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CAPTAIN COOK’S JOURNAL.
FIRST VOYAGE.
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CAPTAIN COOK’S JOURNAL
FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD
HM. BARK “ ENDEAVOUR" 1768-71
A Literal Transcription of the Original MSs.
WITH NOTES AND INTRODUCTION g EDITED BY
CAPTAIN W. J. L. WHARTON, R.N., F.R.S. Hydrographer of the Admiralty
i ; EllustratedD bp Maps and Facsimiles r | LONDON
ELLIOT STOCK, 62 PATERNOSTER ROW 4 1893
Dedicated by Permission TO ADMIRAL H.RH. THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH, K,G., ETC. WHOSE DEEP INTEREST IN ALL MATTERS CONNECTED WITH THE RISE AND PROGRESS Is WELL KNOWN TO ALL WHO HAVE HAD
OF THE BRITISH NAVY
THE PRIVILEGE OF SERVING WITH HIM.
PREFACE.
pee YON
TRANGE it must appear that the account of S perhaps the most celebrated and, certainly to the English nation, the most momentous voyage of discovery that has ever taken place—for it practically gave birth to the great Australasian Colonies—has never before been given to the world in the very words of its great leader. It has fallen out in this wise.
After the return of the Zxdeavour it was decided that a full and comprehensive account of the voyage should be compiled. Coox’s Journat dealt with matters from the point of view of the seaman, the explorer, and the head of the expedition, responsible for life, and for its general success. The Journals of Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander looked from the scientific side on all that pre- sented itself to their enthusiastic observation.
What could be better than to combine these accounts, and make up a complete narrative from them all ?
The result, however, according to our nineteenth-cen- tury ideas, was not altogether happy. Dr. Hawkesworth, into whose hands the Journals were put, not only inter- spersed reflections of his own, but managed to impose his own ponderous style upon many of the extracts from the united Journals ; and, moreover, as they are all jumbled together, the whole being put into Cook’s mouth, it is impossible to know whether we are reading Cook, Banks, Solander, or Hawkesworth himself.
viii Preface.
The readers of the day were not, however, ‘critical. Hawkesworth’s book,* which undoubtedly contains all the most generally interesting passages of the three writers, gave aclear description of the events of the voyage in a connected manner, and was accepted as sufficient ; and in the excitement of devouring the pages which introduced so many new lands and peoples, probably few wished for more, and the Journals were put away as dealt with.
Since that time it has been on several occasions in contemplation to publish Mr.—after Sir Joseph—Banks’ Journal ; but this has never been accomplished.
Cook’s Journal was in triplicate. The Admiralty Orders of the day enjoined that the captain should keep a journal of proceedings, a copy of which was to be forwarded to the Admiralty every six months, or as soon after as pos- sible. In the case of this voyage the ship was two and a half years from England before any opportunity of sending this copy occurred. The ship was the whole of this time in new and savage lands. When Batavia was reached the duplicate of Cook’s Journal was sent home, and six months later, when the ship arrived in England, the full Journal of the voyage was deposited at the Admiralty.
The Secretary of the Admiralty, Sir Philip Stephens, a personal friend and appreciator of Cook, appears to have appropriated the Batavia duplicate, as we find it in the hands of his descendants, and passing thence by sale, first to Mr. Cosens in 1868, and then in 1890 to Mr. John Corner.
The other and complete copy is still in possession of the Admiralty, though in some unexplained manner it was absent for some years, and was only recovered by the exertions of Mr. W. Blakeney, R.N.
A third copy of the Journal also terminates a few days before reaching Batavia. It is in the possession of Her Majesty the Queen, and from its appearance was kept for,
* “ Hawkesworth’s Voyages,” 3 vols., 4to., 1773.
Preface. ix
and probably presented to, George III., who took great interest in the voyage.
Neither private possessors nor the Admiralty have felt moved to publish this interesting document until Mr. Corner acquired his copy, when, being an enthusiastic admirer of Captain Cook, he determined to do so, and was making preliminary arrangements, when he suddenly died, after a few hours’ illness. His son, anxious to carry out his father’s wishes, which included the devotion of any proceeds to the restoration of Hinderwell Church,—the parish church of Staithes, whence Cook ran away to sea,— has completed these arrangements, and the present volume is the result.
The text is taken from Mr. Corner’s copy so far as. it goes, paragraphs from the Admiralty copy, which do not appear in the former, being added, with a notation of their source.
The last portion, from October 23rd, 1770, which is only given in the Admiralty copy, is necessarily taken from it.
The three copies are, practically, identical, except for the period August 13th to roth, 1770, during which the wording is often different, though the events are the same.
It is not very difficult to account for this.
The two first-mentioned Journals are in the hand- writing of an amanuensis, Mr. Orton, the clerk. No autograph journal is, so far as is known, in existence, but some rough original must have been kept, as both copies bear internal evidence of having been written up after the lapse of an interval after the events described.
This is markedly the case in the Australian part of the Journal.
It is known that Botany Bay was at first called by Cook, Stingray Bay, on account of the number of rays caught there ; but after Banks had examined his collection, and found all his plants new to science, Cook determined
aise?
x Preface.
to call it Botany Bay. It is, however, called Botany Bay from the first in the Journals.
The name, “ New South Wales,” was not bestowed with- out much consideration, and apparently at one stage New Wales was the appellation fixed upon, for in Mr. Corner’s copy it is so called throughout, whereas the Admiralty copy has “‘ New South Wales.”
It would therefore seem that about the period of the discrepant accounts Mr. Corner's copy was first made, and that Cook, in the Admiralty copy, which for this part is fuller, revised the wording of his description of this very critical portion of the voyage.
The Queen’s Copy has been written with especial care, and by several different hands. It was evidently the last in point of time.
In reading Coox’s JourNnaAL of his First Voyage it must be remembered that it was not prepared for publica- tion. Though no doubt the fair copies we possess were revised with the care that characterises the man, and which is evidenced by the interlineations and corrections in his own hand with which the pages are dotted, it may be supposed, from the example we have in the published account of his Second Voyage, which was edited by himself, that further alterations and additions would have been made, to make the story more complete, had he contemplated its being printed.
This does not, however, in any way detract from the interest of a transcript of his record on the spot; and though many circumstances recorded in Hawkesworth, from Banks or others, will not be found, it is probable that an exact copy of the great navigator’s own impressions, and the dis- entanglement of them from the other interpolated matter, will be welcome.
In printing this Journal the only alterations that have been made are the breaking-up into chapters, with modern headings ; the addition of punctuation ; and in the form of
Se ome 68h
Preface. xi
the insertion of the daily record of wind, weather, and position of the ship. These in the original are on the left hand page in log form. To save space they have been placed at the end of every day’s transactions.
The eccentricities in the spelling have been preserved. A good many of these would seem to be due to Mr. Orton, the transcriber, as Cook’s own letters are generally correct in their orthography. The use of the capital letter was usual at the time.
References will be found to sketches and plans which have not been reproduced.
Cook’s knack of finding names for localities was peculiarly happy. Those who have had to do this, know the difficulty. Wherever he was able to ascertain the native name, he adopts it ; but in the many cases where this was impossible, he manages to find a descriptive and distinctive appellation for each point, bay, or island.
He seems to have kept these names very much to himself, as it is seldom the officers’ logs know anything of them ; and original plans, still in existence, in many cases bear different names to those finally pitched upon.
Cook’s names have rarely been altered, and New Zealand and Australian places will probably for all time bear those which he bestowed.
In the orthography of his native names he was not so successful. The constant addition of a redundant “o” has altered many native sounds, such as Otaheite for Tahiti, Ohwhyhee for Hawaii; while his spelling generally has been superseded by more simple forms. This is a matter, however, in which great difficulties are found to the present day by Englishmen, whose language presents no certain laws for rendering any given sound into a fixed combination of letters.
Cook’s language is unvarnished and plain, as a sailor’s should be. His incidents, though often related with cir- cumstance, are without exaggeration ; indeed if any fault is
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xii Preface.
to be found, it is that he takes occurrences involving much labour and hardship as such matters of course, that it is not easy for the reader, especially if he be a landsman, to realise what they really entail.
Cook was assiduous in obtaining observations to ascer- tain the Variation of the compass—z.e., the difference between the direction shown by the magnetic needle and the true north. He is constantly puzzled by the dis- crepancies in these observations made at short intervals. These arose from the different positions of the ship’s head, whereby the iron within a certain distance of the compass is placed in different positions as regards the needle working the compass card, the result being that the needle is attracted from its correct direction in varying degree. Thisis known as the Deviation of the compass. The cause of this, and of the laws which govern it, were only discovered by Captain Flinders in 1805. Happily for the navigators of those days, little iron entered into the construction of ships, and the amount of the Deviation was not large, though enough to cause continual disquiet and wonderment.
Cook’s longitudes in this voyage are all given as west of Greenwich, not divided into east and west, as is usual at this day. ‘The latter system again has only been adopted universally since his time.
Though Cook himself gives, at the beginning of the Journal, a note of the method of reckoning days adopted, it may not be amiss to give further explanation here.
It was the usual custom on board ships to keep what was known as Ship time—z.e., the day began at noon de/fore the civil reckoning, in which the day commences at mid- night. Thus, while January,sst, as ordinarily reckoned, is from midnight to midnight, in ship time it began at noon on December 31st and ended at noon January rst, this period being called January 1st. Hence the peculiarity all through the Journal of the p.m. coming before the a.m. It results that any events recorded as occurring in the p.m.
Preface. xiii
of January 1st in the log, would, if translated into the ordinary system, be given as happening in the p.m. of December 31st ; while occurrences in the a.m. of January 1st would be equally in the a.m. of January Ist in both systems.
This puzzling mode of keeping the day at sea continued to a late period, and was common to seamen of all nations.
The astronomical day, again, begins at noon after the midnight at which the civil day begins, and hence is a whole day later than the ship’s day. This does not enter into Cook’s Journal, but one of the logs of the Exdeavour, extant, that of Mr. Green the astronomer, was kept in this time, and the events of say Thursday, June 24th, of Cook's Journal, are therein given as happening on Wednesday, June 23rd. These differences of reckoning have been a fertile source of confusion in dates in many voyages.
Besides Cook’s Journals there are other Journals and Logs of the voyage extant. Perhaps it may be necessary to state that a Log is the official document in which the progress of the ship from hour to hour is recorded, with such official notes as the alteration in sail carried, expendi- ture of provisions and stores, etc. A Journal contains this information in a condensed form, with such observations as the officer keeping it may feel inclined to insert.
The ship's Log Book of the Endeavour is in the British Museum. Mr. R. M. Hudson of Sunderland possesses Cook’s own log, not autograph however, pre- sented by Cook to Sir Hugh Palliser, the ancestor of his wife.
The Journals of all the officers of the Exdeavour are preserved at the Public Record Office. There is, however, nothing to be got out of them, as they are mainly copies one of the other, founded on the ship's log.
The portion of Mr. Molineux’s, the Master’s, Log that exists (at the Admiralty) is a most beautifully kept and written document, enriched with charts and sketches
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xiv Preface.
that attest the accuracy of Cook’s remark, that he was a ‘young man of good parts.”
The log kept by Mr. Green, however, does contain a few original remarks, some of which have been made use of. This book contains a mass of astronomical observa- tions, and witnesses to the zeal of this gentleman in his especial duty.
He records in one place, when far away from land, his disgust that the officers were unwilling to aid him in lunar observations. No doubt they saw no particular use in them when there was no coast to fix ; but there is ample proof that he received every aid when Cook thought it necessary.
Sufficient charts have been placed in this book to enable the reader to follow the more interesting parts of the voyage; some being reproductions of Cook’s own charts, others modern publications. In the case of the coast of East Australia, the coast-line as laid down by Cook, and as now known, are given side by side for comparison.
It must be understood, that although this book is styled Captain Coox’s Journat, he was on this voyage only a Lieutenant in Command, and therefore only Captain by courtesy.
W. J. L. WHARTON.
FLoRys, WIMBLEDON Park, April 7th, 1893.
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CONTENTS.
—_—_~>-— PAGE SKETCH OF CAPTAIN COOK’S LIFE . P ; ees j ; . XV LIsT OF PERSONS WHO LEFT ENGLAND IN H.M.S. ENDEAVOUR, AGP MUSURR Oe ee ee oe CHAPTER I. ENGLAND TO RIO JANEIRO Peete Paetagay bee ‘ I CHAPTER II. RIO JANEIRO TO TAHITI... Vee Sis econ Honea . 29 CHAPTER III. TAHITI . ; ; ; ‘ ; : ; : ; : ‘ ‘ - 60 CHAPTER IV. TAHITI TO NEW ZEALAND. ; i ; ; , ( i ‘ . 108
CHAPTER V.
EXPLORATION OF NEW ZEALAND ° ° . . . . + 130
CHAPTER VI.
EXPLORATION OF MIDDLE ISLAND OF NEW ZEALAND . . . - 182
CHAPTER VII.
PASSAGE FROM NEW ZEALAND TO NEW HOLLAND . . . + 233
CHAPTER VIII.
EXPLORATION OF EAST COAST OF AUSTRALIA : . . . + 237
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Contents.
CHAPTER IX.
FROM TORRES STRAIT TO BATAVIA.
CHAPTER X.
BATAVIA TO CAPE OF GOOD HOPE .
CHAPTER XI.
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE TO ENGLAND .
INDEX .
PAGE
327
365
385
397
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SKETCH OF CAPTAIN COOK’S LIFE.
APTAIN COOK’S life, or the account of so much of it as is
Cc recoverable, has been so often recounted that there is no
occasion to insert more in this publication than is necessary
as a reference to the reader, to enable him to realise the career and character of the man.
Cook’s first biographer, Andrew Kippis, wrote in 1788, and his work has recently been republished.*
The latest and best life is by Walter Besant, whose graceful pen has given us a fascinating, interesting, and, as far as is possible, complete picture of this great Englishman. Many details of Cook’s private life are lost, but enough has been collected by Mr. Besant to place our hero vividly before us, and a perusal of his work is strongly recommended.
Many things in the following sketch are taken frm Mr. Besant, to whom I wish to tender my acknowledgments,
James Cook rose from nearly the lowest ranks. The second son of James Cook, a Yorkshire labourer, and Grace his wife, he was born on the edge of the Cleveland Hills on Feb, 27th, 1728, in the little village of Marton, which lies about four miles S.S.E. of Middlesborough, and five miles west of the well-known hill and landmark, Roseberry Topping. Eight years later his father re- moved to Great Ayton, which lies close under Roseberry Topping.
At the age of thirteen Cook, who, it is recorded, had had some elementary schooling both at Marton and Great Ayton, was apprenticed to one Sanderson, a draper and grocer of Staithes, a fishing village on the coast, about fourteen miles from Ayton and nine north-west of Whitby.
* ‘A Narrative of the Voyage round the World, performed by Captain James Cook, with an Account of His Life,” by A. Kippis, D.D., F.R.S. London: Bickers & Son, 1889.
t ‘‘Captain Cook,’ by Walter Besant: “English Men of Action.” London, Macmillan & Co., 1890.
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xviii Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
A year later Cook went, or ran away, to sea, shipping at Whitby on board the Free/ove, a collier belonging to the brothers Walker.
In this hard school Cook learnt his sailor duties. No hetter training could have been found for his future responsibilities. Here he learnt to endure the utmost rigours of the sea. Constant fighting with North Sea gales, bad food, and cramped accommoda- tion, taught him to regard with the indifference that afterwards distinguished him, all the hardships that he had to encounter, and led him to endure and persevere where others, less determined or more easily daunted by difficulties, would have hurried on, and left their work incomplete.
All details of Cook’s life during his thirteen years in the merchant service are lost : what voyages he made, how he fared, » iether he advanced in general knowledge, all is gone. The only: t known is that in May 1755, when Cook was twenty-seven years of age, and mate of a vessel of Messrs. Walker, then in the Thames, he, to avoid the press, then active on account of the outbreak of the war with France, volunteered on board H.M.S. Zag/e, of 60 guns, as an able seaman.
Captain Hugh Palliser, who succeeded to the command of this ship in October, was certainly Cook’s warmest patron, and it would appear that Cook did work superior to that of an able seaman in the Eagle. Be that as it may, all that is absolutely known is that that ship took her share of the fighting at the taking of Louisbourg and elsewhere on the North American and West Indian Station, and returned to England in 1759.
By Palliser’s interest Cook was now appointed master of the Mercury, \t is therefore evident that his qualifications as a navi- gator recommended themselves to Palliser.
The Mercury went to North America, and here Cook did his first good service recorded, vés. taking soundings in the St. Lawrence, to enable the fleet then attacking Quebec to take up safe positions in covering the army under Wolfe. This he accom- plished with great skill, under many difficulties, in the face of the enemy, much of it being done at night. He was immediately employed in making a survey of the intricate channels of the river below Quebec, and for many years his chart was the guide for navigation. Cook was indeed a born surveyor. Before his day charts were of the crudest description, and he must have somehow acquired a considerable knowledge of trigonometry, and possessed an intuitive faculty for practically applying it, to enable him to originate, as it may truly be said he did, the art of modern marine surveying.
The expedition to Quebec concluded, Cook was appointed master of the Northumberland, bearing Admiral Lord Colville’s
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Survey of Newfoundland. xix
flag, and during that ship’s winter at Halifax he applied himself to further study of mathematics and astronomy.
In 1762, the Northumberland being at Newfoundland during the capture of that island from the French, Cook again was employed in surveys, This attracted the attention of Captain Graves, the Governor, who conceived a high opinion of his abilities in this respect.
In the latter part of 1762 Cook returned to England and married Elizabeth Batts, daughter of a man in business at Wapping ; but a few months afterwards he was called upon by Captain Graves to go again to Newfoundland to make marine surveys.
In this important work he was engaged until 1767, Captain Palliser, who succeeded Captain Graves as Governor, being only too glad to avail himself of Cook’s services,
The charts he made during these years in the schooner Grenville were admirable. The best proof of their excellence is that they are not yet wholly superseded by the more detailed surveys of modern imes. Like all first surveys of a practically unknown shore, and especially when that shore abounds in rocks and shoals, and is much indented with bays and creeks, they are imperfect, in the sense of having many omissions; but when the amount of the ground covered, and the impediments of fogs and bad weather on that coast is considered, and that Cook had at the most only one assistant, their accuracy is truly astonishing. The originals of these surveys form part of the most precious possessions of the Hydrographic Office of the Admiralty.
We now approach the crowning achievements of Cook’s life.
After many years’ neglect the exploration of the Pacific was awaking interest. This great ocean, which very few, even to this day, realise occupies nearly one half of the surface of the globe, had been, si:.ce the first voyage of Magellan, crossed by many a vessel.
Notwithstanding, very little was known of the islands occupy- ing its central portion.
For this there were two reasons, First, the comparatively small area covered by islands; secondly, the fact that nearly all who traversed it had followed Magellan’s track, or, if they started, as many did, from Central America, they made straight for Magellan’s discovery, the Ladrone Islands. For this, again, there was a reason.
Few sailed for the purpose of exploration pure and simple ; and even those who started with that view found, when embarked on that vast expanse, that prudence dictated that they should have a moderate certainty of, by a certain time, falling in with a place of sure refreshment. The provisions they carried were bad at starting, and by the time they had fought their way through the Straits of Magellan were already worse; water was limited, and
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XX Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
would not hold out more than a given number of days. Every voyage that is pursued tells the same story—short of water, and eagerly looking out for an opportunity of replenishing it. The winds were found to blow in fixed directions, and each voyager was fearful of deviating from the track on which it was known they would be fair, for fear of delays. And ever present in each captain’s mind was the dread of the terrible scourge, scurvy. Every expedition suffered from it. Each hoped they would be exempt, and each in turn was reduced to impotence from its effects.
It was the great consideration for every leader of a protracted expedition, How can I obviate this paralyzing influence? And one after another had to confess his failure.
It is yearly becoming more difficult for us to realise these obstacles.
The prevailing winds and currents in each part of the ocean are well known to us: the exact distance and bearing from one point to another are laid down in the chart; steam bridges over calm areas, and in many cases conducts us on our entire journey at a speed but little inferior to that of land travelling by railroad ; modern science preserves fresh and palatable food for an indefinite period ; and, in a word, all the difficulties and most of the dangers of long voyages have disappeared.
Take one element alone in long voyages—the time required. The average progress of a ship in the eighteenth century was not more than fifty miles a day. Nowadays we may expect as much as four hundred miles in a full powered steamer, and not less than one hundred and fifty in a well-fitted sailing ship.
But navigation, and more especially the navigation of the unknown Pacific, was very different in Cook’s days, when all the obstacles above mentioned impeded the explorers, and impelled them to follow a common track.
There were a few who had deviated from the common track.
The Spaniards, Mendana, Quiros, Torres, in the latter pari of the sixteenth century, starting first from their colonies in Peru, had ventured along the central line of the Pacific, discovering the Marquesas, certain small coral islands, the Northern New Hebrides, and the Solomon Islands; but their voyages, mainly for fear of Drake and his successors, were kept so secret that no one quite knew where these islacds lay.
Abel Tasman, in 1642, coming ac.oss the Indian Ocean from the westward, hed <ouched at Tasmania, or, as he called it, Van Diemen’s Land, had skirted the western coast of the north island of New Zealand without landing, and had stretched away to the N.E., and found the Tonga Group.
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Cook's vedecessors. xxi
The English Buccaneers »ere not among these discoverers ; Dampier, Woods Rogers, and others, all went from Acapulco to the Ladrones, looking out for the valuable Spanish galleons from Manila, and they added little or nothing io the knowledge of the Pacific and what it contained.
