McKEW PAPLR COLLECTION MAGELLAN and the AGE of DISCOVERY PRESENTED TO BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY • 1961 ^^ '^i};:0^<UMJLL^ ■\W^*'^AlML^?i^^i^-' WORKS ISSUED BY CIjc i)aiauKt 0ocittn IlISTOKY CONQUEST OF THE CANARIES. M.DCCC.I.XXII. PORTRAIT OF MESSIRE JEAN DE BETHENCOURl, KING OF THE CANARIES. THE CANARIAN, OK, BOOK OF THE CONQUEST AND CONVEESION OF THE CANARIANS IN" THE YEAR HOI, Messire jean DE BETHEXCOURT, K'"., Lord of the Manors of BHJiencourt, Riville, Gourrel, and Grainville la Teinturiire, Baron of St. Martin le Gaillard, Councillor and Chamberlain in Ordinary to Charles V and Cliarles VI, COMPOSED BY PIERRE BOXTIER, and JEAN LE VERRIER, TKANSLATED AND EDITED, iSIitf) Xotts anS an EntroBuction, RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.,S.A., etc., KEF.PEE OF THE DEPABTMENT OF MAPS AND CHABTS IN THE BRITISH MCStUM, AND ho:'!, sec. of THE BOYAL tiEOSBAPBICAL SOCIETY. LONDON: PIUXTEI) FOR THE HAKLrVT SOCIETY. M.nccc.i.xxii. y g7i ^^X7I-^<=^W) T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET. LE CANARIEN ou Livrc dc la conquefte et converfion fai(fle des Canarlens a la foy et Religion catholique apofto- lique et Romaine en Tan 1402 : par Meffire Jehan de Bethencourt, Chevalier, gentilhomme Cauchois, Seigneur du lieu de Bethencourt, Riville, Gourrel, Chaftelain de Grainville la Tain- turiere, Baron de Sain6l Martin le Gaillard, Confeiller et Chambellan ordinaire des Roys Charles 5 et 6. COMPOSK PAR PIERRE BONTIER, moyne de Sainc Jouyn de Marnes, ET JEAN LE VERRIER, Preftre, SERVITEURS DU DIT DK liKTIlENCOURT. CO I' NC 1 I. THE llAKLUYT SOCIETY The Rioht Hun. Sir DAVID DUNDAS, Pulsiuent. Admiral C. E. DRINKWATEU BETHUNE, C.B. ■ ViCE-l'RESIUKNTS. Majob-Gkn. Sir HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.B., Pres.R.G.S. Rev. GEORGE P. BADGER, F.R.G.S. J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S., F.R.G.S. Reab-Admiral COLLINSON, C.B., F.R.G.S. General C. FOX, F.R.G.S. W. E. FRERE, Esq., F.R.G.S. Captain J. G. GOODENOUGH, R.N., F.R.G.S. CHARLES GREY, Esq., F.R.G.S. EGERTON VERNON HARCOURT, Esq., F.R.G.S. JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A. R. II. M.\JOR, Esq., F.S.A., Sec.R.G.S. Sir W. STIRLING MAXWELL, Bart., F.R.G.S. Sir CHARLES NICHOLSON, Bart., D.C.L., F.R.G.S. Vice-Admiral ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S. Captain SHERARD OSBORN, R.N., C.B., F.R.S. The Lord STANLEY of Alderley. The Hon. FREDERICK WAT.POLR, M.P., F.R.G.S. CLEMENTS R. MAUKIIAM, C.13., F.S.A. , Sec.UG.S., Hunorauy Skcuetary. 2=H)363 INTRODUCTION. It is a remarkable fact that in the proud list of the glories of noble France there is one class of achieve- ments for which she has claimed more, and at the same time received less, honour than she really deserves. She has put forth a claim to having preceded even Prince Henry of Portugal in lifting the veil from the Sea of Darkness, the mysterious Atlantic, and in colonising the west coast of Africa ; but although the most illustrious of her claimants to this distinction, the learned M. d'Avezac, still clings lovingly to his patriotic convictions on this head, the present writer has already demonstrated that that claim can by no means be maintained.* At the same time France is very far from having received the amount of honour which is her due for the boldness of her maritime explorations at a some- what later but still very early period. There can be no doubt that in the first half of the sixteenth century France was the nation which followed most boldly in the footsteps of Portugal, and it is possible ^ See Life of Prince Henry the Navigator and its Results, London, 1868, chapter of "The Sea of Darkness," pp. 117-128. h 11 INTRODUCTION. that we have yet much to learn from unexamined manuscripts as to the exploits of the adventurous Dieppese at that interesting period in the history of navigation. The voyage treated of in the present volume holds an isolated and highly distinguished position midway as to date between the pretended and the real early achievements of the French nation at sea ; for whereas the former were said to have taken place in the fourteenth, and the latter unquestionably did take place in the sixteenth, this voyage of De Bethencourt was made at the very commencement of the fifteenth century. It is con- sequently the earliest authenticated distant voyage made by Frenchmen to the south. Had it been directed to unexplored latitudes it w^ould have eclipsed the glory even of Prince Henry himself, whose first expedition it preceded at least by thirteen years, if not more. But though its des- tination was only to the Canaries, a group of islands vi^hose position was well known, and which had been the subject of poetical allusion for more than two thousand years, yet as an early attempt at colonisa- tion, which has made the name of its orio-inator illustrious, it possesses a strong claim to insertion among the series of our Society's publications. As a mere maritime feat, the expedition was in no way remarkable. The track was a beaten one. For a century the Venetians had already been in the habit of making the voyage to Flanders, and the ' Our learned compatriot, IMr. Rawdon Brown, wlio lias ibr so many years been an unwearied student of Venetian records, INTIIODUCTION. Ill Spaniards and the Genoese not nnfreqiiently visited the Canaries for goat's-flesh, making their way by the west coast of Africa down to Cape Cantin, and so by a short traverse to Lancerote or Fuerte- ventiu'a. And while it is true that in this expedi- tion originated that colonisation of the Canaries from which sprung their present European popula- tion, yet it is not correct to suppose, as hitherto it has been generally asserted, that the principal islands of the group then received for the first time the names which they at present bear. But in order that the reader may form an idea of the true position and value of this expedition in the history of dis- covery, it will be necessary to take a brief survey of what had been previously known of these islands. In the poems of Homer the ocean is treated as a river beyond which at the earth's confines were the Elysian fields which Hesiod and Pindar made to be surrounded by water, so that the habitations of the blest were transformed into islands, and hence, pro- bably, originated the name of the Insulse Fortunatse or Fortunate Islands. On this point Strabo says, hb. 3 : — " The poets make mention of the Islands of the Blest, and we know that even now they are to be seen not far from the extremity of Mauritania, opposite Gades (Cadiz). Now I say that those who pointed out these things were the Phoenicians who. Las published, in his L'Archivio cli Venezia con riguardo speciale alia Storia Imjlese, Venezia e Torino, 18G5, 16mo, pp. 274-279, a list of the captains in the Flanders voyages from 1317 down to 1533. 62 * IV INTRODUCTION. before the time of Homer, had possession of the best part of Africa and Spain." Here we see the Canaries evidently alluded to, and the inference suggested that they were known to the Phoenician colony of Carthaginians established at Cadiz three thousand years ago. About eighty-two years before our era, we find these islands afresh brought under notice. Some Lusitanian sea captains who had just returned from them, fell in with Sertorius, who, in his flight from the ships of Annius, had passed through the straits and landed near the mouth of the Quadal- quivir. Their glowing account of the fertility of the soil, the purity of the air, and the happiness of the people, inspired Sertorius with an ardent desire to withdraw from the business of life, and seek repose there, but fate decreed otherwise. It is to Plutarch (see Plutarch's Life of Sertorius) that we are in- debted for this account. Tw^o islands only were mentioned, probably Lancerote and Fuerteventura. Twenty years after the death of Sertorius, we have five islands specified by distinct names in a vague itinerary drawn up by one Statins Sebosus from the accounts of navigators of his time, and preserved to us by Pliny. He represents the group, to which he gives the name of Hesperides, as one day's sail from tJie western promontory (Cape Non). He names them (1) Junonia, at 750 miles from Gades (Cadiz), (2) Pluviillia, and (3) Capraria, 750 miles west of Junonia, and 250 miles beyond, to the left of Mauritania and towards the ninth hour of the sun, were the great Fortunate Islands, one called (4) INTRODUCTION. V Convallis and the other (5) Planaria, on account of their form ; but all these indications are too indis- tinct to supply us with any information beyond the fact that in the time of Sebosus five islands of the Canary group had received individual names. Happily we are supplied also by Pliny with in- formation of a far more distinct character respecting these islands. When King Juba the Second was reinstated by Augustus on the throne which his father had lost, on his return to Mauritania he tiu'ned to account the geographical knowledge which he had acquired through his education in Italy, and sent out an expedition for the express purpose of exploring the Fortunate Islands. On the return of the navigators he wrote a narrative of the voyage from their report, and sent it to the emperor. A fragment only of that narrative survives, and has been transmitted to us by Pliny in the following shape: "The Fortunate Islands lie to the south-west, at 625 miles from the Purpurarise. To reach them from the latter they first sailed 250 miles westwards and then 375 miles to the east.^ The first is called Ombrios, and contains no traces of buildings. There is in it a pool in the midst of mountains, and trees like ferules, from which water may be pressed, which ^ The " three hundred" is omitted in some editions of Pliny, but that they are necessary is evident from the account of Pliny himself. It is clear that the 625 miles are reckoned in making the periplus of the whole group, the 250 tallying with the distance from Fuerteventura, one of the Purpuraria), to Ombrios or Palma. The 375 would be the length of the eastern return track from Palma round the group. VI INTRODUCTION. is bitter from the black kinds, but from the lighter ones pleasant to drink (sugar-cane). The second is called Junonia, and contains a small temple built entirely of stone. Near it is another smaller island having the same name. Then comes Capraria, which is full of large lizards. Within sight of these islands is Nivaria, so called from the snow and fogs with which it is constantly covered. Not far from Nivaria is Canaria, so called on account of the great number of large dogs therein, two of which were brought to King Juba. There were traces of buildings in this island. All the islands abound in apples and in birds of every kind, and in palms covered with dates, and in the pine nut. There is also plenty of honey. The papyrus grows there, and the Silurus fish is found in the rivers." (See Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. 6, cap. 37.) In Ombrios we recognise the Plu- vialia of Sebosus, the words being synonymous. Con- vallis becomes Nivaria, and Planaria is replaced by Canaria, which name is still borne by the large central island, -and has now been given to the whole Archipelago. There is no difficulty in fixing the island named Nivaria, a name which clearly indicates the snowy peak of Teneriffe, almost constantly capped with clouds. In Ombrios or Pluvialia, with its pool in the midst of mountains, we recognise the island of Palma, with its famous Caldera or cauldron, the crater of an old volcano. The distance also of this island from Fuerteventura agrees with that of the 250 miles indicated by Juba's navigators as existing between Ombrios and the Purpuraria^. It has been INTRODUCTION. Vll already seen that the latter agree with Lancerote and Fuerteventura in respect of their distance from the continent and from each other, as described by Plutarch. That the Purpurariac are not, as M. Bory de St. Vincent supposed, the Madeira group, is not only shown by the want of inhabitants in the latter, but by the orchil, which supplies the purple dye, being derived from and sought for specially from the Canaries and not the Madeira group, although it is to be found there. Junonia, the nearest to Ombrios, will be Gomera. It may be presumed that the temple found therein was, like the island, dedicated to Juno. Capraria, which implies the island of goats, agrees correctly with the island of Ferro, which occurs next in the order of the itinerary, for these animals were found there in large numbers when the island was invaded by Jean de Bethencourt in 1402, But a yet more striking proof of the identity of this island with Capraria is the account of the great number of large lizards found therein. Bethencourt s chaplains, describing their visit to the island in 1402, state : — " There are lizards in it as big as cats, but they are harmless, although very hideous to look at." It was probably the desire to bring these mysterious islands within the grasp of history that induced King Juba to send out this expedition; and although the blessedness that was looked for formed no part of the discovery, yet as these were the only islands that were lighted upon in the ocean where they were sought for, they were assumed to be the genuine Insulse Fortunatse, and accordingly retained the name. Vlil INTRODUCTION. For thirteen centuries from the time of which we have been speaking, the Fortunate Islands were destined ao-ain to be ahnost buried in obUvion. The destruction of the Roman Empire re-plunged Europe into ignorance; and, although the Fortunate Islands were vaguely known to the Moors of Spain under the designation of the Islands of Khaledat, it has been elaborately shown by the eminent Portuguese savant, Senhor Joaquim Jose da Costa de Macedo, that the Arabs had no practical knowledge of the Canaries before the times of the Portuguese dis- coveries. He maintains that the only notions they had respecting them were such as they derived from Greek and Latin authors, and he seems satisfactorily to have proved his point. It was not till the beginning of the fifteenth cen- tury, when the Norman Jean de Bethencourt, the subject of the present narrative, established himself in the Canaries, that something like substantial mformation respecting these islands was made ac- cessible to Europeans. Much earlier expeditions, it is true, had been attempted, but of the navigators who visited them before the fifteenth century, some only landed accidentally, and others went for the purpose of taking slaves, or goats' flesh, or else to gather orchil for dyeing, and dragon's blood, or other products that might be useful in commerce. In the Bibliotheca Laiu'entiana, in Florence, is a portulano of the date of 1351, known as the Portu- lano Mediceo, which, although anonymous, has been satisfactorily proved by Count Baldelli Bojii, in his INTRODUCTION. IX valuable edition of the MiUone of Marco Polo, pub- lished in Florence in 1827, to be of Genoese con- struction. On one of the maps in this Portulano, against the island of Lancerote in the Canaries, is inserted the shield of Genoa, distinctly claiming the priority of discovery in favour of that republic ; and Count Baldelli with reason remarks that no Venetian or Pisan or Catalan would be the first to lay down, on a map so important, a fact in favour of their rivals the Genoese, It is right, however, to observe that on the later Venetian map by the brothers Pizzigani of 1367, and in the Catalan map of 1375, this remarkable indication is inserted. Perhaps a stronger argument is derived from the use of the Genoese dialect m the names in preference to that of Venice or Pisa. M. d'Avezac, with his usual un- tiring research, has bestowed great labour upon the inquiry into the discovery and naming of the island of Lancerote. He has shown tliat the* discoverer was of the ancient, but now extinct, Genoese family of Malocello. In the visit of the Norman knight Jean de Bethencourt to that island in 1402, it is said that they stored their grain in an old castle reputed to be built by Lancelot Maloisel. In a Genoese map of the date of 1455, made by Barto- lommeo Pareto, are inserted against the same island the words " Lansaroto Maroxello Januensis"; and, further, we are led to believe that the discovery was made as early as the thirteenth century from a passage in Petrarch, which declares that a patrum memorid, i. e., a generation back, an armed fleet of X INTRODUCTION. Genoese had penetrated as far as the Fortunate Islands. Now as Petrarch was born in 1304, if, as is highly probable, Lancelote Malocello's voyage was the one alluded to, it will have taken place at the latest in the close of the thirteenth century. We thus find a reason for the reservation by Genoese map makers of the claim of their country to the island of Lancerote. That the Canaries were visited, but visited only, by the Portuguese, even earlier than the year 1345 is proved by a passage in a letter from Affonso IV, King of Portugal, to Pope Clement VI, which was written under the following circumstances. When Alfonso, the eldest son of the Infant Don Ferdinand, and grandson of King Alfonso the Wise, was deprived by his uncle Don Sancho of the succession to the Crown of Castile, he retired in indignation to France to the Court of his uncle Philippe le Bel. He there married Marhaut or Mafalda, daughter of Amery VI, Viscount of Narbonne, by whom he had Luis of Spain, called by almost all the Spanish historians Luis de la Cerda, Count of Talmond, and Admiral of France. On the death of John III, Duke of Brittany, a civil war divided the country into two parties. England took the part of the Count de Montfort, the Duke's brother, while the King of France maintained that of his nephew the Count de Blois, who had been called to the succession by the Duke himself. In this contest Don Luis commanded in several engagements against England, till at length Pope Clement VI obtaiued a truce, signed at Malestroit on the 19th INTRODUCTION. XI January, 1343, Avliich was to last three years, so that terms of peace might in the interval be negotiated in the Pope's presence at Avignon. One of the pleni- potentiaries was Luis de la Cerda, and as the negotia- tions were greatly protracted by repeated delays on the part of the King of England, he remained there till the beginning of the year 1345. During his stay at Avignon, Don Luis represented to the Pope that there were islands in the ocean, named the Fortunate Islands, some of which were inhabited and others not, and that he wished to obtain possession of these for the exaltation of the Faith and the spread of Christianity, and for this purpose he prayed his Holiness to grant him the necessary authority and the title of King of these islands. The Pope granted his request, and by a Bull dated from Avignon, November 15th, 1334, bestowed on him the lordship of the fortunate Is- lands with the title of Prince of Fortune, to remain in perpetual fief to the Apostolic See, to which it should pay annually 400 florins of good and pure gold of Florentine coinage ; and Don Luis gave an acknowledgment of the fief on the 28 th of November of the same year. At the same time the Pope wrote letters to the Kings of France, of Sicily, of Aragon, of Castile, and Portugal, as well as to the Dauphin, and to the Doge of Genoa, desiring them to help the new king in this enterprise. The reply of the King of Portugal contains the passage to which allusion has been made. While submitting, from habitual reverence, to the desire of his Holiness, he reminded XU INTRODUCTION. him that he had already sent out expeditions to those islands, and was only prevented from sending out a large armada by the wars in which he became involved, first with the King of Castile, and after- wards with the Saracens. The letter finished with the King's excusing himself on account of the ex- hausted condition of his treasury from supplying Don Luis with ships and soldiers, but expressing his willingness to furnish him to the extent of his power with provisions, and other suj^plies. This letter was dated from Monte Mor, 12th of February, 1345. The war with Spain, to which the King referred, broke out at the close of 1336, whence it follows that his assertion that he had thereby been prevented from sending out a large armada to those islands, either means that previously to that year the Portu- guese had sent out expeditions to the Canaries, or that expeditions which he had sent out durmg the war would, but for the war, have been equipped on a grander scale. By a treaty concluded in 1317, Denis the Labourer, King of Portugal, secured the services of the Genoese Emmanuele Pezagno as hereditary admiral of his fleet, with a distinct understanding that he and his successors should make unfailing provision of twenty Genoese captains experienced in navigation to com- mand the king's galleys. In the year 1326 we find this same Emmanuele Pezagno sent by Afibnso IV as ambassadoi- to our own King Edward III, who regarded him with such favour, that on July 24, 1332, he addressed a letter INTRODUCTION. XI 11 to Affonso, recommending both Emmannele and his son Carlo to his especial patronage. Even so late as 1373, we find the rank of admiral of the Portu- guese fleet remaining in the hands of Lancelot, son of Emmanuele Pezagno, who received it from Peter I by letters patent dated 26th June, 1357. So that in these facts we have a remarkable light thrown upon the declaration of Affonso IV to Pope Clement YI, that previous to 1334 he had abeady sent out expeditions to these islands. Meanwhile we have evidence to show that in 1341 a voyage was made to the Canaries, under the aus- pices of the King of Portugal, in a narrative for which we are indebted to the poet Boccaccio, and which has been rescued from oblivion so recently as 1827 by the learned Sebastiano Ciampi. It was derived from letters written to Florence by certain Florentine merchants established at Seville, under date of the 17 kalend of December, 1341. The narrative records that "On the 1st of July of that same year, two vessels, furnished by the King of Portugal with all the necessary provisions, and accom- panied by a smaller vessel, well armed and manned by Florentines, Genoese, Castilians, and other Span- iards, among whom were naturally mcluded Portu- guese, for the word Hispani included all inhabitants of the Peninsula, set sail for Lisbon, and put out into the open sea.