse to my plainnes, if I freelie shouue yoU that I greatlie uonder fi-om quhence it can proceede that not only so great flokkis of iesuites and preistis darre both resorte and remaine in englande, but so proudlie doe use thaire functions throuch all the pairtis of englande uithout any controllement or punishement these dyuers yearis past; it is trew that for remedie thairof thaire is a proclamation lately sette fixrthe, but blame me not for longing to heare of the exemplaire ex- ecution thairof, 7ie sit lex mortua. I know it maye be iustlie thocht that I haue the lyke beame in my owne eye, but alace it is a farre more barbarouse and stiffe nekkit people that I rule ouer. Saint george surelie rydes upon a touardlie rydding horse, quhaire I ame

32 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI, OF SCOTLAND

daylie burstin in daunting a wylde unreulie coalte, and I proteste in goddis presence the daylie increase that I heare of poperie in eng- lande, and the proude uanterie that the papistes makis daylie thaire of thaire powaire, thaire increase, and thaire combyned faction, that none shall enter to be king thaire but by thaire permission ; this thaire bragging, I saye, is the cause that moues me, in the zeale of my religion, and in that naturall loue I owe to englande, to breake furthe in this digression, and to foreuarne you of these apparante euills; for tlioch ye must know all these things farre bettir then I can, yet it is a trew olde saying, that ane other man will bettir see a mannis game then the player himself can doe. Thus maye ye see, my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], hou my loue to you hath bredde my plainness, for freindshippe uithout freedome is nothing but a fontaine of affectate complementis.

As to the state of things heir, I haue this long tyme past persaued a greate smoake, but as yett can neuer fynde out one sparke of the fyre, that I maye quenshe it, but I ame in hoape shortlie to discouer it, quhiche quhen I doe, I ame resoluid with handis and feete to treade it out soundlie; but the particulaire of this and all other things I remitte to 8 []\Ir. Edward Bruce] his lettir, praying you to reste assurid that I shall neuer leaue of to deuyse how I shall some daye requyte the daylie great proofes that ye giue of youre affection touardis me, and in the meane tyme shall in my hairte constantlie remaine

Youre most louing and afectionate freinde, 30 [King James].

\_Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,'] " 30 to 10; concerning Peace."

Fastened, in two places, with crhnson silk, and sealed with two imperfect impressions of the seal of Mr. Edward Bruce already described at p. 27, with reference to letter No. IX.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 33

No. XIII. 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES].

[HATFIELD MSS. NO. CXXXV. FOL. 78. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITING OF SIR ROBERT CKCIL,

ENTITLED BY HIM

" MY LETTER IN ANSWER OF HIS MAJESTYS LETTER CONCERNING PAPISTS."]

Tlie comfort which ariseth dayly in my hart out of your gracious proceeding with me drawes from me so lardg a measure of thank- fulnes as woords and messingers wold faile, if I shold as often speake to that effect as I find cawse, or shold insist vppon particulers, which are infinite ; I will therfore lern of Homer, that all springs owght to retourn to the ocean, from whence they took their being, and so, once for all, I acknoledg your owne vertews to be the only spring hedd of all my confidence.

That your Majesty vouchsafeth to acquaint me witli the inward temper of your mynd, in matter of religion, I take for an vnspeak- able fauour, for what can giue more rest to an honest man then to forsee the continued blessing of lining under a religious Prince ; and for my self, (if it be worthie your Majesties troble to take a reckning of so meane a mans privat conscience,) I will beseech you to know by this that I am in hope to concurr with Hierom, in this particuler, that in qua Jide puer natus sum, in eaclem senex moriar, so haue I ben bredd, so baptised, instructed, and lived. For the matter of priests, I will also cleerely deliuer your Majesty my mynd. I con- demn their doctrine, I detest their conuersaiion, and I forsee the perill which the excersise of their function may bring to this iland, only I confess that I shrink to see them dy by dosens, when (at the last gasp) they come so neare loyalty, only becawse I remember that mine owne voice, amongst others, to the law (for their death) in Parliament, was ledd by no other principle then that they were

CAMD. SOC. F

34 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

absolute seducers of the people from temporall obedience, and con- fident pers waders to rebellion, and wliicli is more, becawse that law had a retrospective to all priests made twenty yeares before. But contrariwise for that generation of vypars (the lesuits), who make no more ordinary merchandise of any thing then of the blood and crownes of Princes, I am so farr from any compassion, as I rather look to receaue comandment from you to abstaine then pro- secute. But of this matter there is inogh sayd, for, thogh I confess that neyther your comandment, nor the greatest power on earth, cold make me alter my pace, for privat consideration, in matter of blood, against my conscience (if it were otherwise then I tell yow), yet being, as I haue shewed it to be, as well against the priest as the iesuite, I will presume only for your Majestys satisfaction (against the preiudice of rumour) to let you know particiderly how her Ma- jesty rcsolueth to proceed in this matter.