It was not therefore strange that the imagination of geographers ran riot amongst the great unknown areas. They were impressed, as they looked at the globes of the day, with the fact that, while the northern hemisphere contained much land, the southern showed either water or viank spaces; and starting with the ill- founded idea that the solid land in either hemisphere should balance, they conceived that there must be a great unknown continent in the southern part of the Pacific to make up the deficiency. This was generally designated Terra Australis In- cognita, and many is the ancient chart that shows it, sketched with a free and uncontrolled hand, around the South Pole. It was held by many that Tasman had touched it in New Zealand ; that Quiros had seen it near his island of Encarnacion, and again at Espiritu Santo (New Hebrides), but no one had been to see.
In George III.’s reign the desire to know more of this unknown ocean arose in England. The king himself took great interest in it, and for the first time since Queen Elizabeth’s age, when Davis, Frobisher, Drake, Narborough, and others, had gone on voyages of discovery, the pursuit was renewed.
In 1764 the Dolphin and Tamor, under the command of Com- modore Byron and Captain Mouat, sailed on a voyage round the world. They spent some time, as ordered, in exploring the Falkland Islands, and, after a two months’ passage through Magellan Strait, they stood across the Pacific. They, however, also followed near the well-beaten track, and passing north of the Paumotus, of which they sighted a few small islands, they too made for the Ladrones. As usual, they suffered much from scurvv, and the one, idea was to get to a known place to recover. Byron returned in May 1766, having added but little to the knowledge of the Pacific, and the Dolphin was again sent in the August of the same year, with the Swallow, under the command of Captains Wallis and Carteret, on a similar voyage.
They did somewhat better. After the usual struggle through the long and narrow Strait of Magellan, against the strong and contrary winds that continually blow, and which occupied four months, they got into the Pacific.
As they passed out they separated, the Do/phix outsailing the Swallow, and a dispassionate reader cannot well escape the con- clusion that the senior officers unnecessarily parted company.
The Dolphin kept a little south of the usual route, fell in with
a ne ne el _ a
xxii Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
some of the Paumotu Group, and finally discovered Tahiti, where she anchored at Royal Bay, after grounding on a reef at its entrance, with her people, as usual, decimated by scurvy. They were almost immediately attacked by the natives, who, however, received such a reception that they speedily made friends, and fast friends too. The remainder of the month of the Dolphin stay was marked with the most friendly intercourse, and she sailed with a high opinion of Tahiti and the Tahitians; the Queen, Cook’s Obereia, being especially well disposed to them. Their com- munication with the natives must, however, have been limited, as they remained too short a time to learn the language, and we gather little of the manners and customs from the account of the voyage.
After sailing from Tahiti we hear the same tale—sickness, want of water, doubt of what was before them. After sailing by several small islands, and an attempt to water at one, course was steered as before for the Ladrones. Let Wallis tell his own story. He says :—
“T considered that watering here would be tedious and attended with great fatigue; that it was now the depth of winter in the southern hemisphere ; that the ship was leaky, that the rudder shook in the stern very much, and that what other damage she might have received in her buttom could not be known. That for these reasons she was very unfit for the bad weather which she would certainly meet with, either in going round C. Horn or through the Streight of Magellan; that if she should get safely through the streight or round the Cape, it would be absolutely necessary to refresh in some port; but in that case*no port would be in her reach. I thurefore determined to make the best of ; my way to Tinian, Batavia, and so to Europe by the Cape of os Good Hope. ‘i
“ By this rout, as far as we could judge, we should. sooner be at home; and if the ship should prove not to be in a condition to make the whole voyage, we should still save our lives, as from this place to Batavia we should probably have a calm sea, and be not far from a port.”
These are scarcely the sentiments of a bold explorer, and we shall look in vain for ay similar ideas on the part of Cook. Here was a ship just a year from England, just come from a convenient and friendly island. where every refreshment and opportunity for refit were to be found, and the only thought is how to get home again !
It was the vastly different conduct of Cook’s voyages; the determination that nothing should stop the main object of the expedition; his resource in every difficulty and danger; that
Voyage of H.M.S. “ Swallow.” xxiii
caused, and rightly caused, him to be hailed as a born leader of such expeditions,
Wallis followed nearly on Byron’s track: went from the Ladrones, through the China Sea, to Batavia, and so home, arriving in May 1768.
The Swallow, under Captain Carteret, was navigated in a different spirit. She was badly fitted out for such a voyage, had not even a forge, and all the articles for trade were on board the Dolphin. But Carteret was not easily daunted. He might, under the circumstances, when he found himself alone, have abandoned the voyage ; but he boldly went forward. Passing from the Strait of Magellan, he touched at Juan Fernandez, and steering somewhat south of Wallis’s line, he passed south of Tahiti, discovering Pit- cairn’s Island on his way, and some of the islands south of the Paumotus.
By this time his people were severely afflicted with scurvy, and his ship in a bad state ; but Carteret only thought of getting to some place of refreshment, from which he might afterwards pass on his voyage towards the south, in the hope of falling in with the great southern Continent.
In this he was not fortunate. Missing all other islands, he fell across the Santa Cruz Group, and hoping that he had found what he wanted, he anchored and tried to water. The party were, how- ever, attacked by the natives, and several, including the master, were wounded and died by poisoned arrows. All hope of a quiet refit was over, and his ship’s company being in a wretched condi- tion, no forge or tools on board to enable him to effect his many repairs, Carteret, who was himself very ill, was obliged to give up all intention of exploration to the southward. He got enough water to last him, and sailed on toward the Solomon Islands. These he also just missed, but fell in with New Britain, and passing between it and New Ireland, demonstrated for the first time that these two large islands were not one, as had been supposed. He here managed to do something to repair his leaky vessel, heeling and caulking her, but got little but fruit for his scurvy-stricken crew. He was attacked by the fierce islanders, and was altogether unable to do as much as he evidently earnestly desired towards examining the islands.
Thence they struggled on by Mindanao to Makassar in Celebes, delayed by contrary winds, disappointed of refreshments at every place they tried, and losing men from scurvy. At Makassar they met with but an inhospitable reception from the Dutch, who refused to permit them to receive refreshments there, and after waiting at Bonthain, a place in Celebes, several months, for the monsoon to change, they at last arrived at Batavia, the only port
xxiv Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
in the Dutch Indies really open to ships, in June 1768. Thence, after heaving down and a thorough repair, they reached home, w7dé the Cape, on March 2oth, 1769.
Of all the voyages before Cook’s, Carteret’s showed most determination and true spirit of enterprise ; and had his ship been better supplied, and more suited to the exigencies of such a long cruise, he would, but for one thing, have accomplished far more. This was the fatal disease, which no captain had as yet succeeded in warding off, and which hampered and defeated the efforts of the must enthusiastic. No man could go beyond a certain point in disregarding the health of his crew.
These, then, were the kind of voyages, with their scanty fruits, to which the English people were getting accustomed, and they were not such as to encourage repetition.
In all the years that had elapsed since the Spaniards first sailed on the Pacific, but little real knowledge of the lands in it had been gained.
Let us attempt to give a picture of what was known.
The Marquesas and Santa Cruz Group were known to exist ; but of the Solomons grave doubts were felt, as no man had seen them but Mendana, and they were, if placed on a map at all, shown in very different longitudes.
Several voyagers had sighted different members of the ex- tensive Paumotu Group, but the varying positions caused great confusion.
Tahiti had been found by Wallis.
Tasman had laid down the south point of Tasmania, the western coast of the North Island of New Zealand, and the Tonga Islands. Dampier and Carteret had shown that New Britain and New Ireland were separate islands, lying north-east of New Guinea. Quiros had ° found the northern island of the New Hebrides.
But of none of these lands was anything really known. Those who had visited them had merely touched. In no case had they gone round them, or ascertained their limits, and their descriptions, founded on brief experience, were bald and much exaggerated.
Let us turn to what was unknown.
This comprises the whole of the east coast of Australia, or New Holland, and whether it was joined to Tasmania on the south, and New Guinea to the north ; the dimensions of New Zealand ; New Caledonia and the New Hebrides, with the exception of the fact that the northern island of the latter existed; the Fiji Islands ; Sandwich Islands; the Phcenix, Union, Ellice, Gilbert, and Marshall Groups, with innumerable small islands scattered here and there ; the Cook Islands, and all the Society Islands except Tahiti. The majority of the Paumotu Group. The coast of North
Cook Selected for Command. XXV
America north of 45° N. was unknown, and there was the great, undefined, and imaginary southern Continent to disprove.
Whether other voyages of exploration would have been under- taken one cannot say ; but in 1768 the Royal Society put in a word.
A transit of Venus over the sun’s disc was to occur in 1769, and astronomers were anxious to take advantage of it, the object of the observation being to ascertain the distance of the earth from the sun, the fundamental base line in all astronomical measurements, and which was very imperfectly known.
The Central Pacific afforded a favourable position, and the Royal Society memorialised the king to send a ship for the pur- pose. The request was granted, and at first Alexander Dalrymple, who had conducted marine surveys in the East Indies, and was known as a scientific geographer, was selected as observer. As, however, it was found that he also expected to command the ship, the Admiralty positively refused to have anything to do with him, and after some discussion James Cook was selected.
This says volumes for Cook’s reputation at the time. To have risen absolutely from the ranks was a great deal, but to be chosen as a master, to command a ship, and undertake a scientific observa- tion of this importance, was a most exceptional occurrence, and speaks well for the judgment of those who had the selection.
It seems that Mr. Stephens, the Secretary to the Admiralty, had much to do with it. How Stephens had become acquainted with Cook history does not relate, but doubtless his personal visits to the Admiralty in connection with the completion of his charts of Newfoundland, from which he returned every winter, had brought him into contact with the Secretary, who had clearly formed a high opinion of him.
Cook, we may be sure, jumped at the chance, and his pride must have been great when he found he was to receive a com- mission as Lic::tenant.
T! 3 in itself was a most unusual step. The occasions on which a master had been transferred to the executive line of the Royal Navy were very rare, and many an admiral used his influence in favour of some deserving officer in vain.
This was not without good reason, as the whole training of the Master of those days was unfavourable to success in command of ships or men. The exception was, however, in this case amply justified.
Cook was allowed to choose his vessel, and bearing in mind the dangers of grounding in unknown seas, he pitched upon his old friends, the stoutly-built, full-bottomed colliers of the North Sea trade.
His ship, the Endeavour, was a Whitby built vessel of three
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XXvi Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
hundred and seventy tons, and was known as H.M. Bark Endeavour, there being another vessel, a cutter, of the same name in the Royal Navy. She was brought to the dockyard at Deptford to fit out. Her appearance was, of course, wholly different from that of a vessel built as a man-of-war, and we shall see that this caused trouble at Rio Janiero, where the combination of merchant build and officers in uniform in an armed ship, aroused suspicions in the mind of the Portuguese Viceroy.
It is nowhere directly stated whether the Eudeavour was sheathed with copper or not; but as Cook in the account of his second voyage expresses himself as adverse to this method of protecting ships’ bottoms, and the operation is recorded of heeling and Joot-topping, which was cleaning and greasing the part of the ship just below waterline, it may be concluded that her sheathing was wood,
She proved a most suitable vessel. The log states she was a little crank, but an admirable sea-boat. Her rate of sailing was of course, with her build, slow, but her strength and flat bottom stood her in good stead when she made acquaintance with a coral reef,
She mounted ten small carriage guns and twelve swivels.
Mr. Banks, a scientific botanist, afterwards well known as Sir Joseph Banks, and for a long time President of the Royal Society, a gentleman of private means, volunteered to accompany Cook, and took with him a staff of his own, of artists and others.
He also induced Dr. Solander, a Swedish naturalist, afterwards attached to the British Museum, to accompany him.
Mr. Charles Green, one of the assistants at the Royal Observa- tory at Greenwich, was sent as astronomer.
This scientific staff added much to the success of the ex- pedition.
Banks and Solander, both men of observation, were able to collect specimens of natural history, and study the manners and customs of the natives with whom they came in contact, which neither the time at Cook’s disposal nor his training enabled him to undertake ; and though the Journal of the former has never yet been published, and cannot at the present time be traced, many interesting remarks were extracted by Dr. Hawkesworth from it and went far to make his account of the voyage complete.
Mr. Green also demands special notice.
One great question of the day amongst seamen and geographers was the discovering of some ready and sure method of ascertaining the longitude. Half the value of the explorations made up to this time had been lost from this want. The recognised means of finding longitude was by the observation of lunars; that is,
raphers taining to this sans of ‘hat is,
Method of Obtaining Longitude. xxvii
accurately measuring the angular distance between the centres of the moon and of the sun, or of the moon and some star.
The motion of the moon is so rapid that this angular distance changes from second to second, and thereby, by previous astro- nomical calculation, the time at Greenwich at which its distance from any body is a certain number of degrees can be ascertained and recorded.
By well-known calc tlations the local time at any spot can be obtained, and when this is ascertained, at the precise moment that the angular distance of sun and moon is observed, the difference gives the longitude.
This seems simple enough, but there is a good deal of calculation to go through before the result is reached, and neither the observa- tion nor the calculation is easy, especially with the astronomical tables of those days, and there were very few sailors who were capable of, or patient enough to make them, nor was the result, as a rule, very accurate. For one thing, the motions of the moon, which are extremely complicated, were not enough known to allow her calculated position in the heavens to be very accurate, and a very small error in this position considerably affects the time, and therefore the longitude.
Luckily for Cook, the Nautical Almanac had just been started, and contained tables of the moon which had not previously been available, and which much lightened the calculations.
The great invention of the chronometer, that is, a watch that can be trusted to keep a steady rate for long periods, was at this time completed by Harrison ; but very few had been manufactured, and astronomers and sailors were slow to believe in the efficacy of this .nethod of carrying time about with a ship. Thus Cook had no chronometer supplied to him.
Green had accompanied Mr. Maskelyne, afterwards Astronomer Royal, to Barbados in 1763 in H.M.S. Princess Louisa, in order to test Harrison’s timekeeper, and also a complicated chair, from which it was supposed observations of Jupiter’s satellites could be observed on board ship ; and as this trial afforded the final triumph of the new method, one would have thought that on a voyage of circumnavigation he would have made every effort to get one of these watches,
Be this as it may, the Endeavour had no chronometer, and lunars were the mainstay of the expedition.
In these observations Green was indefatigable. Cook, an excellent observer himself, frequently took part in them ; but it was Green’s especial business, and no doubt to him is due the major part of the determinations of accurate longitude, which is one of the very remarkable points of this voyage.
XXVili Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
Green’s log, which is extant, is filled with lunar observations, and the extraordinary coincidence between different observations attests the care with which they were made. I dwell upon this because, while full of admiration for Cook’s knowledge, and his untiring zeal in every detail of his expedition, it is evident, from a study of the original documents, that without Green many oppor- tunities of getting longitude would have been lost, Cook having 0 time to spare to make use of them. Let us give honour to whom honour is due.
The final results of the observations are not equally good, but this arises from the errors, before referred to, in the moon’s place in the heavens as given in the almanac, which would vary with her position, and affect the longitude accordingly. The astonishing thing is, not that some longitudes are considerably in error, but that the majority of them are so near the truth.
The Endeavour sailed from the Thames on June 3oth, 1768, and was in Plymouth Sound from July 14th to the 26th, when she finally sailed, Banks and the scientific staff having joined here.
She ,carried a complement, all told, of ninety-four, and very close stowage it must have been.
A list is given in this book, immediately before the “ Journal,” of every person on board when the ship sailed from Plymouth.
The draught of the ship was 13 ft. 6 in., and her provisions were calculated to last eighteen months. The oricinal intention had been that the transit of Venus should be observed at the Marquesas ; but the Dol/phin’s return before Cook sailed, with the news of the discovery of Tahiti and its friendly inhabitants, caused this island to be finally selected.
The exact text of Cook’s orders cannot be given. They were secret orders ; but, curiously enough, while the covering letter, which enjoined him to show them to nobody, which is dated July 3oth, 1768, is duly entered in Admiralty Records, the orders them- selves, which should follow in the letter book, are omitted. They have never been published. Nevertheless, we can gather what they were.
Cook, in the published account of his Second Voyage, says he had instructions to proceed directly to Tahiti, and afterwards to prosecute the design of making discoveries in the Pacific by proceeding southward to the latitude of 40°, and if he did not find land to continue his voyage to the west till he fell in with New Zealand, which he was directed to explore, and thence to return to England by such route as he should judge most con- venient.
Precautions against the terrible scourge, scurvy, had not been forgotten.
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Prevention of Scurvy. XXiX
Besides the supply of all anti-scorbutics then known, a special letter was written to Cook directing him to take a quantity of malt to sea, for the purpose of being made into wort, as a cure for scorbutic disorders, as recommended by Dr. McBride.
The directions for its use were as follows :—
“The malt must be ground under the direction of the surgeon, and made into wort, fresh every day, in the following manner :—
“1, Take one quart of ground malt, and pour on it three quarts of boiling water. Stir them well, and let the mixture stand close covered up for three or four hours, after which strain off the liquor.
“2. The wort, so prepared, is then to be boiled into a panada, with sea biscuit or dried fruits generally carried to sea.
“3. The patient must make at least two meals a day of the said panada, and should drink a quart or more of the fresh infusion as it may agree with him, every twenty-four hours.
“4. The surgeon is to keep an exact account of its effects.”
Though it is somewhat anticipating events, it is convenient to record here the result of these efforts to defeat the hitherto un- conquerable enemy. Mr. Perry’s report at the termination of the voyage is as follows :—
“Sour krout, mustard, vinegar, wheat, inspissated orange and lemon juices, saloup, portable soup, sugar, molasses, vegetables (at all times when they could be got) were, some in constant, others in occasional use. Thes* were of such infinite service to the people in preserving them from a scorbutic taint, that the use of the malt was (with respect to necessity) almost entirely precluded.
“ Again cold bathing was encouraged and enforced by example ; the allowance of salt beef and pork was abridged from nearly the beginning of the voyage, and the sailors’ usual custom of mixing the salt beef fat with their flour, etc., was strictly forbad.
“Upon our leaving England, also, a stop was put to our issuing butter and cheese, and throughout the voyage raisins were served with the flour instead of pickled suet. At Tierra del Fuego we collected wild celery, and every morning our breakfast was made with this herb, with ground wheat and portable soup.
“ We passed Cape Horn, all our men as free from scurvy as on our sailing from Plymouth.
“Three slight cases of scorbutic disorders occurred before arriving at Otaheite. Wort was given, with apparently good effect, and the symptoms disappeared.
“No other cases occurred during the voyage, but the wort was served out at sea as a regular article of diet.”
To this it may be added, that no opportunity was, as appears
by the Journal, ever lost of getting wild celery and any other wild herb that presented itself.
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XXX Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
The personal washing is mentioned by Mr. Perry, and the tradition in the Navy is, that the men’s deck was more constantly scrubbed than had then been usual ; in fact, that unusual attention was paid to cleanliness. Stoves were used to dry the decks below even in hot weather.
As this voyage forms the subject of this book, its events may be passed over briefly.
Calling at Madeira—where the log records that the Endeavour was fired upon by the fort on the Loo Rock through some mis- apprehension while shifting berth, though Cook passes this by in silence—and Rio Janeiro, Cook proceeded to double Cape Horn. His predecessors had struggled through the Strait of Magellan, losing much time and wearing out their men with the continual anchoring and weighing in that long and narrow passage, rendered necessary by the constant foul and strong winds that prevail. The idea was to avoid the heavy seas and gales of the open sea; but Cook’s action was amply justified by a more rapid passage without any danger. Discovering several of the low coral atolls of the Paumotu Group, he arrived at Tahiti on April 13th, 1769.
On July 13th, the transit of Venus having been observed under favourable conditions on June Ist, he left Tahiti, exploring and mapping the Society Islands immediately to the westward, never before visited, and then stood to the southward. It may here be mentioned that it is only during the last decade that Cook’s charts of the Society Group have been superseded by more elaborate surveys by the French.
Cook went to 40° S., discovering one of the Austral Group on his way, when, finding no sign of the hypothetical southern Continent, and getting into very dirty weather, he first gained a more northern latitude and favourable winds, and then stood for New Zealand.
On October 7th he arrived at Poverty Bay, and during the next six months he completely circumnavigated and mapped the islands of New Zealand. He had received on board at Tahiti a native, one Tupia, formerly the high priest, and a man of much intelligence. Tupia proved to be of the utmost service, as, to their astonishment and delight, they found that the languages were sufficiently identical to enable him to act as a most efficient interpreter ; which made it possible to obtain information, and establish relations with the New Zealanders which they could never have succeeded in doing without him.
Cook now, after consideration, determined to explore the un- known east coast of New Holland. The health of his ship’s company, and the good order on board, permitted him to make this good use of his time, instead of hurrying on to a civilised port, as all his forerunners had had to do,
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Dangers on First Voyage. xxxi
He struck Australia at its south-east point, and followed the whole coast to the northward, mapping it as he went.
When nearing the northern end the voyage nearly came to a premature conclusion by the ship grounding on a coral reef, twenty miles from the land. Cook’s seamanship was, however, equal to the occasion, The ship was got off, much damaged and leaking severely, and carried into a little port they discovered not far off. Here she was cleared out and laid upon the ground, the tide sufficing to dry enough of her bottom to let the carpenters repair it.