-* They took with them horses, ^ " The Florentine who went with these ships was Angeh'no del Tegghia del Corbizzi, a cousin of the sons of Gherardino Gianni," according to what we learn from a marginal note by Boccaccio. XIV INTRODUCTION. arms, and warlike engines for storming towns and castles, in search of those islands commonly called the " Kediscovered." The wind was favourable, and on the 5th day they found land. They did not return till the month of November, when they brought back with them four of the natives, a large quantity of goat skins, the fat and oil of fish, and seal skins ; red wood which dyed almost as well as the verzino (Brazil wood), although connoisseurs pro- nounced it not to be the same ; the barks of trees to stain with a red colour ; red earth and other such things. Nicoloso de Kecco, a Genoese, the pilot of this expedition, stated that this archipelago was nearly nine hundred miles from the city of Seville ; but that reckoning from what now is called Cape St. Vincent, the islands were much nearer to the conti- nent, and that the first of those which they disco- vered [most probably Fuerteventura] was a hundred and fifty miles in circumference ; it was one mass of uncultivated stony land, but full of goats and other beasts, and inhabited by naked men and women, who were like savages in their appearance and de- meanour. He added that he and his companions obtained in this island the greater part of their cargo of skins and fat, but they did not dare to penetrate far into the country. Passing thence into another island [Great Canary], somewhat larger than the first, a great number of natives of both sexes, all nearly naked, came down to the shore to meet them. Some of them, who seemed superior to the rest, were covered with goats' skins covered yellow and red, INTRODUCTION. XV and, as far as could be seen from a distance, the skins were fine and soft, and tolerably well sewn together with the intestines of animals. To judge from their gestures they seemed to have a prince, to whom they showed much respect and obedience. The islanders showed a wish to communicate with the people in the ship, but when the boats drew near the shore, the sailors who did not understand a word that they said did not dare to land. Their language however was soft, and their pronuncia- tion rapid and animated like Italian. Some of the islanders then swam to the boats, and four of them were taken on board and afterwards carried away. On the northern coasts of the island, which were much better cultivated than the southern, there were a great number of little houses, fig trees and other trees, palm trees which bore no fruit, and gar- dens with cabbages and other vegetables. Here twenty-five of the sailors landed, and found nearly thirty men quite naked, who took to flight when they saw their arms. The buildings were made with much skill of square stones, covered with large and handsome pieces of wood. Finding several of them closed, the sailors broke open the doors with stones, which enraged the fugitives, who filled the air with their cries. The houses were found to contain no- thing beyond some excellent dried figs, j^ reserved in palm baskets, like those made at Cesena, corn of a much finer quality than the Italian, not only in the length and thickness of its grain but its extreme whiteness, some barley and other grains. The houses XVI INTRODUCTION. were all very handsome and covered with very fine wood, and as clean inside as if they had been white- washed. The sailors also came upon a chapel or temple, in which there were no pictures or ornament, but only a stone statue representing a man with a ball in his hand. This idol, otherwise naked, wore an apron of palm-leaves. They took it away and car- ried it to Lisbon. The island seemed to be thickly peopled and well cultivated ; producing not only corn and other grain, but fruits, principally figs. The natives either ate the grain like birds, or else made it into flour, and ate it with water without kneading. On leaving this island they saw several others, at the distance of five, ten, twenty, or forty miles, and made for a third, in which they remarked nothing but an immense number of beautiful trees shooting straight up to the skies [most probably Ferro, re- markable for its magnificent pines]. Thence to another, which abounded in streams of excellent water and wood [Gomera]. They found also many wild pigeons, which they killed with sticks and stones. They were larger and of better flavour than those in Italy. Falcons and birds of prey were numerous. The sailors ventured but a very little way into the country. At length they discovered another island, the rocky mountains of which were of immense height and almost always covered with clouds, but what they could see during the clear weather seemed very agreeable, and it appeared to be inhabited [Palma]. They afterwards saw other islands, making in all thirteen, some of them inha- IXTRODUCTTON. XVll bitecl and some not, and the further they went the more they saw. They remarked the smoothness of tlie sea which separates these islands, and found good anchorage, although there were but few har- bours, but all the islands were well provided with water. Of the thirteen islands five were inhabited, but some were much more populous than others.^ The languages of these people were said to be so different, that those of one island did not understand those of another, and they had no means of commu- nication except by swimming. A phenomenon which they witnessed on one of these islands [TenerifFe] deterred them from landing. On the summit of a mountain which they reckoned to be more than tliirty thousand feet high they observed what from its whiteness looked like a fortress. It was, how- ever, nothing but a sharp point of rock, on the top of which was a mast, as large as a ship's mast, with a yard and a lateen sail set upon it. The sail when blown out by the wind took the form of a shield, and soon afterwards it would seem to be lowered, together with the mast, as if on board a vessel, then again it was raised and again would sink, and so alternately. "They sailed round the island, but on all sides they saw the same phenomenon, and thinking it the effect of some enchantment, they did not dare to land. They saw many other things also, which ' Thirteen is correct if the desert islands be added to the seven inhabited ones. Those inhabited are here counted five instead of seven, doubtless from defective exploration. C XVIU INTKODUCTION. Niccoloso refused to relate. At any rate the islands do not seem to have been very rich, for the sailors hardly covered the expense of the voyage. "The four men whom they carried away were young and beardless, and had handsome faces. They wore nothing but a sort of apron made of cord, from which they hung a number of palm or reed fibres of a hairs-breadth and a half or two hairs'-breadth, which formed an effectual covering. They were un- circumcised. Their long light hair veiled their bodies down to the waist, and they went barefooted. The island whence they were taken was called Canary, and was more populous than the others. These men were spoken to in several languages, but they under- stood none of them. They did not exceed their captors in stature, but they were robust of limb, courageous, and very intelligent. When spoken to by signs they replied in the same manner, like mutes. There were marks of deference shown from one to another ; but one of them appeared more honoured than the rest. The apron of this chief was of palm leaves, wliile the others wore reeds painted in yellow and red. They sang very sweetly, and danced almost as well as Frenchmen. They were gay and merry, and much more civilised than many Spaniards. When they were brought on board, they ate some bread and figs, and seemed to like the bread, though they had never tasted it before. They absolutely refused wine, and only drank water. Wheat and barley they ate in plenty, as well as cheese and meat, whicli was abundant in the islands, INTRODUCTION. xLx and of good quality, for although tliere were no oxen, camels, or asses, there were plenty of goats, sheep, and wild hogs. They were shown some gold and silver money, but they were quite ignorant of the use of it ; and they knew as little of any kind of spice. Eings of gold and vases of carved work, swords and sabres, were shown to them ; but they seemed never to have seen such things, and did not know how to use them. They showed remarkable faithfulness and honesty, for if one of them received anything good to eat, before tasting it, he divided it into portions which he shared with the rest. Mar- riage was observed among them, and the married women wore aprons like the men, but the maidens went quite naked, without consciousness of shame." Meanwhile the Prince of Fortune made but little progress towards the acquirement of the royal do- main with which the Pope had endowed liim. In short, the whole project proved a mere abortion, and neither the treasury of the Pope, the property of Don Luis, nor the knowledge of the geography of the Canaries, were advanced one iota thereby. The enterprise undertaken a century and a half later by Jean de Bethencourt, of which this volume treats, was of a far more persistent and effectual character. During the century which preceded it, however, the Canaries were exposed to frequent ravages from corsairs and from adventurers of all sorts. On one occasion chance led to the landing of a party on the Great Canary, whicli, as it seems to be c 2 XX INTRODUCTION. referred to in the present work, deserves particular mention. In a MS. account by a Canarian writer, Don Pedro del Castillo (quoted at p. 41 of the Histoire Naturelle des lies Canaries, par MM. Barber Webb and Sabin Berthelot, Paris, 1842, 4to), is recorded an expedition, by Captain Francisco Lopez, from Seville to Galicia, in which his vessel was carried southward by a tempest and took refuge, on June 5th, 1382, at the mouth of the Guiniguada in the Great Canary, where the capital has since been founded. Lopez and twelve of his companions were treated at first with humanity by the natives of this part of the island, and passed seven years peacefully occupied with the care of the flocks that had been granted them. They profited by this enforced sojourn to give Christian instruction to many young Cana- rians, some of whom had learned the Castilian lan- guage ; but suddenly the natives changed their con- duct towards them, and killed them all without exception. It seems, however, that before their death the unhappy Spaniards confided a written document to one of their pupils, and there is no doubt that it is this event that Bethencourt's chap- lains have mentioned in their history of the first attempt by the Chevalier Gadifer de la Salle upon the Grand Canary (see Chap. xl). A young islander had come on board Gadifer's ship to give him a parchment that was tied round his neck. "We have found," said the chaplains, " the testament of the Christian brothers, thirteen in number, whom they killed twelve years ago, which testament says also tliat INTRODUCTION. XXI none ought to trust them for thek fair outside demeanour, for they were traitors by nature." There can be Httle doubt that the party in question was that of Lopez (1382), mentioned by Castillo. It is probable that the mistrust aroused in the Canarians by the relations of their guests with the adventurers who frequented their shores, and the fear of some surprise on the part of the Europeans, determined them to get rid of these strangers, to whom they had shown tliemselves at first so friendly ; but, according to the historians of the conquest, the Canarian pretence was that the Spaniards had sent letters to the land of the Christians adverse to those with whom they had dwelt for seven years. M. d'Avezac, in his valuable work on the " lies d'Afrique," in the Univers Pittoresque, tells us that an official document, preserved in the Escurial, and embodying the results of an inquiry instituted in 1476 by Queen Tsabelle of Castile as to the respective rights of the various pretenders to the possession of the Canaries, declares formally that Jean de Bethencourt had received information in Normandy respecting these islands from two French adventurers, who had made incursions on them in company with a Spaniard named Alvaro Becerra, and that he was thereby induced to undertake the conquest, of which we will now proceed to give the summary. Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Lord of Grainville la Teinturiere, in the Pais de Caux in Normandy, having conceived the project of conquering the XXll INTRODUCTION. Canaries, which were then only frequented by mer- chants or Spanish pirates, assembled a body of ad- venturers, among whom was a knight named Gadifer de la Salle, who joined him at Bochelle. M. de Bethencourt took with him his two chaplains, Brother Pierre Bontier, a monk of St. Jouin de Marnes, and Jean le Verrier, a priest, who were the historians of the expedition. They started from Bochelle on the 1st of May, 1402, putting in at Corunna and at Cadiz, where they stayed till the month of July, the party meanwhile becoming reduced by the desertion of twenty-seven men to only fifty-three in number. Eight days from Cadiz brought them to the island of Graciosa ; thence they went to Lancerote, where they were well received and obtained permission to build a fort, which they named Rubicon. Leaving Bertin de Berneval in charge, Bethencourt went with Gadifer to Fuerteventura, but was obliged to return to Lancerote on account of mutiny among his sailors and want of provisions. It was then resolved that Bethencourt sliould go to Spain to get together what was necessary to complete the enterprise. Gadifer remained as lieu- tenant, and while he was absent at the Isle of Lobos, Bertin excited disaffection against him, drew together a faction of his own, with which he pillaged the castle of Bubicon and took a number of natives prisoners, including Guadarfia, the King of Lancerote, who had already made friendly submission to Bethen- court. Two Spanish ships had arrived meanwhile, and Bertin having gained over Ferdinand Ordonez, INTRODUCTION. XXlll captain of the Tranchemar, took his spoils and prisoners on hoard, abandoned his ill-fated followers to perish miserably in Africa, and went himself to Spain. The unfortunate Gadifer was left by this treachery in the island of Lobos, without the supplies he expected to follow him, until the captain of the other Spanish ship, the Morelle, sent a canoe to his rescue, and he returned to E,ubicon. Here he found affairs in a sad state, no provisions, no stores, and an insufficient number of men to keep the natives in check. Meanwhile Bethencourt was obtaining from Henry III, King of Castillo, the supplies he wanted, on condition of doing homage ; and having sent home his wife in the charge of Enguerrand de la Boissiere, he preferred to return to Lancerote. He had learned the state of affau's on the arrival of the ship Morelle, which preceded by a short time the Trmichemar, in which the traitor Bertin arrived with his captives, and sent help to Gadifer from the king, with direc- tions to follow up the explorations. During Bethen- court's absence, there had been a rebellion against the King of Lancerote, which had been quelled, and the traitor put to death. Gadifer had been to Fuerteventura, the Grand Canary, Ferro, Gomera, and Palma, and returned to Bubicon after a voyage of three months. He had sent a ship to Spain with the account of his expedi- tion, but Bethencourt himself now arrived at Rubicon, where he was received with great demonstrations of XXIV INTKODUCTIOX. joy. He proceeded vigorously with the conquest of the natives, and in a few days the king submitted and asked for baptism, which he received with many of his people. After this, Bethencourt and Gadifer were only withheld from further conquest by want of aid from the courts of France and Spain, though application was made especially to the former. On their return from an expedition to the coast of Africa, Gadifer showed discontent that Bethencourt had not considered his interests when he did homage to the King of Castile for the government of the islands. However, he took part in an expedition against the Grand Canary in 1404, but the dispute was afterwards renewed, and they set out for Spain to settle the question, travelling in different ships. Finally, however, Gadifer, knowing Bethen court's greater interest at the court of Castile, gave up his own cause in despair, and returned to France. Bethen- court proceeded to Castile and was solemnly invested with the government of the islands. On his return to the Canaries he had several encounters with the natives, but maintained his authority successfully, and the two kings of Fuerteventura, together with their people, became Christian. He then went to France, to obtain the materials for forming a colony, was warmly welcomed at Grainville, and obtained all he required. He returned to Lancerote witli his nephew Maciot de Bethencourt, and was received with great joy by his own people, as well as by the inhabitants of Fuerteven- tura. In October 1405 he set out on his expedition to the Grand Canary, wliich was unsuccessful from \av\- INTIIODUCTION. XXV ous causes ; but in Palma and Feno, after some opposi- tion, lie formed colonies. Returning to Lancerote, he arranged everything for the good government of the islands which he had conquered and civilised, and leaving his nephew Maciot as his lieutenant- general, he departed universally regretted. He went thence to Spain, where the king received him warmly and gave him letters of recommendation to the Pope, from whom he was anxious to obtain the appointment of . a bishop for the islands. At Rome he was well received by the Pope, who granted all he requu-ed. He then returned to France, by way of Florence, where he was feted by the govern- ment. Tlience he went to Paris and so to his own house. Here he remained for several years, re- ceiving from the bishop news of the islands and the good government of his nephew, till, as he was pre- paring to visit them once more, he died at his house of Grain ville in 1425. It will be observed that the text of the MS. places the death of Bethencom-t in 1 422, but Bergeron, who was not an idle investigator, in fixing the date at 1425, says, " comme il appert par plusieurs actes." So that we may reasonably accept his deci- sion. With respect to the sepulture of Bethencourt, every memento would have been lost in the dim gloom of the past, had it not been for the laudable enthusiasm of a Norman antiquary, the Abbe Cochet, who seems to have been the only man of the age to take an interest in the local glory of the conqueror of the Canaries. Descril)ini»' his visit to Grainville XXVI INTRODUCTION. in 1831 (see Les Eglises cle V Arrondissement cV Yvetot, par M. I'Abbe Cochet, Paris, 1832, torn, i, p. 151), he says, " In the church I looked with eagerness for the name of the hero whose memory had led my steps to the spot. To my sorrow I found not a single word, a single stone that spoke to me of him. His very name had perished from the traditions of the old gossips of the place, and there remained but a vague memory of his greatness, which faded like a distant echo. From that moment I resolved to labour at the restitution of that great memory, and I have had the happiness to convert the thought into a reality. At my request, supported by the Com- mission des Antiquites, M. E. Leroy, the honoured and enlightened Prefect of the Seine Inferieure, was pleased to grant a sum of two hundred francs from the historical funds (sur les fonds historiques) of his Department. With this small sum, managed with prudence, I have been able to have a commemorative inscription, surmounted by the arms of Bethencourt, made by Caulier, a sculptor at Dieppe. A black marble slab, embedded in a carved stone frame, bears the following inscription in gilt letters — A LA MEMOIRE DE JEHAN DE BETHENCOURT NAVIGATEUR CELEBRE ET ROI DES CANARIES INHUME DANS LE CHCEUR DE CETTE EGLISE EN 1425. riMICZ DIET POUK \X\. INTRODUCTION. XXvii With the authorisation of the Building Committee of Gi'ainville and the permission of the Archbishop of E-ouen and of the minister of pubhc worship, this inscription was placed on one of the pilasters of the choir on the 16th of December, 1851." There is much of picturesque beauty about the quaint old narrative of the adventures of the Sire de Bethencourt. We find ourselves in an atmosphere of romance, albeit the story is most essentially true. The mind's eye becomes famihar with the habergeon, the corslet, and the pennon, and the mind's ear — an organ, by the way, too little recognised — with the sound of the clarion and trumpet as realities which lend the charm of chivalry to an expedition of dis- covery undertaken at a period when chivalry was itself a reality. Of the manor-house of Grainville la Teinturiere, in the lovely valley of the Durdent, there remain only a moat filled with water, a vaulted cell, which was doubtless the donjon, and an old gate covered with ivy, seen by the Abbe Cochet in 1831, but which probably by this time has disappeared also. Here it will be interestino* to note the account given of the Canaries a few years later by Gomez Eannes de Azurara, who, in 1448, drew up a narra- tive of the conquest of Guinea under the direction of Prince Henry the Navigator. It was compiled from the rough narrative of one of Prince Henry's sailors, Alfonso de Cerreira, and consequently, though we do not know the exact year, was some time earlier than the date of Azurara's chronicle. In 1443 an expedition of six caravels, formed un- XXVIU INTRODUCTION. der the auspices of the Prince, explored the Bay of Arguin and part of the neighbouring coasts, two of which separated and turned northward. On their way they met with the caravel of Alvaro Gonzalves de Atayde, the captain of which was one Joao de Castilha, going to Guinea, whom they dissuaded from that voyage, and induced him to join them in an ex- pedition to the island of Palma. On reaching Gomera they were well received, and two chieftains of the island, named Bruco and Piste, after announcing themselves as grateful servants of Prince Henry, from whom they had received the most generous hospitality, declared their readiness to do anything to serve him. The Portuguese told them they were bound to the island of Palma for the purpose of capturing some of the natives, and a few of the chieftain's subjects would be of great use as guides and assistants, where both the country and the peo- ple's mode of fighting were alike unknown. Piste immediately offered to accompany them, and to take as many Canarians as they pleased, and with this help they set sail for Palma, which they reached a little before daybreak. Unsuitable as the hour might seem, they immediately landed, and presently sa,w some of the natives fleeing, but, as they were starting in pursuit, one of the men suggested that they would have a better chance of taking some shepherds, chiefly boys and women, whom they saw keeping their sheep and goats among the rocks. These drove their flocks into a valley that was so deep and d;ingcrous that it was a wonder that they INTRODUCTION. XXIX could make their way at all. The islanders were naturally sure-footed to a wonderful degree, but several of them fell from the crags and were killed. The page Diogo Gonsalves, who had been the first to swim to the shore in the encounter near Tider, acfain distino-iiished himself. It was hard work for the Portuguese, for the Canarians hurled stones and lances with sharp horn points at them with great strength and precision. The contest ended in the capture of seventeen Canarians, men and women. One of the latter was of extraordinary size for a woman, and they