Their qwarrells are in print, and the cawses. They have in diebus eriticis of the proclamation (wherof the last day limited is now ex- pired) offred many declarations of that profession which they wold maintaine, hoping therby to procure some qwalification. Of this consy deration hath ben had, but we that are yowrs do so well know, first, that in this there is still imperfection and perill, and that they may haue dispensation to say much more then this; and, next, that howsoeuer they may pretend the vse of their function with distinc- tions and sophistry, that there can be no other effect then a tolera- tion of idolatry (thogh mass be no treason), and a ready preparatif to the poysoned dyrection of Rome, as all is reiected, and no mody- fication of the proclamation, but a lyberty now of their apprehen- sion and execution ; only to your IVIajesty in privat this I say, that in respect that some haue appealled to good purpose, and some haue don good services to the estate, and that their is much dyfferrence in mens spiritts, thogh not much in their crimes, it is resolued, that of those that are voluntaryly come in before the last date of the procla- mation, there shalbe some charitable relief vsed to some of them, in prison or beyond seas, in which poinct, scing I find my boldnes not

WITH SHI PvOHERT CECIL AND OTHEUS. 3.5

ill taken, I will affirnie trewly to you, that most of them do declare their affection absolutly to yovir title, and some of them haue ler- nedly written of the validity of the same; a matter I towtch not as a motive to yon to esteem them, for it Avoid be a horrour to nay hart to imagin that they that are enemies to the gospell shold be held by vow worthy to be freends to your fortune, thogh the strength of that principle in succession teacheth all men to prevent (without synn) all manner of opposition. In which poinct if your Majesty saw [?] not the mystery of your owne wisedome, pardon me to dowbt, why- ther yow shold now haue had cawse to deliberate how yow shold deale with the messinger from Antichrist.

For the peace, I hope your Majesty sees my cours (wold God no other dyd), for if I cold be tymorouse of the fortune which followes generall envy, God doth know it that as the coldnes of 40 in it now, for your only respect, hath lost him freends, so that scandall which followed the late Erl of Essex for his grecdynes of warr, because he wold be euer sure of an army, is most transferred to me, as being an enemy for some other corrupt ends to the cours of pacification. But God (I thank him) hath to much l)lessed me from all the snares layd for me, to make my counsailes in government or matter of conscience subiect to the passions of feares and dowbts, who know full well that the sparrow lighteth not on the grownd sine pronidentia Dei.

And now to the last, which is of lest price (for so are all exter- nall signes in regard of the internall affections) ; — the matter of the money I meane. Seing your Majesty hath pleased so princely to secure me that you have pardoned the presumption, I assure your Majesty there is to much sayd for your acceptation, for I plainly see that you are God's liuely image, that neuer measure the mynd by the valeu of the sacrifice, and therfore for the conueiance and order there is nothing now behynd for me but to deliuer the soomm yow send for to the hand that comes for it, and to beseech your Majesty that beyond the fygures of 20 [Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] this poinct may never be extended.

Toutching all other particulers I haue presumed by your fidel

36 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

3 [Lord Henry Howard], to shoot mine arrowes one after another, whom thogh I can not make either pnritane or protestant, yet must I protest him to all men to be et virurn et ciuem honnm, and towards your Majesty my lyfe sliold be pledg, if it were needfull to you, that he hath ever ready his gantlet of defiance against Pope and Cardi- nalls in your qwarrell. Thus doth your Majesty see our naked harts, and in them all our errours, for which when our honest aiFection pleadeth at the barr of your roiall iudgment, what other advocate needeth but the benignity of that spiritt which ruleth all your coun- sailles and actions, wherin I beseech Almighty God to give yow happiest success, for so it is desired by him that is

Ever ready to do you all lawful and humble seruice.

No. XIV.

30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].