The wisdom of Cook’s choice of a ship of the build of the Endeavour was here very apparent. It was not every ship that could be safely beached in this way without danger of falling over. After long delay she proceeded on her voyage, and soon had a second narrow escape. The long line of coral reefs that front the northern part of Eastern Australia, for a distance of 1200 miles, approach the coast about the place where the ship had grounded. The passage between the outer reef and the land is strewn with shoals, and finding his further progress much impeded by them, and fearful of a repetition of his disaster, Cook with some difficulty found a channel to seaward, and gained the open ocean. He was, however, yet determined to follow the land he was exploring, and more especially to solve the great question as to whether Australia was joined to New Guinea or no; and three days after his escape from the line of reefs he found himself, with a light wind, embayed on the outer side of them, with the reefs close to him, and the ship drifting slowly but surely on them, the heavy swell of the great ocean breaking mountains high on their outer edge.
Here again calmness and promptitude saved him, and the ship was pushed through a narrow channel in these terrible reefs into the smooth, though reef-dotted, waters within. No event in the voyage is more dramatically narrated, though without any ex- aggeration, than this hair-breadth escape.
With the caution born of recent dangers, Cook now slowly found his way through the maze of reefs, by a route that no one has again followed, to the northern point of Australia, and was rewarded for his pertinacity by finding the channel now known as Torres Strait, which led him between New Guinea and Australia.
Thus far Cook’s enthusiasm in adventure and desire to explore had been fully shared by his companions ; but it is apparent that at this point they fell short of his high standard. Cook, having secured his direct passage to Batavia, and having still a little provision left, was anxious to do still more in the way of discovery, and stood over to the little-known New Guinea shore. It is evident,
TichiaihiacoasneS A
xxxii Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
however, from Cook’s expressions, though he does not complain, that his people were pining for fresh food and _ civilisation. Australia had produced them little but occasional fish and a few turtle. The salt provisions of those days were most unpalatable, and the effect of their continued hard work and inadequate food for so long, for they were now over two years from England, with no communication of any kind with the outer world, were telling on them, though they were still free from scurvy.
Cook, therefore, after landing once in New Guinea, unwillingly turned his ship’s head towards Batavia.
The complaints grew louder as he passed by Timor without attempting to communicate, and falling in with the island of Savu, he yielded to importunity, and touched there to get refreshments.
Thence he went by the south shore of the chain of islands to Sunda Strait and Batavia.
So far all had gone well. It was undoubtedly far the most successful voyage ever made. Much had been done—more than his orders directed—to explore unknown lands, and the dire enemy of seamen, scurvy, had been conquered.
But his luck was not to last.
It was absolutely necessary to remain some time it Batavia, while the roughly repaire “ damage to the ship was made good in the Dutch dockyard.
Two months and a half in the sicxi, ‘‘:aate of Batavia, during a bad time of the year, wrought a sad change in his ship’s company. The port they so much desired proved but the door of the grave to many of them, and Cook sailed for England on Dec. 27th, 1770, with dysentery pervading the ship. The surgeon had already died of it; so had the poor Tahitian, Tupia, with two seamen, and one of Mr. Banks’ artists.
Worse was, however, to follow. Day by day, as the ship slowly found her way over the Indian Ocean towards the Cape, against the wet and unhealthy north-west monsoon, the sick list grew larger. Man after man succumbed, and before half the distance to Capetown was traversed twenty-two more were carried off. Green, the astronomer, two more of Banks’ staff, two midshipmen, the boatswain and carpenter were among the number. The crew was more than decimated.
The ship touched at the Cape, and war with France being expected, the Endeavour joined the East India convoy, under H.M.S. Portland, at St. Helena. The heavy-sailing, collier-built craft was not, however, when the ships had crossed the line and got upon a wind, able to keep up with them, and she once more found herself alone on her way.
Two more officers, the First Lieutenant, Mr. Hicks, and the
Second Voyage. XXxiii
Master, Mr. Molineux, died after leaving the Cape, but not of dysentery, and the ship finally reached England on June 12th, 1771.
Ninety-four persons left England in the Endeavour, of whom fifty-four returned. Thirty-eight died on the veyage, out of which number thirty-one died after reaching Batavia, most of them from fever and dysentery contracted at that place.
After paying off in August 1771, the Eudeavour was sold in 1775, and for many years sailed as a collier in the North Sea.
This voyage gave a new impetus to discovery, and the imme- diate thought was to resume it, under this heaven-born leader.
Cook was given little leisure, as it was nearly at once decided to send him out again, and he was appointed to command the Resolution on Nov. 28th, 1771, the interval having been occupied in considering what ships should be employed.
Cook’s experience of the qualities of the Zudeavour caused him to uphold the selection of similar vessels, for there were to be two, and the Resolution and Adventure, of 462 and 336 tons respectively, both Whitby built colliers, were bought for the voyage. Cook was promoted to Commander, and . ias Furnaux, in the Adventure, was placed under his command. It was not, however, until Apjvi! 1772 that they sailed.
It was originally intended that Banks should again accompany Cook, and with a view to his better accommodation a poop was added to the Resolution. The short trip, however, from Deptford to Sheerness proved to Cook that the ship was dangerously over- weighted, and the poop was removed, with the consequence that Banks did not sail. The alteration delayed final departure until June 22nd from Sheerness, and July 13th from Plymouth.
The naturalists on this voyage were two Forsters, Germans, father and son; and as astronomers Mr. Wales sailed in the Resolution, and Mr. Bayley in the Adventure. Two of Cook’s former cumpanions sailed as Lieutenants: Clerke, who was Lieutenant, and Pickersgill, who was master of the Exdeavour when she reached England. This witnesses to the confidence and enthusiasm that Cook inspired amongst those under him. There were also other Endeavours amongst the junior officers.
The main object of the voyage was the settlement of the great question of the southern Continent. Cook was directed to explore the whole region about the South Pole, starting from the Cape of Good Hope, and working eastward. The winter of the southern hemisphere was to be employed as Cook thought fit.
This voyage brought Cook’s qualities as a seaman and com- mander more prominently to view even than the former. The conditions were very different. Instead of mapping coasts and islands, the principal duty was exploration of tempestuous seas in ¢
SaaSiannr teh =e we in ementes " i Ree
XXXiV Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
high latitudes, amongst ice, searching in vain for the illusive southern land.
Cook carried it out thoroughly. No gales, no temperatures deterred him from searching wherever the ships would safely sail, and it was only ice in dense masses that turned him back.
What his people thought of it we do not know, but the Forsters have given a piteous account of the privations and hardships of an exploration that gave them little chance of exercising their special knowledge.
Cook was better provided with instruments for the determina- tion of longitude than before, and the ships carried four chronometric timekeepers ; but the proper method of making use of them was scarcely yet realised, and the course of his voyage did not permit them to be of much service.
Mindful of his former success in combating scurvy, and making use of his experience, Cook carried with him all his former anti- scorbutics, and redoubled his general precautions as to cleanliness, both of person and ship. The result was complete immunity from more than symptoms of scurvy. He was able to say, when he returned, that no man had died not only of this disease, but of 2 y other, due to the exposures of the voyage. Three lost by accidents, and one from a complaint contracted before leaving England, were the sole losses on a voyage lasting three years, and during which the exposure to heat, cold, rain, and all the hardships of a sea life was probably never surpassed.
Leaving the Cape on November 22nd, Cook stood at once to the southward, intending to pass over a spot in latitude 54° S., where in 1739 M. Bouvet sighted land that was generally supposed to be a part of the Southern Continent, and which he had be+n especially directed to examine. Gales, however, drove him from his course, and to this day Bouvet’s Islands (for Cook proved they could be nothing else) are doubtfully shown upon charts.* Cook soon got into the ice, and fought with it and gales of wind, in snow and sleet and fog, working gradually eastwards from the longitude of the Cape for four months. The ship penetrated to 67° S. at one point, and kept as high a lati- tude as ice permitted everywhere, but without discovering any land. Cook found to his great joy that the ice yielded good fresh water, and replenished his water casks in this manner, without any fear of falling short. With all his power of communicating his enthusiavin to others, it may be doubted if they shared his pleasure at finding that the search in these inclement regions need not be curtailed from lack of this necessary.
At last, in the iongitude of Tasmania, Cook hauled to the north-
* They were again reported in 1825 by the Spriht/, an English whaler, but Sir James Ross searched for them in 1840 without success.
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Separation of ‘“ Resolution” and ‘“ Adventure.” xxxv
ward, and headed for New Zealand, where, after sailing over eleven thousand miles since leaving the Cape without once sighting land, he anchored in Dusky Bayon March 26th, 1774,with the Resolution only, the Adventure having parted company in thick weather on February gth. Moving on to Queen Charlotte’s Sound, his old anchorage at the north 2nd of Middle Island, he found the Adventure there on May 18th. Captain Furneaux had, after vainiy searching for his consort, run for Tasmania, and explored the east coast. He did not, however, clear up the point for which he states he visited this coast, viz., whether it joined New Holland or not, as strong winds from the eastward made him fearful of closing what he thought was a deep bay, though really the Strait, and he sailed for the rendezvous in New Zealand under the impression that Tasmania and Australia were one.
The ships left New Zealand on June 7th, 1773, and, after making a wide circuit to the south and east in search of land, arrived at Tahiti on August 16th. A good many of the Adventure's people were ill with scurvy, and Cook is much puzzled to know the reason why they weic attacked while his own crew were fiee. He puts it down to the greater trouble he had taken to make all his men use wild celery and other herbs in New Zealand, and no doubt this had its effect ; but one cannot but suspect that the constant care on his part to keep the ship clean and sweet below had much to do with it. The Adventure had tae same anti-scorbutics, and Cook especially mentions that they were in use ; but the personal efforts of the captain in the direction of general sanitary precautions were, we know, exer- cisec in one case, while we know nothing of the other.
After a month’s stay at Tahiti and the Society Islands, where the crews were much benefited by fresh provisions, the ships sailed for the Friendiy Islands, never visited since Tasman’s time, and touched at Eoa and Tongatdbu, or, as Tasinan had called them, Middleburg and Amsterdam. These were finally left on October 7th for New Zealand, which was made on the zIst, and from this day to Novemb=. 2nd the time was spent in fruitless endeavours to get into Cook’s Strait. Gale succeeded gale--ino uncommon thing here—and in one of them the Adventure parted company never again to rejoin. Cook anchored in Queen Chariotte’s Sound on November 2nd, and waited until the 25th for his consort in vain. Whilst here they gained further and indisputable proof of the cannibalistic tendencies of the Maoris, some of the naiives eating human flesh before them. Cook has been much blamed for per- mitting this scene, which took place on board ; but there had been so much disputing in England as to the possibility of the faci, that he could not resist the opportunity of putting it beyond a doubt.
It was, however, to be shortly proved in a much more horrible
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XXXVi Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
manner, for the Adventure, which only arrived at Queen Charlotte’s Sound after the Resolution left, had a boat’s crew attacked, over- powered, and eaten by the natives. The circumstances were never wholly known, as not a man escaped ; but the cooked remains were found, the natives decamping as the search-party approached.
Cook sailed south on November 25th, 1773, and was soon again battling with the ice, into which he pushed as far as was safe with as much hardihood as if he had still had the second ship with him. He gained the latitude of 67° S.,and worked eastward, searching religiously for land—which, neediess to say, he never found—his ropes frozen, and sails like, as he says, plates of metal. Whatever the feelings of others on board were, Cook never flinched from every effort to get south, penetrating in one place to 71° S., where ‘ie was stopped by dense pack, until he found himself nearly in Lire longitude of Tierra del Fuego, when, satisfied that no Southe.: Continent existed in the Pacific, he, on February 6th, steered north, to continue exploration in more genial weather and more profitable latitudes. All this tirae there was no scurvy, and very little sick- ness of any kind; an indisputable proof of the untiring supervision Cook exercised over the health of his men. The object of his voyage, so far as the Southern Pacific was concerned, was now accomplished, and Cook might have rounded Cape Horn, and made for the Cape of Good Hope, completing his tour of the world in southern latitudes ; but such was not his idea of his duty. His own nervous words will explain his feelings best :-—
“We undoubtedly might have reached the Cape of Good Hope in April, and so have put an end to the expedition so far as related to the finding of a continent, which indeed was the first object of the voyage ; but for me at this time to have quitted this Southern Pacific Ocean with a good ship expressly sent out on discoveries, a healthy crew, and not in want either of stores or provisions, would have betrayed not only a want of perseverance, but of judgment, in supposing the South Pacific Ocean to be so well explored that nothing remained to be done in it. This, however, was not my opinion ; for, although I had proved there was no continent but what must lie far to the south, there remained, nevertheless, room for very large islands in places wholly unexamined, and many of those which were formerly discovered are but imperfectly explored, and their situation as imperfectly known. I was, besides, of opinion that my remaining in this sea some time longer would be produc- tive of improvements in navigation and geography, as well as other sciences,”
Cook menticis that, on communicating his intentions to his officers, they all heartily concurred ; and he adds, “T'nder such circumstances it is hardly necessary to say iat the seamen were
TL NAT ee
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Further Exploration in Pacific. XXXVii
always obedient and alert, and they were so far from wishing the voyage at an end that they rejoiced at the prospect of its being prolonged another year.” This, be it remembered, without a pro- spect of news from home or contact with civilisation, for Cook’s design was to pass again through the breadth of the Pacific search- ing for islands as far as Quiros’ discovery of Espiritu Santo, which lay due north of New Zealand, and then to return through the tempestuous regions they were now quitting to Cape Horn. Per- haps the charms of Tahiti reconciled them.
This design Cook triumphantly carried out; though shortly after leaving southern latitudes he was so ill of what he describes as a bilious cholic, that his life was despaired of. He first searched for, and visited, Davis’ discovery of Easter Island, where he ex- amined and described the wonderful colossal, though rude, statues there found. He then went to the Marquesas, a group but little known, where, after the usual attempt of the natives to appropriate sundry articles, and the consequent necessity of firing upon them, peaceful relations were established, and a brisk trade in much- wanted refreshments was set up. This did not last long, however, as the market was spoiled by some red feathers, obtained at the Friendly Islands, being given for a pig; after which nothing would buy provisions but these same red feathers, and these being scarce, trade ceased. Cook therefore sailed once more for Tahiti.
On his way he touched at some of the coral atolls of the innumerable-Paumotu Group, and arrived at Matavai on April 22nd, again with not a sick man on board,
Three weeks were spent here with much satisfaction to all. Provisions were in plenty, the king and people very friendly, and all went well. The islanders were preparing for an attack on Eimeo, a neighbcuring island, and a gathering of the fleets gave Cook an epportunity of learning much of their naval power and manner of conducting war. He observed that the general pros- perity of Tahiti seemed to be at a much higher point than on his former visit.
After another three weeks’ stay at Huaheine, and Ulietea, also amongst old friends, the Reso/ution sailed on June 4th to the west.
Discovering Palmerston and Savage Islands on the way, she called at Namuka, one of the Friendly Group, thus extending the knowledge of those islands gained the year before, Thence Cook sailed west, discovering Turtle Island, but just passing out of sight to the southward of the large Fiji Group, and thus lost the chance of adding them to his other finds.
He was now: bound for the New Hebrides, of which the northern island had been discovered by Quiros. Bougainville, the French explorer, had, in 1768, passed just south of Quiros’ Island,
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XXXVili Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
and named one or two others he sighted, but had made no stay, and knew nothing of the extent of the Group.
This was not Cook’s fashion. He explored and circumnavigated the whole Group, which extends in a long line for three hundred and fifty miles. He touched first at Mallicolo, where, after a temporary disagreement, friendship was formed. Passing Sandwich Island, Erromanga was landed upon ; but the suspicion of the natives here impelled them to attack the boats, and no intercourse was
established
The shi; .’ -+ 2 1chored in the convenient harbour of Resolution Bay in the 1 of Tanna, and remained a fortnight, wooding and watering. ‘ servations on the hot springs that gush from
the side of the volcano bordering the harbour were made, and the relations with the natives were altogether friendly. Sighting Anityeum, the southern member of the New Hebrides, and making sure there was nothing beyond it, Cook returned along the west side of the islands, passing eastward of them again, between Mallicolo and Espiritu Santo. The latter island was closely followed round its whole extent, and Quiros’ Bay of St. Philip and St. James identined in the great inlet in the northern side. Having laid down the whole of this extensive group of islands, and very accurately fixed the longitude by many lunar observa- tions, Cook, on August 31st, sailed to the westward to search for more lands.
His chart of the New Hebrides is still, for some of the islands, the only one; and wherever superseded by more recent surveys the general accuracy of his work, both in outline and position, is very remarkable. On several occasions up to the present year (1893) Cook’s recorded positions have saved the adoption of so-called amendments reported by passing ships, which would have been anything but amendments in reality.
Four days after leaving the New Hebrides Cook discovered New Caledonia. He explored the whole of the eastern side of this large island, which is three hundred miles in length, anchoring in one harbour inside the reefs which border it, and making friends with the natives. Other attempts to get inside the reefs were, how- ever, unsuccessful, and after several narrow escapes from shipwreck Cook gave up, to his regret, a complete circumnavigation of the island. The summer approaching, he wished to refit and recruit in New Zealand before once more standing south.
Norfolk Island was discovered and landed upon on the way, and Queen Charlotte’s Sound was once more reached on October rgth.
The Adventure's visit was ascertained from the Maoris, but Cook was ruch puzzled by incompletely understood accounts of white men having been killed. As far as could be gathered
Latter Part of Second Voyage. XXXix
a ship had been lost on the coast, and Cook was led to believe that this disaster had no reference to the Adventure.
It was found that pigs and fowls left here on the former visit were still in existence, and presumably thriving. It may here be mentioned, that wherever Cook touched he invariably, so far as his stock allowed, left animals to stock the country, and that New Zealand was, when the settlers eventually came, found to be well supplied with pigs. f
After a stay of three weeks the Resolution sailed, on November 10th, for Cape Horn. She kept farther north than on the last occasion, the object being to pass over new ground, and more com- pletely disprove the existence of any land.
The western part of Tierra del Fuego being reached, Cook followed the shore to the south-cast, mapping the outside of this dangerous and inhospitable archipelago. On December 20th he put in to what he afterwards called Christmas Sound, where large numbers of kelp geese were obtained, giving the crew what Cook describes as a dainty Christmas feast, though the flesh of these birds is as tough, fishy, and unpalatable as can well be imagined ; on this occasion, however, the seamen seemcd to have concurred in the verdict of their omnivorous commander, to whom nothing ever came amiss, Be it remembered, however, how long they had been on salt provisions, and that the South Sea Islands, though pleasant in many respects, produced but little solid food—no beef, mutton,
islands, : or flesh of any quadruped but pigs, and those in not very great surveys a plenty—while New Zealand gave them nothing but fish.
ition, is Rounding Cape Horn, he passed through the Strait Le Maire, nt year - and followed the north shore of Staten Island, anchoring at one o-called place to obtain seals and birds.
ve been Be 4 Whilst praising the flavour of a young seal cub, Cook is com-
pelled to admit that the flesh of an old sea lion is abominable ; a remarkable statement as coming from him.
covered side of Leaving Staten Island, Cook steered east and discovered South ichoring Georgia, named after the king. He followed the north coast friends of this desolate and ice-clad island, obtaining more refreshment re, how- in the shape of seals, penguins, and shags—unpalatable, but welcome ipwreck j food to men who had so long subsisted on bad salt meat. From 1 of the n South Georgia the ship’s head was once more turned southwards, | recruit and before many days ice was again encounterec. In stormy and thick weather the Resolution made her way, disproving the vay, and existence of a great tract of land laid down by speculative +r 19th. geographers, until January 31st, 1775, when Sandwich Land oris, but was discovered in about latitude 60° S. This ice-covered group accounts of islands was sketched under great difficulties from gales, fogs, zathered snow, and numerous icebergs ; and Cook then bore away along
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xl Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
their parallel, to seek once more for Bouvet’s Islands to tue eastward.
He found nothing, and on February 26th steered for the Cape of Good Hope, even he being glad to leave this trying, tempestuous latitude. On March 23rd he anchored in Table Bay, having learnt from some vessels outside of the safe arrival of the Adventure in England the year before, and of her boat’s crew having been eaten by the Maoris, which cleared up the mystery of the wrecked ship.
‘The Resolution finally arrived at Spithead on July 29th, 1775, after an absence of three years and eighteen days.
Captain Furneaux had, on leaving New Zealand, sailed straight for Cape Horn, the Cape of Good Hope, and England, arriving just a year before the Resolution.
Cook speaks most warmly of Captain Furneaux ; but one cannot help contrasting his action with Cook’s. Left, by the separation, his own master, he might have continued exploration, as did Cook. His ship was staunch, his provisions in much the same condition as the Resolution’s ; but he went straight home. His crew had suffered from scurvy, whereas Cook’s had not; but he says not one word of this, nor does he give any reason why he gave up any further thought of the objects of the voyage, except a search for Bouvet's Islands, which he also looked for on his way.
It was the indomitable perseverance that led Cook to act so differently that raised his reputation so far above all other leaders.
Thus ended this very remarkable voyage. Never was a ship’s crew exposed to more continual hardships, with so little to keep up interest and excitement, as the people of the Resolution ; and yet Cook is able to record, with allowable pride, that only four lives had been lost, and only one by a sickness contracted before leaving England.
Once more the scurvy was defeated ; and, without a doubt, owing to the intelligent action and untiring supervision of the captain. He gives a full description of the measures adopted, and while giving full acknowledgment to the anti-scorbutics with which he was supplied, he is of opinion that the general sanitary precautions formed the best prevention. Cleanliness of persons, bedding, clothes, and ship, were continually enforced. All these were foreign to the sailors of the time, and extraordinary it is that it was a man born in the lower rank of life, and brought up in a collier, who had the sense to perceive that in these lay the surest preventatives against this paralysing scourge.