said that she was the queen of a part of the island. In retiring to the boats with theu^ capture they were closely followed by the Canarians, and were obliged to leave the greater part of the cattle that they had had so much trouble in taking. On their return to Gomera they thanked the island chieftain for the good service he had rendered them, and afterwards, when Piste, with some of the islanders, went to Portugal, they were so well re- ceived by the Prince that he and some of his followers remained for the rest of their lives. As Joao de Castilha, the captain of the caravel of Gonsalvez de Atayde, had not reached Guinea as the others had done, and consequently had less booty than they to carry back to Portugal, he conceived the dastardly idea of capturing some of the Gome- rans, m spite of the pledge of security. As it seemed too hideous a piece of treachery to seize any of those who had helped them so well, he removed to another XXX INTRODUCTION. port, where some twenty-one of the natives, trusting to the Portuguese, came on board the caravel and were straightway carried to Portugal. When the Prince heai'd of it he was extremely angry, and had the Canarians brought to his house, and with rich presents sent them back to their own country. Alvaro Dornellas, after an unsuccessful attempt to make a capture in the Canary Islands, which re- sulted in his only taking two captives, remained at the islands, not caring to return to Lisbon without more booty. He sent Affonso Marta to Madeira to procure stores by the sale of the two Canarians. The weather prevented Marta making the island, and he was obliged to put in at Lisbon, where at that time was Joao Dornellas, squire to the king, and cousin to Alvaro. Joao had a joint interest in the caravel, and hearing of his cousin's difficulties, hastened to his assistance. Together they made a descent upon the island of Palma, having obtained help from the people of Gomera in the name of Prince Henry, and in a night attack, after a fierce encounter, took twenty captives. They returned to Gomera, where Alvaro had to remain, and his cousin left for Portu- gal. In the homeward passage, such a dearth of victuals supervened that they were well-nigh com- pelled to eat some of their captives, but happily, before they were driven to that extremity, they reached the port of Tavila, in the kingdom of Al- garve. It has been already seen that Jean de Bethencourt, retiring to France in 1406, had left his nephew. INTRODUCTION. XXXI Maciot de Betliencourt, as governor-general of his conquests in the Canaries, comprising Lancerote, Forteventura, and Ferro. Azurara gives the Christian population of Lancerote, Fuerteventura, and Ferro, in his time, as follows : "In Lancerote sixty men, in Fuer- teventura eighty, and in Ferro twelve. They had their churches and priests. " In the Pagan islands the numbers were, in Gomera^ about seven hundred men, in Palma five hundred, in Teneriffe six thousand bearing arms, and in the Great Canary five thousand fighting men. These had never been conquered, but some of their people had been taken, who gave information respect- ing their customs. "The Great Canary was ruled by two kings and a duke, who were elected, but the real governors of the island were an assembly of knights, who were not to be less than one hundred and ninety, nor so many as two hundred, and whose numbers were filled up by election from the sons of their own class. The people were intelligent, but little worthy of trust ; they were very active and powerful. Their only weapons were a short club and the stones with which their country abounded, and which supplied them also with building materials. Most of them went entirely naked, but some wore petticoats of palm leaves. They made no account of the precious metals, but set a high value on iron, which they worked with stones and made mto fishing-hooks ; * Maciot attempted, with the assistance of some Castilians, to subdue the island of Gomera, but without success. XXXU IXTRODUCTIOX. they even used stones for shaving. They had abund- ance of slieep, pigs, and goats, and tiieir iniimts were generally suckled by the latter. They had wheat, but had not the skill to make bread, and ate the meal with meat and butter. They had plenty of figs, dragon's-blood, and dates, but not of a good quality, and some useful herbs. They held it an abomination to kill animals, and emplo3^ed Christian captives as butchers when they could get them. They kindled fire by rubbing one stick against another. They believed in a God who would reward and punish, and some of them called themselves Christians. " The people of Gomera were less civilised. They had no clothing, no houses. Their women were regarded almost as common property, for it was a breach of hospitality for a man not to offer his wife to a visitor by way of welcome. They made their sisters' sons their heirs. They had a few pigs and goats, but lived chiefly on milk, herbs, and roots, like the beasts ; they also ate filthy things, such as rats and vermin. They spent their time chiefly in singing and dancing, for they had to make no exer- tion to gain their livelihood. They believed in a God, but were not taught obedience to any law. The fio-htino- men were seven hundred in nimiber, over whom was a captain with certain other oflicers. " In Tenerifle the people were much better ofl", and more civilised. They had plenty of wheat and vegetables, and abundance of pigs, sheep, and goats, and were dressed in skins. They had, however, no liouses, but passed their lives in huts and caves. INTUODITTIOX. XXXIll Their cliief occupation was war, and they fouglit with lances of pine-wood, made like great darts, very sharp, and hardened in the fire. There were eight or nine tribes, each of which had two kings, one dead and one living, for they had the strange custom of keeping the dead king unburied till his successor died and took his place : the body was then thrown into a pit. They were strong and active men, and had their own wives, and lived more like men than some of the other islanders. They believed in the existence of a God. " The people of Palma had neither bread nor vegetables, but lived on mutton, milk, and herbs ; they did not even take the trouble to catch fish like the other islanders. They fought with spears like the men of Teneriffe, but pointed them with sharp horn instead of iron, and at the other end they also put another piece of horn, but not so sharp as that at the point. They had some chiefs who were called kings. They had no knowledge of God, nor any faith whatever." The following is the account given half a century after the date of Bethencourt's conquest, by the Venetian Alvise Cadamosto, who, in 14. "5 .5, visited them while in the service of Prince Henry the Navigator. " Four of them," he says, " Lancerote, Fuerteven- tura, Gomera, and Ferro, were inhabited by Christians ; the other three. Grand Canary, Teneriffe, and Palma, by pagans. The governor of the former was a knight named Herrera, a native of Seville, and a subject of d XXXIV INTRODUCTIOX. the King of Spain. Tliey had barley-bread, goats'- flesh, and milk in plenty, for goats were very numer- ous ; they had no wine nor corn, except what was imported, and the islands produced but little fruit. There were great numbers of wild asses, especially in the island of Ferro. Great quantities of orchil for dyeing were sent from these islands to Cadiz and Seville, and thence to other parts both east and west. The chief products were goats'-leather, very good and strong, tallow, and excellent cheeses. The inhabitants of the four Christian islands spoke differ- ent languages, so that they could with difficulty understand each other. There were no fortified places in them, only villages ; but the inhabitants had retreats in the mountains, to which the passes were so difficult that they could not be taken except by a siege. Of the three islands inhabited by pagans, two were the largest and most populous of the group, viz., the Grand Canary, in which were about eight or nine thousand inhabitants, and Teneriffe, the largest of all, which contained from fourteen to fifteen thousand. Palma was not so well peopled, being smaller, but a very beautiful island. The Christians have never been able to subdue these three islands, as there were plenty of men of arms to defend them, and the mountain heights were difficult of access. Teneriffe, of whose peak Cadamosto speaks as being visible, according to some sailors' accounts, at a distance of two hundred and fifty Italian miles, and sixty miles liigh from the foot to the summit, was governed by nine chiefs, bearing INTRODUCTION. XXXV the title of dukes, wlio did not obtain the succession by iiiheritonce, but by force. Their weapons were stones, and javelins pointed with sharpened horn in- stead of iron, and sometimes the wood itself hardened by fire till it was as hard as iron itself. The inhabit- ants went naked, except some few who wore goats'- skins. They anointed their bodies with goats'-fat mixed with the juice of certain herbs, to harden their skins and defend them from cold, although the climate is mild. They also painted their bodies with the juice of herbs, green, red, and yellow, producing beautiful devices, and in this manner showed their individual character, much as civilised people do by their style of dress. They were wonderfully strong and active, could take enormous leaps, and throw with great strength and skill. They dwelt in caverns in the mountains. Their food was barley, goats'- flesh, and milk, which was plentiful. They had some fruits, chiefly figs, and the climate was so warm that they gathered in their harvest in March or April. They had no fixed religion, but some worshipped the sun, some the moon, and others the planets, with various forms of idolatry. The women were not taken in common among them, but each man might have as many wives as he liked. No maiden, how- ever, was taken till she had passed a night with the chief, which was held a great honour. These accounts were had from Christians of the four islands, who would occasionally go to Tenerifte by night and carry off men and women, whom they sent to Spain to be sold as slaves. It sometimes happened that d 2 XXXVl INTRODUCTION. the Christians were captured in these expeditions, but the natives, instead of kilUng them, thought it sufficient punishment to make them butcher their goats, and skin them, and cut them up, an occupa- tion which they looked upon as the most degrading that a man could be put to ; and at this work they kept them till they might be able to obtain their ransom. Another of their customs was, that when one of their chiefs came into possession of liis estate, some one among them would offer himself to die in honour of the festival. On the day appointed they assembled in a deep valley, when, after certain ceremonies had been performed, the self-devoted victim of this hideous custom threw himself from a great height into the valley, and was dashed to pieces. The chief was held bound in gratitude to do the victim great honour, and to reward his family with ample gifts." Cadamosto was told of this in- human custom, not only by the natives, but also by Christians who had been kept prisoners in the island. Cadamosto visited the islands of Gomera and Ferro, and also touched at Palma, but did not land, because he was anxious to continue his voyage. In 1414, the exactions and tyranny of Maciot de Bethencourt had caused Queen Catherine of Castile to send out three war caravels under the command of Pedro Barba de Campos, Lord of Castro Forte, to control him. Maciot, although only regent, for Jean de Bethencourt was still alive, ceded the islands to Barba and then sailed to Madeii-a, where he sold to Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator, INTRODUCTION. XXXVll these very islands of which he had just made cession to another, together with those which still remained to be conquered. Maciot subsequently sold them to the Spanish Count de Niebla, Pedro Barba de Campos sold them to Fernando Perez of Seville, and the latter again to the aforesaid Count de Niebla, who disposed of them to Guillem de las Casas, and the latter to his son-in-law Fernam Peraza. Meanwhile, the legi- timate proprietor, Jean de Bethencourt, left them by will to his brother Reynaud. But as yet there still remained unconquered the Great Canary, Palma, Teneriffe, and the small islands about Lancerote, and, in 1424, Prince Henry sent out a fleet under the command of Fernando de Castro, with two thousand five hundred infantry and a hundred and twenty horse, to effect the conquest of the whole of the islands ; but the expense entailed thereby, com- bined with the expostulations of the King of Castile, caused him to withdraw for a time from the under- taking. Subsequently, in the year 1446, he resumed his efforts at this conquest, but before taking any step he applied to his brother, Dom Pedro, who was then regent, to give him a charter prohibiting all Portu- guese subjects from going to the Canary Islands, either for purposes of war or commerce, except by his orders. This charter was conceded, with a further grant of a fifth of all imports from those islands. The concession was made in consideration of the great expenses which the Prince had incurred. In the following year, 1447, the Prince conferred the XXXVlll INTRODUCTION. chief captaincy of the island of Lancerote on Antam Gonsalves, who went out to enforce his claim ; but unfortunately, Azurara, from whom we derive this date, and who, as it was very near the period of his writing, would be little likely to be in erroi^ fails to tell us the result of Gonsalves' expedition. If we were to follow Barros and the Spanish historians, the date of this expedition would be much earlier. Be this as it may, when, in 1455, King Henry IV of Castile was married to Joanna, the youngest daughter of Dom Duarte, King of Portugal, Dom Martinho de Atayde, Count d'Atouguia, who escorted the Princess to Castile, received from King Henry the Canary Islands as an honorary donation. De Atayde sold them to the Marques de Menesco, who again sold them to Dom Fernando, Prince Henry's nephew and adopted son. In 14GG Dom Fernando sent out a new expedition under Diogo da Silva, but if we are to believe Viera y Clavijo, it was as unfortunate as its predecessors. But meanwhile, at the death of Fernam Peraza, his daughter Inez, who had married Diogo Garcia de Herrera, inherited her father's rights in the Cana- ries, and one of her daughters married Diogo da Silva. Still Spain maintained its claims, and it was not till 1479, when, on the 4th of Sep- tember, the treaty of peace was signed at Alca9ova, between Affonso V of Portugal and Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile, that the disputes of the two nations on this point were settled. The sixth article of that treaty (Torre do Tombo, Gav. 1 7, Mac. G, n. INTRODUCTION. XX XIX 16) provided that tlie conquests from Cape Non to the Indies, with the seas and islands adjacent, should remain in possession of the Portuguese, but the Canaries and Granada should belong to the Cas- tilians. An ethnoloo'ical examination of the inhabitants of the Canaries at the time of Bethencourt's conquest, as based upon the descriptions of their persons and manners, the peculiarities of their languages and the characteristics of the mummies which have been found, leaves little reason to doubt that the archi- pelago was peopled by two distinct races, viz., Berbers and Arabs, and that the tribes of the latter, which were in the minority in the western islands, had maintained the superiority in numbers and gained political supremacy in the eastern. The chaplains describe the natives of Lancerote and Fuerteventura as tall. Those of Great Canary and of Palma seem to have been of middle stature. The people of Gomera and Ferro are described by Galindo as small, while the mummies of the Guanches of Teneriffe show that they did not much exceed the latter in height. The natives of Lancerote and Fuerteventura had very brown complexions, while most of the inhabitants of Canary, Teneriffe, Gomera, Palma, and Ferro were more or less fair, or even quite blonde. In Lancerote, and perhaps in Fuerteventura, polyandry existed, and a woman would often have as many as three husbands ; while in the other islands monogamy was strictly maintained by law. The inhabitants of Fuerteventura binned their dead xl INTRODUCTION". in stone tombs. Those of Great Canary enclosed theirs in mounds of a conical or pyramidal shape. The Guanches of Teneriffe and of Palma embalmed the bodies of their relatives or simply deposited them in sepulchral caverns. The archipelago presented also great variety in the form of government. In the east, despotism and hereditary right, without distinction of sex, prevailed. In the west, women were entirely excluded from authority, and there existed a sort of aristocratic republicanism, in which authority was recognised and religiously preserved in certain families, but yet subjected, as each event occurred, to the sanction of a privileged body. The territory of the tribe was a sort of common patrimony, of which each member culti- vated his own part and enjoyed the proceeds, but the administration belonged only to the chief Venera- tion for age and submission to the experience of the head of the family was the principle which underlay this system of government. Don Antonio de Viana, who published in 1604 at Seville a work on the Antiguedades de las Islas Cana- rias, gives the following faithful summary of the cha- racteristics of the Guanches. He says — " They were virtuous, honest, and brave, and the finest qualities of humanity were found united in them : to wit, magna- nimity, skill, courage, athletic powers, strength of soul and of body, pride of character, nobleness of demeanour, a smiling physiognomy, an intelligent mind, and patriotic devotedness." Bontier and Le Verrier, hovvevei', dwelt much INTRODUCTION. xll more upon the doings of the Norman baron and the adventurers whom he had brought in his suite than on the history of the conquered people themselves. Their narrative treats of successes obtained in this first invasion, of the occupation of Lancerote, Fuerte- ventura, and Ferro, of the different excursions of the Normans in other parts of the archipelago, of an expedition of the conqueror to the coast of Africa/ and of his voyages to Europe. The two authors speak at length of the quarrels of the adventurers, of their combats with the natives, and of the system of administration established by Bethencourt in the conquered islands. One of them, Father Bontier, who, as we have said, was a Franciscan monk of St. Jouin de Marnes, officiated at Lancerote in the church of St. Martial de Rubicon, which Bethen- court had built in the castle of that name. The second, Le Yerrier, who was a priest, was mstalled first at Fuerteventura, as vicar in the chapel of Ste. Marie de Bethencourt, and returned afterwards to France with his lord, whom he attended at his death-bed as his chaplain. The MS. record of their recollections, begun in 1402 and finished in 1406, seems to have been written by Bontier and finished by Le Yerrier, for Bontier says, on the last page, in speaking of his companion, " Messire Jean le Yerrier, his chaplain (Bethencourt's), whom he had taken to and from the Canary Isles, wrote his will, and was with him all the time of his last illness"; so that it would seem highly ' This excursion, described on pp. 180-181, is, among others, the basis of the claim referred to on p. 1 of this Introduction. xlii INTRODUCTION. probable that the latter would record that of which he was the eye-witness. The MS. was brought to light by Galien de Bethencourt, Councillor of the parliament of Rouen, and edited in Paris, in 1 630,by Bergeron, whose opinion on the merits of this work is stated in the following terms in a Traicte des JVavigations -pvinted at the end of his edition, a learned and valuable piece of labour, but not free from inaccuracies. "With regard to this history, written according to the ignor- ance and simplicity of the time, it seems better to leave it in its rude and 7ia'ive, but sufficiently intelligible language, than to turn it into a more elegant form, as this gives one more confidence in its truth than all that one could now say. It has been taken from an ancient MS. made at the time, well painted and illuminated, and preserved in the library of M. de Bethencourt, which he has been so good as to com- municate to the public, an act for which he deserves the gratitude of all, on account of the interest that France must take in it." And here it will be well that we make some in- quiry into the antecedents and personal history of this Norman gentleman, in whose doings it was so justly said that " France must take an interest." Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Knight, Avas of noble birth, and held the title of Baron in right of the Barony of St. Martin le Gaillard in the Comte d'Eu, where he had a strong castle, which was taken and retaken several times in the wars with England. Monstrelet speaks of its final siege and ruin in 1419. It pjimo bv iiihoritance to Messire do Bethen- INTRODUCTION. xliii court from his cfrandmotlier Dame Isabeau de St. Martin. The earliest of his ancestors of whom we find mention was Philippe, Seigneur de Bethencourt and de St. Vincent de Rouvray, Knight, of the time of Louis VIII, who was buried in the church of the Priory of Sigy, where his tomb, and those of others of the family of yet older date, had been seen, as Bergeron tells us, by persons living in his time, that is, in the early part of the seventeenth century, but were demolished in the civil wars. This Philippe was the father of Begnault de Bethencourt, lord of the same places, as recorded in a Latin charter of the year 1282. Begnault was the father of Jean I, mentioned in a deed of exchange of the date of 1346, which latter married the above-mentioned Isabeau de St. Martin, by whom he had Jean II, as shown by other deeds of exchange of the date of 1358. Jean I perished at Honfleur in the company of Marshal de Clermont about the year 1357, and his widow married Mathieu de Bracquemont. Jean II married, in 1358, Madame Marie, daughter of Mes- sire Begnault de Bracquemont,-' who died in the affair at Cocherel, in 1364, in the company of Mes- sire Bertrand du Guesclin. The offspring of this marriage were Jean III, the conqueror of the Canaries, and Messire Begnault de Bethencourt, surnamed * Marie de Bracquemont's brother Robert became greatly renowned in the histories of France and Spain, and was made Admiral of France in 1418 ; and it was to him that his nephew, the subject of the present story, mortgaged his lands of Bethen- court and Grainvillc, apparently for the very purpose of fitting out the expedition here treated of xlvi INTllODUCTIOX. that photographs of two out of the numerous drawhigs which ilkistrate the vokime might be made for the purposes of the present edition. This was a great step gained, but with the above very reasonable embargo laid upon the employment of the MS., the result would have been but small, had it not been for such an exertion of friendship and of literary zeal on the part of M. d'Avezac as I, for one, never hope to find equalled in all my experience. Seventy winters had not sufiiciently cooled the generous blood of this venerable savant, the Hmnboldt of France, to deter him from the improhus labor of collating the whole of the manuscript with the text of Bergeron. This collation, written minutely in lines at distances of less than the eighth of an inch, and in a hand so firm and clear that I have never had to doubt the meaning of a single stroke, is a curiosity of caUgraphy. The neatness of the wanting is suggestive of the carefulness of the collation. Circumstances, which from motives of delicacy I refrain from describing, gave to this laborious act of kindness to myself a character of the noblest gene- rosity. The Hakluyt Society has only to do with the result, and their thanks are due to M. d'Avezac for the opportunity of issuing an edition of Bethen- court freed from the modifications of the ancient edition ; but I may be forgiven if I avail myself of the opportunity to say that the friendship talis tantique viri is one of the events in my life of which I have the greatest reason to be proud. Nor is this collation all for which I have to thank INTRODUCTION. xl VI I M. d'Avezac. No item of information lias he left unexamined or imdescribed for my guidance, and all the following facts are from his pen. The manuscript in Madame de Mont Ruffet's pos- session is in a volume thirty centimetres high and twenty broad, bound in wood, with a dark tawny gauffered cover. It has leather clasps with stamped brass clips, and there are four protruding bands at the back. Under the one cover are two works. 