[HATFIELD MSS. NO. CXXXV. FOL. 80. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

My dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], The feare I haue to be mis- taken by you in that pairt of my last lettir quhairin I discouer the desyre I haue to see the last edicte against iesuites and priestes putte in execution, the feare I saye of yoiu' misconstruing my meaning heirin (as appearis by youre ansoure), enforceth me in the uerrie throng of my greatest affaires to penne by poste ane ansoure and cleare resolution of my intention. I did euer hate alyke both extremities in any cace, only allowing the middes for uertue, as by my booke nou laitely published doeth plainly appeare. The lyke course doe I holde in this particulaire. I uill neuer alloAve in my conscience that the bloode of any man shall be shedde for diuersitie of opinions in religion, but I uolde be sorie that catho- likes shoulde so multiplie as thay micht be able to practise thaire olde principles upon us. I will neuer agree that any shoulde dye

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 37

for erroure in faith against tlie first table, but I tliinkc tliay slioiilde not be permitted to comittc uorkes of rebellion against the seconde table. I uolde be sorie by the suorde to dlminishe thaire nomber, but I uolde be also loathe that by soe great conniuence and ouer sicht geuin unto thaim thaire nomberis shoulde so encrease in that lande as by continuall multiplication thay micht at last becumme raaisteris, hauing allreaddy suche a setled monarchie amongst thaime, as thaire archipreiste uith his tuelf apostles keeping thaire termis in Londone, and iudging all questions as uell ciuill as spirituall amongst all catho- likes. It is for the prseuenting of thaire multiplying, and new sett up empyre, that I longc to see the execution of the last edicte against thaime, not that thairby I uishe to haue thaire headis deuydit from thaire boddies, but that I uolde be glaidde to haue both thaire headdis and boddies separated from this quhole yland, and safely transported beyonde seas, quhaire thay maye freelie glutte thaime selfis upon thaire imaginated goddis. No ! I ame so farre from any intention of persecution, as Iproteste to God I reuerence thaire churche as oure mother churche, althoch clogged uith many infirmities and corrup- tions, besydes that I did euer holde persecution as one of the infalli- ble notes of a false churche. I only uishe that suche order micht be taken as the lande micht be purged of suche great flokkis of thaime that daylie diuertis the soulis of many from the sincearitie of the gos- pell, and uithall that sum meanes micht be founde for debarring thaire entrie againe, at least in so great suarmes. And as for the distinction of thair rankis, I meane betuixt the iesuites and the se" culaire preistes, althoch I denye not that the iesuites, lyke uenumid uaspes and fyre brandis of sedition, are farre more intollerable then the other sorte, that seame to professe loyaltie, yett is thaire so plau- sible profession the more to be distrusted that, lyke maried uemen or minors, quhose ixowes are euer subiect to the controlment of thaire husbandis and tutoris, thaire consciences must euer be comandit and ouerreulid by thaire romishe god as it pleasis him to allowe or reuoke thaire conclusions. Thus, remitting all other matters to the lettirs of faithfull 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], not being able to expresse my thanke-

38 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

fulnes for youre so great care to furneislie a guairde unto me, and recomending me most liairtely to my most faithfull 40, I ende with renewing unto you the assurance of the constant loue of Youre most louing freinde

30 [King James] .

PAET 11.

CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD HENRY HOWARD.

No. I.

8 [Mr. EDWARD BRUCE] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 81. ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPH.]

Vythin tuo dayes, deer and vorthy 3 [Lord Henry Howard], after ray last sent unto yow, of the 3. of Auguste, come this packet to my hands, whiche i did carie wyth me to the hunting, where all was perused by 30 [King James], both wyth admiration and plesour. We did wonder greatly at your newes and no lese at the curiositie and diligence of 7 [Cobham*], that lewes no stounes wnstirred to make ws stwmble, and enterith at all oppennes wyth a rode in lies hand by charms to turine ws into serpents. It may be that suche bussie sperits trwble the watters of loue and fyll the springs of sownd frindshipp betuix 24 [Queen Elizabeth] and 30 [King James], yet can we not see in so dooing whow thay can fiche thair ends and desyrs ; but we wer exceding well pleased to perceaue the grasse so finly cut under hes foots by that wery wise ansour whiche 10 [Sir

* This explanation is indicated in the original by the contemporary interlineation of " Cob." over the 7, and "Cobha" written in the margin.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 39

Robert Cecil] did make to 24 [Queen Elizabeth], wherein he did ouertake both 7 [Cobham's] to great heast and her to miche credu- litie; but because time will detecte the treiithe of suche aduertis- ments, i will set yew doune simply what 30 [King James] knowes of this embassage.