Cook was promoted to captain—a proud position for the collier boy—and elected a Fellow of the Royal Society; perhaps even a greater distinction for a man of his bringing up. He contributed
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Third Voyage. xli
papers on his methods of preventing scurvy, and on the tides of the Pacific.
He also employed himself in publishing the account of his recent voyage, the only one which he himself edited.
He was not, however, long at rest. The Admiralty wished to send an expedition to explore the north-western coasts of North America, and to examine the Polar Sea from the Bering Straits side, with a view of the discovery of a north-west passage. Cook sees to have volunteered for the command without being actually asked, and, needless to say, was at once accepted.
In February he once more received his commission to command the Resolution, this time accompanied by the Déscovery, a vessel very similar to the Adventure, his consort during the last voyage. Clerke, a master’s mate in the Endeavour, and second lieutenant in the Resolution, was appointed as commander to the Déscovery. He, like Cook, was fated not to return from this third journey to the great Pacific.
Others who had sailed with Cook before were ready to ac- company him, once more to encounter privations and find new lands.
Cook’s orders were long and detailed, but were to the effect that he was to proceed by way of the Cape of Good Hope to search in the Indian Ocean for the land recently seen by M. Kerguelen ; thence vzé@ Tahiti, on to the coast of North America in about latitude 45°, which he was to follow to latitude 65°, searching especially for any channel which might lead to the north-east, as it was supposed there might be a passage com- municating with Hudson’s Bay. He was further to look for any passage north of North America to the Atlantic, and to make such other explorations as might seem fit to him. A money reward of £20,000 was also offered in case of success in finding such a passage.
Chronometers were again carried, and more confidence in them being felt, more use was made of them.
Cook took with him Omai, a young Society islander, who had induced Captain Furneaux to take him to England, and whom Cook now engaged to return to his native country.
The ships sailed on July 11th, 1776, and arrived at Table Bay on October 18th.
Sailing thence on November 30th, he passed and roughly mapped Prince Edward’s, Marion, and Croset’s Islands, all of which had been discovered by Marion de Fresne. He then struck Kerguelen’s Land, spent Christmas Day in one of its harbours, and mapped the eastern side of this large but desolate island. He was unaware that Kerguelen had visited this island a second
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xlii Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
time, and had gained much more information about it than he did in his first voyage.
Cook had taken on board at the Cape as many cattle, horses, bulls, cows, goats, and sheep as he could stow, with a view of landing them at Tahiti or elsewhere, and it is without surprise that we learn that after several weeks in these stormy seas a good many of them had died. When we consider the size of the ships the wonder is where they found room for these animals,
On January 26th the ships arrived in Tasmania, and anchored in Adventure Bay, principally with a view of getting fodder for the remaining cattle. Pigs were left here, according to Cook’s usual custom.
After four days the ships sailed, and arrived in Queen Charlotte’s Sound, New Zealand, on February . ih, 1777. Here Cook learnt the history of the attack on the Adventure’s boat’s crew from the chief who led it, but made no attempt at reprisals, although urged by many other natives to kill him. He seems to have been guided by the consideration that, as related by the natives, it was a dis- honest act of barter on the part of one of the sailors which commenced the disturbance ; and that occurring so long before, no good purpose would be served by punishment. It says much for his humane treatment of natives.
On leaving this, Cook records that he had at different times left about a dozen pigs in New Zealand. These increased, and stocked the whole island by the time the English settlers arrived.
On the way to Tahiti Cook fell across several islands belonging to what was afterwards called after him, the Cook Group. He visited Mangaia, Atiu, Takutea,* and the Hervey Islands, Re- lations were established with the natives, and Cook was much interested at finding on Atiu three natives of the Society Islands, the survivors of twelve, who had been blown away in a canoe, and landed on this island, five hundred miles distant. As he remarks, this throws great light on the manner in which the different islands of the Pacific have been peopled.
Cook now made up his mind that he was too late to prosecute discovery this year on the American Continent, it being well into April, and being anxious to save the remaining cattle that he wished to land at Tahiti, and which had been taken on board especially for this purpose, the island being still far to windward, he bore away for the Friendly Islands for fodder and refreshments, He landed on Palmerston on the way—an island discovered last voyage —and arrived at Namukat on May Ist, with not a sick man in the ships.
* Spelt by Cook Mangeea, Wateeo, and Otakootaia. + Cook’s Anamooka,
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Third Voyage. Desertions. xliii
The ships remained in the Friendly Group for two months and a half, visiting and mapping the different islands, and learning much of the manners of this interesting race, seeing their great concerted dances, and the ceremonies of coming of age of the heir to the throne. Cook here first became acquainted with the mysterious rite of Tabu, which was closely connected with his own death. A selection of useful animals, including horses, were left at Tongatabu.
While at the Friendly Islands Cook heard of the Fiji Group, and saw some of the natives, who had come over ina canoe. The intelligence he was able to gather concerning them was imperfect, and he saw no reason to justify a long détour to leeward to search for them, when his object was to stock the Society Islands with the animals he had. Had he known their size and importance, his course might possibly have been different. As it was, he sailed for Tahiti, and discovering Tubuai, one of the Austral Group, on his passage, arrived there on August 13th, 1777.
Six weeks were spent here, and the old friendships further cemented. Bulls and cows and other animals were presented to the king. Cook also attended at several ceremonies consequent on war being declared against Eimeo, which included the offering of the dead body of a man, previously killed for the purpose, to the war god. He positively refused to aid in this war, which very shortly came to an end.
Eimeo was next visited, and here the theft of a goat, which Cook intended to land at Huaheine, induced him to take severe measures to get it back. Several war canoes and houses were destroyed before it was returned. At Huaheine, Omai was estab- lished, with many valuable European articles in his possession. Here again Cook acted with considerable severity in the case of a thief, cutting off his ears, and confining him on board. His action has been questioned, but considering his humane character, and the judgment that he always displayed in these questions, we are justified in believing that he had good reason for de- parting from his ordinary custom of mild tieatment of natives, At Ulietea, or Raiatea, next-visited, a midshipman and a seaman of the Discovery deserted. Cook took his usual step of confining some natives of importance, and informing their relatives that they would be retained until the deserters were returned. In this case he impounded the king’s son and daughter, with the desired effect, as the stragglers were soon brought back from Bolabola, whither they had gone; but both Cook and Captain Clerke were nearly captured by the natives when on shore in the interval.
It is only surprising that more of Cook’s people did not attempt to remain in these pleasant islands. The hardships of the sea press
xliv Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
much on certain natures, and the allurements of the easy and careless life of a tropical island offered such a contrast, that it scarcely required the desire of the natives to get white men with their superior knowledge, and above all superior arms, to remain with them, to induce them to desert. This last, however, made desertion more easy, and had not Cook taken strong measures, no doubt the epidemic would have spread.
After visiting Bolabola, Cook sailed north, to prosecute the main object of his voyage, the exploration of the north-west coast of America. On December 24th he fell in with Christmas Island, which he so named from the season. After mapping it,and getting many turtle, he continued his course to the north, and discovered Atooi or Kauai, the western island of the Sandwich Group.
Communicating with this island and another, he finally left on February 3rd, 1778, and on March 7th made the coast of North America, a little south of the Columbia River. Gales ensued, and Cook missed the entrance of Juan de Fuca Strait, making the land again a little north of it.
Anchoring first in Nootka Sound in Vancouver Island—though Cook did not know it was an island—the ships continued their exploration to the north-west, skirting the coast as near as stormy weather permitted them, and calling at various places until the north-west extremity of the Alaska Peninsula was reached. In one place, afterwards called Cook’s River, it was hoped that the desired passage eastward was found ; but it was soon discovered that it was merely an inlet.
Passing through the Aleutian Chain, east of Unalaska, Cook visited that island, and continued his voyage through the Bering Sea, clinging to the land as much as possible, and finally got into Bering Strait. Here he had both continents in sight, and com- municated with both sides.
Standing further north, he, in latitude 70° 30’ N., came across the icy barrier of the Arctic Sea. After vainly trying for a passage in fog and strong wind, surrounded by loose ice, and after mapping a good deal of the shores on both sides, the ships again turned south at the end of August, exploring as they went first on the Asiatic side, and afterwards on the American, especially examining Norton Sound. In the beginning of October they once more arrived at Unalaska, and the Resolution having sprung a dangerous leak, the opportunity was taken to-stop it.
On October 26th the ships sailed for the Sandwich Islands, where Cook had determined to winter, for the double purpose of refreshing his crew, gaining more knowledge of the Group, and being in a convenient position for resuming his exploration in the spring.
ite
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Events at Sandwich Islands. xlv The voyage just accomplished was very remarkable, whether for the amount of coast mapped, which extended for between three and ‘our thousand miles, or for the determination with which it was prosecuted in tempestuous and thick weather, on a most dangerous and inhospitable voast, part of the time in ice. The crews were perfectly healthy, with no sign of scurvy, and he brought both his
ships off without any damage. ,
Maui, another of the Sandwich Group, was made on November 26th, and after communicating, the ships stood over to Owhyhee (Hawaii). Wind was against them, and it was not until January 17th that the two ships, having passed along the north side of the island to the eastward, at last anchored in Kealakekua Bay, on the south-west side.
The events which followed the arrival of the ships at Hawaii, which terminated in Captain Cook’s death, were not understood at the time, but have been elucidated by the inquiries of the early missionaries, which throw much light upon the beliefs of the islanders.
It appears that a tradition existed that a chief of earlier times, one Rono, Orono, or Lono (the R and the L in the Pacific lan- guages are almost interchangeable), had, after killing his wife, become frantically insane, and after travelling through the islands boxing and wrestling with all he met, had departed in a canoe, prophesying that he would some day return in an island with trees, hogs, and dogs. He was deified, and temples erected in his honour.
When Cook’s ships arrived it was believed that the prophecy was fulfilled. Rono had returned as he had said, and the natives flocked to do him honour. When Cook landed he was received with adoration, the crowds prostrating themselves, and the priests escorting him with much ceremony. Led to a temple, he was clothed with red cloth, had pigs offered to him, and was generally treated in a manner which, though satisfactory as showing the friendly feelings of the natives, was puzzling to the Europeans. This continued throughout their stay, presents of all kinds being showered upon them. The officers, however, observed that the warrior chiefs were not so enthusiastic as the priests and common people. The death of a seaman, who was buried on shore in the presence of a large concourse, would seein to have been the first circumstance that threw doubts upon the godlike character of the visitors ; but the ready way in which the fence of a Morai or sacred inclosure, which included various images, was granted for fuel, shows that the priests still held to their idea. The king, Taraiopu (or Terreooboo, as his name was written by Captain King), arrived shortly after the ships anchored, and showed himself
xlvi Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
to be as much impressed with the public belief as any of his subjects.
Thus matters continved during the eighteen days the ships remained ; but towards the end of this time the natives began to show anxiety that they should be gone. The drain of hogs and other provisions, which were poured upon the visitors, doubtless led to anxious thoughts as to how long this was to last; and probably those members of the community who were less amenable to the influence of the priests, and were jealous of their own authority, were by no means so certain that the popular cpinion of the supernatural nature of the white men was correct.
The ships sailed on February 4th, but, as ill-luck had it, the Resolution sprung her foremast in a gale, and Cook resolved to return to Kealakekua Bay for repairs. Here they again anchored on the 11th.
Their reception was, however, very different.
No crowd of canoes round the ship; no enthusiastic mass of natives on shore. Everything was silence.
What had happened was that the king had departed, leaving the bay under “ cabu,” 2.2., a sacred interdict.
The priests, however, received them with as much friendliness as before, and the Morai was given up to them as a place of repairs for the damaged mast.
The king hurried back on hearing of the return of the ships, and removec the tabu; but the ative disposition was changed. Some of the party on shore had persuaded women to break the tabu.
Whether this affected relations is uncertain, but the inhabitants generally exhibited considerable hostility, and headed by some chiefs, showed an inclination to attack a watering party. Thefts followed, and the capture of a canoe as a reprisal caused a scuffle on the beach, in which the Englishimen were worsted by the crowd, though a friendly chief soon restored order.
Instructions were now given to the party on shore at the Morai to permit no natives to approach in the night, and a musket was fired at one of them who came near.
On the morning of February 14th the Déscovery’s cutter was found to have been stolen.
Cook at once decided to have recourse to his usual practice, and get either the king or some principal chief on board, as a hostage till it was returned. He at the same time gave orders to prevent any canoes from leaving the bay, in order that he might, if necessary, seize them, and sent his boats to carry this out. Guns were fired from the ships at two large canoes that attempted to pass. Cook himself landed with a small armed force, and went in search of the king, who at once consented to come on board. The
any of his
the ships s began to f hogs and doubtless last ; and s amenable their own lar Gpinion
ad it, the esolved to anchored
ic mass of ed, leaving
Pndliness as of repairs
e ships, and red. Some e tabu.
inhabitants d by some ty. Thefts ed a scuffle ‘the crowd,
t the Morai musket was
‘cutter was
al practice, board, as a re orders to t he might, out. Guns tempted to ind went in oard. The
Death of Captain Cook. xl vii
conduct of Taraiopu throughout showed that he had _ perfect confidence in Cook, and was entirely friendly, whether he still believed in the Rono theory or not.
While walking down to the boat, the natives, who were momentarily increasing in numbers, implored the king not to go. His wife joined her entreaties. Taraiopu hesitated. At this moment a man ran up and cried, “It is war; they have killed a chief!” One of the guard boats had, in fact, fired at a canoe attempting to leave the bay, and killed a man. The natives at once ran to arms, and Cook, seeing his intentions frustrated, walked towards the boat. A native attacked him with a spear, and Cook shot him with his gun. Still, no further attack was made, but the men in the boats hearing Cook’s shot, and seeing the excited crowd, commenced to fire without orders. Cook still moved to the shore, calling to his men to cease firing; but whilst so doing, and with his back to the exasperated natives, he was stabbed in the back with a dagger, and fcil with his face in the water.
There was then general confusion. The boats were a little way from the beach, and several of the marines were also killed, before they could reach them. Cook’s body was at once dragged off by
- the natives.
The boats returned on board amid general consternation, and it is mentioned that a general silence reigned on board when it was known that their beloved commander had fallen.
The party at the Morai were shortly after attacked, but beat off the assailants, and reinforcements were sent from the ships. Lieutenant King, a favourite officer of Cook’s, behaved with great discretion, and assisted by some of the priests, made a t_uce, during which the mast and other articles on shore for repairs were got off.
The sailors were mad for reprisals, but Captain Clerke, on whom the command devolved, decided on pacific measures, and every attempt was made to recover Cook’s body. All that was obtained, however, were some of his bones, which were brought down with much solemnity by a chief, and delivered wrapped up in new cloth and red feathers.
It was known in after years that Cook’s body had been instantly cut up; the flesh was burnt, as was the custom with great chiefs and many of the bones were preserved with great honour in a Morai dedicated to Rono.
It seems clear that Cook’s death was due to a revulsion of feeling on the part of some of the natives, who no longer believed in his divine character, but that many regarded the outrage with horror. When the first Europeans came to reside on the island, and
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xl viii Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
learnt the story from the native side, they found universal regret prevailing at this untoward occurrence.
Cook left officers imbued with his own noble sentiments. No general attack was made in revenge for what they saw was the result of misunderstanding, although they were ignorant of the exact circumstarices which lcd, first to the uncommon and extra- ordinary veneration with which he had been treated, and then to the sudden change in the native behaviour.
It was found necessary to fire on the natives who prevented the watering party from working, and some of the sailors on this duty burnt some houses ; but before the ships left, friendly relations were again established, and many natives visited them.
After Cook’s remains had been committed to the sea, the prosecution of the voyage was determined upon, although Captain Clerke was in the last stage of consumption, and as soon as the Resolution’s mast could be repaired, the two vessels once more departed, on February 22nd, 1779.
Cook’s intentions were carried out as if he had still }:een in command. The remainder of the Sandwich Group was tnapped, and the ships proceeded once more to the north. Calling at Petropavlovsk in Avatcha Bay, Kamtchatka, they again passed through Bering Strait, and sought in vain for a passage either to the north-east or north-west, being everywhere baffled by dense masses of ice. Captain Clerke at last abandoned the struggle, and repassed Bering Strait on his way south on August Ist.
On August 22nd Captain Clerke died.
This officer had accompanied Captain Cook ir all his voyages, and had alse circumnavigated the globe in the Do/phin with Captain Ryron before. No man had seen more of the Pacific, and he proved himself, during his short period of coramand, 2 worthy successor of Cook.
Captain Gore, who had been with Cook on his First Voyage, now succeeded, King being put as Commander into the Déscovery, and the two ships made the best of their way home, véd Macao and the Straits of Sunda, arriving at the Nore on October 4th, 1780, after an absence of four years and two months. During the whole of this voyage not the slightest symptom of scurvy appeared in either ship, so completely were Cook’s precautions successful.
Cook had six children. Three died young. Of the others, all boys, the eldest, James, entered the Navy, and lived to be a Commander, when, in 1794, he was drowned. The second, Nathaniel, also in tne Navy, was lost in a hurricane in 1780, The third died when at Cambridge. They none of 'them lived to be married, and no descenda.t of the great navigator has perpetuated his race.
bal regret
nts. No was the t of the d extra- d then to
ented the this duty ions were
sea, the Captain pn as the mce more
] heen in inapped, alling at in passed either to by dense ggle, and
Ss voyages, +h Captain he proved
successor
t Voyage, Discovery, flacao and 4th, 1780, the whole peared in ‘ful. others, all to be a e second, 780, The ived to be ‘rpetuated
Cook's Character, xlix Of Cook’s private life during his brief intervals at home we know nothing. A man rising from the ranks, and of his reserved character, would have but few friends, when he had such short time to make them in his new sphere. He lived at Mile ad when at home, but after his death his widow removed to C!apham, living there for forty years, at first with her cousin, Isaac Smith, who had served with Cook in the Endeavour and Resolution. She died in 1835, at the great age of ninety-three.
Of Cook’s character, none could be a better judge than Captain King, who writes as follows, after describing his death :—
“Thus fell our great and excellent commander. After a life of so much distinguished and successful enterprise, his death, as far as regards himself, cannot be considered premature, since he lived to finish the great work for which he seems to have been designed. How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented, by those who had sv long found their general security in his skill and conduct, an:d every consolation in their hardships in his tenderness and humanity, it is neither necessary nor possible for me to de- scribe. The constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour, and capable of undergoing the severest hardships. His stomach bor: without difficulty the coarsest and most ungrateful food. Indeed, temperance with him was scarcely a virtue, so great was the indifference with which he submitted to every kind of self-denial. The qualities of his mind were of the same hardy, vigorous kind with those of his body. His understanding was strong and per- spicacious. ‘His judgment in whatever related to the service he was erigazed in quick and sure. His designs were bold and manly, and both in the conception and in the mode of execution bore evident marks of a great original genius. His courage was cool and determined, and accompanied by an admirable presence of mind in the moment of danger. His manners were plain and unaffected. His temper might, perhaps, have been justly blamed as subject to haughtiness and passion, had not these been disarmed by a disposition the most benevolent and humane. Th intervals of recreation, which sometimes unavoidably occurred, and were looked for by us with a longing that persons who have ex- perienced the fatigues of service will readily excuse, were submitted to by him with a certain impatience whenever they could not be employed in making further provision for the more effectual prosecution of his designs,”
This is a pretty complete picture, and of a great man; a man who had before him continually his duty, and who had in an eminent degree the capacity to carry it out.
Though, under his determination to do this, he drove his people hard; though he tried them with his irascibility ; their conviction ad
] Sketch of Captain Cook's Life.
of his greatness, their confidence in his leadership and in his justice, led them to love him. He had no sympathy with the ordinary foibles and weakresses of his men. The charms of Tahiti, the paradise of the sailor, were no charms for him; he hardly notices the attractive ladies of that island ; the attractions of the place to him were the abundance of provisions, as a means of fitting his expedition for further exploration and hardship. The strongest proof of his capacity as a commander is the devotion of his officers. Those who know the Navy know how difficult it is for any man who rises from the ranks to be successful in command. But Cook was a gentleman born; he had the intuition of great minds for fitting themselves to every position to which they may rise, and there is never a whisper of disin- clination to submit to the rule of the once collier boy, the son of a labourer.
His intelligence is remarkably shown in his greatest triumph, the suppression of scurvy. That it should be left to a man of little education to discern the combination of means by which this enemy of long voyages could be conquered, is the most remarkable thing about this remarkable man. He himself notices the dis- inclination of the sailor to ary new article of food, especially when not particularly palatable ; but he soon found the means to induce them to understand that their lives greatly depended upon these rather nasty messes. Sour krout ; the unsavoury portable soups of that day ; the strange greens that Cook insisted on hunting up at every land he visited, and boiling with their ordinary food ; the constant washing between decks; the drying below with stoves, even in the hottest weather; the personal baths; the change of wet ciothing ; the airing of bedding, were all foreign and repugnant to the notions of the seamen of the day, and it required constant supervision and wise management to enforce the adoption of these odd foods and customs.
It is evident that it is to Cook’s personal action the success was due. Wallis and Byron had anti-sccrbutics, but they suffered from scurvy ; Furneaux, sailing wit Cook in the second voyage, under precisely similar circumstances, suffered from scurvy. It was only in Cook's ships, and in the Déscovery, commanded and officered by men who had sailed with Cook, and seen his methods, that exemption occurred.