1. The Bethencourt MS. 2. A copy of a book (so says the explicit) without date, printed for Antoine Verard, and of which the following is the very instructive title : — " C'est la livre de la compilacion faicte par celluy qui point ne veult que gioire ne louenge len luy donne, pour son rude entendement et insufhsance, etc." The Bethencourt MS. consists of eighty-eight leaves, the first forty-eight of which have in the fili- grane a unicorn passant, placed across waterlines ; the following forty have in the filigrane the well known mark of the ox's head surmounted with a starred flower between the horns. The handwriting, which is unequal both as to carefulness and the distances of the lines, seems in one hand from the beginning down to the rest of leaf 83, where the text closes with what Bergeron reads as 1425 (the date of M. de Bethencourt's death), but which to M. d'Avezac has the appearance of 1422 (mil cccc et xxij). After which follow the words — " Cest livre est a Jehan de Bethencom't Escuier seio-neur De bethencourt." The five following leaves, which are devoted to genea- logical notices, are in different hands and of different xlvlil INTRODUCTION. dates, but the first three pages appear to be in the same hand as the body of the MS., except that on the third recto of leaf 85 there are interhnear and marginal additions made later. The latest date written by the first hand is the 2nd September, 1482, the date of the birth of the fourth child of Jean IV de Bethencourt ; at the birth of the fifth child, on the 12th September, 1485, the ink is no longer the same, and the writing, though perhaps by the same hand, showed signs of the lapse of a considerable time. Similar shades of difference be- tween the fifth and the sixth, and again between the sixth and the seventh, and still more between the seventh and the eighth. From this circumstance, of all the first four entries of birth being in one hand, and that the same as the body of the MS., M. d'Avezac concludes that the MS. was executed, or at any rate finished, as far as the recto of leaf 85, at a date very little later than the 2nd September, 1482, when the head of the family was Jean IV, son of Kegnault and nephew of Jean III, the conqueror of the Canaries. Without detailing the intervening genealogical entries, it will sufiice to state that the most recent addition is a marginal note on the recto of leaf 85, but undated, which mentions Galien de Bethencourt, Councillor of the Parliament of Ilouen, who was possessor of the MS. when Bergeron had it placed in his hands somewhat before 1630. The distribution of the chapters in the original MS. does not agree with that adopted by Bergeron, who, moreover, has altered the headings of manv of them. INTKODL'LTIOX. .\ll\ M. d'Avezac, with the considerate purpose of giving- nie as the editor the most perfect acquaintance with the differences between the original MS. and Bergeron's edition, has supphed me with a most painstaking and ehiborate detail of all the specialities of the former. I cannot speak too gratefully of the conscientiousness which, with this object in view, inspired the execution of so great an amount of hard work, rendered charming by that zealous interest in minute details which could only come from, or be appreciated by, a genuine antiquary. I do not however think it needful to lay before the reader more than a summary of that which was thus fully written for my own enlightenment. In the original MS. there occurred, at places where no headmgs or titles were supplied, "coupures" or divisions in the chapters, as if suggestive of new- chapters being there intended. The rubricated titles in the original were of the same period as the body of the MS., although, like the illuminated capitals, in- serted subsequently, and often in spaces insufficiently large. These titles are numbered up to Chapter l in- clusive, but the numbering is evidently a later addi- tion, probably by Galien de Bethencourt, whose hand- writing M. d'Avezac thinks he recognises therein. But this brings me to speak of another manuscript document connected with the edition prepared in 1025 by Galien de Bethencourt, but published only in 1630 under the editorial care of Pierre Bergeron. It is written on paper folio size and covered witli parchment. It had passed in 1732 from tlie Coislin 1 INTKODUCTION. Library {olim Segueriana) to tliat of St. Germain des Pres, whence it migrated at the E-evolution to the National Library, where it bears the No. 18629 among the French MSS. It is a series of notes and accessory pieces, which Bergeron appears to have thought useless, as he says nothing of them ; four- teen pieces of verse in Latin, French, and Greek, addressed generally " nobilissimo clarissimoque Viro Domino de Bethencourt, Senatus Bothomagensis Consiliario Begio," and beginning with a sextuple acrostic on the theme " Galenus Bethencurtius," in twenty verses, each of which repeats six times his initial letter, "Grande Genus Graio Generate Galene Galerio," and so on. Pro tota operis votiva dedica- tione Exachrosticon {sic). The author of most of these pieces is D. D. Petrus Quevilly, Bector of the church of Le Bosguerard. After the twelve leaves devoted to this poetical garland, formerly so much in fashion, follow five leaves, bearing above the left border the title, "Suitte des chapitres de I'Histoire." And here is an important point to notice : Bergeron, altering the original series of chapters and their titles after his own ideas, numbered them up to 93, while Galien de Bethencourt in this document makes them tally with the original MS., and, continuing the numbers (interrupted at No. 50 in the MS.), reaches a total of only 87 numbered chapters. He does not fail, however, to take scrupulous account of tlie "coupures," some of which Bergeron had entirely disregarded. The result Is, that chapters 52, 50, 03, 74, 70, 80, I.NTHUDUCTION. li 84 of Bergeron, are in tlie MS. 52, 55, Gl, 71, 72, 70, 80, each in two parts, of which the first only bears a number, and thus chapter 93 of Bergeron is chapter 87 and last of the MS. In compliance with a suggestion of M. d'Avezac, however, I have paid regard to every " coupure" in the original MS., restored the titles to their original form and place, as supplied to me by him, and, in the few places where titles were wanting, have supplied them in the concisest form possible, enclosing them in brackets to prevent any mistake as to their origin. The following table will show the mutual correspondence in the numeration of the chapters adopted respec- tively by M. d'Avezac, Bergeron, and Galien de Bethencourt, A standing for the first, B for the second, and G for the third. It must be premised that all three are in unison with respect to chapters 5 to 51 inclusive. These chapters therefore are omitted. With Bergeron's edition in hand, it is hoped that the bibliographer, who takes an interest in the matter, will be enabled by the table clearly to recognise the modifications in each case. G. 80 b 81 82 83 84 85 86 a 86 b 87a 87b 87c A. B. G. A. B. G. A. B. G. A. B. 1 la 61 61 59 74 74 71a 87 85 2 Ib-f 2a 62 62 60 75 75 rib 88 86 3 2 b + 3 63 63 61a 76 76 a 72 a 89 87 4 4 64 64 61b 77 76 b 72 b 90 88 52 52 52a 65 65 62 78 77 73 91 89 53 53 52 b 66 66 63 79 78 74 92 90 54 54 53 67 67 64 80 79 ^75 93 91 55 55 54 68 68 65 81 80 a 76a 94 92 56 56 55a 69 69 66 82 80 b 76b 95 93a 57 57 55 b 70 70 67 83 81 77 96 93 b 58 58 56 71 71 68 84 82 78 97 93c 50 59 57 72 72 69 85 83 79 60 60 58 —it 1 o 7o 70 86 84 80 a iil TNTIIODUCTIOX. The collation of the text whicli M. d'A vezac lias made does not profess to be literal, but only verbal ; and, altliougli in the first instance he had not anticipated that our Society would care to print the foreign text concurrently with the English version, I was happy to find that, in spite of the absence of absolute literal revision, the plan met with his strong approval. Speaking of the orthography of the ori- ginal, he says, "It is very variable, and often faulty. To meet the requirements of some hypercritical philo- logists, it would be requisite to reproduce the MS. scrupulously with all its varieties and orthographical errors. I do not share that opinion, and think it wiser to hold a uniform orthography, derived from the most frequent and best established examples in the MS. ; although for the proper names I would retain exactly the different spellings employed." In conforming practically to these suggestions, I have not simply acted from deference to M. d'A vezac, but from entire concurrence with his judgment. And here I may reasonably be asked why this manu- script, executed in 1482, or thereabouts, should be de- scribed as original, when the events recorded took place nearly sixty years earlier. It must be granted that the expression should be used in a modified sense. This MS. is the earliest fair transcrijjt of the original rough draft of the narrative of Bethencoiu't's chap- lains. It may well be conceived that that rough draft, precious indeed as it would be if it could be found, having been drawn up in the actual course of the cxiH'dition, and consequently under circumstances INTIlODll'TloX. Jill tlio most unfavouvabk', would exliibit 1)nt little of the symmetry, beauty, and dignity, which we should look for in a monumental record of a great achieve- ment. We may also venture on a shrewd guess that Regnault de Bethencourt, the successor of the conqueror, who had been left an impoverished in- heritance as the consequence of his brother's un- merited jealousy and revenge, would have but little heart, and perhaps less means, for the indulgence of the dilettante pleasure of having a costly copy made of the record of that brother's conquest. But when his son Jean [sans terres], fourth of the name, born in 1432, after long legal processes, recovered the domains of which his father had been deprived, it becomes easy to understand that he recollected that his uncle was a conqueror and a king, and that he would take a pride in the execution of this artistic monument to the flimily glory, which should be an heirloom and at the same time a register of the births of the legitimate inheritors of the hero's name. Furthermore, this MS. is the one M'hich, in due time descending to Galien de Bethencourt, formed the basis of the edition which he prepared in 1G2.5, and which, appeared in print under the editorship of Bergeron in 1G30. It is on these grounds that I have called it the original MS. It is handsomely illuminated with elaborate initial letters, with the arms of Bethencourt and with 85 illustrative draw- ings, Gl on a red, and 24 on a grey, ground. Per- mission being granted by Madame de Mont Uuflfet to have two of tliese photogra])li('d for this edition, liv INTilODUCriON. M. d'Avezac judiciously selected tlie one exhibiting the arms of Bethencourt, and a drawing on which were represented the banners of Bethencourt and Gadifer de la Salle, the latter of which bears a cross, M. d'Avezac has taken considerable pains to dis- cover the colours of the arms of the La Salles, but in vain. It may be mentioned that, although it was at La Bochelle that Gadifer de la Salle joined Bethen- court's expedition, the name is connected with more than one Norman locality, a fact which suggests a facility of introduction between the two adventurers. And now a word as to the title of the work. Bergeron, losing sight of what is said in the original introduction, or, as he calls it, " The Author's Pre- face," in which occurs the expression " Et pour ce est ce livre nonnue le Canarien," made up a title after his own fasliion ; but Galien de Bethencourt, ill his MS. of 1625, drew one up more in conformity with the primary intention. It is that which the reader will find preceding the text, and a translation of which has been adopted for the title of the present edition. I must not close without recording the Society's indebtedness to the Bight Hon. Sir David Dundas for his kindness in lending me his very handsome copy of Bergeron's edition to work from ; a copy which has the rare advantage of containing the portrait of Bethencourt, a woodcut copy of which is given as a frontispiece to the present work. There is no warranty for the authenticity of the j^ortrait. The best argu- ments in favour of the supposition that it may have INTRODUCTION. Iv bcen derived from a P'eniiine orio-lnal are the followiiio-. o o o 1. The conqueror survived his return from the Canaries to Normandy nineteen years, 2. The distinction whicli he had earned for himself, as one who was to hve in the minds of men, would suggest the desirable- ness of a j)ortrait of some kind. 3. The engraved portrait was issued with tlie sanction of Galien de Bethencoiu't, the hereditary possessor of the family documents. 4, It exhibits a remarkable distortion m the left eye which, if unwarranted by a prototype, would be a needless defect, very unlikely to be fancifully inserted in the portrait of an otherwise handsome man. ARMS OF MONSEIGNEUR LE BARON DE BETHENCOURT, OF GRAINVILLE LA TEINTURTERE EN CAUX. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. Inasmuch as, through hearing the great adventures, bohl deeds, and fair exploits of those who in former times under- took voyages to conquer the heathen in the hope of con- verting them to the Christian faith, many knights have taken heart and sought to imitate them in their good deeds, to the end that by eschewing all vice, and following virtue, they might gain everlasting life ; in like manner did Jean de Bethencourt, knight, born in the kingdom of France, undertake this voyage, for the honour of God and the maintenance and advancement of our faith, to certain islands in the south called the Canary Islands, which are inhabited by unbelievers of various habits and languages. Of these the Great Canary is one of the best, largest, and most amply supplied with men, provisions, and every- thing else. For this reason this book is called the Canarian PovRCE qu'il est vray que maints cheualiers eu oliant retraire les grands auantures, les vaillances, at les biaux faits de ceux qui au temps passe ont entreprins de faire les voyages et les conqucstes sur mescreans, en esperance de les tourner et conuertir a la foy Chrestienne, out prins coeur hardiment, et volente de les ressembler en leurs bieu faicts, et afin d'euiter tous vices, et estro vertueux, et que a la fin de leurs iours puissent acquerir vie pernianable; Jean de Bethencourt, Cheualier, ne du Royaume de France, eut entreprins ce voyage a Fhonueur de Dieu, et au sous- tenement et accroissement de nostre foy, es parties Meridiennes, en certaines Isles qui scut sur celle bende, qui se dient les Isles de Canare, habitees de gens mescreans de diuerses loix et de diuers langages, dont la grand' Canare est vne des meilleures, et des plus principales et mieux peuplee de gens et de viures, et de toutcs autres choscs ; pour eo est ce liurc nomme le Canarien. li 2 AUTHOR S PREFACE. book ; and in it, if so it please God, will bo found things whicli in time to come will be tliouglit very remarkable. We, Brother Pierre Bontier, monk of St. Jouin de Marnes, and Jean le Verrier, priest, servants of the aforesaid de Bethencourt, have begun to set down in writing most of what happened to him at the outset, and also the form of his government, which we had the opportunity of being thoroughly acquainted with, from the time of his leaving the kinsfdom of France until his arrival at the islands on the 19th day of April, 1406.^ Thenceforward the description has passed into the hands of others, who will carry it to the conclusion of his conquest; and may God, Who sees and knows all things, grant, of His holy grace, to those who shall loyally persist therein, knowledge, understanding, strength, and power to complete the conquest and bring it to a happy end, so that it may be a good example to all those who, from devotion, have the courage and the will to employ their bodily energies for the maintenance and exaltation of the Catholic faith. auquel, s'il plaist a Dieu, on trouuera an temps aduenir de bien estranges choses en escrit. Et nous Freve Pierre Bontier, moine de Sainct Jouin de Marnes, & Jean le Verrier, prestre, et serai- teurs du dit de Bethencourt dessus nomme, auons commence a raettre en escrit le plus des choses qui luy sont aduenues a son commencement, & aussi la maniere de son gouuernement, dont nous pouuons auoir eu vraye connoissance des ce qui se partit du Royaume de France, iusques au 19 iour d'Auril, 1406, que le dit Bethencourt est arriue es Isles de par dc^a ; et la en auant est venue I'escriture en autres mains, qui la poursuiuront iusques a la fin de sa conqueste : & Dieu, qui tous voit & tout cognoist, veueille par sa saincte grace donner a ceux qui loyaument s'y sont mainteniis & maintiendront, sens, entenderaent, force, & pviissauce de parfaire la conqueste, & mener a bonne fin, en maniere que ce soit bo exemple a. tous ceux, qui par dcuotiou ont courage & voulcnte d'employer Icur corps & leur cheuance au soustenemcnt & a I'exaltation de la foy Catholiquo. ^ This appears to be a niistako, for in chaiitiT -l.') Botlu'iicourt is said to first reacli the island of Lancerote in the month of July. HISTORY CONQUEST OF THE CANARIES. CllAPTEU I. — How Mouseigneur de Betliencourt set out from Grain- ville, and went to La llochelle, and thence to Spain, and what befel him. It was the custom in old times to record in writing the deeds of chivahy and marvellous feats of the valiant con- querors of former days, as is seen in our ancient histories. We here propose to speak of the enterprise undertaken by the Sieur de Bethencourt, chevalier and baron, born in the kingdom of France in Norm an dy, who set out from his house of Grainville la Teinturiere en Caux, and came to Rochelle, and there fell in with Gadifer de la Sale, a good and worthy knight, who was then starting on his adventures. In a conversation between them, Monseigneur de Bethen- [Chapitre I.] — Cornme Monseigneur de Betliencourt se partit de Grainu'de, et s'en alia a la Bochelle, et de Id en Espaif/ne. Vn temps jadis souloit-on mettre en escrit les bonnes Cheualeries, et les estranges choses que les vaillans conquereurs sonloient faire au temps passe, ainsi qu'on trouue es auciennes liistoires ; Voulons nous icy faire mention de I'entreprise que Bethencourt, Cheualier et Baron, ne du Royaume de France en Normandie, lequel Bethencourt se partit de son hostel de Grainuille la Taincturiere en Caulx, et s'en vint a la Rochelle, ct la trouua Gadifer de la Sale, vn bon et honneste Cheualier, lequel alloit a son aduantures, et out parole entre le dit Bethencourt et Gadifer, et luy demanda Monseigneur de Bethencourt quelle part il li 2 4 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST court asked Gadifer what he thought of doing; and when the latter replied that he was going to seek his fortune, Mon- seigneur de Bethencourt said that he was very glad to have met with him, and^ describing to him his own intended enterprise, asked Gadifer if it would be agreeable to him to join him in it. Gadifer was rejoiced to hear of the pro- posed expedition, and many courteous words passed be- tween the two which it would be tedious here to repeat. Accordingly, on the first of May, 1402, Monseigneur de Bethencourt, with Messer Gadifer and all his retinue, set sail from La Rochelle for the lands of Canary, to see and explore all the countiy, with the view of conquering the islands, and bringing the people to the Christian faith. They had a very good ship, well provided with men, victual, and everything requisite for their voyage. They had intended to make for Belle Isle, but at the Isle de Ec they met with a foul wind, and consequently steered a course for Spain, and arrived at the port of Vivicres (Vivero in Gallicia), where Monseigneur de Bethencourt and his company stayed vouloifc tirer, et le dit Gadifer disoit qu'il alloit a son aduanture, adonc Monseigneur de Bethencourt luy dIt qu'il estoit fort ioyeux de I'auoir trouue, et luy demanda s'il luy plaisoit de venir en sa compagnie, en contant au dit Gadifer son entreprinse, et tant que ledit Gadifer fut tout joyeux de I'ouir parler, et de Tentreprinse qui estoit faicte par ledit de Bethencourt. II y eut trop moult de belles paroles entre eux deux, qui trop longues seroient a raconter. Adonc se partit Monseigneur do Bethen- court et Messire Gadifer, et touto son armee de la Roclielle, le premier iour de May, mil quatre ecus et deux, pour venir es parties de Canare, pour voir et visiter tout le pays, en csperance do conquerir les isles, et mettre les gens a la foy Chrestienne, avec tres bon nauire, et suffisamment garny de gens et de vitailles, et de toutes les cboses qui lour ostoicnt necessaires pour leur voyage, et deuoient tenir le cliemin de Belle-Isle, mais au passer de I'isle de Re, ils eurent vent contraire, et addresserent Umr voye en Espagne, et arriverent au port de Viuieres, et la (It'ineuia Monseigneur do Betlionoourt et sa compagnie huit OK TlIK, CANARIKS. eiglit days. There was a great deal of disagreement between several of the ship's company, so that tho voyage was in great risk of coming to nothing, but the Sieur do Betheucourt and Messer Gadifer succeeded in quieting them. CllAPTEn II. — How Bethencourt and his army arrived at Corunna and there found the Earl of Cruuford and the Ijord de llely. Thence the Sieur de Betheucourt, Messer Gadifer de la Sale and the other nobles, came to la Coulogne (Corunna), where they found a Scottish earl, the Lord de Hely, Messer Rasse de Rent}^, and many others, with their retinue. Here Monseigneur de Bethencourt landed, and went to the town, where he had some business to do, and found that they were stripping many of the fittings from a ship which had been captured — we do not know from whom. AVhen Bethencourt saw this, he begged the earl that he might be allowed to take from the ship anything which might be of service to him, and the eai^l gave him leave, iours, et y eut grand discord entre plusieurs gens de la compagnie, tant que le voyage fnt en grand danger d'estre rompu, mais ledit Seig. de Bethencourt, et Messire Gadifer les rappaisserent. [Chapitre II.] — Comme Bethencourt et son armSe arrivirent d la Coulongne et trouverent le Comte de Crafort et le Sire de Hely. Adonc se partit de la le sieur Bethencourt, auec luy Messire Gadifer de la Sale, et autres Gentil-liomes, et vindrent Ji la Coulogne, et y trouuerent vn Comte d'Escosse, le Sire de Hely, Messire Rasse de Renty et plusieurs autres auec leur armee. Si descendit Monseigneur de Bethencourt a terre, et alia ii la ville ou il auoit a besongner, et trouua qu'il defaisoient vno nef de plusieurs habillemens qu'ils auoient prinse, nous ne s^auons sur qui. Quand Bethencourt vid cela, il pria le Comte qu'il pensfc prendre de la ncf aucuncs clioscs qui leur estoicnt nccessaires, ct 6 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST whereupon Betliencourt went to the ship, and caused an anchor and a boat to be taken and brought to his own vessel. When, however, the Lord de Hely and his companions became aware of this they murmured and were displeased, and Messer Easse de Kenty went to them, and told them that the Lord de Hely did not at all approve of their taking either the boat or the anchor. Bethencourt answered that it was done with the sanction of the Earl of Crauford, and that they would not restore them. When the Lord de Hely heard this answer, he came to Monseigneur de Bethencourt, and told him that he must bring back, or cause to be brought back, what he had taken from the ship, but he still rephed that he had done it by leave of the earl, and many high words ensued. Whereupon, Monsieur de Bethencourt said to the Lord de Hely, " Take your boat and anchor in God^s name, and be off.