My lord semple * at hes retourne from spaine did acquent the kincy that thair was euin propos thair to send ane embassadour in this contrie, and that it was contentuosly and muche dispute in thaire consell, pro et contra, some afFerming that it was expedient to seeke the compeignes to be revoked by hes majestic wyche he hade sent to succour thair rebells in the low contries, vthers that thair king myht easily practise a diworse betuene the princes of this yle, if he would foster hes hopes, corrupt hes consell, and incourage hem wyth assurance to adwance hes title in the time of tryall and compe- tion, and by thois means to weakin the holl yle and mak it a pray to thair conquis. To this opposition was made that the king of spaine could not in honor directe ane ambassadour to any prince befor he knewe whowe he sowld be rcceaued, spetially to hem whoo hade aidit and assisted hes naturall subiects to make warre agains hem in hes ouen dominions, agains the treaties of peas standing betuix the contries; that he was "so far dewoted to yowr queue, and so manye stronge bands betuix thair contries, that it would proof im- possible to diuerte hem froiTie her amitie; so, tossing thees doubts to and frome, thay broake up thair consell without any resolusion, at- tendino-, as he said, some greattar alienation of minds betuix our tuo princes, whiche before thay see i hope the best of thaire eyes sail be clossed eternally.

Since .this time 30 [King James] protests that natheir directly nor indirectly he newer heard motion or speache of any suche mes- sage to come unto hem, and if it had bene so, he hade made her ma- iestie acquentid wyth it long or nowe. It may be, but it is not pro-

* Robert fourth Lord Semple, a Roman Catholic peer of Scotland, through whom King James communicated with the Court of Spain.

40 CORRESPOA^DENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

bable, that on arrywe wpone the sodame, in wlche cais he can not in honor but wise hem well, and keepe to hem the law of nations; and yet, gif he shall gaine the least point of aduantage to the pre- iudice of ather of our states and common amitie, thenn sail not 10 [Secretary Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] be blamles, who sail be mad acquented wyth all lies demands and propositions, and have lasur to schowe lies ansours before thay be put into hes mouthe, and bowt hes flowr before it go to the bakehous. Assur yowr selfe, deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard] , if owr intelligence be trewe, thaire ar fewe princes in europe in a worse predicament wyth spaine then our king is at this day.

What yow wreat of sir antonie scheurly may wery well be trewe in a man so ambitius, so much crossed in the way to hes preferment and honor, but what he may prewalle hem selfe or wthers by any acquentance or interest he hath in 30 [King James] is wery well knowen wnto yow, the grownds of hes first profession of seruice to 30 [King James] beinge laid by antonie bacon, as i beleue by yowr priuitie; since that time it is all percian he hes spoken wnto ws, and all papers sent from hem to m. antonie during hes abood in persia were farsed wyth no thing but occurrants in that great king- dome, all utterly improfitable to this poor state.

We lerned that he had a letter wyth a tooken to haue bene pre- sented from hes king to 30 [King James], and I understood at london that he had sent ane sadle to m. bacon for the king; but of all thees we haue receaued no thing but a sownd ; as to any mes- senger from hem, only captane eliot excepted, we had newer non; the duke of mercure hauing recommendid that gentil man to the king, he brought heir a letter from ser anthonie bering the image of lies ouen fortune and what disasters had happened unto hem in hes iowrnay, but of the state of england or spaine we neuer had aduertisment frome hem in lies time : 30 [King James] had never so muche accompte of hem as yow suppose, and, whatsoeuer he hath wndertakine to the spanishe embassadour for hem, he is not bastand [i. e. in haste] to acquite hem of suche a charge : yea, i can hard [l]y beleue that

WITH 8IU ROBERT CECIL AND OT]IER!<. 41

Spain will trwst or imploy hem in such ane action, hawing many fitter agents heir if tliair were any posslbilitie to eflectuat so fine a serwice. I bcseche you be not mowed by so lyght and improbable intelligence, for 30 [King James] is setteled upone the center of 10 [Sir Eobert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard], where yow will find hem rest constant and immowable.*

Yow hawe deluvered wnto ws in the first page of yowr letter a wcry seriws and important adwise, wherin we sympathise sowndly wytli yow in opinions, but what prewalls consell whane passion pre- domings? He is so far a slawe to lies aifections that reasonne carieth no more sway, and yow knowe that in so dangerus accidents and in- conwenients it is more secure for ws to temporise, nor to repine and disswade. When speats [i. e. showers of rain] ar wiolente it is safere to let theme goe then to crose or rcstange thair cowrs. The more a litle matter is cassinc on the fyere, the hottere it bwrins. Our best remedie seems to be to make way to the times and set salles to the tempeste. It may be that tygrcs turine in turtles, and passion take on compas- sion, or conterpassion, out of experience, for in lies greatest flammes he forgets not to sasoune soume spcches unto [sic] wyth acriinonie of lies mynd, ofttims commending the care, the |)rowidence, the cawtion of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard], liowe wiolent a raike tliare wits, thare tendirnesse and honestie are set upone, for hes safetie and conseruation ; that the smooke of suche colles had not gone so far as wnto them, if sowme fyere wer not smowdered under the ashes at home ; that he is ialus of more then ordinarie aftcction towars hem, that the italien prowerbe may pro we trewe, " who treats me better nor he was wont will, or mynds to, betray me." Suche spechcs keepe my mind in susspeuce, so that i am doubfull [sic] in what syde of the ballance to lay me in. The wownde, as yow wisly wreat, being so swollcd that it needs to be tuichcd wyth softe hands, yeat easily curable if corrupt membrcs wer ather chastised or rc-