Cook did more, incomparably more, than any other navigator to discover new lands. This was only accomplished by dint of hard work; and yet his men suffered less than in any ships, British or foreign, on similar expeditions. Though his tracks were in new and unknown waters, we never hear of starvation, he always manages to have an abundant supply of water.
in his ith the f Tahiti, ep hardly s of the eans of p. The devotion difficult ccessful had the position of disin- the son
triumph,
man of hich this
arkable the dis- lly when o induce bon these ‘le soups inting up ood ; the h stoves, hange of epugnant constant 1 of these
ccess was red from ge, under was only officered ods, that
navigator it of hard s, British re in new e always
Cook's Thoroughness. li
The completeness and accuracy of his accounts and charts are no less remarkable.
M. de La Perouse, one of the foremost of the great French navigators, told Captain Phillip, the founder of the Colony of New South Wales, that “Cook had left him nothing but to admire.” This was all but literally true ; wherever Cook went he finished his work, according to the requirements of navigation of his time. He never sighted a land but he determined its dimensions, its shape, its position, and left true guides for his successors. His charts are still for some parts unsuperseded, and his recorded observations still save us from hasty and incorrect alterations desired by modern navigators.
Well may Englishmen be proud that this greatest of navigators was their countryman.
I
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PERSONS WHO LEFT ENGLAND IN H.M.S. ENDEAVOUR, 26TH AUG., 1768.
Those not otherwise disposed of were paid off on 1st Aug., 1771.
Name.
Rank or Rating.
spree Cook ; achary Hicks . i Gore . obert Molineux Rich. Pickersgill
Chas. Clerke
Francis Wilkinson pees Bootie Patrick Saunders
Isaac Smith
Wm. Harvey
Jos. Magra. Isaac Manley
Wm. B. Monkhouse .|S . .| Surgeon’s Mate
Wn. Perry
Rich. Orton
Stephen Forwood ohn Gathray
te Satterly
Moe Thompson am Evans
Alex. Weir. Thos. Hardman.
.| Lieat. in Command . .| Lieut. ;
: ”
.|Master .
.| Mast. Mate
Master, 16 Ap. 7
.| Mast. Mate
A.B., 20 Aug., 1768 . E Mast. Mate, 17 Ap., 1771. Lieut., 26 May, 1771
A.B.
tik Mate, 20 Aug, i 1768
.| Mid. | Died onathan Monkhouse.
rm ; ‘ > ‘ .| Died
AB, 24 May, 1770 : ‘ ‘| Deserted . A.B. - .
Mid., 24 May,1770. Mast. Mate, 27 May, 77
.| Lieut.’s Servant
Mid., 8 Feb., 1771 A.B.
Mid., 27 May, 171 ‘ ; Master's Servant
Mid., 5 Feb., 1771 urgeon .
Surgeon, 6 Nov., +1770
.| Clerk
.| Gunner
.| Boatswain
.| Carpenter
.| Cook
-| Quarter Master
Boatswain, 6 Feb., 171 :
.| Quarter Master : ‘ .| Drowned . .| Boatswain’s Mate
AB., 26 Mar., 1769 . Sailmaker, 2 Feb., 1771
.|25 May, 1771 -|1§ Apr., 1771
-|4 Feb., 1771 .|6 Feb, 1771
25 Dec., 1770
-|5 Nov., 1770
.|4 Feb., 1771 .} 12 Feb,, 1771 | 31 Jan., 1771
14Sept., 1768.
Persons who left England in H.M.S. “Endeavour.” iii
Name. Rank or Rating. Disposal. | Date. hes John Reading © .| Boatswain’s Mate . ‘ .| Died .|29 Aug., 1769 Benjamin Jordan .|Carpenter’s Mate. . .| Died .|31 Jan., 1771 John Ravenhill . .| Sailmaker ; F % .| Died .|27 Jan., 1771 George Nowell . .| A.B. . ; ‘ Carpenter, 14 Feb., 1771 A f | Isaac Parker ‘ | Pacibwaics 's Mate, 26 Nov., , 1769 Robt. Anderson . A.B. | ig sags Master, 16 Sept. ” "1768. James Gray .| A.B. ; | Quarter Master, 6 Feb., 7 ‘ Robert Taylor . | Armourer ; .| Died .| 1 Aug, 1771 4 Rich. Hutchins . A.B. i Boatswain's Mate, I Sept, 1769, i Joseph Childs .| A.B. ' 4 Cool 1 Feb., 77 : ; i ; Peter Flowers . 4 ; : .| Drowned .|2 Dec., 1768 } hte. Timothy Rearden .| , . -. ‘ : ; .| Died .|24 Dec., 1770 ‘46 ohn Ramsay . A ey oe ’ . : . : 1 es RIRWOON 8 Sale aiyt oe A ee ee i Francis Haite Woo % ‘ ; ; .| Died .|1 Feb., 1771 H , 1771 Sam Jones. ; a ae : nl 3 A ; ieee 4 aie Nicholson BP egy a F ‘ . ‘ .| Died .|31 Jan., 1771 Ir., 1771 orby Sutherland .| ,, . ‘ 3 ‘ : .| Died .|30 Apr., 1770 ; Thomas Simmonds .| ,, . : ; ; ‘ ; Rich. Hughes
Carpenter’s Mate, 14 Feb., 1771 Sam Moody } .| A.B. ‘ ‘ : : .| Died .{31 Jan., 1771 Isaac Johnson . ale peo ‘ : ; ‘ ‘ Robt. Stainsby . hea Wm. Collett ; Dae a P ; : ‘ Archibald Wolfe Cin P : P .| Died . 1771 Matthew Cox ; alec 4 : Ri 4 : , 1771 : Chas, Williams . A eee ; : P ‘ ; Alex. Simpson . Fd ae at : : F j . | Died S., 1770 Le Thos. Knight . eee ce : ‘ é ’ ( Hy. Stevens A Ri) idee Thos. Jones (2) . et feet : Antony Ponto . Pa oa ‘ é F ‘ ; ) Jeh. Dozey . : oh We ° ‘ : ‘ .| Died .|7 Apr., 1771 as. Tunley ‘ ee eos $ : é ‘ : ich, Littleboy . eas ohn Goodjohn . pe ha * ‘ x ’ F ohn Woodworth = eee ‘ F , i .| Died m. Peckover . =| Sh One é s ; F ‘ 1770 Robt. Littleboy . Pa
{31 Jan., 1771
.| 21 Feb., 1771
.|24 Dec., 1774
1771 1771 » 1771
, 1768.
I, hg et eC
Wm. Howson Nathl. Morey Thos, Jones Ed. Terrell
Thos, Jordan Thos. Matthews Danl. Roberts John Thurmand.
(Pressed at Madeira)
.| Captain’s Servant
.| Lieut.’s Servant
.| Surgeon’s Servant
.| Carpenter's Servant . A.B., 1 Sept., 1769 . . | Boatswain’s Servant . | Cook’s Servant
.| Gunner's Servant
.| A.B. ;
.| Died
‘| Died .| Died
.|27 Feb., 1771 .| 30 June, 1771
Discharged | 5 Nov., 1770
.|2 Feb., 1771 .|3 Feb., 1771
liv Persons who left England in H.M.S. “Endeavour.”
cas gens oe re
MARINES. ay) AR Name. Rank or Rating. Disposal. Date.
ohn Edgecombe __ .| Sergeant R.M. pone .|
ohn Trusslove . .|Corporal . d .| Died -|24 Jan., 1771 os. Rossiter . .| Drummer . ;
Wm. Judge . _ .|Private
Danl. Preston . By aaa ‘ ; ; ; .| Died -| 16 Feb., 1771 Wm. Wiltshire . é ‘i ‘ A : ; .
Wm. Greenslade .| ,, . . « . «| Drowned .|6 Apr., 1769 Saml. Gibson : : :
Corporal, 26 Jan., 1771 Thos. Dunster . .|Private . : : Clement Webb . . s é John Bowles . .| 4,
threat nema uncer nn
‘| Died .|26 Jan., 1771
CIVILIANS AND STAFF.
Name. Rank or Rating.
Joseph Banks, Esq. . Charles Solander .| Naturalist : ’ ‘ Charles Green . .|Astronomer . ; Rs -| Died .| 29 Jan., 1771 {obs Reynolds . .| Artist ; : ‘ : -| Died .| 18 Dec., 1770 ydney Parkinson . ‘i ‘ ; : ; -| Died .| 26 Jan., 1771 Alexander Buchan . ib ; ‘ ; ‘ .| Died -| 17 Apr., 1769 Herman Sporing ; Died -| 24 Jan., 1771 ames Roberts . .| Servant
4 sd ei - F “ io P ‘ ; ‘ nen omas Richmond _.| Negro Servant . P ; ; wi yi George Dorlton. .| ,, See aera ee eae { dunk } 16 Jan., 1769
SS anion tenn ona tonto
TOTAL Loss.
pci a ee SS a ee
1768.—Drowned i 1769.—Drowned ” Frozen
| » Died
iL! 1770.—Died ,
: H 1771.—Died . |
S | fea wean
A JOURNAL OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF HIS MAJESTY’S BARK ENDEAVOUR, ON A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY LIEUT. JAMES COOK, COMMANDER,
COMMENCING THE astn OF MAY, 1768.
#
I j ; ;
2
)
|
3
a¥ 1) u
i
lvi
EXPLANATION (FROM JOURNAL).
It ts necessary to premise by way of explanation, that in this Journal (except while we lay at George's Island) the day is supposed to begin and end at noon, as for instance, Friday the 27th May, began at noon on Thursday 26th, and ended the following noon according to the natural day, and all the courses and bearings are the true courses and bearings according to the Globe, and not by Compass. The longitude is counted West from the meridian of Greenwich where no other place is particularly mentioned. The proportional length of the log-line to the half minute giass, by which the ships run was measured, is as thirty seconds ts to thirty feet.
While the ship lay in port or was coasting in sight of land, or sailing in narrow scas, this Journal is not kept in the usual form, but the degrees of Latitude and Longitude the ship passes over are put down at the top of each page, by which together with the notes in the margin* an easy reference will be had to the Chart.
* These notes in the margin have not been printed.—Ep.
CHAPTER I.
ENGLAND TO RIO JANEIRO.
REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES ON BOARD HIS MAJEsTy’s BARK ENDEAVOUR.
1768.
IVER THAMES, Friday, May 27th, to Friday, July 29th. —Moderate and fair weather; at 11 a.m. hoisted the
Pendant, and took charge of the Ship, agreeable to my Commission of the 25th inst., she lying in the Bason in Deptford Yard. From this day to the 21st of July we were constantly em- ployed in fitting the Ship, taking on board Stores and Provisions, etc. The same day we sailed from Deptford and anchored in Gallions reach, were we remained until the 30th. The transactions of Each, Day, both while we lay here and at Deptford, are inserted in the 1 xg Book, and as they contain nothing but common Oc- currences, it was thought not necessary to insert them here.
July 30th to August 7th—Saturday, July 30th, Weighed from Gallions, and made sail down the River, the same day Anchored at Gravesend, and the next Morning weighed from thence, and at Noon Anchored at the Buoy of the Fairway. On Wednesday, 3rd of August, Anchored in the Downs in 9g fathoms of water, Deal Castle N.W. by W. On Sunday, 7th, I joined the Ship, discharged the Pilot, and the next day saild for Plymouth.
Monday, 8th.—Fresh Breezes and Cloudy weather the most part of these 24 hours. At 10 a.m. weighed and came to sail ; at Noon the South Foreland bore N.E. } N., distant 6 or 7 Miles. Wind W. by N., N.W.
Tuesday, 9th.—Gentle breezes and Cloudy weather. At 7 p.m.. the Tide being against us, Anchored in 13 fathoms of Water ; I
‘Ss ee SR eae eno nas —————
ct AR SAB a 82 RS SAMOS Sei
AR AERATOR tite BEES
a =
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nay ee 4 as. - . Si ——— _ = a oanind beds a os ss mn. = ~ * “ Asin Nig er a 4 . po a a ae me - =< : ~ 3
2 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage, [Aug. 1768,
Dungeness S.W. by W. At 11 am. Weighed and made Sail down Channel ; at Noon, Beachy Head, N. by E. 4 E., distant 6 Leagues, Latitude observed 50° 30’ N. Wind N.W. to N.
Wednesday, 10th.—Variable : light Airs and Clear weather. At 8 p.m. Beachy Head N.E. by E., distant 4 Leagues, and at 8 a.m. it bore N. E. by N.,9 Leagues, Found the Variation of the Compass to be 23°W.; at Noon the Isle of Wight N.W. by N. Wind W. by N., N.E. by E.
Thursday, 11th—Light Airs and Clear weather. At 8 p.m. Dunnose N. by W. 5 Leagues, and at 4 am. it bore N.N.E. 3 E., distant 5 Leagues. Wind Variable.
Wednesday, 12th—Light Airs and Calms all these 24 Hours. At Noon the Bill of Portland bore N.W. 4 W., distant 3 Leagues. Latitude Observed 50° 24’ N. Wind Easterly.
Thursday, 13th.—Ditto weather. At Noon the Start Point W. » or 8 miles. Latitude Observed 50° 12’ N., which must be the Latitude of the Start, as it bore West.* Wind Variable.
Sunday, 14th—Fine breezes and Clear weather. At 4-past $ p.m. Anchored in the Entrance of Plymouth Sound in 9 fathoms water. At 4 am. weighed and worked into proper Anchoring ground, and Anchored in 6 fathoms, the Mewstone S.E., Mount Batten N.N.E. 4 E., and Drake’s Island N. by W. Dispatched an Express to London for Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to join the Ship, their Servants and Baggage being already on board. Wind North-Easterly.
Monday, 15th.—First and latter parts Moderate breezes and fair ; Middle squally, with heavy showers of rain. I this day received an order to Augment the Ship’s Company to 85 Men, which before was but 70. Received on board fresh Beef for the Ship’s Company. Wind S.W. to S.E.
Tuesday, 16th.—First part moderate and Hazey ; Middle hard Squalls with rain; the Latter moderate and fair. Received on board a supply of Bread, Beer, and Water. A Sergeant, Corporal, Drummer, and 9 Private Marines as part of the Complement. Wind S.S.E. to N.E.
Wednesday, 17th.—Little wind and Hazey weather. Sent some Cordage to the Yard in order to be Exchanged for Smaller. Several Shipwrights and Joiners from the Yard Employed on board refitting the Gentlemen’s Cabins, and making « Platform over the Tiller, etc. Wind S.E. to E. by S.
Thursday, 18th.—Little wind and Cloudy. Struck down 4 guns into the Hold. Received on voard 4 More, with 12 Barrels of Powder and several other Stores. Shipwrights and Joiners Em- ployed on board. Wind Easterly.
* This is correct.
Seed yaa teeta iee ae atecnan cess" ie ares t.GArnnt, Deemann keen Hise here) 1G eehhernn ur weno WHS THR” F
Aug. 1768, ] Satled from Plymouth. 3
Friday, 19th—Former part little wind with rain; remainder fair weather ; a.m. Read to the Ship’s Company the Articles of War and the Act of Parliament, they likewise were paid two Months’ Wages in advance. I also told them that they were to Expect no additional pay for the performance of our intended Voyage; they were well satisficd, and Expressed great Cheerfulness and readiness to prosecute the Voyage. Received on board another Supply of Provisions, Rum, etc. Wind N.W. to S.W.
Saturday, 20th.—First part little wind with rain; remainder fresh Gales and thick rainy weather. Employed making ready for Sea. Wind W.S.W.
Sunday, 21st—Fresh Gales and Ditto Weather. The Ship- wrights having finished their Work, intended to have sailed, instead of which was obliged to let go another Anchor. Wind S.W., W.S.W.
Monday, 22nd.—Fresh Gales, with heavy squalls of Wind and Rain all this 24 hours. Wind S.W.
Tuesday, 23rd.—Ditto weather. Struck Yards and Topmasts ; Anchored between the Island and the Main His Majesty’s Ship Gibraltar. Wind W. by S.
Wednesday, 24¢h.—Fresh Gales and Hazey weather ; a.m. hove up the Small Bower Anchor and got Topmasts and Yards. Wind W. by S.
Thursday, 25th.—Moderate and Cloudy weather ; a.m. received on Board a supply of Beer and Water, and returned all our Empty Casks. Loosed the Topsails as a Signal for Sailing. Wind W., N. by W., N.W. by W.
Friday, 26th.—First part fresh Breezes and Cloudy, remainder little wind and Clear. At 2 p.m. got under Sail and put to Sea, having on board 94 Persons, including Officers, Seamen, Gentle- men, and their Servants ; near 18 Months’ Provisions, 10 Carriage Guns, 12 Swivels, with good Store of Ammunition and Stores of all kinds, At 8the Dodman Point W.N.W., distant 4 or 5 Leagues ; at 6 am. the Lizard bore W.N.W. 4 W., 5 or 6 Leagues distant. At Noon Sounded and had 50 fathoms, Grey sand with small Stones and broken Shells. Wind N. by W., N.W., W. by S.; course S. 21° E.; distance 23 m.; lat. 49° 30’ N., long. 5° 52’ W.; at noon, Lizard N. 21° W. distant 23 miles.
Saturday, 271h.—First part Light Airs and Clear weather, re- mainder fresh breezes and Cloudy. Berthed the Ship’s Company, Mustered the Chests and Stove all that were unnecessary. Wind N.W., N.E., S.E.; course S.W.; distance 77 m.; lat. 48° 42’ N., long. 6° 49’ W.; at noon, Lizard N. 29° E., 80 miles.
Sunday, 28th.—Former part fresh Gales and Hazey with rain ; remainder a Moderate breeze and Cloudy. Wind Easterly ; course
i
d cea NEALE tes 6d st AA Ron ‘ Sabet aed 4 stb tg hich eet Ne Aah de
Oe NMS ths Babe aul WON 1 Sai ode
4 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Sept. 1768,
S. 48° W.; distance 130 m.; lat. 47° 16’ N., long. 9° 7’ W.; at noon Lizard N. 40° 5’ E.; 69 leagues.
Monday, 29th.—Light Airs and Hazey the Most part of these 24 hours with some Rain. Wind N.Wrly ; course S, 21° W.; distance 41 m.; lat. 46° 38’ N., long. 9°29’ W. ; at noon, Lizard N. 37° 45’ E., 86 leagues.
Tuesday, 3014.—Fresh Gales all these 24 Hours. At 4-past 1 p.m. Spoke with His Majesty’s Ship Guardaloupe ; at 6 Close Reeft the Topsails, and got down the Top Gallant Yards. Wind Westerly ; course S. 27° W.; distance 33 m.; lat. 46° 9! N., long. 9° 52’ W.; at noon, Lizard N. 36° E., 96 leagues.
Wednesday, 31st.—First and Middle parts, Moderate breezes and Clear ; Latter, fresh Gales and Cloudy. At6 p.m. loosed the cna Reef out of the Topsails, and at 8 a.m. took them in again ; at Noon Tacked and stood to the N.W., having stood before to the Southward. Wind West to S.W.; course S. 36° E.; distance 82 m.; lat. 45° 3’ N., long. 8° 43’ W.; at noon, Lizard N.N.E., 105 leagues.
Thursday, September 1st-—Very hard gales, with some heavy showers of Rain, the most part of these 24 Hours, which brought us under our two Courses, Broke one of our Main Topmast phuttock Plates, washed overboard a small Boat belonging to the Boatswain, and drowned between 3 and 4 Dozen of our Poultry, which was worst of all. Towards Noon it moderated, so that we could bear our Maintopsail close Reefd. At Midnight wore and stood to the Southward. Wind Westerly ; course S. 70° W.; distance 20 m.; lat. 44° 56’ N., long. 9° 9’ W.; at noon, Lizard N. 28° 15’ W., 109 leagues.
Friday, 2nd—Fresh Gales and Cloudy the most part of these 24 hours. P.M. got up the spare Mainsail to dry, it being Wet by the Water getting into the Sail room, occasioned by the Ship being very Leakey in her upper works. At 5 a.m. loosed 2 Reefs out of each Topsail, and saw the Land, which we judged to be Cape Finister and Cape Ortugal. At 10 Tackt, being about 4 miles off Shore, and stood to the N.W. ; at Noon, Cape Ortugal bore E. by S., distance about 8 Leagues. Wind N. by W., W., S.W., W.S.W. ; course S. by W.; distance 64 m.; lat. 43° 53’ N., long. 9° 26’ W. ; at noon, Lizard N.N.E., 130 leagues.
Saturday, 3rd.—First part little wind and Hazey, with rain ; remainder strong Gales with hard squalls, which brought us under our close Reeft Topsails, and obliged us to strike Topgallant Yards, At 8 am. wore ship and stood to the Southward. Wind S.W. and W.; course S. 68° 45’ W. ; distance 44 m.; lat. 44° 9’ N., long.
10° 20’ W.; at noon, Lizard N. 294° E., 138 leagues. Sunday, 4th.—Fore part fresh Gales and Clear; remainder
SS eyes NV
Sept. 1768,] Plymouth to Madeira. 5
light Airs and Calm. At 6 a.m. Cape Finister bore S. by W. 4 W., distance 10 or 11 leagues. Loosed all the Reefs out of the Topsails, and got Topgallant Yards across. Wind Westerly, Calm ; at noon, Island of Cyserga,* E.S.E. 3 leagues.