^^ Nay, so please you, answered the Lord de Hely, I shall do nothing of the sort, but I insist on their being brought back to-day, or I shall take other steps. Bethencourt and Gadifer replied, '*^Take them if you will, le Corate lay octroya, et Bethencourt s'en alia en la nef, et fit prendre vne aricre et vn batel, et les fit amener a sa nef. Mais quand le Seigneur de Hely et ses corapagnons le sceurent, ils n'en furent mie contens, et leur en despleut ; et vint Messire Rasse de Renty vers eux, et leur dit qu'il ne plaisoit mie au Sire de Hely qu'ils eussent le batel, ne Tancre. Bethencourt leur respondit que c'estoit par la volonte du Comte de Craforde, et qu'ils ne le rendroyeut point : ouye leur response, le Sire de Hely vint vers Monseigneur de Betliencourt, et luy dit qu'il ramenast, ou fist ramener ce qu'il auoit prins de leur nef, et il luy respondit qu'il anoit fait par le conge du Comte. Si y eut de grosses paroles asscz. Quand Monsieur do Bethencourt vid cela, il dit au Sieur de Hely, prenez bate! et ancre de par Dieu, et vous en allcz. Puis qu'il vous plaist, respondit le Sire do Hely, ce ne feray-je mie, aincliois les y fcray mener aujourd'huy, ou i'y pouruoiray autremcnt : respondit ledit Bethencourt et OF THE CANARIES. 7 for WO have sometliing- else to do." As he said this, Bethencourt was on the point of sailing, and was about to lift his anchors and leave the port. In fact immediately afterwards he set sail. When they saw this, they manned a boat and followed after Bethencourt, but came only within speaking distance, and much was said which would be tedious to relate. However, they received no other answer than what was given at the first, and so they were fain to return. Chaptek III. — How Monsieur de Bethcncourt was accused by the Genoese, Placentian, and English merchants. Monsieur de Bethencourt and his company then proceeded on their voyage, and after rounding Cape Finisterre, followed the coast of Portugal as far as Cape St. Vincent, and then changed their course and made for Seville. At Cadiz, which is near the strait of Marocco, they remained a Gadifer, prenez les si vous voulez, car nous auons autre chose a fuire. Ledit Bethencourt estoit sur son partir et vouloit leuer les ancres et soy tirer hors du port, et incontinent se partit. Qvant ils virent cela, ils armerent vne galiotte et vindrent apres ledit Bethencourt, mais ils n'ajDprocheret point plus pres, fors qu'on parla a eux, et y eut assez de paroles qui trop longues seroyent a raconter. Ils n'eurent one autre chose, ne autre response, que ainsi la premiere estoit, et s'eu retournerent a tant. [CiiAPn'RE III.] — Comme Monsleiir de Bethencourt fut accuse par les marchands Genevois, Plesautuis, et Aiujlois. Et Monsieur de Bethencourt et sa compagnie prindrent leur chemin, et quand ils eurent double le Cap de Fine-terre, ils suiuirent la costiere de Portugal, iusqucs au Cap de S. Vincent, puis reployercnt, et tindreut le chemin de Siuille, et arriuerent au port de Cali.v, qui est assez pres du destroit de Marroc, et ils a HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST long time. Here de Bethencourt was detained ; for the Genoese, Placentian, and English merchants resident at Seville, who had lost their goods at sea, although by whose hands they knew not, brought accusations against him and his before the King's Council, to the effect that they could recover none of their goods, for they said that he and his crew were robbers, and had sunk three ships, and taken and pillaged all the contents. Bethencourt landed and went to Port St. Mary's, to learn what had happened, and was there made prisoner and taken to Seville ; but when the King's Council had spoken to him, and he had made his reply, they begged him to let the matter rest, and that no more should be said about it at present, and so they set him at liberty. Whilst he was at Seville, some of the sailors, actuated by evil motives, so discouraged all the company, by saying that they had too little food, and that they were being brought out to die, that, out of eighty people only fifty-three remained. Bethencourt returned to the ship, and with this small y sejourneret longuemet. Et fut ledit de Bctliencourt empesche; car les marchands demourans en Seuille, qui auoient perdu le leur sur la mer, que Ton ne sgauoit parqui, e'est a scauoir les Janevois, Plesantins, et les Anglois, les accuserent tellement devers le Conseil du Roy, qu'ils ne peuvent rien recouurer, en disant qu'ils estoient robeurs, et qu'ils auoient affondre trois nauires, et prins et pille ce qui estoit dedans. Si descendit Bethencourt a terre, et alia a S. Marie du Port, pour scauoir que e'estoit, si fut prins et mene en Siuille : mais quand le Conseil du Roy eut parle j\ luy, et il lour eut fait response, ils luy prierenfc que la chose demourast ainsi, et qu'il n'en fust plus parle quanfc a present, et le deliurercnt tout au plain, et luy estant en Siuille, les mariniers mens de mauuais courages descouragerent tellement toute la copagnie, en disant qu'ils auoiet peu de viures, et qu'on les menoit niourir, que de quatre vingt porsonucs n'en demoura que cinquantc trois. Bethen- court s'cn reviut en la ncf, et auec ainsi peu do gens qui leur cu or THE CANARIES. residue contiuued his voyage, in which those who I'cniiiined with liiin and had not consented to the evil doings of Berthin do ]icrneual' suffered much poverty, trouble, and labour in a variety of waj's, as you will hereafter hear. CiiArxER IV. — How they loft Spain and arrived at the island of Lancerote. So they left the port of Cadiz and put out to sea. For three days they were becalmed and made no progress. The weather then cleared, and in five days they came to the island of Graciosa. They embarked at the island of Lancerote, and Monsieur de Bethencourt went inland and made great efforts to capture some of the people of Canary, but without success, for as yet he did not know the country: so he returned to Port Joyeuse without doing any- thing more. demourerent prindrent leur voyage, auquel ceux qui sent de- rnourez auee Bethencourt, efc n'ont mie voulu consentir aux mauuais faicts de Berthin de Berneual, ont souffert moult de pauurete, de peine, et de trauail en plusieurs raanieres, ainsi que vous orrez cy apres. [Chapitre IV.] — Comme Us se partlrent (TEspagne, et arriuerent en lllle Lancelot. Et aprcs se partirent du Port de Calix, et se mirent en haute mer, et furent trois iours en bonasse, sans auancer leur cherain se peu non, et puis s'addressa le temps, et furent en cinq iours au port de I'lsle Gratieuse, et descendirent en I'lsle Lancelot, et entra Monsieur de Bethencourt par le pays, et mit grande diligence de prendre des gens de Canare, mais il ne peut, car il ne s9auoit mie encore le pays ; si retourna au port de loyeuse sans autre chose faire. Et lors Monsieur de Bethencourt de- ^ The author's thouglits seem so full of this man's villainy that he imagines him already presented to the reader, who will, however, be- come better acquainted with him further on. 10 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST M. de Bctlicncourt then asked Messer Gadifer de la Sale and the other nobles what they recommended to he done ; and it was determined that they should form themselves into companies and spread themselves over the country, and not leave until they had found some of the natives. Pre- sently some were perceived coming down from the moun- tains. These came forward, and made an arrangement with M. de Bethencourt that the King of the country should hold a conference with him in the presence of Gadifer and several other nobles. The King accordingly came and did homage to Bethencourt and his company, as a friend, not as a subject, and they promised to him and his protection from all those who might seek to harm them. But this promise was not kept, as you shall more fully hear hereafter. The Saracen King and M. de Bethencourt continued on friendly terms, and the Sieur de Bethencourt had a castle built there named Rubicon. There M. de Bethencourt left a part of his company, and as it appeared to him that one named Berthin de Berneual was a man of energy, he en- manda a Messiro Gatlifor de la Sale, et aux antres gCtilliommes, qa'il leur estoit aduis de faive ; fat aduise qu'ils prendroient des conipagnons, cfc se rcmottroient au pays, ct n'cn partii-oient iusques a tant qu'ils cusseut trouue des geus ; et tantost en fufc trouue qui descendirent des niontagnes, et vindrent par dcuer eux, et appointerent que le Roy da pays viendroit parler a M. de Bethencourt, en la presence de Gadifer et plusieurs autres Gentillioinraes, et se vint ledit Roy en I'obeissance dudit Bethen- court et de la compagnie, comrae amis, non mio comme sabicts, et leur prorait-on qu'on les gai'deroit a I'encontre de tout ceux qui leur voudroient mal faire. Mais on ne lour a mie bien tern conuenant, ainsi comme vous orrez plus ei plain cy ajircs declare. Et demom-crent ledit Roy Sarrasin ct M. de Bethencourt d'accord, et fit fairo le dit Sieur de Bethencourt vn chastel, qui s'appelle Rubicon. Et laissa M. do Bethencourt vno partio de sa coui- pagiiic! sciublant audil de Bothencoiirt qu'uu nomim'' Berthin do Uernevul esioit hoiniuc do bonne dih'gcMice, I'l hiy luiilla tout lo OF THE CANARIES. 11 trusted to him the government of liis people and of tlio country; wliilc he liimself and Gadifer do hx Salle, with the rest of the company, passed over to the island of Erbanio called Forteventura. CuAPTEU V. — How INIonsicur do Betliciicourt, by the advice of Gadifer de la Salle, left the island of Lanccrote to go to the island of Erbanie called Forteventura. Soon afterwards Monsieur de Bethencourt advised with Gadifer that an expedition should go to the island of Forte- ventura by night, and accordingly it was done. Gadifer and Rcmouet de Levedan, with a company, pushed on as far as they could until they came to a mountain where was a fresh running spring. Here they made great efforts to find their enemies, and were much vexed that they could not fall in with them. These latter, however, had withdrawn to the further end of the country, as soon as they had seen the ships arrive in the port. Gadifer and gouuernement dc scs gens ct du pays : puis passa ledit dc Bethencourt et Gadifer do la Sale auec le surplus de suditc compagnie, en I'lsle d'Albainie nominee Forte- Aduantui'c. Chapitue V. — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt se pari'd de VIsle Lancelot, pour alter en VIsle d'Erhane, nommee Forte Auanturc, par le conseil de Gadifer de la Salle. Et tantost apres Monsieur de Bethencourt print conseil do Gadifer qu'on iroit de nuict en ladite Isle de Forte- Ad uanture, et ainsi fut fait, le dit Gadifer et Remouet de Leuedan a tout vne partie des compagnons y allerent tout le plus auant qu'ils peuvent, ct iusques a vne montagne, la oil est vne fontainc viue et courante et mirent grande peine ct grande diligence d'encon- trer leurs enncmis, bien mai'ris qu'ils ne Ics peuvent trouuer ; niais s'estoient lesdits ennemis retraits en rautro bout du pays, des adonc ((u'ils virent arriucr la naiiires an j»or(, ct dcmeura 12 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST his company stayed tliei'e eiglit days, and were then obliged to return for want of bread to the port of Lobos. The knights then held a council, and determined that they would go by land along the shore to a river called the Vien de Palme, and encamp at its mouth ; that the ship should haul in as close as possible, and send them their provisions on shore, and that they would fortify themselves at that point, and not leave until the country should be conquered and the inhabitants brought to the Catholic faith. Chapter VI. — How the mariners refused Gadifer admission on board of his own ship. Robin le Brument, master mariner of a ship which Gadifer affirmed to be his, would neither tarry nor receive either Gadifer or his companions on board, but agreed, on condi- tion of receiving hostages, to pass them over to the island of Lancerote ; otherwise they would be left behind without ledit Gadifer, et la compagnie huict iours, taut qu'il leur conuint retourner, par faute de pain, au port de Louppes, et puis prin- drent lesdits Cheualiers conseil ensemble, et ordounerent qu'ils s'en iroient par terre an long du pays iusqnes a vne riuiere nommee la Vien de Palme, et se logerent sur le bout d'icelle riuiere ; et que la nef se retrairoit tout le plus pres qu'elle pourroit, et leur descendroient leurs \dui'es a terre, et la se fortifieroient, et n'en partiroient iusques a tant que le pays seroit conquis, et mis les habitans a la foy Catholique. Chapitre Yl.—Comme les maronniers refmerent Gadifer de la nef mcsmes. Robin le Brument maistre marinier d'vne nef que ledit Gadifer disoit auoir, no vouloit pins dcmeurcr nc recueillir Gadifer et sos comi)agnons, ct conuint (ju'ils cussent ostagcs pour les rcpasser en rislc Lancelot, on autrcincnt ils fusscnt dcmourcz par dcla HOW THE MARINERS REFUSED GADIFER ADMISSION ON BOARD OF HIS OWN SHIP. OF TIIK CANAUIKS. 13 any provisions; and Kobiu 15rument luul Vincent Cerent sent word by Colin Brument^ a brother of the former, to say that Gadifer and his companions should not come on board with more men than they had in the ship ; and so they took Gadifer and his bastard son Hannibal as hostages on board the ship's boat, the former being- in great heaviness of heart at finding himself in such a state of subjection that he was debarred from the use of his own property. Chapter VII. — How Monsieur de Betlicncourt went away to Spain, and left Messire Gadifer in charge of the islands. Then Monsieur de Bethencourt and Gadifer returned to the castle of Rubicon, and while they were there many of the seamen who were very evilly inclined showed impatience to get away. Therefore the Sieur de Bethencourt, by the advice of Gadifer and many other nobles, resolved to go with the said seamen to satisfy their requirements, and to return as soon as might be possible with fresh men and victuals. sans viures nuls, et firent dire Robin Brument, et Vincent Cerent, par Colin Brument son frere a Gadifer, que luy et ses compagnos n'entroiet point plus forts qu'eux en la nef, et les rapasserent au bastel de la nef en laquelle il entra luy et Hannibal son bastard en grad douleur de coeur de ce qu'il estoit en telle subiection, qu'il no se pouuoit aider du sien propre. Chapitre VII. — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt s'en alia en Espagne, et laissa Messire Gadifer, a qu' il donna lo clamje des Isles. Adonc Monsieur de Bethencourt, et Gadifer reuindrent au chastel de Rubicon, et quand il furent la, les maronniers pensans grand mauuaistie se hasterent moult d'eux en aller. Si ordonne ledit Sieur de Bethencourt par le conseil dudit Gadifer, et de plusieurs autres gentilshommes, qu'il s'en iroit auee lesdits maronniers, pour les venir secourir a leurs nccessitcz, et que le plutost qu'il pourroit rcuiendroit, et ameneroit aucuns refraichisscments de 14 HISTOEY OF THE CONQUEST They tlieu desired the seamen to put on shore all the provisions that were in the ship except those necessary for their homeward voyage. And they did so, but not without doing as much damage as they could both to the artillery and other things which would afterwards have been of great service. Monsieur de Bethencourt now left the port of Rubicon with the seamen, and came to the other end of the island of LancerotOj and there remained. He then sent to Rubicon for Messire Jean le Verrier the priest, who was his chap- lain, to whom he said many things in confidence, as well as to one Jean le Courtois, to whose charge he committed all matters which might affect his honour and profit, and he enjoined on them to look well to everything that had to be done, and that they two should be united as brothers, and always maintain peace and harmony among the rest; for his own part he assured them that he should make every efibrt to retui'n as soon as possible. Bethencourt then took gens et de viures. Puis parlerent aux maronniers, que les viures qui sent au nauire fussent descendus a terra, excepte ceux qui leur auoit besoin pour leur retour. Et ainsi fat fait, ia^oit que lesdits maronniers en demusserent le plus qu'ils peuvent, et d'artillerie et d'autres choses qui leur eust este depuis bon besoin. Et se partit Monsieur de Bethencourt du port de Rubicon, aucc les maronniers en son nauire, et s'en vindrent en I'autre bout de risle Lancelot, et la dcmourercnt. Ledit Sieur de Bethencourt enuoya querir a Rubicon Messire Jean le Verrier Prestre, et chapellain du dit Seigneur a qui il dit plusieurs choses de segret, et a vn nomme Jean le Courtois, auquel il bailla aucuues charges, qui pouuoient toucher son honneur et profit, et luy enchargea qu'il print bien gai-de en toutes choses qu'ils verroient qu'il seroit de fairc, et qu'ils fussent eux deux comme freres, en gardant touioui'S paix ct vnion en la compagnie, et que le plutost qu'il pourroit il fcroit diligence de retourner. Et adonc ledit Bethencourt print congo do Messire Gadifer ct de OF THE CANAHIFS. 15 Iciivc of ]\[cssiio CJadifer niul of all tlie company, and de- parted and returned to Spain. And here we will digress, in order to speak of the doings of Berthin de Berneval, a native of Caux in Normandy and a nobleman of name and renown in arms, in whom the said lord had placed great confidence, and who, as I said before, had been selected by him and Messer Gadifer as lieutenant and governor of the island of Lancerote and of the company. This Berthin did all the harm that he could, and acted very treasonably, as you shall hear more fully set forth. Chaptkr VIII. — How Berthin de Berneval began his malicious doings against Gadifer. It may be judged what evil designs Berthin de Berneval had conceived in his heart, from the fact that when he joined JMonseigneur de Bethencourt at la Rochelle, he began to attach to himself partizans, and to make allies of a great toute sa compagnie, et se partit ledit Sieiir et cinglerent tant qu'ils vindret en Espague. Cy laissons a parler de ceste matiere, et parlerons du fait de Berthin de Berneual, natif de Caux en Normandie, et gentil-homme de nom et d'armes, auquel ledit Sieur se fioit fort, et auoit este eslue de luy et de Messire Gadifer, comme i'ay deuant dit, lieutenant et gouuerneur de I'isle Lacelot et de la compagnie ; et ledit Berthin tout le pis qu'il peut faire, il le fit, et des grandes trahisons, comme vous orrez plus a plain declare. Chapitre VIII. — Comment Berthin de Berneual commenqa ses malices a Vencontre de Gadifer. Afin qn'on s^ache que Berthin de Berneual auoit pie9amauuaistie machiuee en son courage, il est vray que quand il fut venu deuers Monsieur de Bethencourt a la Rochelle, il commen^a a soy rallier des compagnons, il fit les alliances auec plusicurs ]() HISTORY OF TIIK CONQUEST miinber of people; and shortly after, through liim, there arose ill the ship a great dissension between the Gascons and the Normans, and truth to say, this ]3erthin did not at all like Mcssire Gadifer, and sought to do him despite by every means in his power. And it went so far that, while Gadifer was putting on his armour in his cabin, with the intention of going to appease the disorder among the seamen, who had retreated to the ship's forecastle, they hurled at him two darts, one of which passed between him and Hannibal, who was helping him on with his ai'mour, and stuck into a chest. Some of the seamen had gone up into the top and had darts and iron bars all ready to throw at us, and it was only with much trouble that the tumult was appeased. From that time commenced plots and dissensions amongst the crews, which grew to such an extent that, before the ship left Spain to sail to the Canary Islands, tlioy had lost a good two hundred of their ablest men. This subsequently proved a great mischief in many ways, for if they only had remained loyal, Bethencourt would already gents ; et vn peu apres par lay fut commcncce vne grande dis- sension en la ncf entre Ics Gascons et Norniands, et de vray ledit Berthin n'aimoit point Messire Gadifer, et clierchoit a lay faire lout Ic plus do dcsplaisir qu'il pouuoit. J]t tant aduint que Gadifer s'armoit en l;i chambre pour vouloir appaiser le debat d'enlre eux marinicrs qui s'esto3'ent rcfrais au chastcl de deuant en luditc nef, ils ietterent audit Gadifer deux dardes, dont I'viie passii par entre Iny et Hannibal, qui lay aidoii a soy ariner en sa chambre, et s'attaclia en vn colIVe, et estoient aucuns des maronniers montez au chaslel du mast, et auoient dardes et barros de fer toutes prestes pour letter snr nous, et en nionlt grand peine fut rapaisee ceste noise, et de la en auaiit com- mencerent bendes et dissensions les vns centre les autres. En telle maniere, quo deuant quo la nef partist d'Esi)agne, pour traucrser 6s Isles do Canare, ils perdirent bien deux cents liommes des mieux aparliez qui y fussent, dequoy on a eu depuis grand soulVrelie par plusicnrs fois. Car s'ils ousscntestc loyanlx, OF THE CANAKIES. 