* The intercourse between King James and Sir Anthony Sliirley will he found noticed in The Sherley Brothers, 4to. 1840. Janiea addressed a latter to Shah Abbas, King of Persia, on Shirley's behalf: see it, ibid, p. 105.

CA?.n). soc. u

42 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

mouwed. 20 [Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] stands firme in tliair first resolwtion, that to knowe the actours and complices of this farse wer to remedie the siknese and to redeme innocencie frome the graue; if there nams wer discowered, we could mount lyke the iwy and take hold of the branches befor we went to the tope, we could pretend a triall for on crime, and possible wrencte * ane wther out of there finger ends; mintef at on place, and, like good swymmers, hit at ane wther, for we apprehend if on or tuo war commit, that wthers wolde be fugitiue, and so the play breake wp at ons.

Deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard], i neid not bid you be carfull for hes safetie, nor gif your best aduise for prewention of lies parells, since he expects als much loue and J tendirnesse fi-om 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] as any living, spetially in maters of this moment tending to hes preseruation.

No address, direction, seal, or indorsement.

No. IL

30 [KING JAMESJ TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOAVARD].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 85. OUIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

My deare and trustie 3 [Lord Henry Howard], The cause of my delaye of vtr^-ting quhill nou uas only that I stayt upon the parretis cumming, quho repeatid his lesson of ave ccesar so coldlie, so care- leslie, and aboue all so unperfytlie, that he miclit liaue bene safelie maid to haue caried his owin death foldit up in such ane senigmc. The deepe and restles caire that both uorthy 10 [Sir Eobert Cecil] and ye haue of my safetie I shall neucr be able to recompence, as uell for that honorable and louing dealing of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] in persuaiding the queue to giue order for the banishement of unquhile gouries brethren, as for his circumspect dealing in the other great

* wrench, f aim. % " and" is repeated in the MS.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 43

point, qviliairof ye urotte in youre last to 8 [Mr. Edward BriiceJ ; but as my upriclit and guiltlesse conscience hath euer bene my greatest guarde and strong brasen uall, so ame I most sure that thaire is a treacherouse deceate and most uniuste imputation of the innocent usid in that earande, and thairfore, as from the bottome of my hairt I thanke 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] for his uatchfuU caire hcarin, so doe I praye you most earnistlie to insiste uith him, in my name, that I may be informed from quhat fontaine suche ncwis are deriued vmto him, for by the knouledge thairof I presume I shall be able to guesse at the quhole misterie.

I doe also persaue, by youre letters to 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], that 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] is uerrie desyrouse to knowe the knichtis name that delt betuixt the duike of lenox and raulie, and thairfore, althoch the knicht him self be a uerrie honest plaine gentleman, for so farre as I can learne, yett knowing that confident truste can no more be seuerid from trew freindshippe then the shaddou can be cvitte from the boddie, I uill giue to 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] this further proofe of my confident truste in him by discouerie of this gentle- mannis name unto him, quhiche is sir airthoure sauuage, not doubt- ing but 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] will conserue this as a freinds secrcate. without suffering the gentleman to receaue any hairme hearby, quhiche more uolde interest me in honoure then him in person, especiallie since the gentlemannis natui'e appearis to be farre different from raulies, thoch out of zeale to me and affection to his friende, he coulde not refuse to be trucheman * unto him. Ye shall also informe 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] that I hauc neuer harde iiorde yett from Hammillton, neither directlie nor indirectlie, since his rcturne, quhairby I doe guesse that he is not uell pleased uith his ansoure. Mercuric is also cumd doune to the bordoure; hou soone I receaue his lettir I shall ansoure it in euerie point according to the aduyce sett doun by 10 [Sir Robert Cecil]. 1 hoape makcnzee shall be a instrument of some goode seruice to be done against tirone, fur I

* interpreter.