Monday, 5th.—Light breezes and Calm all these 24 hours. At 2 p.m. had an Observation of the Sun and Moon, which gave the Longitude 8° 42' W. from Greenwich. At 6 Cape Finister bore S. by W. 4 W., 6 Leagues. Variation of the Compass per Azimuth 18° 42' WW. At Noon, Cape Finister S. by E., distant 4 leagues ; lat. observed 43° 4’, therefore Cape Finister must lay in lat. 42° 53’ North.t Wind Westerly, N.W., Calm.
Tuesday, 6th.—Moderate breezes and Clear weather these 24 Hours. A.M. found the Variation by the Mean of 5 Azimuth to be 21° 40’ W., 3 Degrees more than what it was found Yesterday, which I cannot account for, as both Observations appeared to me to be equally well made. At 10.28 had an Observation of the sun and moon, which gave the Longitude 9° 4o’ W. from Greenwich, By this Observation Cape Finister must lay in 8° 52’, and by that made yesterday in 8° 40. The Mean of the two is 8° 46’ W. of Greenwich the Long. of the Cape,§ its latitude being 42° 53' North. Wind N.W. ; course S. 42° W.; distance 70 m.; lat. 42° 1'N., long. 9° 50’ W. ; at noon, Cape Finister N. 42° E., 70 miles.
Wednesday, 7th.—Moderate breezes and Clear weather ; found the Variation to be 21° 4’ W. Wind W.N.W.; course S. by W.; distance 92 m. ; lat. 40° 29’ N., long, 10° 11’ W.; at noon, Cape Finister N. 13° E., 49 leagues,
Thursday, 8th.—Fresh Gales and Cloudy weather. A.M. Past by 2 Sail, which were standing to the N.E. Wind W.N.W. to W. by S.; course S. 4° E.; distance 111 m.; lat. 38° 33’ N., long. 10° W.; at noon, Cape Finister N. 12° E., 88 leagues.
Friday, 9th.—First part fresh Gales; remainder moderate breezes and fine, Clear weather. Set up the Topmast rigging, and found the Variation to be 19° 50’ W. Wind W. by N. to N.E.; course S. 40° W. ; distance 116 m. ; lat. 37° 4’ N., long. 11° 33’ W.; at noon, Cape Finister N. 20° E., 124 leagues.
Saturday, 10th.—A steady, fresh breeze and fine Clear weather. Found the Variation of the Compys by the Evening and Morning Amplitude and by 2 Azimuth to be 20° 59’ W. Wind N.E. by E. ; course S. 36° W. ; distance 130 m. ; lat. 35° 20’ N., long. 13° 28’ W.; at noon, Cape Finister N. 24° E., 166 leagues.
* Sisarga, near Corufia. + This is correct.
t Cook, as all other navigators of his time, was unaware of the deviation of the compass caused by the iron of the ship. § The correct longitude is 9° 1, W.
:
3 t 4
Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Sept. 1768,
Sunday, 11th,—The same Winds and weather Continue. Found the Variation to be this Evening 18° 54’, and in the Morning 17° 58’ W., they both being the mean result of several good Obser- vations. Wind N.E. by E., N. by E.; course S. 32° W.; distance 94 m.; lat. 34° 1’ N., long. 14° 29’ W.; at noon, Cape Finister N. 264° E., 198 leagues.
Monday, 12th.—Moderate breezes and fine Clear weather. At 6 am. the Island of Porto Santo bore N.W. by W., distance 9 or
to leagues. Hauld the Wind to the westward at noon, the
Deserters extending from W.S.W. to S.W. by S., the Body of Madeira W. 3 S., and Porto Santo N.N.W. 4 W. Wind N.N.W. ; course S. 40° W. ; distance 102 m.; lat. 32° 43' N., long. 15° 53’ W.
Tuesday, 13th.—Fresh breezes and clear weather. At 8 p.m. anchored in Funchal Road in 22 fathoms. Found here His Majesty's Ship Rose and several Merchants’ Vessels. In the Morning new berthed the Ship, and Moor’d with the Stream Anchor, half a Cable on the Best Bower and a Hawser and a half on the Stream Wind N.W.
MOORED IN FUNCHAL ROAD, MADEIRA, Wednesday, 14th.— First part fine, Clear weather, remainder Cloudy, with Squals from the land, attended with Showers.of rain. In the Night the Bend of the Hawsers of the Stream Anchor Slip’d owing to the Careless- ness of the Person who made it fast. In the Morning hove up the Anchor in the Boat and carried it out to the Southward. In heaving the Anchor out of the Boat Mr. Weir, Master's Mate, was carried overboard by the Buoy rope and to the Bottom with the Anchor. Hove up the Anchor by the Ship as soon as possible, and found his Body intangled in the Bucy rope. Moor’d the Ship with the two Bowers in 22 fathoms Water ; the Loo Rock W. and the Brazen Head E. Saild His Majesty’s Ship Rose. The Boats employed carrying the Casks a Shore for Wine, and the Caulkers caulking the Ship Sides. Wind Easterly.
Thursday, 15t.—Squals of Wind from the Land, with rain the most part of these 24 Hours. Received on board fresh Beef and Greens for the Ship’s Comnpany, and sent on shore all our Casks for Wine and Water, having a Shore Boat employed for that purpose. Wind N.E. to S.E.
Friday, 16tkh—The most part fine, Clear weather. Punished Henry Stevens, Seaman, and Thomas Dunster, Marine, with 12 lashes each, for refusing to take their allowance of Fresh Beef. Employed taking on board Wine and Water. Wind Easterly.
Saturday, 17th.—Little wind, and fine Clear weather. Issued to the whole Ship’s Compatiy 20 Ibs, of Onions per Man. Employed as Yesterday. Wind Westerly.
Sunday, 18th—Ditto Weather. ".. received on board
Sept. 1768,] Sazled from Madetra. Vi
270 lbs. of fresh Beef, and a Live Bullock charged 613 lbs. Com- pleated our Wine and Water, having received of the former 3032 Gallons, of the Latter 10 Tuns. A.M. unmoor'd and prepar’d for Sailing. Funchall, in the Island of Madeira, by Observations made here by Dr. Eberton, F.R.S., lies in the lat. of 32° 33’ 33” N. and long, W. from Greenwich 16° 49',* the Variation of the Compass 15° 30' W., decreasing as he says, which I much doubt ;f neither does this Variation agree with our own Observations, The Tides flow full, and Change N. and S., and rise Perpendicular 7 feet at Spring Tides and 4 ft. at Niep tides. We found the North point of the Diping Needle, belonging to the Royal Society, to Dip 77° 18’. The Refreshments for Shipping to be got at this place are Wine, Water, Fruit of Several Sorts, and Onions in Plenty, and some Sweatmeats ; but Fresh Meat and Poultry are very Dear, and not to be had at any rate without Leave from the Governour. Wind southerly, E.S.E., S.W.
Monday, 191%.—Light breezes and fine Clear weather. At Mid- night Sailed from Funchall. At 8 am. the high land over it bore N.4E. Unbent the Cables, stow’d the Anchors, and issued to the Ship’s Company 10 pounds of Onions per Man. Ship’s Draught of Water, F. 14 ft. 8in.; A. 15 f:. rin. Wind E.S.E.; lat. 31° 43'N. ; at noon, High land ever Furchall N. 7° E., 49 miles.
Tuesday, 20th.—Light Airs and Clear weather. P.M. took several Azimuth, which gave the Variation 16° 30’ W. Put the Ship’s Company to three Watches. Wind variable; course S. 21° 30' W.; distance 28 m.; lat. 31° 17’, long. 17° 19’ W.; at noon, Funchall, Island of Madeira, N. 13° E., 76 m.
Wednesday, 21st—First part light Airs, remaisider fresh Breezes and Clear weather. Served Hooks and Lines to the Ship’s Com- pany, and employed them in the day in :naking Matts, &c., for the Rigging. Wind S.W. to S.W. by W.; course S. 60° E.; distance 60 m.; lat. 30° 46’ N., long. 16° 8’ S.; at noon, Funchall N. 10° W., 113 m.
Thursday, 22nd.—Genteel breezes and Clear weather. At 4 p.m. saw the Salvages bearing S.; at 6, the Body of the Island bore S. 4 W., distant about 5 leagues. Found the Variation of the Compass by an Azimuth to be 17° 50' W. At 10 the Isles of Salvages bore W. by S. 4 S., distance 2 leagues. I make those Islands to be in lat. 30° 11’ S., and S. 16° E,, 58 leagues from Funchall, Madeira. Wind S.W.; course S. 35° 30’ E.; distance 73m.; lat. 29° 40’ N., long. 15° 31’ W.; at noon, Funchal! N. 21° W., 62 leagues.
Friday, 23rd.—Light breezes and Clear weather. At 6 a.m. saw
* Modern determination is 32° 38’ N., 16° 54’ W. + Cook was right ; the variation was increasing.
8 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Sept, 1768.
the Peak of Teneriff bearing W. by S. 4 S., and the Grand Canancs S. 4 W. The Variation of the Compass from 17° 22’ to 10° 30’. Wind S.W., N.E.; course S, 26° W.; distance 54 m.; lat. 28° 51’ N., long. 15° 50’ W.; at noon, Funchal N. 12° 45’ W., 77 leagues.
Saturday, 24th.—A fresh Breeze and Clear weather the most part of these 24 Hours. I take this to be the N.E. Trade we have now got into. At 6 p.m. the N.E. end of the Island of Tenerift W. by N., distance 3 or 4 Leagues. Off this N.E. point lies some Rocks high above the water. The highest is near the point, and very remarkable. By our run from Yesterday at Noon this end of the Island must lie in the latitude of 28° 27’ and S. 7° 45’ E., distance 83 leagues from Funchal, and S. 18° W., 98 miles from the Salvages. At I am. the Peak of Teneriff bore W.N.W. Found the Variation to be this morning 16° 14’ W. The Peak of Teneriff (from which I now take my departure) is a very high Mountain upon the Island of the same name—one of the Canary Islands, Its perpendicular higth from Actual Measurement is said to be 15,396 feet.* It lies in the Latitude of 28° 13’ N., and Longitude 16° 32’ from Greenwich. Its situation in this respect is allowed to be pretty well determined. Wind N.E. by E. ; lat. 27° 10’ N,; at noon Peak of Teneriff N. 18° 45’, 74 m.
Sunday, 25th.—A Steady Trade Wind and Clear Weather. The Variation by the Amplitude this Evening was 14° 58’ W. Wind E byN., E.N.E. ; course S. 41° W.; distance 126 m.; lat. 25° 36’ N. ; at noon Peak of Teneriff N. 33° 15’ E., 61 jeagues.
Monday, 26th.—Fresh breezes and somewhat Hazey. Variation by this Evening Amplitude 15° 1‘ W. Wind N.E. by E. ; course S. 22° 15’ W.; distance 122 m.; lat. 23° 43’ N.; at noon Peak of Teneriff N. 29° E., 317 m.
Tuesday, 27th—Ditto weather. Served Wine to the Ship’s Company, the Beer being all Expended but 2 Casks, which I intend to keep some time Longer, as the whole has proved very good to the last Cask. At Noon found the Ship by Observation 10 miles a Head of the Log, which I suppose may be owing to a Current setting in the same direction of the Trade Wind. Wind N.E.; course S. 19° W.; distance 145 m.; lat. 21° 26’ N.; at noon, Peak of Teneriff, N. 26° E., 154 leagues.
Wednesday, 28th.—A Fresh Trade wind and Hazey weather. The Variation of the Compass by the mean of Several Azimuth taken this Evening 12° 46’, and in the Morning by the same Method 12° 43' W. This day’s Log and Observed Latitude agree, which is not reconcilable to Yesterday. Exercised the People at Small Arms. Wind N.E., E.N.E.; course S, 12° 30’ W.; distance * The received height is 12,180 feet. Lat. 28° 16’ N., Long, 16° 38’ W.
Oct. 1768.] Off Cape de Verd Islands. 9
150 m.; lat. 18° 59’ N.; at noon, Peak of Teneriff N. 23° 15’ E., 204 leagues.
Thursday, 29th—Fresh breezes and Hazey weather. The Variation 12° 33' W.; the Observed Latitude ahead of that given by the Log ro miles. Wind N.E. by N ; course S. 14° W.; distance go m.; lat. 17° 32' N.; at noon Peak of Teneriff, N. 33° E., 236 leag:’ 4.
Friday, 30th—A Steady breeze and Pleasant weather. At 6 am. saw the Island of Bonavista (one of the Cape de Verd islands), Extending from S. by E. to S.W. by S., distance 3 or 4 Leagues. Ranged the East side of this Island at the Distance of 3 or 4 miles from the Shore. until we were obliged to Haul Off to avoid a Ledge of Rocks which stretched out S.W. by W. from the Body or S.E. Point of the Island 1} leagues. Had no ground with 40 fathoms a Mile without this Ledge. The Island of Bonavista is in Extent from N. to S. about 5 leagues, is of a very uneven and hilly Surface, with low sandy beaches on the E. side. The S.E. part of the Island, from which I take my Departure, by an Observation this day at Noon lies in the latitude of 16° N., and according to our run from Madeira in the longitude of 21° 51' W. from Greenwich, and S. 21° W.; 260 leagues from Tenerriff. Drawings Nos. 1 and 2 represent the appearance of the E. side of this Island, where (2) is the S.E. point, with the hill over it, which is high, of a round Figure, and the southermost on the Island. Wind N.E. ; course S. 12° 30' W.; distance 97 m.; lat. 15° 37’N. per observation; Teneriffe, N. 20° 43’ E., 2621 leagues ; at noon the hill on the S.E. Point of the Island Bonavista N. 69° W., distant from the shore 3 leagues.
Saturday, October 1st.—A steady gale and somewhat Hazey. Variation by very good Azimuths this Evening 10° 37’, and by the same in the Morning 10° o' W.; at Noon found the ship a Head of the Log 5 Miles. Wind N.,N.N.E.; course S, 12° 12’ W.; distance 114 m.; lat. 14° 6’ N., long. 22° 1o’ W.; at noon Island of Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 9° W., 116 miles.
Sunday, 2nd.—First part a Steady breeze and pleasant weather, remainder light breezes and Cloudy. At noon found the Ship by Observation ahead of the Log 7 miles. Wind N. by E., N.N.W; course S. 1° W.; distance 92 m.; lat. 12° 34' N., long. 22° 10' W.; at noon Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 5° 45’ E., 69 leagues.
Monday, 3rd.—Cloudy weather, with light winds and Calms. Variation by this Evening Amplitude S. 8° 49’ W. A.M. hoisted out a Boat totry if there was any Current ; found one setting to the S.E. at the rate of } of a Mile per hour. Wind N., calm, S.S.W. 4 W.; course S. 3° 30’ E.; distance 20 m.; lat. 12° 14/N., long. 22° 10’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 5° E., 76 leagues.
10 Cook's Journal._—First Voyage. [Oct. 1768,
Tuesday, 4th.—Calm for the Greatest pz.zt of the 24 Hours. By an Observation we had this Morning of the Sun and Moon found our Selves in the Longitude of 22° 32’ 30” W. from Greenwich ; that by acco is 21° 58’, the Difference being 34 miles Westerly, which does not agree with the Setting of the Current, for having try’d it twice to-day and found it set to the E.S.E. 1 Mile per Hour, and at the same time found the Ship to the Southward of che Log by the Noon Observation 10 miles. Served Portable soup and Sour kroutt to the Ship’s Company. Wind variable ; course 'S. 53° W.; distance 17 m. ; lat. 11° 53’ N., long. 22° 33’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 2° E., 82 leagues.
Wednesday, 5th.—Light breezes of Wind, sometimes Clear and sometimes Cloudy weather. Variation 6° 10’ W, by an Amplitude and Azimuth this evening. At noon found the Ship kv the Observed Latitude 7 Miles to the Southward of the Log, and by the Observed Longitude 30° to the Eastward of Yesterday’s Observations ; and as these Observations for finding the Longitude (if carefully observed with good Insi:ument) will generally come within 10 or 15 Miles of each other, and very often much nearer, it therefore can be no longer in Doubt but that there is a Current setting to the Eastward ;* yet we cannot have had this Current long, because the Longitude by account and that by Observation agree to-day, but Yesterday she was 28 m. to the Westward of the Observation. Wind calm, N.E., E.; course S. 29° E.; distance 57 m. ; lat. 10° 56’ N., long. 22° 3’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 2° E., ror leagues.
Thursday, 6th.—First part light Breezes and Cloudy ; Middle frequent heavy Squalls, with rain, till towards Noon. when we had again little wind. Found the Variation by the mean of 3 Azimuth, taken this Morning, to be 8° 52’ W., which makes the Varia- tion found Yesterday doubtful. Wind N.E., S.E., S*ly ; course S. 10° 30’ W.; distance '77 m. ; lat. 9° 40’ N., long. 22° 28’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 4° E., 128 leagues.
Friday, 7th.—Variable light Airs and Calm all these 24 Hrs. At Noon found the Current to set S.E. } S. one Mile per hour, and yet by Observation at Noon I find the Ship 12 Miles to the North- ward of Account, a Circumstance that hath not hapned for many days, and which I believe to be owing to the heavy Squalls we had Yesterday from the S.E., which obliged us to put frequently before the Wind. Wind Southerly, calm, Northerly ; course S. 5° W. ; distance 10 m. ; lat. 9° 42’ N., long. 22° 19’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 4° E., 127 leagues.
Saturday, 8th.—First part, light Airs and Clear weather ; Middle, Squally, with Thunder and Lightning all round; latter part, * This was the Counter Equatorial Current.
Oct. 1768] Between Cape de Verd Islands and Equator. 11
Moderate breezes and Clear weather. Had several Azimuths both in the Evening and Morning, which gave the Variation S. 8° 30’ W At Noon found by Observation that the Ship had outrun the Log 20 Miles, a Proof that there is a Current setting to the Southward. Wind N.E. by N. to E.S.E.; course S. by E.; distance 78 m.; lat. 8° 25'N., long. 22° 4’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 1°45’ E., 152 leagues.
Sunday, 9th.—Light Ai: and fine Clear weather. Found the Variation by a great Number of Azimuth made this Afternoon to be 8° 21’ 30” W., and by the Morning Amp" 7° 48’. At Noon try'd the Current, and found it set N.N.W. 3? W., 1} M. per hr. The Shifting of the Current was conformed by the Observed Latitude Wind E.S.E. ; course S. 16° W.; distance 29 m.; lat. 7° 58’ N., long. 22° 13' W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 2° 40’, 161 leagues,
Monday, \oth.-—First part, light breezes and Clear weather ; Middle, squally, with heavy Showers of Rain ; latter, Variable, light Airs and Calm and dark gloomy weather. At 3 p.m. found the Current to set N.N.E. } E., 1} Mile per Hr., and at Noon found it to set N.E. 7 N. at the same rate, and the Variation to be 8° 39’ W. by the Mean of Several Azimuth. Wind S.E. by E., Southerly ; course S.; distance 10 m.; lat. 7° 48’ N.; long. 22° 13' W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 3° E., 164 leagues.
Tuesday, 11th—Very Variable weather, with frequent Squalls rain, and Lightning. By the Observed Latitude at Noon I find the Ship hath only made 22 Mies Southing since the last Observa- tion two days ago, whereas the Log gives 55 Miles, a Proof that there is a Current setting to the Northward. Wind S.E. ; course S. 52° W.; distance 18 m.; lat. 7° 36’ N., long. 22° 8’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 3° E., 168 leagues.
Wednesday, 12th.—Much the same weather as Yesterday the first part, the remainder mostly Calm and cloudy weather. A.M. try’d the Current and found it set S. by W. } W., 4 Mile per Hour, which is not agreeable to yesterday’s remark. Wind variable ; course S. 33° 30’ W.; distance 20 m.; lat. 7° 21’ N., long. 22° 39’ W. ; at noon Bonavista N. 5° E., 174 leagues.
Thursday, 13th.—Light Airs of Wind, with some heavy showers of rain. Variation by Azimuth and Amplitude this Evenii., 8° 46’ W. At Noon try’d the Current, and found it set S. } E., + Of a Mile per Hour ; but finding the Observation and Log agree, I am inclinable to think it hath had no effect upon the Ship Wind S.W., W.S.W. ; course S. 16° 45’ E.; distance 21 m.; lat. 7° 1’ N. long. 22° 32’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 5° E., 181 icagues
Friday, 14th.—Dark, gloomy weather, with much rain, the Wind Variable from W.S.W. to S.S.E., sometimes on one Tack and some- times on the other. Wind W.S.W. to S.S.E.; course S. 5° E.;
ee I es
Beedle yh RBI op ie
12 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Oct. 1768.
distance 24 m.; lat. 6° 38’ N., long. 22° 30’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 3° 15', 188 leagues.
Saturday, 15th.—First part, little wind and Cloudy ; Middle, Squally, with rain ; latter part, light Airs and Clear weather. A little before Noon took several Observations of the sun and moon, the mean result of which gave the Long. to be 23° 46’ W. from Greenwich, which is 1° 22’ more Westerly than that by account carried on from the last Observation ; and the Observed Latitude is 24 Miles more Northerly than the Log since the Last Observa- tion 2 days ago, all of which shows that the North-Westerly Current hath prevailed for this some Days past. Wind S.S.W. to S.E. ; course S. 30° E. per log ; distance 12 m. ; lat. 6° 50’ N.; long. 22° 23’ W. per account, 23° 46’ per sun and moon; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. poini, N. by E., 187 leagues.