17 liavo boon lord of the Canary Islands, or of the greater part of tlu'lll. CiiArTF-K TX. — IIow Gadifor, who harl confidence in Bortliin, sent liim to sjieak to the captain of a sliip. Shortly after the departure of Monsieur de Bethcncourt from Rubicon, although he had laid his injunctions on Berthin de Berneval to do his duty in all things reasonable, and, like the rest, to obey Messire Gadifer, whom Monsieur de Bethencourt had made his associate, looking upon him as a good knight and a man of judgment, there arose great quarrels and dissensions between these two, as you shall presently hear. Monsieur de Bethencourt was now gone to Spain, and Gadifer, who put more trust in Berthin de Berneval than in any other, sent him across to a ship which had recently arrived at the port of Lobos. Berthin thought that it was the ship Tajamar, with whose captain, Fer- ledit Bethencourt fust ores Seigneur des isles de Canare, ou de la plus grande partie d'elles. CuAPri'RE IX. — Comment Gadifer qui auoit fiance a Bertm, Vemioya parler a vn patron d'vne nef. Et apres que Monsieur de Bethencourt fat party de Rubicon, et qu'il eut commande a Berthin de Berneual qu'il fist son deuoir en tout ce qu'il est de raison de faire, et qu'il obeist k Messire Gadifer, et tous les gents dudit Sieur de Bethencourt ; car Mon- sieur de Bethencourt tenoit Messire Gadifer pour vn bon cbeualier et sage; et estoit du bien de Messire Gadifer qu'il s'estoit boutte en la compagnie de Monseigneur de Bethencourt ; ja9oit que dedans vn pou de temps apres il y eust de grands dissensions et de grands noises entre eux deux, comme vous orrez cy-apres; or est parti Monsieur de Bethencourt de Rubicon, et est alle en Espagne, et Gadifer qui auoit plus de fiance a Berthin de Berneual qu'en nul autre, le transmit vers une nef qiii estoit c 1 8 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST nando d^Ordonez, he was intimately acquainted. It proved not to be that ship, but another, named Morella_, of which Fran- cisco Calvo had command. To him Bei-thin proposed, through one of the crew, named Ximenes, and in the pre- sence of some others^ that they should take him and thirty of tlie ship^s company with them, and so they would capture forty of the best of the natives of the island of Lancerote. But they would not consent to such great wickedness ; and Francisco Calvo said that it did not beseem Berthin to propose such a thing, and that, please God, they would never be so disloyal to good knights like Monsieur de Bethencourt and Messire Gadifer as to deprive them of the few men who remained to them, or to take by force those whom Bethencourt and all his people had assured of security and placed under their protection, in good hopes of seeing them baptized and brought into our faith. ariiuee au port de I'isle de Loupes, et ctiidoit que ce fufc la nef Tranchemar, de laquelle Ferrant d'Ordongnes en estoit maistre, aiiquel il cuidoit auoir grande accointance ; mais ce n'estoit elle mie, ains estoit vne autre nef qui s'appelloit la nef Morelle, de laquelle Francisque Calue auoit le gouvernement, et parla Berthin, ou fit parler a vn des compagnous de la nef, qui s'appelloit Simene, en la presence d'aucuns autres qu'ils I'emenasserent auec eux ; et trente des compagnons de la nef, et qu'il j^rendroit quarate hommcs des meilleurs qui fussent en I'isle Lancelot. Mais ils ne se voulurent m^^e consenfcir a cclle grande inauuaistie; et leur dit Francisque Calue qu'il n'appartenoit mye a Berthin, et que ja a Dieu ne pleust qu'ils fissent vne telle desloyaute a tels et si bons cheualiers comme estoient Monsieur de Bethencourt et Messire Gadifer, de les desgarnir ainsi d'vn pou de gens que demeure leur estoit ; et aussi de prendre et rauir ceux que ledit Bethencourt et toutes ses gens auoient asseurez et mis en leur sauuegarde, lesquels auoient bonne esperance d'cstrc baptiscz ct mis en nostre foy. OF THE CANARIES. 19 CiiATTER X. — How Bertliin deceived his own confederates. Soon after this, Berthin, still clierisliing* treachery in his heart, sounded all those whom he thought to be as evilly disposed as himself, by holding out vague hopes of something that should be for their own welfare, advance- ment, and honour. He then suggested to them, under an oath of secrecy, that Bethencourt and Gadifer ought to send Remonnet de Leneden and himself with a certain sum of money in the first ship that sailed for France, and that meanwhile their companions should be portioned out amongst the islands till their return. He thus won over certain Gascons ; to wit, Pierre de Liens, Augerot de Montignac, Siort de Lartigue, Bernard de Chastelvary, Guillaume de Nau, Bernard de Mauleon called the Cock, William de Salerne called Labat, Morelet de Couroge, Jean de Bidou- ville, Bidaut de Hournau, Bernard de Montauban, and one Chapitke X. — Comment Bertlun donna faulx a entendre a ceux de son alliance. Apres vn peu de temps Berthin qui touioui'S auoit mauuaise voulente et trahison en sa pensee, parla a tous ceux qu'il pensa qu'ils fussent du niauuais coui*age qu'il estoit, et les enhorta et dit, qu'il leur diroit telle chose que ce seroit le bien, I'exaucement et I'honneur de leurs personnes, et a tous ceux que auec luy s'accorderent, il leur fit iurer qu'ils ne le descouuriroient point, puis leur donna a entendre comment Bethencourt et Gadifer leur deuoient donner, a Remonnet de Leneden, et a luy, certaine somme d'argent, et qu'ils s'en iroient au pi'emier nauire qui venroit en France, et que les compagnons seroient departis parmj les isles, et la demourroient iusques a leur retour, et auec ledit Berthin aucuns Gascons s'accorderent, desquels les noms s'ensuiuent, Piei're de Liens, Ogerot de Montignac, Siort de Lartigue, Bernard de Chastelvary, Guillaume do Nau, Bernard c 2 20 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST from the country of Aunis, named Jean 1' Alien. All these agreed with Berthin, as well as several from other placeSj of whom mention shall be made hereafter. Chapter XI. — How Gadifer went to the island of Lobos, where he found himself deprived both of men and provisions. Meanwhile Gadifer^ in no wise suspecting that Berthin de Berneval, who was of noble lineage^ would be guilty of any baseness^ set sail with Eemonnet de Leneden and several others in his boat from Rubicon and passed to the island of Lobos to procure some seal skins, to make shoes for the crew ; and there they remained for some days, till at last their provisions failed them (for the island was barren, and there was no fresh water). Gadifer therefore sent back Remonnet de Leneden in the boat to the castle of Rubicon to procure some food, desiring him to return on the morrow, for he had only pi-ovisions for two days. When Remoimet de Mauleon dit le Coq, Guillaume de Salerne dit Labat, Morelet de Couroge, Jean de Bidouuille, Bidaut de Hournau, Bernard de Montauban, at vn du pays d'Aunys, nomine Jehan I'Alien ; et tons iceux s'accorderenfc auec ledit Berthin et plusiem's autres d'autre pays, desqaels mention sera faite cy-apres, ainsi qu'il escherra en leur endroit. Chapitre XI. — Comme Gadifer alia en lille de Louppes la ou il se trouva desgarmj des gens et de vitailles. Dcpnis Gadifer non doubtant rien en ancune manierc que Berthin de Bcrneual qui estoit de noble ligne deust faire nulle mauuaistie, se partit luy et Remonnet de Leneden, et plusieurs autres, auec son Bastel, de Rubicon, ct passerent en I'lsle de Loupe.'?, pour auoir des peaux dc Loups niarins, pour la necossito de chaus.senre qui failloit aux compag'nons, et la demourcrcnt par aucuns iours tant cpio viures leur faillirent : (car c'osfc vno isle descrto et .sans OP Till': CANARIKS. 21 arrived at the port of Rubicon, lie found that as soon as Gadifer and his party had gone to the island of Lobos, Berthin had taken his confederates to a port in the island of Graciosa, where the ship Tajamar had arrived. To the master of this ship Berthin told a number of lies, promising that he would capture forty of the best men in the island of Lancerote, who would be worth two thousand francs, and deliver them to the said master, if he would receive himself and his com- panions into his ship, and so effectual were his falsehoods that the master, j-ieldiug to his cupidity, assented. This happened on the fifteenth day after Michaelmas, Oct. 14, 1402, and Berthin at once returned, persevering in his malice and in his evil intentions. eaue douce ;) si I'enuoya Gadifer Remonnet de Leneden auec le bastel au chastel de Rubicon pour querir des viures, et qu'il retoui'nast le lendemain; car il n'auoit viures que pour deux iours. Quand Remonnet et le bastel furet arriuez au port de Rubicon, ils trouuerent que tantost que Gadifer et les dessusdits furent passez en I'lsle de Loupes, Berthin s'en estoit alle auec ses aliez h vn port nomme I'isle Gratieuse, oil estoit arriuee la nef TrancJiemare, et donna ledit Berthin au maistre de la nef assez de mensonges, et luy dit qu'il prendroit quarante hommes des meilleurs qui fussent en I'lsle Lancelot, qui valloient deux mil frans, afin que ledit maistre le vousit receuoir en la nef luy et ses compagnons, et tant fit par ses fausses paroles, que le maistre meu de grande conuoitise luy octroya; et ceste chose aduint le quinzieme iour apres la sainct Michel, mil quatre cens deux, et s'en retourna incontinent ; Berthin perseuerant en sa malice et en sa tres-mauuaise intention. 22 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter XII. — How the traitor Berthin, with j^lausible pretences, in- duced the King of the Island of Lancerote and his people to come to him, that he might take them. While Gadifer was yet at the island of Lobos^ and shortly after the return of Berthin from the island of Graciosa to the castle of Rubicon in the island of Lancerote, two Canarians came to him, saying that the Spaniards had landed in order to capture them. Berthin told them to hold out till he came, and, promising to bring speedy assistance, dismissed them. Berthin then, holding a lance in his hand, said with a blasphemous oath, " I will go and speak to these Spaniards, and if they interfere, either I will kill them, or they shall kill me, and I pray God that if I do not effect my purpose I may never return." Where- upon some of the bystanders said, " That is ill spoken, Berthin;" but he again said, " On my life I pray it of the God of Heaven." He then left the castle of Rubicon, accompanied by several of his partisans — namely, Pierre de Chapitee XII. — Comment \Ig traitre Berthin souhs hemi semhlant fit venir le roy de Lancelot auec les slens po^ir les prendre. '\ Gadifer qui estoit en I'isle de Loupes et Berthin en I'isle Lancelot au chastel de Rubicon, tantost apres qu'il fut retourne de I'isle Gracieuse, la vint deux Canares vers luy, disant comment les Espagnols estoient descendus a terre pour eux pi-endro, ausquels Berthin respondit qu'ils s'en allassent et se tinssent ensemble ; car ils seroient tantost secouras, et ainsi s'en allerefc les deux Canares, et la dit Berthin qui tenoit vne lance k sa main, je renye Dicu ! J'iray parlor aux Espagnols et si ils y mettet la main ie les tueray, ou ils me tueront, car ie prie a Dieu que iamais ie n'en puisse retourner, dequoy aucuns de ceux qui la estoient luy dircnt, Berthin c'est mal dit, ct de rechief ma vye jo cmprie a Dieu de Paradis. Et cependat se partit du chastel de Rubicon, accompagne de plusieurs ses alliez, c'est a sQauoir OP THE CANARIES. 23 Liens, Bernard de Moutauban, Olivier do Barre, Guillaunio the Bastard de Blessi, Phclipot de Baslieu, Michelcfc tho cook, Jacquct the baker, Peruet the blacksmith, with divers others, whose names are not here mentioned ; and the rest of his accomplices remained at the castle of Rubicon. Thus accompanied, Bcrthin went to a certain village named the Great Aldea, where he found some of the Canarian chiefs ; and he, with his mind full of treacherous intentions, said to them, *^'Go and fetch hither your king and his retinue, and I will protect them completely against the Spaniards/^ The Canarians believed in him, by reason of the confidence which they had in the Sieur de Bethencourt and his company ; and they came, four and twenty in number, to the said Aldea as to a place of safety and retreat. Berthin gave them welcome, and made them a supper, at which he had present two Canarians, one named Alphonse, and a woman named Isabelle, whom the Sieur de Bethencourt had brought to be their interpreters in the island of Lancerote. Pierre de Liens, Bernard de Montauban, Oliuier de Barre, Guillaume le Bastarfc de Blecy, Phelipot de Baslieu, Michelet le Cuisinier, Jacquet le Boulanger, Pernet le Mareschal, auec plu- sieurs que ne sent mye icy nommez ; et les autres ses complices demeurerent au chastel de Rabicon.. Bei"thin ainsi accompagne, s'en alia a un certain village nomme la Grad' Aldee, oh il trouua aucuns des grands Canares ; et luy ayant grand trahison en pensee, leur fit dire : allez, et me faites le Hoy venii' et ceux qui auec luy sont, et ie les garderay bien contre les Espagnols, et les Canares le creurent parmy la seui'ete et affiance que eux auoient du Sieur de Bethencourt et de sa compagnie, et vindrent a ladite Aldee comme a sauuete et retraict iusques au nombre do vingt- quatre, ausquels Berthin fit bonne chere, et les fit souper, et auec ce detenoit deux Canares, vn nomme Alphonce, et vne femme nominee Isabel, lesquels ledit Bethencourt auoit amenez pour estre leur truchement en I'isle Lancelot. 24 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter XIII. — How that after Berthin had captured the king and his people, he took them to the ship Tajamar, and handed them over to the robbers. When tlie Oanarians liad supped, Berthin sent to them to sajj '' Sleep in peace and fear nothing, for I will protect you." Accordingly most of them went to rest ; and when Berthin saw that it was time, he placed himself before their doors with his drawn sword in his hand, and had them all taken and bound. One only, named Avago, escaped. When Berthin now plainly saw that he was dis- covered, and could capture no more, he took his departure, still cherishing his evil intentions, and went straight to the port of the island of Clraciosa, where was the vessel from Spain named Tajamar, and took the prisoners with him. Chapitre XIII. — Comment apres que Berthin eut prins le Hoy, et ses gens, il les mena a la ncf Tranchemare, et les bailla aux larrons. Quand les Canai'es eurent soupe, Berthin leur fit dire: dormez vous seurement et ne vous doutez dc rieus ; car ie vous garderay bien. Et cependant les vns s'endormirenfc et les autres non, et quand Berthin vit qu'il cstoit temps, il se nait deuant lour huis I'espee en la main toute nu.e, et les fit touts prendre et lier ; et ainsi fut il fait, fors que vn nomme Auago qui en escliapa, et quand il les eut prins et liez, et il vit bien qu'il estoit descouuert, ct qu'il n'en pouuet plus auoir, il se partit de la perscuerant en sa grandc malice, ct s'en alia droit au port de I'islo Gratieuse ou estoit la nef d'Espagne nomme Tranchemare, et amena les prisonniers auec luy. 01-' THE CANARIES. 25 CiiAi'TEu XIV. — How the king escaped from those into whose charge Bcrtliin had dolivorcd him. When tlie king found himself in this position^ and be- came aware of the treachery of Berthin and his companions and the outrage that they had done to him, being a brave and powerful man, he burst his bonds, and broke away from three men who had him in their charge. One of them, who was a Gascon, pursued him ; but the king turned most fiercely round upon him, and dealt him such a blow, that none of the rest dared to approach him. This was the sixth time that he had delivered himself from the hands of the Christians by his own prowess. There now remained only twenty-two prisoners, whom Berthin handed over to the Spaniards of the ship Tajamar, after the example of the traitor Judas Iscariot, who betrayed our Saviour Jesus Christ and delivered Him into the hands of the Jews to crucify Him, and put Him to death. So did Berthin, who delivered up these poor innocent people into the hands of robbers, who sold them into perpetual slavery in foreign lauds. Chapitke XIV. — Comment le Roy se deliura des larrons d qui Berthin les mioit livres. Quand le Roy se vit en tel poinct at cognut la traliison de Berthin et de ses compagnons, et Toutrage qu'ils leur faisoient, comme homme hardy, fort et puissant rompit ses liens, et se deliura de trois liommes qui en garde Tauoient, desquels estoit vn Gascon qui le poursuiuit ; mais le roy retourna moult aigre- ment sur luy, et luy donna vn tel coup, que nul ne I'osa plus aprocher ; et e'est la sixiesme fois qu'il s'est deliure des mains des Chrestiens par son apertise ; et n'en demeura que vingt et deux, lesquels Berthin bailla et deliura aux Espagnols de la nef Tranoliemare, a I'exemple du traistre Judas Iscariot qui trahit nostre Sauveur Jesus- Christ et le livra en la main des Juifs pour le crucifier et mettre a mort ; ainsi fit Berthin qui bailla et liura CCS pauures geus innocents en la main des larrons qui les niencrent vendre en estranges terres en perpetual seruage. 26 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST Chapter XV. — How Berthiu's companions took the boat which Gadifer had sent for provisions. Berthin meanwliile being in the ship, sent the Bastard de Blessi and some of his allies to the castle of Rubicon. They there found Gadifer's boat, which, as already stated, he had sent to fetch provisions for himself and his companions who were in the island of Lobos, and being bent on accomplish- ing their wicked designs, they went in search of certain Gascons their sworn confederates, and together they took possession of the boat and went on board of it. When Remonnet de Leneden ran forward to recover it, the bastard de Blessi fell upon him with his drawn sword and would have slain him. The conspirators, however, pushed the boat off to sea, leaving the others on shore, and cried out — "H any one of Gadifer's men dares to lay hands on the boat we will put him to death, for, in any case, Berthin and all his people shall be received on board the ship even Chapitre XY. — Comment les comparj irons de Berthin 'prindrent le batel quo Gadifer auoit transmis i)our vmres. Cependant Berthin estant en la nef euuoya le Bastart de Blessi et aucuns autres de ses allies au cliastel de Rubicon, et trouuerent le bastel qui estoit a Gadifer, lequel il auois transmis pour querir viures pour luy et ses compaguons qui estoient de- mourez en I'isle de Loupes comme dessus est dit ; et adonc les compagnons Berthin pen sans du tout a accoraplir leur entre- prinse, se retirerent deuers aucuns Gascons leurs compagnons de serment, lesquels a I'aide les vns des autres se saisirent du bastel et entrerent dedans; raais Remonnet de Leneden y courut pour le reeouvrc. La estoit le bastard de Blessi qui courut sus a Remonnet I'espee tout nue en la main et le cuida tuer. Si eslargirentle bastel en la mer bien auant et les autres dcmcurcrent hors, disans, s'il y a si hardy des gens de Gadifer do mettre la main au bastel nous le tuerons sans remede : car qui poise et qui non, Berthin sera recueilly en la nof ct toutcs ses gens, et ain- OF THE CANARIES. 27 though Gadifor and his men should never eat another mouth- ful." Some of Gadifer's men who were at the castle of Eubicon then spoke thus : "Fair sirs, you are well aware that Gadifer is gone yonder to the island of Lobos on account of the need of shoos for the crew, and that he has with him neither bi-ead nor flour, nor fresh water, nor can he receive any except by means of the boat ; pray, then, let us have it, that we may send him some victuals for himself and his people, or otherwise they will die of starvation." To which they replied : " Spare your breath ; for, once for all, we will do nothing of the sort until Berthin and all his people are safe in the ship Tajamar. Chapter XVI. — How Berthin sent the boat of the Tajamar to fetch Gadifer's provisions. The next day, at the hour of nones [3 p.m.], the boat of the ship Tajamar arrived at the port of Rubicon with chois que Gadifer ne ses gens mengeussent iamais. Aucuns de Gadifer estans au chastel de Rubicon dirent ainsi, beaux Seig- neurs, vous sqauez bien que Gadifer est passe par dela en I'isle de Loupes pour la necessite de chausseure qui estoit entre nous, et n'a deuers luy ne pain, ne farine, ne eau douce, et si n'en peut point auoir de ne recouurer se n'est par le bastel, plaise vous que nous I'ayons pour luy transmettre aucunes vitailles pour luy et pour ses gens, ou autrcment nous les tenons pour morts. Et ils respondirent : ne nous en parlez plus ; car nous n'en serous rien, c'est a bref parler, ainehois sera Berthin et toutes ses gens du tout retraits en la nef Tranchemare. Chapitre XVI. — Comment Berthin transmit le lasteldeTranchemare qucrir les viiires de Gadifer. Lendemain heure de nonno arriua le bastel de la nef Tranclie- mare au port de Rubicon auec sept compagnons dedans : le 28 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST seven men in her. Gadifei's people asked them : " Fair sii's, what do you seek V and they in the boat answered, " Berthin sent us here, and he told us when we left the ship that he would be here as soon as we." Meanwhile, Berthings confederates inside the castle made great waste and destruction of the stores belonging to Monsieur de Bethencourt, which he had left for Gadifer and his com- panions, such as wine, biscuit, salt meat, and other victuals, although Gadifer himself had divided the pro- visions with perfect impartiality, allotting as much to the least as to the greatest, and had only kept for his own use his rightful portion, with the exception of one cask of wine which had not been yet served out. Chapter XVII. — How Berthin delivered up the women of the castle to the Spaniards, who violated them. The following evening Berthin came by land to the castle gens de Gadifer leur demanderent, beaux Seigneurs que querez vous, et respondirent dudit bastel, Berthin nous a enuoyez icy et nous dit au partir de la nef qu'il sei'oit icy aussitost comme nous : et les alliez dudit Berthin cependat estans au chastel de Rubicon firent grand degast et grand destruction de vivires qui IS, estoient appartenants a Monsieur de Bethencourt, Icsquels viures il auoit laisse audit Gadifer et a ses gens de la compagnie, comme de vins, de biscuit, de chair salee, et autres vitailles, non- obstant qu'il auoit departy les viures tout esgallement autant au petit comnic au grand, et ne luy estoit demoure tant seulement que sa droite portion, excepte vn tonucau do vin qui u'estoit mic encore desparty entre eux. CuAPrniE XVII. — Comment Berthin liura les fcmmes du chastel aux Es])acjiiols, et les ]}rindreiit d force. Et au vesprc cnsur, vint Berthin ])ar torrc au chaslcl do OF THE CANARIES. 