44 CORRESrONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

fynde liiiii iicrrie iiilling; but tliis and all otlier particulairs I rcinitte to the fldclitic of 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his peiine, and doe coniittc both 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and you to the protection of the all- michtie. From flilklande the xxix of iuly, 1602.

Youre constantlie assurid freind,

30 [King James]. Addressed, "3."

[Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed, also in two places, with the same seal as the previous letter to Sir Robert Cecil, No. IX. p. 27.]

Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil, " 30 to 3."

Xo. III.

30 [KING JAMES] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. &7. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

My deare 3 [Lord Henry Howard], Since my penne is not able to expresse the least pairt of that infinite thankis quhiche my hairte doeth yeelde to my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] for his so great and daylie desairtis at my hande, I ame forced to employe you as the trustiest freinde to us both to descryue unto him the most uiily that is possible unto you quhat inuarde gratitude both oucht to be, and indeid is, reseruid in my hairte touardis him ; but especially quhen I considder the greatnes of his caire and uigilance for my pras- ser nation by his offer for maintenance of a ordinarie guairde, I must saye, uith oure sauioure, that in the last daye he shall stande up and acctise my owin subiects of ingratitude and toe litle caire of me, quho being borne my subiectis by nature, bounde to me by many obligations and benefites, and daylie conuersant uith me, are negli-

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND'D^BEEiSi^S^^ 40

gent of that qulilclie he, borne a stranger, ncncr bouncle to me by any bcncfite, and nith his eyes neuer hauing scene me, can take no rest uithout he offer it unto me ; bvit of this, as of all other things, ye nill by the lettir of 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] be particulairlie aqiiaintid uith my mynde. I can not also thanke 10 [Sir Kobert Cecil] aneucli for aquainting me so uifly with the cogging of graye, but I have commandit 20 [the Earl of Mar] to make you aquaintid uith suche a iuggeling trikke of his as maye make both 10 [Sir Kobert Cecil] and you holde in a great quhyle youre expensis upon phisike by a halfe houris goode lauchter: and thus, my deare 3 [Lord Henry HoAvard], being for lakke of laisaire compellid to be shorte, 1 bidde you hairtely fairuell, euer praying you to reste more and more assured of the constant affection of

Youre most louing freinde,

30 [King James]. Not addressed.

[Fastened and sealed in the same manner as the last.]

Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil, " 30 to 3."

Ko. IV.

8 [Mr EDWARD BRUCE] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 88. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]

If i sould afBict yow by my scribbeling, most deer and worthy 3 [Lord Henry Howard], that wndergoes noAV so great a weight of bussinese for the good of 30 [King James], i sould heape colics wpone my owen head, and wery iustly be argued of importunitie, since the reflex of suche fruits as 10 [Sir Eobert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] trawels produce daylie, ministers almost euerie moment wnto ws new mater of consolation, all aduertisments which

46 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

we receiwe berlng that the counscll and state standeth for ws in a constant and resolut wnion to aduance owr ryghtfull hopes, but frome what springs suchc resolution flowcs, is als difficule for them to know as the inwndation of nikis; the most i can say to yow is, that happie ar thay that perseuereth to the end.

We obserue yow languise betueen hope and dispare of 24 [Qiieen Elizabeth's] helthe. Our conceits of both are schortly these. If it sail pleas God to call her presently to hcs mercie, we think it sail be dangcrus to leive the chaire long emptie, for the head being so far distant from the bodie may yeald caus of distemper to the holl gouernemente ; and if so it fall out, 30 [King James] is wery de- sirus, if your helth can suifer yow, that yow sould come to hem, fraught wytli 10 [Sir Eobert Cecil's] aduise in eiierie thing that may concerne hes enteric and resort to that croune. Many doubts may aryse wherin non sail be so muche trusted as your selfe. Wyth yow we will frelie confere anent our preparation, our conwoy, our confidence in all men of your state, and of all wther things of most importance to our present fortoune.

Giwe her seiknese relent and continow, so that sche become insensible and stupide, wythout hope to recouer her former hclth and capacitie ( as is wsuall in suche maladies), wnfite to rewle and to gowerne a kingdome, we would wise according to the cours of common laAv and exemples of manie kings, that sche being des- titut of all reasone and consent, habens neque welle, neque nolle, sould be dewolwed ad agnatos et gentiles, and that her nerrast kins- man, and most apparent aire, sould be inwest in the tutill and admi- nistration of her state; for giwe hir diseise draw long, it is to be feared, that the tuo great kings, your nightbours, out of ambitius emwlation put them in there beast preparation of force and puar to assaille yow by conquise, and mak this holl yle by time the feild of mars; but in this, as in all wther things, 30 [King James] suspends hes owen iudgment and commits hem to the prouidence and care of hes kindest nombrcs [sic], and espetially to hes dcerrest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] .