Sunday, 16th—First part Calm, the remainder Gentle breezes and fine, Pleasant weather. At 3" 30’ 39” Apparent time p.m. the observed distance of the sun and moon’s nearest Limb was 52° 42' 30°’; the Altitude of the sun’s lu.ver limb 32° 39’; the Altitude of the moon’s lower limb 58° 36’; the longitude of the Ship trom the aforegoing Observations 23° 33' 33” W. from Greenwich, differing 13' from those made this Morning or Yesterday, the Ship laying all the time becalmed. Variation of the Compass 8° 45' W. Wind S.E., variable, N.E ; course S. 2° E.; distance 72 m: lat. 5° 38' N., long. 23° 45’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 5° 15’ E., 208 leagues.
Monday, 17th—Variable, light Airs and Calm clear weather. 4-past I p.m. took two Distances of the sun and moon, the first of which gave the Longitude 23° 45’ 56”, and the last 23° 44’ W., the difference being not quite two miles, which shows how near to one another these observations can be made. Wind S., S.E., variable ; course S. by W.4 W.; distance 11 m.; lat. 5° 17’ N., long. 23° 47' W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 5° 15' E., 212 leagues.
Tuesday, 18tk.—Sometimes little wind, sometimes Squally, with rain and Lightning. Wind S. to E.S.E.; course S. 48° W.; distance 45 m.; lat. 4° 47’ N., long. 24° 23’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E- point, N. 12° E., 22y leagues.
Wednesday, 19th.—-Fresh breezes and Cloudy weather. The Observed Lat. to the Northward of that given by the Log 9 miles, which I suppose must be owing to a Current. Wind S. by E. to S.E. by S.; course S. 42° W.; distance 88 rz.; lat. 3° 44’ N., long. 25° 23' W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 14° E., 253 leagues.
Thursday, 20th—A Genteel gale and Clear weather. At a little before 5 p.m. had an Observation of the sun and moon, which gave the Long. 25° 46’ W. from Greenwich, which is more Westerly than that by account carried on from the last Observation ; and the
Oct. 1768.] Crossing Equator. 13
Observed latitude being again to the Northward shows that there +i) must be a current setting between the N. and W. Wind S. by E. \ a to S.E. by S.; course S. 52° W.; distance 48 m.; lat. 3° 16’ N., long. Ae 26° 20' W.; at noon, Bonavista, N. 18° 30’ E., 270 leagues. Hf WwW
Friday, 21st—A moderate breeze, and for the most part clear weather. Long. per the Mean of 2 Observations of the sun and : moon made at 4" 45’ and at 4" 54’ p.m., 26° 33' W. Variation of i the Compass 4° 7’ W., and the Observed Lat. at Noon to the North- One i ward of the Log 7 Miles. Wind S.E. to S.S.E. ; course S. 58° W. ; Y i distance 57 m.; lat. 2° 46’ N., long. 27° 11’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, |) a S.E. point, N. 21° E., 281 leagues.
Saturday, 22nd.—Moderate breezes and fine, pleasant weather. ( Variation 3° 17' W. Wind S.E. by S.; course S. 43° 15’ W.; i distance 87 m.; lat. 1° 45’ N., long. 28° 12’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 23° E., 312 leagues.
Sunday, 23rd—A moderate, Steady breeze and fine Clear weather. The Ship by Observation at Noon is 8 Miles to the it Northward of the Log. Wind S.S.E.; course S.; distance 5 m. ; tb lat. 1° 40’ N., long. 28° 12 W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. | 23° E., 312 leagues. ~ Ir
Monday, 24th.—First part ditto weather; remainder fresh . Breezes and Cloudy, with some flying Showers of rain. Variation RAL per Azimuth this morning 3° W. At Noon by Observation found iE the Ship 11 Miles ahead of the Log. Wind S. by E. to S.E. by S.; iy course S. 49° W.; distance 50 m.; lat. 1° 7’ N.; long. 28° 50’ W. ; |, ‘ at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 25° E., 328 leagues. il
Tuesday, 25th.—A Genteel breeze and Clear weather, with a ot 4 Moist Air. Soon after sunrise found the Variation of the Compass i to be 2° 24' W., being the Mean result of several very good } Azimuths. This was just before we crossed the Line in the " ¥
ie Longitude of 29° 29’ W. from Greenwich. We also try'’d the wy Al Diping Needle belonging to the Royal Society, and found the N. Ui 4 point to Dip 26 degrees below the Horizon ; but this Instrument + cannot be used at Sea to any great degree of accuracy on account ih
of the Motion of the Ship, which hinders the Needle from resting. However, as the Ship was pretty steady, and by means of a Swinging Table I had made for that purpose, we could be Certain of the Dip ‘ to two Degrees at most. The Observed Latitude and that by account nearly Agree. Wind S.E. to S.E. by E. ; course S. 30° W. ; ai distance 95 m.; lat. 0° 15' S., long. 29° 30’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, a S.E. point, N. 26° E., 358 leagues. (Be
Wednesday, 26th.—First part light Airs and Cloudy weather, tt : the remainder a Moderate Breeze and Cloudy. After we had got et a an observation, and it was no longer Doubted that we were to the i if
Southward of the Line, the Ceremony on this occasion practis’d by
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14 Cook's Journal—First Voyage. [Oct, 1768,
all Nations was not Omitted. Every one that could not prove upon the Sea Chart that he had before Crossed the Line was either to pay a Bottle of Rum or be Duck’d in the Sea, which former case was the fate of by far the Greatest part on board ; and as several of the Men chose to be Duck’d, and the weather was favourable for that purpose, this Ceremony was performed on about 20 or 30, to the no small Diversion of the Rest. Wind S.E. to S.S.E.; course S. 31° W.; distance 77 m.; lat. 1° 21' S., long. 30° 18’ W. ; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 25° 30’ E., 385 leagues. ' Thursday, 27th—Fresh Gales and Close Cloudy weather. Variation 2° 48’ W. Wind S.S.E. to S.E.; course S. 38° 15' W.; distance 79 m.; lat. 2° 23' S., long. 31° 7’ W.; at noon, Bonavista, S.E. point, N. 26° E., 410 leagues.
Friday, 28th-——Fresh Breeze and fine Clear weather. At a little past 1 a.m. Long. in by the 3 following Observations—viz., by the Moon and the star Arietis, 32° 27’; by the Moon and Pollux, 32° 0’ 15”; by ditto, 31° 48’ 32”; the mean of the whole is 32° 5’ 16" W. from Greenwich, which is 31' more Westerly than the longitude by account carried on since the ‘2st Observation. The two first observations were made and computed by Mr. Green, and the last by myseif. The star Arietis was on one side of the Moon and Pollux on the other. This day at Noon, being nearly in the latitude of the Island Ferdinand Noronha, to the Westward of it by some Charts and to the Eastward by others, was in Ex- pectation of seeing it or some of those Shoals that are laid down in most Charts between it and the Main ; but we saw neither one nor a Nother. We certainly passed to the Eastward of the Island, and as to the Shoals, I don’t think they Exhist, grounding this my Opinion on the Journal of some East India Ships I have seen who were detain’d by Contrary winds between this Island and the Main, and being 5 or 6 Ships in Company, doubtless must have seen some of them did they lay as Marked in the Charts.* Wind S.E. to S.E. by E.; course S. 33° W.; distance 93 m., lat. 3° 41’ S.,, long. 32° 29' W.
Saturday, 29th.-Fresh Breezes and pleasant weather. Varia- tion of the Compass 2° 25’ W. Wind E.S.E.; course S. by W. ; distance 101 m.; lat. 5° 25’ S., long. 32° 48” W.
Sunday, 30th.—A Steady breeze, and for the most part close cloudy weather. Variation by several Azimuths 1° 31' W. At noon the observed lat. 7 m. southward of account. Wind E.S.E. ; course S, } W.; distance 107 m. ; lat. 7° 8’ S., long. 33° 4’ W.
Monday, 31st.—A Fresh breeze and Clear weather. Variation 0° 15’ W. Observed Latitude again to the Southward of the Log.
* There is a very dangerous reef, As Rocas, 80 miles west of Fernando Noronha, The Endeavour passed 60 miles east of latter.
Nov. 1768,] Between Equator and Rio. 15
Wind E. to E.S.E. ; course, S. 4 W.; distance 114 m.; lat. 9° 1'S., long. 33° 16’ W.
Tuesday, November 1st-—Moderate breezes, for the most part Cloudy. Variation by the mean of Several Azimuths 0° 58’ W. in the Evening, and in the Morning found it to be 0° 18'W. Wind E.S.E. ; course S. 4 W.; distance 98 m.; lat. 10° 38’ S.
Wednesday, 2nd.—A Steady breeze and fine pleasant weather. This Afternoon, by the mean of Several Azimuths and the Amplitude, found the Variation to be 0° 34' E., from which it appears that about the aforegoing Noon we have Crossed the Line of no Variation in the Lat. of 16° 38’ S., and, according to the following Observations, in 32° o' W. long. from Greenwich. At 5" 5’ o’ Apparent time am. the long. of the Ship and the Ob- servation of the moon and the star Aldebaran was found to be 32° o' 45”; at 8° 17’ 0", per sun and moon, 32° 25'0”; and at 9" o' 16", 32° 1910. The mean of the three is 32° 14’ 55”. And again at 7" 12’ 52”, per sun and moon, 32° 10’ 4”; and at 7" 19/ 42”, per sun and moon, 32° 15/20". The mean of these two is 32° 12’ 42", and the mean of the whole is 32° 13' 43” W. from Greenwich, which is less by a whole Degree than that by account, which is a Con- siderable Error to be made in § Days in these low Latitudes. One would think from this that we must have had a Current setting to the Eastward, which is not likely that it should set against the settled trade wind. The 3 first of these Observations were made by Mr. Green, and the 2 last by myself. Wind ES.E., S.; course S. by W.; distance 132 m.; lat. 12° 48’ S,, long. 32° 20’ W. per Observation.
Thursday, 3rd—A Fresh Trade wind and fair weather. Varia- tion per Azimuth this Evening 0° 47’ E., and at a little past 9 a.m. long. in per sun and moon 33° 0’ W. of Greenwich. Wind E. by S.E.; course S. 15° W.; distance 128 m.; lat. 14° 51’ S., long. 33° 7’ W.
Friday, 4th.—A Steady Gale and fair weather. P.M. Variation per Azimuth 1° 29’ W., ditto 1° 28’ W., and by the Amplitude 1° 12’ W.; mean 1° 23’ W., by which it appears that we have again Crossed the Line of no Variation. At 4-past 9 a.m. the long. of the Ship, per Observation of the sun and moon, 33° 26’ 30”. Wind E. by S.; course S. 19° 30’ W.; distance 125 m.; lat. 16° 49’ S., long. 33° 37° W.
Saturday, 5tt.—Fine pleasant weather. Variation per Azimuth this morning 3° 21’ E., which makes me Doubtful of the Variation found yesterday, tho’ at the time I had not the least room to doubt of the Accuracy of the Observations. Long. per Observation 34° 43 30” W. Wind E. to N.E; course S. 30° 35’ W.; distance 109 m. ; lat. 18° 22’ S., long. 34° 50’ W.
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16 Cook’s Journal.—First Voyage. [Nov, 1768.
Sunday, 6th.—First and Latter part squally, with heavy Showers of rain ; middle moderate and fair. I now determined to put into Rio de Janciro in preferance to any other port in Brazil or Falkland Islands, for at this place I knew we could recruit our Stock of Pro- visions, several A-*icles of which I found we should in time be in want of, and at the same time procure Live Stock and refreshment for the People; and from the reception former Ships had met with here I doubted not but we should be well received. Wind N.N.E., variable, S.; course S. 55° W.; distance 74 m.; lat. 19° 3’ S., long.
-35° 50° W.
Monday, 71h.—Moderate breezes and Clear weather. P.M. found the Variation to be 4° 49’ E. At 6 Sounded and had 32 fathoms Water; the Bottom Coral Rocks, fine Sand and Shells, which Soundings we carried upon a S.W. 4 W. Course 9 or 10 leagues, and then had no ground with 100 fathom. We were by our account and per run afterwards 54 Leagues East from the Coast of Brazil and to the Southward of the Shoals called Abrollos, as they are laid down in Most Charts. Wind S.E. to N.E.; course S. 58° W.; distance 68 m.; lat. 19° 46’ S., long. 36° 50’ W.
Tuesday, 8th.—Fresh breezes and Cloudy weather. P.M. varia- tion by the Mean of 12 Azimuths 5° 26’ E., and by an Amplitude in the Morning 7° 52’. At 6 am. saw the Land of Brazil bearing N.W. 4N., distance 8 or 10leagues. At 8 Sounded, had 37 fathoms, Coarse Sand, broken Shells, and Coral Rocks. At 9 brought too and Spoke with a Fishing Boat, who informed us that the land in sight lay to the Southward of Santo Espiritu. It appears high and Mountainous ; the drawing No. (3) exhibits a View of this Land as it appeared from the Ship (A), being near to Santo Espiritu, and a remarkable hill (B) bore N.W. 4 N., distance 7 or 8 leagues. Made Sail in Shore, the wind being Southerly. Had from the above Depth to 14 fathoms the same sort of Bottom. Found the Ship at Noon by Observation 10 Miles to the Southward of account, which I suppose to be occasioned by a Current setting between the S.
-and W. Wind N.N.E., N. by W., S.S.W. to S. by W.; course
S. 50° W.; distance 140 m.; iat 21° 16’ S., long. 37° 35’ W.
Wednesday, 9th.—First and Latter part Hazey, with a Moderate Breeze ; Middle, fresh Gales, with Thunder, Lightning, and rain. At 3 p.m. tack’t in 16 fathoms, distance from the Shore 5 Leagues, the land Extending from the N.W. by W. to N.E. At 5 took the 2nd Reef in the Topsails and got down Topgallant Yards, stood to the S.E. until Midnight, then tack’d, Sounding from 16 to 55 fathoms, At 8 a.m. Loosed the Reefs out of the Topsails and got Topgallart Yards a Cross ; unstowed the Anchors and bent the Cables. At Noon Latitude Observed 21° 29’ S., the Land Extend- ing from S.W. by S. to N.N.W., distance 4 leagues, Soundings from
Nov. 1768.] Nearing Rio Janeiro. 17
55 to 10 fathoms. Wind S.S.E., S.S.W.,S.; course S, 62° 15’ W.; distance 28 m. ; lat. 21° 20’ S.,
Thursday, 10th.—Moderate breezes and Hazey upon the Land. Stood in for the Shore S.W. } W. Depth of water from 10 to 9 fathoms and from 9 to 16 fathoms, being then 4 Leagues from the Land. From 16 fathoms it shoalded gradually to 5 fathoms; then we tacked, being about 14 Leagues from the Shore. The extreams of the Land to the Southward, which we took for Cape St. Thomas, bore S. # W., distance 4 leagues. The Land from Cape St. Thomas to the Northward lies N. by E. 4 E. Along the Shore is low land covered with Wood and Sandy Beaches, but inland are very high Mountains, the greatest part of them being hid in the Clouds. Stood off until 5 in the Morning E. and E. by S. Depth of Water 10, 20, 16, 23, and 30 fathoms. At Noon Latitude Observed 21° 30° ; Depth of Water 14 fathoms ; Grey sand with black Specks. Extreams of the Land from S.W. by W. to N.N.W.; distance 12 or 14 leagues. Wind S.S.E., S.E. by S., S. by E.; course E. } S.; distance 17 m. ; lat. 21° 30’ S., long. 37° 43’ W. per account.
Friday, 11th.—First and Latter parts, moderate breezes and fair, but Cloudy and Hazey over the Land; middle, a fresh breeze and Cloudy. At 8 tack’d and Stood to the N.E. Extream of the Land to the southward, which we took for Cape St. Thomas, S.W. 4 S.; distance 5 or 6 leagues; Depth of Water 13 fathoms, Grey sand. At 11 am. tack’d in 14 fathoms and Stood to the S.S.E., and at 3 a.m. Stood over a Shoal or Bank of 6 fathoms, afterwards the Depth increased to 30 fathoms, at Noon in 36 fathoms. Lat. Observed 22’ 37 S., which is 10 miles to the South- ward of the Log. No Land in sight. Wind S.E. to E.; course S. 5° W.; distance 67 m. ; lat. 23° 37’ S., long. 37° 49° W.
Saturday, 12th.—Genteel breezes and fine Clear weather. At 2 p.m. Sounded, but had no ground with 38 fathoms, and soon after sounded and had none at 50 fathoms, from which it appears that we are to the Southward of the Bank we have been upow this 2
days past. It Extends off from the Land between the Latitude °
21° and 22° nor less than 18 or 20 Leagues, How much farther I know not. Standing in from Sea, the Depth of Water very soon diminisheth from 30 to 20 and 17 fathoms, afterwards gradually from 9,8 and even to 6 fathoms ; but between this Shoal Water and the Main, which is 6 or 7 leagues, you will have 10, 12 and even 16 fathoms, till you come within 2 or 3 leagues of the Shore. The Bottom is of Various kinds, sometimes Coral Rocks, Coral Rocks and broken Shells, Coarse sand and broken Shells, Small Stones and at other times fine Sand varying at almost every Cast of the Lead. At 5 p.m. saw the Land bearing N.W. by W. 4 W., distance 10 or 12 leagues, which proved to be the Island of Cape Frio; it 2
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18 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Nov. 1768.
appeared in two Hillocks, and from the Deck looked like two Islands. Took several Azimuth of the Sun, which gave the Varia- tion 6° 40° E. At 8 am. the Isle of Cape Frio bore W. by N. 4 leagues. This Island is situated in the Lat. of 23° 2’ S., and according to our Reckoning in the Long. of 38° 45’ W. from Green- wich, but from many Circumstances I have good reason to think that our reckoning is wrong and that it lies in the Longitude 41° 10 W. It is not of a Large Circuit, but Tolerable high, with a hollow in the Middle, which makes it look like 2 Islands when it first makes its appearance out of the Water. It lays not far from the Main, which with the Island forms a right Angle, one side trending North and the other West. To the northward of the Island and between it and the Main there appears to lay several smaller Islands near each other. The Main land on the Sea Coast appears to be low, but inland are high Mountains. Drawing No. 4 exhibits a View of this Island when it bore W.N.W., distance 4 leagues. Wind N.E., E.N.E. ; course S. 60° 30’ W. ; distance 59 m. ; lat. 23° 6’ S.; Isle of Cape Frio N. 60° E., 4 leagues.
Sunday, 13t.—First and Latter parts a Genteel Sea breeze and Clear weather, the Middle Calm. P.M. standing along Shore for Rio De Janeiro observed that the land on the Sea Coast is high and Mountainous, and the shore forms some small Bays or Coves wherein are Sandy Beaches. At 8 Shortned Sail; the Sugar Loaf Hill at the West Entrance to Rio De Janeiro W.N.W., distant 4 or 5 leagues, at the same time was abreast of 2 Small rocky Islands, that lie about 4 Miles from the Shore. At ga.m. Sprung up a light breeze at S.E., at which time we made Sail for the Harbour, and sent the Pinnace with a Lieutenant before us up to the city of Rio De Janeiro, to acquaint the Vice Roy with the reason that induced us to put in here, which was to procure Water and other refresh- ments, and to desire the Assistance of a Pilot to bring us into proper Anchoring ground ; at Noon Standing in for the Harbour.
ARRIVAL AT RIO DE JANEIRO, Monday, 14¢/.—Moderate Sea and Low breezes and fine pleasant weather. At 5 p.m. Anchored in 5 fathoms just above the Isle of Cobras, which lies before the City of Rio De Janeiro. A little before we Anchor’d the Pinnace return’d and informed me that the Vice Roy had thought proper to detain the Officer until I went ashore. Soon after we Anchored a Boat came on board bringing several of the Vice Roy’s Officers, who asked many Questions in respect to the Ship: Cargo, from whence she came, Number of Guns, Men, etc., all of which was Answered to their satisfaction. They told me it was the Custom of the Port to Detain the first Officer that came from any Ship on her first Arrival until a Boat from the Vice Roy had Visited her; that my Officer would be sent on board as soon as they got on shore, which
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Nov. 1768] At Rio Janeiro. 19
was accordingly done. About this time a Boat filled with Soldiers kept rowing about the Ship, which had orders, as I afterwards understood, not to Suffer any one of the Officers or Gentlemen, except myself, to go out of the Ship. In the Morning I waited upon the Vice Roy and obtained leave to purchise Provisions, Re- freshments, etc., for the Ship, but obliged me to employ a person to buy them for me under a pretence that it was the Custom of the Place, and he likewise insisted (notwithstanding all 1 could say to the contrary), on putting a Soldier into the Boats that brought anything to or from the Ship, alledging that it was the Orders of his Court, and they were such as he could not Dispence with, and this indignity I was obliged to submit to, otherwise I could not have got the supplys I wanted ; being willing, as much as in me lay, to avoid all manner of Disputes that might cause the least delay, and at the same time to Convince him that we did not come here to Trade, as I believe he imagined—for he Certainly did not believe a word about our being bound to the Southward to observe the Transit of Venus, but looked upon it only as an invented story to cover some other design we must be upon, for he could form no other Idea of that Phenomenon (after I had explained it to him), than the North Star Passing through the South Pole ; these were his own words. He would not permit the Gentlemen to reside ashore during our Stay here, nor permit Mr. Banks to go into the country to gather plants, etc.; but not the least hint was given me at this time that no one of the Gentlemen was to come out of the Ship but myself, or that I was to be put under a Guard + 1en I did come ; but this I was soon Convinced of after I took my leave of His Excellency and found that an Officer was to attend upon me where- ever I went, which at first the Vice Roy pretended was only meant as a Complement, and to order me all the Assistance I wanted. This day the People were Employed in unbending the Sails, in fitting and :igging the Spare Topmasts in the room of the others, and getting on shore }.mpty Water Casks.