29 of Rubicon, followed by thirty men of tlie company of the ship Tajamar, to whom he said : '* Take bread and wine, and whatever there is ; and may he be hanged who spares anything, for it has cost me more than any of them ; and cursed be he who leaves anything which he can take away." Such and many other expressions did Berthin address to them, which it would be tedious here to write down ; he even took away by force, and against their will, some women who had come from France, and delivered them up to the Spaniards, who dragged them from the castle down to the beach, and violated them in spite of their loud cries and shrieks of distress. Furthermore, while at the same place, Berthin nsed the following expression — " I wish that Gadifer de la Salle should know that if he were as young as I am, I would certainly kill him, but as he is not, I may perhaps forego that wish ; yet if it takes my fancy, I will go and drown him off the island of Lobos, and let him fish for seals there." A very affectionate ex- pression this to use with regard to one who had never shown anj^thing but love and kindness to him. Kubicon accompagne de trente Lommes des compagnons de la nef Tranchemai-e, luy disant ainsi, prenez pain, et vin et ce qui y sera, pendu soit-il qui riens en espargnera : car il m'a plus couste que a nal d'eux, et maudit soit il qui riens y laissera qu'il puisse, et ce disoit Berthin et moult d'autres paroles qui longues seroient a escrire ; et mesmement aucunes femmes, les- quelles estoit du pays de France les bailla et liura parforce, et outre leur gre aux Espagnols ; et les traiuerent d'amont le ebastel iusques en bas sur la marine, et furent auec elles, et les efforcerent, nonobstant les grands cris et les grands griefs qu'elles faisoient, et ledit Berthin est ant audit lieu disant ainsi : ie veux bien que Gadifer de la Salle sQaclie qui si fust aussi ieune que moy, ie I'allasse tuer, mais pour ce qu'il ne Test mie, par auanture ie m'en deportcray ; s'y me monte vn pou a la teste ie I'iray faire noyer en I'isle de Loupes, s'y pescbera aux Loups- Marins ; c'estoit bien affect ueusenient parle contre celu}- qui oncques ne luy auoit faif fovs que amour et plaisir. 30 HISTOEY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter XVIII. — How Berthin caused the two boats to be laden with provisions and other things. The next morning Berthin de Berneval had Gadifer's boat and that of the Tajamar laden with a variety of things, such as bags of flour in great quantity, armour of different kinds, and the only cask of wine which was there. They filled a small cask which they had brought with them, and drunk and wasted the rest. They also took several trunks, boxes, and packages of all sorts, with their contents, which will be spoken of at the proper time and place, as well as a good many cross-bows, and all the bows that there were, excepting those which Gadifer had with him at the island of Lobos. They carried off two hundred bowstrings and great quantities of line for making cross-bow strings. From the artillery,^ of which there was a large quantity both fair Chapitre XVIII. — Govi7nent Berthin fit charger les deux hatiatix de viures et d^autres choses. Et lendemain au matin fit charger Berthin de Berneval le bastel Gadifer et eelay de la nef Tranchemare de plusieurs choses, comme de sacs de farine h grande quantite, et du harnas de plusieurs guises, et vn tonneau de vin qui y estoit, et plus non y auoit; eux emplirent vne queue qu'ils amenerent auec eux, et le demourant beurent et gasterent, et plusieurs coffres, malles et bouges de plusieurs manieres auec toutes les choses qui dedas estoient, lesquelles seront declarees quand temps et lieu sera ; et plusieurs arbalestres, et tons les arcs qui y estoient, ex- cepte ceux que Gadifer auoit auec luy en I'isle de Loupes : et de deux cens cordes d'arcs qui y deuoient estre n'en demeura nulle, et de grand foison de fil pour faire cordes d'arbalestres, tout em- porterent auec eux ; et de toute I'artillerie, dequoy il y auoit ^ At that period the word "artiHerie" was iised very vaguely, in- cluding even bows and cross-bows, whicli indeed seem to be meant in til is very passage. or THE CANARIES. 31 and good, they took whatever they pleased, and wo wero obliged to unlay an old cable which was left us to make strings for our bows and arblasts : and had it not been for this small remainder left to ns, we had all been in danger of being utterly destroyed; for the Canarians are more afraid of bows than anything else. Besides all these, the Spaniards carried away four dozen darts, and two coffers belonging to Gadifer, with their contents. Chapter XIX. — How Francisco Calvo sent in search of Gadifer in the island of Lobos. While the boats were going to the ship, Gadifer's people, taking into considei'ation the destitute condition of their captain, who was entirely deprived of provisions, despatched the two chaplains and two squires of the castle of Rubicon to beg assistance from the captain of the ship Morella, grand foison de belle et bonne ; ont prins et eniporte a leur plaisir, et nous a conuenu despesser vn vieux cable qui nous estoit demeure pour faire cordes pour arcs et pour arbalestres : et ce ne fust ce pou de trait que nous anions, nous estions en auanture d'estre tous perdus et destruits : car ilz craignent les arcs sur toutes riens ; et auec ce quatre douzaines de dardes que les Espag-nols emporterent en leurs mains, et prindrent deux cofFi-es a Gadifer, et ce qui estoit dedans. Chapitee XIX. — Comvient Fraiicisque Calue enuoya querir Gadifer en Visle de Loupes. Ce temps pendant que les batiaux s'en allerent en la nef, les gens de Gadifer considerans que le capitaine auoit telle necessite de viurcs, comme celuy qui point n'en auoit, lors se partirent les deux chappellains, et deux cscuyers du chastel de Rubicon, et s'en allerent doners le maistre de la nef Morclle, qui estoit au 32 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST wliicli^ like the Tajamar^ was lying in the port of Graciosa. They prayed the captain, of his charity, to carry succour to Gadifer de la Salle, who, with eleven companions, was in the island of Lobos in peril of death, having been eight days without provisions. The master, moved with pity on hearing of Berthings great treachery to Gadifer, sent one of his comrades, named Ximenes, who came to Rubicon and set out with four of the Sieur de Bethencourt's company, namely, Guillaume the Monk, Jean the Chevalier, Thomas Richard, and Jean the Mason. They crossed to the island of Lobos in a little cockboat, which had been left there ; but although Berthin had left the cock- boat, he had taken away all the oars. Ximenes took what little provision he could carry, for although the dis- tance is only four leagues, it is the most horrible passage to be found in these seas, according to the account of all those who have tried it. port de I'isle Gratieuse, la ou estoit la nef Tranchemare, lesquels prierent le maistre d'icelle comme il luy plenst de sa grace se- courir Gadifer de la Salle, lequel estoit en I'isle de Loupes luy vnzieme en peril de mort sans viures nuls passe aiioit huict iours, et ledit maistre men de pitie regardant le grand' trahison que Berthin Iny anoit faite, Iny enuoya I'vn de ses eompagnons nomme Simene ; e luy venu a Rubicon, se mit a I'aduauture auec quatre eompagnons de la compagnie dudit Sieur de Betlien- court, c'est a s^auoir Guillaume le Moyne, Jean le Cheuulier, Thomas Richard, et Jean le Masson ; et passerent en I'isle de Loupes en vn petit coquet qui la estoit demoure : car combien que Berthin eust laisse le coquet, il emporta tons les auirons, et print ledit Simene tant pou de vivires qu'il peut porter : c'est le plus horrible passage que nuls S9achent tenir de tons ceux qui en la mer la eudroit conuerscnt, et ne dure que quatre liouos. OF THE CANARIES. 33 CiiAPTEU XX. — How Gadifer returned in the little cockboat to the island of Lancerote. Meanwhile Gadifer was at tlie island of Lobos in sveat dis- tress from hunger and thirst, and looking to our Lord for mercy. Every night he spread out a linen cloth to catch the dew of heaven, then wrung it, and drank the drops to quench his thirst. He knew nothing of what Berthin had done, and was greatly astonished when he came to hear of it. Gadifer alone went into the cockboat, which was steered by Ximenes and his comrades, and they came to Rubicon. "I am much grieved," he said, "at the wickedness and great treachery which have been shewn to these poor people, to whom we had given our assurance of friendship. But we must needs let it pass, for it is beyond our power to remedy the mischief. Praised be God in all his works : He is the judge of this quarrel." Gadifer further said : '' Neither M. de Bethencourt nor mj^self could ever have supposed that this man would have dared to do or to imag^ine Chapitke XX. — Comment Gadifer repassa en vn petit coquet eii V isle Lancerote. Gadifer estant en I'isle de Loiipes en grand' destresse de faira et de soif attendant la mercy de nostre Seigneur, toutes les nuits mettoit vn drap de linge dehors a la rosee du ciel, puis le tordoit, ct buuoit les goutes pour estancher la soif, non S9acliant riens de tout le fait dudit Berthin : dequoy ledit Gadifer fut fort esmerueille quand il en ou'it parler. Adoc se mit tout seul dedans le coquet, auec le gouuernement dudit Simene et les compagnons dessusdits ; et vindrent a Rubicon, Gadifer disant ainsi : il me poise moult de la grand' mauuaistie et grande trahison qui a este faite sur ces pauures ges que nous anions asseurex. IMais de tout ce nous faut passer, nous n'y pouuons mettre remede, loue soit Dieu en tons ses ocuures, lequel est iuge en ceste querelle : et disoit ainsi ledit Gadifer, que Monsieur de Bethen- court et luy n'eussent iamais pense qu'il eust oze faire ne D 34 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST what lie has done ; for both tlie Sieur cle Betlieucourt and I chose him as being in our opinion one of the most service- able men in the company, but we were grievously mistaken/' Chaptp:r XXI. — How the two chaplains, Brother Pierre Bontier and Messire Jean le Verrier, went to the ship Tajamar. Some days afterwards, the two chaplains being in the ship Morella, saw (Berthin's) two boats leaving Rubicon, and carrying off the provisions intended for the support of the garrison, with many other things. They therefore begged the master of the ship to accompany them to the other vessel called Tajamar, which he did, and with them went two nobles, named Pierre du Plessis and Guillaume d'Allemagne. Then said Berthin, '' Do not suppose that any of these things are Bethencourt's or Gadifer's ; they are mine, as these two chaplains can bear witness." But they, in the presence of machiner ce qu'il a fait : car letlit Bethencourt et moy, nous I'esleuraes en nostre auis comme vn des plus sufEsans de la com- paguie, et le bon Seigneur et uioy fusmes bien mal auises. Chapitre XXI. — Comment les deux cliapelains, Vun nommS Frere Pierre Bontier, et Vautre Messire Jean le Vei'rier, alerent en la nef Trancheinare. Les deux chapellains estans a la nef Morelle, aucuns iours apres virent les deux bastiaux venir de Rubicon, qui estoifc chargez de vitailles, dequoy nous deuions viure, et de moult d'autres elioses. Adonc prieret le maistre de la nef qu'il luy plut aller auec eux en I'autre nef, ditc Trancliemare, lesquels y allerent tous ensemble et deux gcntils Lommes qui la estoient, I'vn nomme Pierre du Plessis, et I'autre Guillaume d'Aleniaigne. La disoit Berthin, ne cuidcz point que nulles de ces choses soient a Betliencourt ne a Gadiler, ils sout mienes, tcsvuoings ces deux chapollains-cy, lesquels luy dirent en la presence de tous, OF THE CANARIES. 35 all, replied : " Bertliiiij -svliat we do know perfectly well is, tliat when you first came out witli M. de Betliencourt, you brong-lit little or nothing with you. And in fact, M. da Bethencourt at the beginning handed over to you in Paris a hundred francs in furtherance of our coininon enterprise, which please God shall issue to his honour and profit ; but these things here present are his property and Gadifer^s, as may be seen by the arms and device of the Sieur de Bethencourt." Berthin replied, " If it please God, I shall go straight to Spain, where M. de Bethencourt now is, and if I have anything belonging to him I will restore it to him; but do not you meddle in this matter, and be quite sure that M. de Bethencourt will put to rights certain matters which may easily be guessed without my mentioning them." Berthin did not like Messire Gadifer, because he held a higher position and was in greater authority than himself, and his idea was that his master M. de Bethencourt would not be so much displeased with him as the others imagined, or at any rate that if he were to fall under his displeasure, it Berthin nous s^auons bien que quand vous vintes premieremet auec Monsieur de Bethencourt vous n'auiez qui votre fust, se pou non ou neant, ainchois bailla mosieur de Bethencourt pour entre nous cent francs a Paris quand il entreprint remprise, que se Dieu plaist acheuera et viendra a son honour et proufit, mais ce qui est cy a present est audit Seigneur et a Monsieur Gadifer, et peut bien apparoir par les liurees et deuise dudit Seigneur de Bethencourt. Ledit Bei^thin respond et dit, se Dieu plaist, i'iray tout droit en Espagne la ou est Monsieur de Bethencourt, et se i'ay aucune chose de sien ie luy rendre bien, et de ce ne vous meslez, et ne doutez que ledit Sieur de Bethencourt mettra remede en aucunes choses dequoy on se peut bien douter, et de- quoy ie me peux bien taire ; ledit Berthin n'aimoit point ]\Iessire Gadifer pour ce qu'il estoit plus grand maistre que luy et de plus grade autorite, et ledit Berthin pensoit que ledit Seigneur de Bethencourt son maistre ne luy sgauroit pas si malgre, qu'il estoit aduis aus autres, et que s'il auoit quelque chose qui des- D 2 36 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST would not be to tliem that he should look to make his peace. As they left the ship, they said to Berthin : " Since you are ^ taking away those poor people, leave us at least Isabelle the Canarian, for without her we shall be unable to speak with the inhabitants of the island. Leave us also the boat which you have brought, for we cannot well find means of living without it.^' Berthin answered, ^^It is not mine, but belongs to my comrades; they can do as they please.^^ Then the two chaplains and the two squires who accompanied them took possession of the boat. Upon which Berthin's comrades took Isabelle the Canarian and threw her into the sea through the ship's porthole, and she would have been drowned had it not been for the chaplains and squires, who drew her out of the water into the boat ; and so the two parties separated, and soon afterwards the ship made ready to put out to sea. This is how things occmn^ed in the matter of Berthin, as above stated, and as you will hereafter hear. pleut a son dit Seigneur qu'il ne les appelleroit pas a en faire la paix, et a tant issirent de la nef, disans ainsi : Berthin puis que vous amenez ces pauures gens, laissez nous Isabel la Canare, car nous ne sgaurions parler aux habitas qui demeurent en cette isle ; et aussi laissez-nous vostre bastel que vous auez amene, car nous ne pouuons pas bonnement viui^e sans luy ; respond Berthin, ce n'est point a moy, mais a mes compagnons, ils en feront leur voulente, et lors se saisirent les deux chapellains et les deux escuiers qui estoient, dudit bastel. Adonc les compagnons de Berthin prindrent Isabel la Canare et par le sabort de la nef la jetterent en la mer, et elle eut este noyee ce ne fussent les dessus- dits chapelains et escuyers, lesquels la tirerent hors do la mer, et la mii-ent au bastel : et a tant partirent les vns dcs autres, et assez-tost apres s'aparlierent ceux de la nef pour eux en aller, et ainsi se porta le fait de Berthin comme dessus est dit et com me vous orroz cy apres. OK THE CANAUIES. 37 Chapter XXII. — How Berthin left his comrades on shore and went off with his booty. -And now that Berthin had all his companions with him on board the ship, he, having made up his mind to go all lengths in wickedness, so contrived as to get his more im- mediate accomplices on shore again, even those by whose help he had carried out all the treachery that has been described ; for if they had not been leagued with him, he never could have ventured on his treasonable practices. But now this miscreant said to them, " Shift for yourselves as best you can, for you shall not come with tne." Berthings reason for doing this was that he feared that they might do the same to him, and he also intended to tell his own tale to M. de Bethencourt when he arrived in Spain, and make his peace with him. And so in fact he did, by putting a good face upon his story, and making certain statements, which Mon- sieur de Bethencourt found to be partly true, as you shall hear further on. Nevertheless, M. de Bethencourt became Chapitre XXII. — Comment Berthin laissa ses compagnons a terre^ et s'en alia a tout sa proye. Efc combien que Berthin et ses compagnons fussent en la nef en sa conapagnie, luy ayant voulonte de tout nial accomplir fit tant que ses compagnons qui estoient de sa bende furent mis a terre ; par lesquels il auoit fait tout I'exploit deuant dit de sa trabison ; car s'ils n'eussent este auec luy et de son alliance, il n'eust oze faire ne entreprendre la trahison et la mauuaistie qu'il fit, et leur dit le tres-mauuais homme, donnes vous le meil- leur conseil que vous pourrez : car auec moy ne vous en vendres point, et pour ce le faisoit ledit Berthin qu'il auoit pour que ieeux ne luy fissent au cas pareil, et aussi ledit Berthin auoit in- tention de parler a Monsieur de Bethencourt quand il viendroit en Espagne et de faire sa paix enuers luy, laquelle il fit le micux qu'il peut, en luy donnant entendre aucunes choses dont vne partie ledit Seigneur de Bethencourt trouua verite, comme vn 38 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST fully aware of what had taken place, and that Berthin had done it all fi^om avarice. Chapter XXIII. — Ilow the followers of Berthin, whom he had left on shore in despair, made their way straight to the land of the Saracen. Berthiu^s accomplices whom he had left on shore were in great dismay, for they dreaded the anger not only of M. de Betheucourt and of Gadifer, but of their companions. They poured out their complaints to the chaplains and squires, and said — " Berthin is a convicted traitor, for he has be- trayed not only his captain but us. Then some of them confessed to Messire Jean le Vei-rier, Monseigneur de Bethencoui^t's chaplain, and said, "'If our captain Gadifer would pardon the wickedness we have committed against him, we would bind ourselves to serve him all our lives ;" and they commissioned Guillaume d'Allemagne to lay their request before him, and to let them know the answer. temps aduenir vous orrez, ia^oit qne ledit Seigneur fust bien ad- nerty de son fait, et qu'il auoit tout ce fait par sou auarice. Chapitre XXIII. — Comment les compagnons qne Ijevtldn laissa a terre desesperez, prindrent leur chemin droit ct la terre des Sarrasins. Iceux compagnons a terre tout desconfortcz doutans I'ire de Monsieur de Bethencourt, et de Gadifer, et aussi des compagnons qui y estoyent, se compleignerent aux cbapellains et escuyei'S dessusdits, disans ausai-bien est Berthin approuue traistre ; car il a trahy son capitaine aussi a-il nous-mcsmes, et la se confes- serenfc aucuns d'eux a Messire Jean le Verrier, cliapelain de Monseigneur de Bethencourt, et disoient ainsi ; se nostre capi- taine Gadifer nous vouloifc pardonncr la mauuaistie que nous auons faite centre lay, nous serious tonus a le seruir toute nostre vie ; et chargerent Guillaume d'Aleniaigne de luy requerir au nom d'eux, et de leur fairc as^auoir la responce ; et se partit in- OF THE OANAIilES. 39 Guillaume went oft' immediately on his message, but tliey soon afterwards, having misgivings about his return, and fearing the wrath of their captain whom they had so griev- ously offended, took the boat and put out to sea, steering straight for the country of the Moors, half way between the Canary islands and Spain. They were upset on the coast of Barbary near Morocco, and ten out of the twelve were drowned. The other two were made slaves. One is since dead, and the other, whose name is Siot de Lartigue, is still alive in the hands of the infidels. Chapter XXIV. — How, after M. de Bethencourt had reached Spain, Gadifer's ship was lost.^ We will return to M. de Bethencourt, who, on reaching Spain, anchored the ship (which is said to have belonged to continent ledit Guillaume pour aller deuers luy. Mais assez-tost apres, eux doutans sa venue, se saisirent du bastel et se mirent dedans, et s'eslargirent bien auant en la mer, eux considerans le mal et le peche enquoy ils auoient offense deuers vn tel cheualier et leur capitaine, enx craignans I'ire et le courroux d'iceluy comme gens desesperez prindrefc leur chemin a tout le bastel droit en terre des Mores, car les Mores peuuent bien estre myvoy de la et d'Espagne, et de leur gouuernemet. lis s'allerent noyer en la coste de Barbai-ie pres de Mai'oc, et de douze qu'ils estoient les dix furent noyez, et les deux furent esclaues : dequoy I'vn est depuis mort, et I'autre qui s'appelle Siot de Lartigue est de- moure vif en la main des Payens. Chapitbe XXIY.— Comment la nef de Messire Gadifer fut perie. Si retournerons a parler de Monsieur de Bethencourt, et dirons que la nef ou il estoit arriue en Espagne, laquelle on disoit ' In order to place the narrative clearly before the reader, it has been found necessary to transpose the order of events in this chapter. 40 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST Gadifer) in the liarbour of Cadiz. And knowing that the crew was mutinous and badly disposed, he lost no time in throwing the i-ingleaders into prison, and so secured the vessel to himself. As he could now leave the ship with safety, he set off to Seville, where was the King of Castile, and while there he encountered Francisco Calvo, who had just arrived from the Canaries, and who offered, if Bethen- court saw fit, to return thither and revictual Gadifer. Bethencourt replied that he would give the matter his earliest consideration, but that at present he must seek an audience of the King. This he did, as we shall hear more fully, and received a most gracious welcome. Several merchants made him offers for the purchase of the ship, but he refused them all, intending to take it and many others back with him to the Canaries laden with provisions, for he had risen high in the favour of the King of Castile. Accordingly he sent word for it to come from Cadiz to Seville, but on her road she was unfortunately wrecked and qu'elle estoit a Gadifer, et arriua an port de Calix, ledit sieur S9acliat bien que les maroniers de ladicte nef estoient mauuais efc malicieux, fit grand' diligence encontre eux ; et en fit mettre en prison aucuns des pins principaux et print la nef en sa main. II vint aucuns marchands pour I'achepter, mais ledit sieur ne le vouloit pas ; car son intention estoit do retourner dedans la nef et d'autres auee, esdites Isles de Canare, et y porter ct enuoycr de la vitaille: car il estoit fort entre en grace du Roy de Castillo. II fit laditc nef partir du port de Calix pour la mener en Siuille cuidant bicn faire, et en allant elle fut perdue et perie, dont fut vn grand dommage, et fut au port de Basremede, et ainsi qu'6 dit, il y auoit des bagues qui valoiet de I'argent qui appartenoient a Messire Gadifer de la Salle, et ce qui en fut recueilly valoit bien cinq cens doubles, ainsi qu'on dit, qui ne vint point au pro- fit ne a la cognoissance dudit Gadifer. Et aucun pou dcuant que la nef fut perie, s'en estoit alle Monsieur de Bethencourt de Calix en Siuille la ou estoit le Roy de Castille ; et la vint Fran- cisque Caluo (jui promptement estoit arriue des Isles do Canare, OF THE CANAKIES. 