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 47

The means ar most politique and wise by which yow ha we dis- persed the clowd of ane apparent popise uprore, and it is a wery safe and singular good rewlle, rather to preuent then to be preuentcd, yet did we trust so muche in your Industrie that, giwe thay had gon on to do there worst, yow could hawe pulled suche feathers from there wings as myght hawe mad them come schorte of the great pray they hunted for.

The letter sent from 0 [Earl of Northumberland] to 30 [King James] did arriwe the night befor this packet come to my hands, which was wpon the 23 of this instant. It is wery discretly and temperatly wreattin, and in all points wery nere the trewthe. He says not that he is a catholike him selfe, but that sondrie of lies retenow and dependance hath ores in there bot, and that thay ar not able to resolwe in any cours wyth the whiche he sail not be mad acquented; if it appereth [_sic] not wnto me that yow hawe scene her [sic] letter alradie, i sould hawe sent yow the coppie of it in this packet.

As to the proclamation,* it is set of musicke that sondeth so sueitly in the ears of 30 [King James], that he can alter no nots in so agreeable ane harmonic; in reading he weighed all the words of it in the ballanc of hes owen head, wyth great affection prasing both the pen and prouident of that counsellour that inspyred suche a reso- lution. Say to 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] in my name, that, giwe suche a seruice be remunerable, he will find hem selfe ons gratfullie acquat at the hands of 30 [King James] .

We intrait yow, all whom yow call heir yowr deirrast frynds, to hawe a care of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil's] saftie in the time of suche riots and tumults as may now arise, when suche changes and altera- tions ar eminent to the world; as he is carfull to guard ws, so let hem hawe a care to guard hem selfe, that he may be reserued and prcserued to ws, ad meliora tempora. No doubt but all desperat and wnhappie spcrits who longs to see ane anarchic and confusion in

* The document which sounded so sweetly in the ears of King James was evidently the draft of the proposed proclamation of his accession to the throne of England, prepared by Sir Robert Cecil and sent to Scotland for the King's approval.

48 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

your Stat, wil tlirist for lies blood and rwinc befor all mens in tlic kino-dome, so much tlic ratlier that lies inclinations and affections glance heir away. In what sort 30 [King James] sail giwe thankes to the consell for so kind parts as thay hawe giwen proof of and protested towars hem in this time, let hem be adviertised, and whuther by message or by wreat, and when it sail be convenient, wyth all uther circomstances, yoAV will remember hem.

There is againe ane wther post come from the cyphers of the toure * direct by the sam hand i wreat to yow befor, only to acquent ws wyth 24 [Queen Elizabeth's] estate, and to importoune a spedie sending wpe of 9 [Mr. David Foulis], which 30 [King James] is of purpose to performe if it seeme agreable to 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] wpone the returine of your ansour to lies last dispatche. If there be any misterie in that message, both 9 [Mr. David Foulis] and hutsonne f keepes it from 20 [the Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], who ar not muche curius of their cours, but if it be lesome| to gesse, becaus hutsomie is now become all our trcsoreres man, and sends all his secrets wnto hem, i trust it be some monie mater: i speake this only out of opinion. Hutsonne lies lykways a dealling wyth the wenetien embassadour, who, as he wreats to 30 [King James] and the tresorer, oflcrs in the behalf of the seignorie great aid and succours in monie to 30 [King James] in this time of lies necessitie; wliow it shall be performed i am incertaine till i see the Client, but of this I beseiche you returne me nothing, nor let neuer 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] nor 3 [Lord Henry Howard] in any case take notice of it, atlier to hutsonne, or 9 [Mr. David Foulis], or any wther livinge.

Efter the date of this dispache you send me now, there was a gentilman direct from richmont the 19 of this instant at 2 hours efter diner, who arriucd the night befor 3'our packet lat, and had audience of 30 [King James] in his bed at 7 in the morninge; his credit Avas

* Keepers of the Tower ? 'f' James Hudson. J lawful.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 49

from Sir Robert Carie to glwe 30 [King James] assurance that 24 [Queen Elizabeth] could not owtliwe thre dayes at most, and that he stayed only at court to bring to hem the first newes of her dethe, and had horses plased in all the way to mak hem speed in hes post. Thus yow see when the great whell of the horologe mowes, all the litle vns runnes a pas ; i pray yow let this be imparted to non but 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], for I fear, (say nothing too of the partie) and returne me no ansour wnto this.