Tuesday, 15t#.—Fine pleasant weather. Received on board fresh Beef and Greens for the Ship’s Company, with which they was served every Day During our Stay here. Got all the Empty Casks on shore, and set the Coopers to Work to repair them ; Heeld and Boot Topt the Starboard side.
Wednesday, 16th.—Set up the Forge to repair the Iron Work ; the People employed in Heeling and Boot Topping the Larboard side, Blacking the Yards, &c.
Thursday, 17th.—Set some People to repair the Sails and the Caulkers to Caulk the Ship; the rest of the People employed in the Hold and about the Rigging. For 3 days past I have remon- strated to the Vice Roy and his Officers against his putting a Guard
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20 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Nov. 1768,
into my Boat, thinking { could not Answer it to the Admiralty the tamely submitting to such a Custom, which, when practiced in its full force, must bring Disgrace to the British Flag. On the other hand, I was loath to enter into Disputes, seeing how nuch I was like to be delay’d and imbarrassed in getting the supplys I wanted, for it was with much difficulty that J obtained leave for one of my People to attend the Market to buy necessaries for my Table and to assist the Agent to buy the things for the Ship. Having gained this Point and settled everything with the Agent in regard
“to what was wanting for the Ship, I resolved, rather than be
made a Prisoner in my own Boat, not to go any more ashore unless I could do it without having a Soldier put into the Boat, as had hitherto been done ; and thinking that the Vice Roy might lay under some Mistake, which on proper Application might be clear'd up, I therefore drew up a Memorial stating the whole case aiid sent to the Vice Roy this afternoon ; and thus a Paper War commenced between me and His Excellency, wherein I had no other Advantage than the racking his invention to find reasons for treating us in the manner he did, for he never would relax the least from any one point.
Friday, 18th.—This day I received an Answer to my Memorial, wherein he tells me, amongst other things, that if I think it hard submitting to the Customs of this Port I may leave ii when I please ; but this did not suit my purpose at present, but I resolved to make my stay as short as possible. I must own that the Memorial of the Vice Roy’s was well drawn up and very much to the Purpose, which is more than I can say of any of the subse- quent ones,
Saturday, 19th—Close cloudy weather. Employed getting aboard Rum, Water, and other necessaries. Caulking and refitting the Ship. Punished John Thurman, Seaman, with 12 Lashes for refusing to assist the Sailmaker in repairing the Sails.
Sunday, 20th.—First part cloudy weather; the Middle very hard Storms of Wind and Rain; the Latter moderate, with rain. This Afternoon sent Lieutenant Hicks in the Pinnace with an Answer to the Vice Roy’s Memorial, with orders not to Suffer a Soldier to be put into the Boat; upon which the Guard Boat attended him to the Landing Place and reported it to the Vice Roy, who refused to receive the Memorial, and ordered Mr. Hicks on board Again; but in the Meantime they had put a Guard into the Boat, which Mr. Hicks insisted should be order’d out, that he might return on board in the same manner as he came. vithout a Guard ; and upon his refusing to return other way, all the Crew were by Arm’d force taken out of the Boat (though they gave no provoration nor made the least resistance) and hurried to Prison, where they
Nov. 1768,] At Rio Janeiro. 2r
remained until the next day. Mr. Hicks was then put into one of their Boats, and brought on board under the Custody of a Guard. Immediately upon my hearing of this I wrote to the Vice Roy demanding my Boat and Crew and his Excellency’s reason for detaining her, and inclosed the Memorial he had before refused to receive. This I sent by a petty Officer, as I had never objected against a Guard being put into any of my Boats wherein was no Commissioned Officer. He was admitted ashore and delivered the Letter, and was told an Answer would be sent tas 1ext day. This evening, between 8 and 9 o'Clock, came on an Excessive hard storm of Wind and Rain, the Longboat coming on board the same time with 4 Pipes of Rum in her. The rope they got hold of broke, and she went a Drift. The Yaw! was immediately sent after her ; but the Longboat filling with Water, they brough’ her to a Grapnel and left her, and the Yawl with the People got on beard about 3 in the morning. Early this Morning I sent to the Vice Roy to acquaint him with the loss of our Boat, to desire leave and the Assistance of a Shore Boat to look after her, and at the same time to demand the Pinnace and her Crew. After some time the whole was granted, and we was so fortunate as to find the Longboat the same Day, and likewise the 4 Pipes of Rum; but every other thing that was in her was lost.
Monday, 21 st.—This Morning I received his Excelleney’s Answer to my last Memorial and Letter. In his Letter he owns there was some indeceiicy in Detaining the Boat, but lays the Blame to my Officer, who only Executed the orders I gave him with Spirit. In one pa: of his Memorial he says that from the Built of the Ship and other Circumstaiices t:* Doubts that she is the King’s. This I thought proper to Answer in Writing by telling his Excellency that I was ready to produce my Commission, Rain the most part of this Day.
Tuesday, 22nd.—Moderate breezes, with frequent Showers of Rain. Employed getting on board Water, Provisions, &c. Caulking the Ship and repairing the Sails.
Wednesday, 23rd.—Fine pleasant weather. Employed as before and setting up the Rigging. ‘fhis day I received from tiie Vice-Roy an Answer to my last Memorial, wherein he still keeps up his Doubts that she is not a King’s Ship, and accuseth my people of Smuggling, a thing I am very Certain they were not guilty of, and for which his Excellency could produce no proof, notwithstanding many Artful means were made use of .o tempt such of our People as were admitted ashore to Trade by the Very Officers that were under His Excellency’s own Roof. I thought it incumbent on me to Answer this Memorial, in which I desir’d His Excellency to take into Custody any one of my People that should be found trading
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22 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Dec. 1768.
even if it amounted to no more than one of the Sailors selling his Cloaths from off his Back for a Bottle of Rum—for what His Excellency called smuggling I was very certain amounted to no more, and even this was only Suspicions of my own.
Thursday, 24th.—This day a Spanish Packet (a Small Brig) from Buenos Ayres put in here in her way to Spain. This Vessel belonged to his Catholic Majesty, and notwithstanding the Vice-Roy had all along pretended that the orders he had respecting Foreign Vessels were General, yet this Vessel meet with very Different Treatment from us. No Guard was put over her, and her Officers and Crew went wherever they pleased.*
Friday, 25th, Saturday, 26th—Employed getting cn board Water as fast as the Coopers could set up and repair the Casks, setting up the rigging and Caulking the Ship’s sides.
Sunday, 27t/,—Bent the Sails and Cleaned the Ship Fore and Aft.
Monday, 28th.---Fine pleasant weather. The Caulkers having finished the sides, paid them with Tar. This day I unexpectedly received an Answer from my last Memorial, wherein were only a few weak Arguments to support His Excellency’s Suspicions that the Ship did not belong to the King, and that my People Smugled. This Memorial I answered.
Tuesday, 29th.—Employed Lashing the Casks that were on the upper Deck and between Decks and making ready for Sea.
Wednesday, 30th.—Punished Robert Anderson, Seaman, and William Judge, Marine, with 12 Lashes Each, the former for leaving his Duty ashore and attempting to desert from the Ship, and the latter for using abusive language to the Officer of the Watch, and John Reading, Boatswain’s Mate, with 12 lashes for not doing his Duty in punishing the above two Men. Sent a Shore to the Vice- Roy for a Pilot to Carry us to Sea, who sent one on board together with a Large Boat, which I did not want, but it is the Custom in this Port for the Pilots to have such a Boat to attend upon the Ship they Pilot out, and for which you must pay los. per day, besides the Pilot's fees, which is Seven pounds four Shillings Sterling.
Thursday, 1st December.—Wind at S.E., which hinder’d us from Sailing as we intended. Received on board a large Quantity of fresh Beef, Greens and Yams for the Ship’s Company.
Friday, 2nd.—This morning sent a Packet for the Secretary of the Admiralty on board the Spanish Pacquet, containing copies of all the Memorials and Letters that have passed between the
* The build and general appearance of the Zudeavour not being that of a man-of-war, the Portuguese authorities entertained suspicions regarding her true character, which is not altogether surprising, considering the times; but we can well understand Cook's indignation.
Dec. 1768.] At Rio Janeiro. 23
Vice-Roy and me, and likewise another Packet containing Duplicates thereof I left with the Vice-Roy to be by him forwarded to Lisbon. At 9 Weighed and came to Sail and turned down the Bay. Peter Flower, Seaman, fell overboard, and before any Assistance could be given him was drowned ; in his room we got a Portugue.
Saturday, 3rd.—First part, moderate breezes at S.E. ; remainder, fresh Gales at S. with Rain. Ati pm. Anchored in 18 fathoms Water in the Great Road (see Plan).
Sunday, 4th—Fore and Middle parts fresh Gales at S.S.E. with heavy rain ; Latter, Variable Light Airs and fair weather. Hoisted in the Long-boat and secured her.
Monday, 5th.—Virst part, little wind and Cloudy; Middle, Thuoder, Lightning and Rain ; latter, little wind at S.W. and fair. At 4 a.m. Weighed and tow'd down the Bay (being Calm) with an intent to go to Sea, but having 2 Shott fired at us from Santa Cruze Fort was obliged to come to an Anchor and to send a Boat to the Fort to know the Reason of their firing, who it seems had no arders to let us pass, without which no Ship can go to Sea. This surprized me not a little, as I had but this very morning received a very Polite Letter from the Vice-Roy (in answer to one I had wrote some days ago), wherein he wishes me a good voyage. I immedi- ately dispatched a petty Officer to the Vice-Roy to know the reason why we was not permitted to pass the Fort ; the Boat very soon return’d with an order to the Captain of the Fort to let us pass, which Order had been wrote some Days Ago, but either by Design or neglect had not been sent. At 11 weighed in order to put to Sea, but before we could heave up the Anchor, it got hold of a Rock, where it held fast in spite of all our endeavours to Clear it until the Sea Breeze set in.
Tuesday, Ot. —The Sea breeze continued all this day, At 2 p.m. the Ship tended to the Wind, which cleared the Anchor. Hove it up and run higher up the Bay and Anchored in 15 fathoms, a little below the Isie or Church of Bon Voyage; found the cable very much rubbed several fathoms from the Anchor.
Wednesday, 7th.—First and latter part a Genteel breeze at S.E. and East; the Middle, Calm. At 5 a.m. weighed and tow’d out of the Bay; at & Discharged the Pilot and his Boat. A breeze of Wind Springing up Easterly made Sail out to Sea, and sent a boat to one of the Islands laying before the Bay to cut Brooms, a thing we was not permitted to do while we lay in the Harbour ; the Guard Boat which had constantly attended all the time we lay in the Bay and Harbour did not leave us until the Pilot was discharged. At noon the Sugar Loaf at the west Entrance of the Bay bore N. by W. § W.,, distance, 8 or 9 miles.
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24 Cock's Journal._—First Voyage. [Dec. 1768,
A DESCRIPTION OF THE BAY OR RIVER OF RIO DE JANEIRO.
The few days’ delay;we met with in getting out of Rio de Janciro gave me an opvortunity of Drawing a Plan or Sketch of great part of the Bay, but the Strict watch that was kept over us during our whole stay hinder’d me from taking soaccurate a Survey as I wisht to have done, and all the Observations I could make was taken from on board the Ship. This Plan hath no pretensions to accuracy, yet it will give a very good idea of the place, differing not much from the truth in what is Essential.
The Bay of Rio de Janeiro, by some called a River—which its Name Signifies—but this I think is improper, it being nothing more than a Deep inlet of the Sea, inte which no considerable fresh water River Emptys itself that I could hear of. Be this as it will, it is Capacious and Capable of Containing a vast Number of Shipping where they may ride in perfect Security. The Entrance is Situated W. by N. 18 Leagues from Cape Frio, and may be known by a remarkable Hill in the Form of a Sugar Loaf, at the West Entrance of the Bay ; but as all the Coast is exceeding high, terminating at the top in Peaked Hills, it is much better known by the Islands laying before it, one of which (called Rodonda) is high and round in form of a Hay Stack, and lies S. by W. 2) leagues from the Sugar Loaf or Entrance of the Bay. A little without the East Entrance of the Bay, and near the shore, lay 2 Isiands near each other: 3 leagues from the Eastward and 4 miles from the Shore are 2 low Rocky Islands, which are the first you meet with in coming from the Eastward or from Cape Frio.
To sail into Rio de Janeiro there is not the least Danger until you are the length of the Fort of Santa Cruze, which stands on the point that forms the East Entrance of the Bay or River; on the West Entrance is Fort Lorio, built upon a Rock which lies close to the Main Land, the distance from ome Fort to the other is } of a mile East and West, but the Channel for Shipping is not quite so broad by reason of Sunken Rocks laying off each of the Forts ; these rocks may not be properly placed in the plan, being only laid down from the information of the Pilot. The Narrowness of the Channel! here causeth the Tides both Flood and Ebb to run pretty strong, inso- much that you cannot Stein it without a fresh breeze of Wind, nor is it safe Anchoring because the bottom is foul and Rocky. By keeping in the Middle of the Channel! you will not only avoid being forced to come to an Anchor, but all other Dangers. Being got within the entrance your Course up the Bay is N. by W. 4 W. and N.N.W. something more than one League; this brings you the length of the great Road, and N.W. and \W.N.W. one league more
Dee, 1768.) Description of Rio Janewro. 25
carrys you the length of the Ilha dos Cobras, which lies before the City. Keep the North side of this Island close on board and Anchor above it in § fathoms of water, where you see most Con- venient before the Monastery of Benedictines, which stands upon a hill at the N.W. Enei of the City. Small Ships and Vessels generally lay between the ‘Town and the Ilha dos Cobras, but in order to get there they must come round the N. side of the Island.
I shall now give the best description I can of the Different Forts that are Erected for the Defence of the Bay. ‘The first you meet with coming in from Sea is a Battery of 22 Guns, seated in the Bottom of a sandy Bay, which is on the South side of the Sugar Loaf, and can be designed for no other use than to hinder an Enemy from landing in that valiey, from whence I suppose they may March up to the Town or round by the West side of the Sugar Loaf to attack the Forts that are on tha( side of the Entrance into the Bay, the first of which is Seated under the foot of the Sugar Loaf on a low Isthmus which joyns the Peninsula or point of the Bay with the Land of the Sugar Loaf. It appears to be a square of Stone Work without a Ditch, with Bastions and furnished with Cannon, A little within this fort are 2 hattrys of 5 or 6 Guns each, They are designed to play upon Shipping, but neither these battrys or the Fort are out of reach of a Ship’s Cannon. Haid by these batterys stands Fort Logie. It is an irregular hexagon, built of Stone upon a Small Rock standing at the west Entrance of the Bay, and is surrounded on all Sides by the Sea. It is mounted with 14 or 15 guns, which are placed so as to play upon Shipping going in and out of the Harbour, There is oniy one way to go into it, which is by Steps Leading up to a Sally Port on the N.W. side. Opposite this is the Fort of Santa Cruze, built upon a low rocky point that forms the Kast Entrance of the Bay. It hath the Ap- pearance of a Regular Fortification: of Stone Work buil. upon the Slope of the Rock, on which account there are in some places 2 Tier of Gue te hath no Ditch but on the Land side, where it is cut out of the Rock ; in every other part the Sea washes up to its Walls. [t seems everywhere to be well Mounted with Cannon i xeept on the land side, where none are wanting, because they could be of no use, the land being so very high above it. Yet, after all, neither this Fort nor those on the opposite shore do not appear to be of any great Strength, even against Shipping, for which they are wholly design’d, being the key of the Bay. They lay low, and Ships may come so near as (© have them entirely within the reach of their Guns; but it would require 5 or 6 Sail of the tine te insure Success, Betweer 2 and 3 Miles within the Entrance of the Bay, on the West Side, is the Isie Borghleone, upon the east point of which is Erected a Battry of Stone, and
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26 Cook's Journal.—First Voyage. [Dec. 1768.
Mounted with 17 pieces of Cannon. Besides this, on the highest part of the Island, is a Battry of 6 Guns mounted on an Open Platform, These baitrys are designed to play upon Shipping; in the Bay, and seems not ill designed for that purpose; yet they would be Obiigcd to Submit to the Attack of Shipping or that of a Land force, there being nothing to hinder the latter from Landing on the Island behind the Battrys. Opposite to this Island, on the low point on the east side of the Bay, is the Battry of St. Dominica of 7 Guns. A little without this Battry, on the East side of the Bay, is a small but high Island, close to the Shore, on the Top of which is the Church of Bonn Voyage, about half-way down the Cliff. Below the Church is a Battry of 3 Guns. Neither the one nor the other of these battry’s are of much Consequence. They serve, indeed, to force Shipping coming into the Bay between 2 Fires, and hinder them from Anchoring on that side until they are silenced. The next fortification is that on the Ilha dos Cobras, the east point and N. side of which consists of a Rampart Bastion and a Parrapet faced with Stones and mounted with Cannon, but no Ditch, which is not much wanting, as the works are built on the Edge of the rising Ground. The other side next the Town hath no other inclosure but a plain wall without any Guns. It is said chat the works on this Island are in bad repair, on account of being so Extensive that they would take more men to Defend them than they could spare, and, placing no Dependancy on their Strength, let them go to decay. The ground on which the Monastry of Benedictines Stands Commands the Works on the Island. Over the South end of the City stands the Castle of St. Sebastian ; it is Seated upon a Hill, and Commands the whole Town ; and this is all | know of it, only that it is not counted a place of any great Strength. For the Defence of these Forts and the Town the King of Portugal Maintains 7 Regiments of Regular Troops. Those | saw were well cloathed and in good Condition ; but this, as I was told, was not the Case with the whole. Besides these Troops are 3 Regiments of Militia, 2 of Horse and one of foot. These consist of the principal inhabitants of the place, who serve without pay, Muster and Exercise in turns nine Months in the year, on which account they rank with the Regular Troops.
The City of Rio de Janeiro is in the Latitude of 22° 50’ S. and Longitude 42° 15’ W. from Greenwich.” According to Observations made at Sea it is Seated on a plain close to the Shore on the West side of the Bay, at the foot of Several high Mountains. It is neither ill designed nor ill built. The Houses are mostly stone, generally one and two Storys high, with Balconys to most of them. The Stre:\. are of a Convenient breadth, and Cross each other at
* Modern determination, 22° 54’ S., 43° 10’ W.
Dee, 1768.] Description of Rio faneiro. 27
right Angles, and the whole City nay be about 3 miles in Compass. It is Govern’d by a Governor appointed by the King. The present Governor is Don Ant® Mendoyaz Fastada, who is no Friend to the English. It likewise is the Residence of the Vice-Roy and Captain General of the States of Brazil, who is as absolute as any Monarch on Earth, and the people to all appearance as much Slaves. This City and Adjacent parts about the Bay are said to contain 100,000 Souls ; but not above a twentieth part are Whites. The rest are blacks, many of whom are free, and: seem to live in tolerable Cireumstances,
The city of Rio de Janeiro is supplied with Water from 2 Different parts of the Adjacent Mountains. ‘That which comes from the Southward is Convey’d a Cross a Deep Valley by an Acquiduct, which Consists of a great Number of Arches placed in 2 Rows, one upon the other ; from thence in pipes to a fountain which stands in the Middle of the Square before the Vice-Roy’s Paiace. At another part of the City is a Reservoir, to which the water is conveyed much in the same manner. From these 2 places, but mostly from the former, the inhabitants fetch a!l they want, where there is always a Centinel to keep order: and it is likewise here that the Ships Water. They land their Casks upon a Smooth sandy beach about 100 yards from the Fountaim, and upon applica- tion to tne Vice-Roy you have a Centinel to look after them and to clear the way for to. come to the fountain to fill water. U))>. the whole, Rio de Janeiro is not a bad place for Ships to put in ai that want refreshments, not only because the Harbour is safe and Com- modious, but that Provision and all manner of Refreshments may be had in tolerable plenty. Bread and Flour are, however, Scarce and Dear, being brought hither from Europe, and are never the better for that Passage. In lieu of these are to be had Yams and Casada. All sorts of Grain—though it may be the produce of this Country —is Dear. Fresh Beef (tho’ bad) is to be had in plenty at about 2}d. per |b., and jarked Beef about the same price. This is cured with Salt, and dryd in the shade, the bones being taken out, and the Meat cut into large but very thin slices. It eats very well, and if kept in a dry place will remain good a long time at Sea. Rum, Sugar, and Molasses are all good and Cheap. Tobacco is Cheap, but not good. Mutton they have very little. Hogs and all sorts of Poultry are to be got, tho’ in no great plenty, and of Course rather dear. Garden Stuff and Fruit in plenty, but nenme that will keep long at Sea except Pumpkins.
They have a Yard for building Shipping ae@ a small Hulk ‘or heaving down by, there being no other methed to come at a Ship's bottom, as the Tides doth not rise above 6 ov 7 feet. At the New and full Moon it is high Water «t that time about 8 o'clock, when
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28 Cook's Journal.—-First Voyage. [Dec. 1768,
the Land and Sea breezes are regular, but when they are not the Course of Tides are alter'd. The Sea breeze begins to blow about 10 or 12 o'clock, and continues until sunset, when it dies away and is succeeded by the land breeze, which continues most part of the night. From a little after sunrise until the Sea breeze sets