30 [King James] keeps heir the greattast modestie and silence that is possible, for thought rumors and speaches comes dayly to hes table of 24 [Queen Elizabeth's] seaknese, he takes no notice of it, nather yet hes he acquented any of his nobilitie, 20 [the Earl of Marr] excepted, wyth hes present condition.

It is thought mete by 20 [the Earl of Mar] and 8 []\Ir. Edward Bruce], that yow acqucnt ws by the next, giwe 30 [King James] sail mak any forces and puar to be in reidinese at all hasards, to oppose and resist against hes ennemies, if any sail happen take armes to inwad and oppose against hes interest.

30 [King James] commends muche your direction giwen to the gward, and wisseth the consell to persist in so good a resolution. He rests in this opinion that, thought he be of mynd to alter no man in any office or charge he possesseth in the stat, yet Avhere it standeth hem wpone the safetie of hes lyfe and suretie of hes personne, the state will yeald hem so muche fauour to grant hem a free election of hes guard, and all members theirof, giwe not skottes at the least inglise, for the common benefit of both the contries.

Thus hawe I deliuered wnto yow my mynd wytji suche schort- nese as the necessitie of your bussinese requireth, wissinge yow to mak no schewe of suche pcrticulars as I hawe imparted wnto yow. I trust yow will keep me in hes wonted fauor to Avhom I hawe awowed, nixt on, my inuiolable seruice, lyke as to your selfe I sail remaine a constant and inchangable seruant for euer,

8. [Edward Bruce].

CAMD. soc. H

.30 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND

I can not forget that S"" Thomas Challendar hath wreattin a uery kind letter to 30 [King James] in recomendation of your great seruis wnto hem. Lett it serwe yow to know it, and wtherwais I wise yow to take no notice of the same ; i wonkl think hem a fite compaignonc for your conwoy in case yow did tak couraig to come to this place. IVIany things i ha we to say whiche I can not wreat ; only it will pleas yow yet to excuse 20 [the Earl of Mar,] who parted from ws not tuo hours before the arriuinge of this packet of yours. So long a[s] 30 [King James] sail hawe need of a guard, so long sail it be at 10 [Sir Robert Cecil's] charge; what remains, if so it please hem, sail be reserued and rendered most thankfully whiche I for warrant.

Because of the multitud of advertisments we receiwe, yow most be the more frequent in sending at this time, for we meine to sail by no ^vther compas then your consell and aduise in all thinges; care neuer whow short yow be to 30 [King James], so yow giwe hem any sence of your meninge, for now he goes not abroocf, and longes cuerie our for newes from yow ; . he wold be glad now to read your letter in the worst caracters that euer yow wreat, sence I knew yow [and] your stille.

At my closing, 30 [King James] hes caused 9 [Mr. David Foulis] bring me the coppie of a letter wy th hes ansour whiche it will pleas yow receiue in this packet.

It sail not be amise yow temper 30 [King James's] to great heast in remowing hence in case god call 24 [Queen Elizabeth], out of your selfe or ane aduise of the nombres, for now he burines to be gone.

Againe the lord be wyth yow and prosper all your good and honorable dcsing-e.

7 [Cobham] and ii * ar forlorine in our accompts, and i beseiche yow think not that any subiect in england is able to win grond in Avs to the least disgrace of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], for we ar exceed-

* Not identified ; perhaps Raleigh.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 51

ing far iiiamorat of hem, and yow sail acqucnt suche as yow lowe of essex fryndes that glwe any of them hawe suche busslnese in heed, or meane to fallow suche a rout, it will turine them assuredly to tliir ruine, for this is setteled in the hairt of 30 [King James] ; this only to your selfe.

25 of marche at 6 ours at night.

Addressed, " 3." [Lord Henry Howard.]

[Fastened with green silk in two places, and sealed also in two places with the same seal of Mr. Edward Bruce used to the last letter, and on several previous occasions.]

No. V.

8 [MR. EDWARD BRUCE] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].

[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 102. ORIG. AUT0G1!AI>H.]

After the closing of my packet, deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard], 30 [King James] sends on to me wyth diligens to come to hem. At my comming i fynd captaine Selbie wyth hem who parted frome Londoune the 23 of this marche. He deliuered many letters from gentillmen of good accompt, espetlally from the tour. Thay certifie all of 24 [Queen Elizabeth's] wery neer approches to her euerlasting rest. The erle of Southhamtoune hes wreatin to 30 [King James] ane