41 lost ou the bax" of San Lucar de Barramedaj wliither he im- mediately hastened. It is said that several rings belonging to Messire Gadifer de la Salle were found, to the value of five hundred ducats, which the owner never saw or heard of airain. Chapter XXV. — How the ship Tajamar arrived at the port of Cadiz with the prisoners. Some days afterwards the ship Tajamar arrived at the port of Cadiz with Berthin on board and some of his par- tizans, the rest having in their desperation made their way to the Moorish coast and been drowned. With Berthin were the poor Canarians from Lancerote, who, under a semblance of good faith, had been treacherously captured, to be sold as slaves in foreign lands. But with him also came one Courtille, Gadifer^s trumpeter, who forthwith had Berthin arrested, with all his accomplices, proceeded against et se presenta de retourner deuers Gadifer s'il luy plaisoit de I'auitailler; et il luy dit qu'il en ordonneroit le plus tost qu'il pouiToit ; mais il falloit qu'il allast deuers le Roy de Castille qui adono estoit en Siuille, et ainsi fit-il, comme vous orrez plus a plain ; et la grand' chere et la bien-venue que ledit Roy luy fit. CuAPiTRE XXY. — La nef Tranchemare arriue au port de Callx auec les jprisonniers. En aucuns lours apres arriua la nef Trancliemare au port de Calix ; la ou estoit Berthin et vne partie de ceux qui auoient este consentans auecques lu}'- ; car les autres qui estoieut de son alli- ance par desespoir s'estoient allez noyer en la costiere de la terra des Mores. Et auoit Berthin auec luy les poures Canares habitans de I'lsle Lancelot, que soubz ombre de bonne foy ils auoient pris par trahison pour les mener vendre en estranges terres comme esclaues au perpetuel seruage; et la estoit Courtille, trompette de Gadifer, qui incontinent fit prendre Berthin et tous ses compagnons ; et fit faire Ic procez contre eux, ct par main de 42 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST them at law, aud liad them put in chains and cast into the king's prison at Cadiz. At the same time he sent inform- ation to Monsieur de Bethencourt, who was then at Seville, of all that had occurred, and intimated that if he would come, he could rescue all the poor Canarians. Monsieur de Bethencoui't was much amazed to hear such news ; and sent to say that he would put all these matters to rights as soon as he was able, but that he could not leave Seville at once, as he was about to have an audience of the King of Castile to speak of that and other matters. But whilst Monsieur de Bethencourt was transacting his business with the King of Castile, Fernando d' Ordonez took the ship to Aragon with all her cargo and the prisoners and sold them. Chapter XXVI. — How M. de Bethencourt did homage to the Kiug of Spain. Before Monsieur de Bethencourt took his depai-ture from the island of Lancerote and the Canaries, he had put every- Jnstice les fit enchaisner et mettre es prisos du Roy en Calix, et fit s^auoir a Monsieur de Bethencourt qui estoit en Siuille, tout le faict, et que s'il vouloit la venir il recouureroit tons les pauures Canares. Ledit sieur fut bien esbahy d'ouyr telles nouuelles, et leur mada que le plus tost qu'il pourroit il y mettroit remede, Mais il ne se pouuoit partir pour ceste heure, car il estoit sur le poinct de parler au Roy de Castille pour cela et pour autre chose. Et tandis que ledit Seigneur de Bethencourt fit ses besongnes deuers le Roy de Castille, vn nomme Ferrant d'Ordongnes ammena la nef en Arragon et tout le fardage et les prisonniers, et les vendit. CuAPiTRE XXVI. — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt fit hommage au Boy d'Espagne. Et comme il soit ainsi que auant que Monsieur de Bethencourt sc partit de I'lsle Lancelot et dcs Isles do Canarc, ledit Seigneur OF TIUJ C'ANARll'lS. 43 thing ill order to the best of his power, and had left Messire Gadifer the entire command, promising to return as soon as he could with reinforcements both of men and provisions, and never contemplating such disorder as afterwards ensued. Still, as one may readily understand, it is not easy to obtain an early audience of so great a prince as the King of Castile upon such a matter as this. When he had made his reverence to the King, who received him very graciously, and inquired what he wanted, Betheucourt said, ''I come. Sire, to pray you to be pleased to grant me permission to conquer and bring to the Christian faith certain islands called the Islands of Canary, in which I have been^ and have so far made a commencement, that I have left some of my people there, w^ho are daily looking for my return. I have also left a good knight named Master Gadifer de la Salle, who was pleased to join me in the expedition. And, inasmuch, Sire^ as you are king and lord of all the country adjacent to these islands, and the nearest Christian sovereign, I am come to ask that you will be graciously pleased to ordonna au mieux qu'il peut de ses besongnes, et laissa k Messire Gadiffer tout le gouuernement, luy promettant que le plus tost qu'il pourroit il reuiendroit le secourir, et rafraischir de gens et de viures, non pensant qu'il y eust vn tel defroy qu'il y a eu. Mais comme on peut s9auoir que auoir a besongner a vn tel Prince, comme le Roy de Castille, on ne peut pas auoir si tost fait, et pour vne telle matiere que c'est. Ledit Seigneur de Betheucourt vint faire la reuerece audit Roy, lequel le recent bien benignemet, et luy demanda qu'il vouloit, et ledit Betheu- court luy dit : Sire, ie viens a secours a vous. C'est qu'il vous plaise me donner conge de coquerir et mettre a la foy Chrestieile vnes isles qui s'appellent les Isles de Canare, esqueHes i'ay este, et commence tant que i'y ay laisse de ma compagnie, qui tous les iours m'atteudent, et y ay laisse vn bo cheualier nomme Messire Gadifer de la Salle, lequel il luy a pleu me tenir com- pagnie. Et pour ce, tres-cher Sire, que vous estes Roy et Sei- gneur de tout le pays a I'enuiro, et le plus prez Roy Chrcstie : Je suls vcnu requerat vostre grace, qu'il vous plaise me receuoir a 44 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST permit me to do you homage for them." On hearing this, the king was very pleased, gave him welcome, and commended him highly for having conceived so good and honourable a project as to come from such a distance as the kingdom of France with the view of making conquests and winning honour. The king further said, " It shows a very good intention on his part to come to do me homage for a country which, as I understand, is at two hundred leagues distance, and of which I never heard before." The king then spoke encouragingly to De Bethencourt, and told him that he was pleased with his proposition and accepted his homage, and in so far as it was possible, gave him the lordship of those Canary islands. He also granted him the jBfth of the merchandise, which should come from those islands to Spain ; which fifth Monsieur de Bethencourt received for a long time. The king further made him an im- mediate grant of twenty thousand maravedies,^ to be received in Seville, for the purchase of provisions for Gadifer and those who were left with him. This money was made payable by vous en faire hommage. Le Roy que I'ouyt parler fufc fort ioyeux, et dit qu'il fust le bien venu, et le prisa fort d'auoir si bon et honneste vouloir de venir de si loin, comme du Royaume de France, conquerir et acquerir honneur. Et disoit ainsi le Roy : "II luy vient d'vn bon courage, de vouloir venir me faire homage d'vne chose qui est, ainsi que ie peux entendre, plus de deux cens lieues d'icy, et dequoy ie n'ouys oncques pai'ler." Le Roy luy dit qu'il fist bonne chere, et qu'il estoit content de tout ce qu'il voudroit, et le receut a I'hommage, et luy donna la Seigneurie, tout autant qu'il estoit possible, des dictes Isles de Canare ; et en outre luy donna Ic quint des marcliandises qui des dites isles iroyent en Espagne; lequel quint ledit sieur de Bethen- court leua vne grand' saison ; et encore donna le Roy, pour auitailler Gadiffer et ceux qui estoyent demourez aucc luy, vingt millo mai'auesins a les prendre en Siuille. Lequel argent fut ' This coin was so named from the Moorish tribe of Ahnoravidcs, who introduced it into Spain. The smallness of its value may be judged by twenty thousand being given for tho puri)Osc' hero mentioned. OF THE CANARIES. 45 order of Monsieur de Bethencourt to Enguerrant de la Boissiere, wlio seems not to have done his duty with respect to it, for it is said that he went off to France with all, or at any rate a part of it. However, Monsieur de Bethencourt soon supphed the loss by sending stores of provisions, and himself returned to the islands as soon as he could, as will be seen presently. The king also gave him leave to coin money in the Canaries, which he did, when he came into peaceful possession of those islands. Chapter XXVII. — How Enguerrand de la Boissiere sold the boat belonging to the lost ship. As Enguerrand de la Boissiere had sold the boat of the wrecked ship, had taken the money, and written letters in which he pretended to be about to send provisions, Gadifer and his party were in great want of necessaries till M. de Bethencourt sent to supply thcmj they even passed a whole Lent with nothing but flesh-meat.^ There is no one, how- baille par le commandemont de Monsieur de Bethencourt a Enguerrant de la Boissiere, lequel n'en fit pas fort son deuoir ; et dit on que ledit de la Boissiere s'en alia en France a tout, ou vne partie. Mais pourtant ledit sieur de Bethencourt y remedia bien bref, et tant qu'ils eurent des viures, et y retourna luy mesme tout le plus bref qu'il pent, comme vous y orrez cy apres. Le Roy luy donna conge de faire monnoye au pays de Canare, et aussi fit-il, quand il fut vestu et saisi paisiblement desdites isles. Chapitre XXVII. — Comment Angiierrand de la Boissiere vendit le hastel de la nefj)erie. Comme Enguen^at de la Boissiere le bastel de la nef qui fut perie il vendit, et en print I'argent, et feignit lettres qu'il leur vouloit transmettre vitailles; pour laquelle chose ils eurent grande deffaulte iusques a tant que Monsieur de Bethencourt y eust remedie : car ils vescurent vn caresme qui falut qu'ils mangeassent ^ The meaning seems to be that they were destitute of all food except such meat — probably goat's flesh — as they could get. 46 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST ever powerful^ who is not liable to deceit and treachery, and M. de Betliencourt, in entrusting the money of the King of Castile to the said Enguerrand, had full faith in his probity. A certain Jean de Lesecases informed him of Enguerrand's dishonesty, and he immediately applied to the King for a ship and men to go to the relief of his people in the islands. Accordingly the King gave him a well mounted vessel, with eighty active men, besides four tuns of wine, seventeen sacks of corn, and other useful things in the shape of arms and other provisions. And M. de Bethen- court wrote to Master Gadifer bidding him to manage matters as well as he could, and to keep the men he was sending well employed, promising to come himself as soon as possible. He also sent him word that he had done homage for the islands to the King of Castile and had been welcomed very graciously, and moreover had received a sum of money and many promises of future benefits, and that he de la chair ; et comme on peut SQauoir nully tant soit grand ne se peut garder de faulsete et de traliison. Ledifc Seig-neur auoit fait bailler I'argent que le Roy de Castille luy auoit donne, audit Enguerrant, cuidat qu'il en fist son deuoir. Yn nomme Jean de Lesecases encusa audit Bethencourfc lodit Enguerrant, et qu'il ne faisoit pas son deuoir de I'argent que le Roy luy auoit fait bailler. Adonc ledit Sieur de Bethencourt vint deuers le Roy, et luy pria qa'il luy pleust luy faire auoir vne nef et des gens pour secourir ceux des isles: laquelle chose luy fit bailler vne nef bien artillee, et en celle nef y auoit bien quatre vingt hommes de fait: et si luy fit bailler quatre tonneaux de vin, et dix-sept sacs de farinc, et plasieurs choses necessaircs qui leur falloit, feust artil- lerie et autres proui.sions ; et rescrit Monsieur de Bethencourt a Messire Gadifer, qu'il entretiust les choses tout le mieux qu'il peust, et qu'il seroit es isles tout le plus bref qu'il se pourra faire, et qu'il mist les gens qu'il luy enuo^^e en besogne et qu'ils besongnassent tousiours fermement : et si luy rescrit qu'il auoit fait hommage au Roy de Castille des Isles de Canare, et que le Roy luy a fait grad' chere et plus d'honneur qu'a, luy n'appartient, et si lui avoit donne dp I'argent et pi-onns de faire beaueoup de OF THE CANARIES. 4-7 did not doubt to rejoin Gadifer very shortly. " The vessel," he wrote, "will be under your orders to make a tour of the islands, as I should counsel you to do, that you may better judge of your future line of conduct. I have been amazed at the treachery of Berthin de Berneval, who is sure to suffer for it sooner or later. He had given me no cause to suspect him; though I was told subsequently that he had no great affection for you, and wrote to warn you against him. My very dear brother and friend, one must suffer many things in this world ; it is best to forget what is past, and to do our duty to the best of our ability." Gadifer was very pleased at the arrival of the vessel and the contents of the letter, except at the announcement of the homage to the King of Castile, for he had expected to share in the possession and profits of the islands, which was not the intention of M. de Bethencourt, as will be seen. Consequently there arose disputes and quarrels between the two gentlemen, which very probably prevented the con- biens, et qu'il ne doutast point qu'il ue feust pas deuers luy bien bref, et tout le plustost qu'il se pourra faire, la barque ira la ou vous voudrez requerir d'allev antour des isles, laquelle chose ie conseille que faciez; pour tousiours sqauoir, comme on s'y deuera gouuerner. I'ay este bien esbaliy des grands faulsetes que Berthin de Berneual a fait, et ly en mesprendra quelle qui tarde: il ne m'a pas donne a entedre ainsi, que ie Fay sqen depuis, ie vous auois rescrit que on prinst garde a luy: car on m'auoit bie dit qu'il ne vous aimoit point de grand' amour ; mon tres-cher frere et amy, il faut souffrir beaneoup de clioses; ee qui est passe il le faut oublier, en faisant tousiours le mieux qu'o pourra. Le- dit Gadifer fut tout iouieux de tout, de la venue de la barque et de ee qu'il luy auoit rescrit, sinon de ce que il lui rescrisoit qu'il fait hommage au Roy de Castille : car il en pensoit auoir part et portion desdites isles de Canares, laquelle chose n'est pour I'in- tention dudit sieur de Bethencourt, comme il apperra de fait; iaqoit qu'il y aura de grosses pai'oles et des noises eutre les deux cheualiers ; et pent bien estre que les dites isles eussent este piessa conquises, ce ne fust este aucunes enuios. Car la com- 48 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST quest of tlie islands ; for tlie crew would obey none but M. de Bethencourtj as was natural^ since be was tbe proper bead and leader, and tbe promoter of tbe expedition. Meanwbile M. de Betbencourt was making bis preparations witb all possible speed, for bis one only object was to accomplisb tbe conquest of tbe Canaries. Wben M. de Betbencourt left Lancerote, it bad been bis intention to go to France, and bring back Madame de Betbencourt ; and be did in fact bring ber as far as Cadiz, but no fartber (for reasons wbicb do not appear). And as soon as be bad done bomage to tbe King, be sent back Madame de Betbencourt witb great bonour to bis bouse of Grain- ville la Teinturiere in Normandy, under tbe care of Enguer- rand de la Boissiere. Soon afterwards M. de Betben- court left Seville witb a small escort wbicb tbe King bad given bim, togetber witb all sorts of arms, witb wbicb be was mucb gratified. Meanwbile, Mme. de Betbencourt arrived safely at Grainville, wbere sbe was joyfully wel- pagnie ne vouloit obeyr qn'a Monsieur de Betbencourt ; aussi e'estoit bien raison, car il estoit le droit clief et meneur, et premier mouuemet de la conqueste desdites isles : ledit de Bethen- court fait ses apprestes tant le plutost qu'il peut, car tout le desir qu'il a, c'est de venir parfaire la conqueste des isles de Canare. Quand ledit sieur de Betbencourt partit de I'isle Lance- lot, e'estoit son intention d'aller iusques en France et raraener Madame de Betbencourt, car il I'auoit fait venir auec luy iusques au port de Calix, et elle ne passa point ledit port de Calix et in- continent qu'il eust fait hommage au Roy, il fit ramcner raadite Dame sa femme en Normandie iusques a son Hostel de Grain- uille de Tanturiere, et Enguerrant de la Boissiere fat en sa com- pagnie, ledit Seigneur la fit mener bien bonnestcment: et tantost api'cs ledit Seigneur se partit de Siuille, a toute vne belle petite corapagnie que le Roy de Castille luy fit auoir ; et si luy donna le Roy de Castillo de rartilleric de toute maniere tant qu'il fut et dcuolt bien cstrc content. Or s'en va Madame de Betlioncourt en son pays de Normandie, en sondit Hostel de Grainuillo, au OF THE CANARIES. 49 comecl by lior people^ and wIicm'c slic remained till her hus- band returned from the Canaries, as you will hear in the sequel. Chapter XXVIII. — The names of those who were treacherous to Gadifer, the natives of Lancerote, and their own comrades. The following are the names of those who were accom- plices in Berthin's treacheiy. After Berthin, Pierre des^ Liens, Augerot de Montignac, Ciot^ de Lartigue, Bernard de Castellenau,^ Guillaume de Nau, Bernard de Mauleon called the Cock, Guillaume de Salerne called Labat, Maui'elet de Conrenge,^ Jean de Bidouville, Bidaut de Hornay,^ Ber- nard de Montauban, Jean de PAleu,^ the Bastard de Blessi, Philippot de Baslieu, Olivier de la Barre, big Perrin, Gillet de la Bordeniere, Jean le Brun, Jean, Bethencourt^s seamster. pays de Caux, la ou ecux du pays luy firent grand' chere, et fufc la iusques a tant que mondit Seigneur reuinst de Canare comme vous orrez cy-apres. Chapitre XXYIIl. — Les noms de ceux qui trahirent Gadifer, et ceux de Visle Lancelot et leurs jpropres com]^agnons. Ce sent les noms tous ensemble de ceux qui ont este traistres auec Berthin ; et premicrement ledit Berthin et Pierre des Liens, Ogerot de Montignac, Ciot de Lartigue, Bernard de Castellenau, Guillaume de Nau, Bernard de Mauleon, dit le Coq, Guillaume de Salerne, dit Labat, Maurelet de Conrenge, Jean de Bidou- uille, Bidaut de Horna}', Bernard de Montauban, Jean de I'Aleu, le Bastart de Blessi, Plilippot de Baslieu, Oliuier de la BaiTe, le grand Perrin, Gillet dc la Bordeniere, Jean le Brun, Jean le ^ In chapter 10, " de." * Inchap. 10, "MoreletdeCouroge." 2 In chapter 10, " Siort." « In chapter 10, " Ilournau." ' In chapter 10, " Chastelvary." " In chapter 10, " Alien." E 50 HISTOKY OF THE CONQUEST Pernet the blacksmith, Jacques the baker, Michelet the cook. All these were the cause of much mischief. Most of them were from Gascony, Aiijou, and Poitou. Three were from Normandy. But we will leave speaking of this matter, and return to Messire Gadifer and those who were with him. Chapter XXIX. — How the natives of Lancerote became alienated from the followers of Bethencourt after the treachery of Berthin. The people of Lancerote were much aggrieved at being thus betrayed and captured, and imagined that our faith and law could not be as good as we represented, since we betrayed each other, and wei'e not consistent in our actions. At last their rage and terror became so extreme, that they turned against us and killed our people. And because Cousturier de Bethencourt, Fernet le Mareschal, Jacqaet le Boulanger, Michelet le Cuisinier; tons iceux deuant dits ont este cause de beaucoup de mal, et la plupart estoient du pays de Gascongne, d'Anjou, de Poitou et trois de Normandie. Nous laissons a parler de celle maniere, et parlerons de Messire et de la compagnie. CllAPrrRE XXIX. — Comme ceux do Visle Lancerote s^estrangerent des gens de Monn'SMir de T/elhencourt apres la tnihison que Berthin leur auoit faitc. Les gens de I'isle Lancerote furent tres mal conteus de ce qu'ils furent prins et trahis, tant qu'ils disoient que nostre foy et nostrc loy n'estoit point si bonne que nous disions qnad nous traissons I'vn I'autre, et que nous faisions si terrible chose I'vn contre I'autrc, et quo uous n'estions point formes a nos faits : et furent iceux Payens do Lancerote tons mens contre nous, et s'cstrangeoient fort, tant qu'ils se rebellerent ct tnoreni de nos gens, dont co fut ])i(i('' i4 doiiiniago : of })our cc que Gadiflor no OP THE CANARIES. 51 Gadifer had it not tbcn in his power to pursue the matter himself, he appealed to all the authorities in France and elsewhere to bring to justice the authors of all this mischief, if they should fall into their hands. CuAPTKU XXX. — How Asche, one of the principal men in Lanccrote, proposed to betray the King. Matters being brought to this pass^ that our religion was despised^ ourselves evil spoken of, and above all our com- panions killed and wounded^ Gadifer threatened to kill all upon whom he could lay hands unless those who had slain our companions were given up. About this time a certain native named Asche, who aspired to the throne of Lancerote, held much consultation with Messire Gadifer : presently he went away, and a few days after sent his nephew (whom M. pent, quant a present, le fait bonnement poursninre, ainsi qu'il desire, il requert tons iusticiers du Royaume de Fi-ance et d'ailleui's en ayde de droit, et que en cecy, lis accomplissent iustice, se aucuns des malfacteurs peuuent estre attains et cheoir a lenrs mains, ainsi comme a tel eas appartient. Chapitre XXX. — Comme Ache, vn des plus grands de lille Lancerote, fit traitor de prendre le Hoy. Or est ainsi que apres que ceste chose est aduenue, dequoy nous somraes fort diiFamez par de9a, et nostre foy desprisee, la- qaelle ils tenoient a bonne, et maintcnant tienncnt le contraire, et en outre ont tue nos compagnons ; et blesse plusieurs. Si leur manda Gadiffer qu'ils luy rendissent ceux qui ce auoient fait, ou qu'il feroit mourir tous ceux qu'il pourroit attaindre des leurs. Durant ces choses vint deuers luy vn nomrae Asche paycn de la- dite isle qui vouloit estre Roy do I'isle Lancerote, et parlerent Me.ssii'e Gadiifer et luy moult longuement sur celle matiere, Et tant s'en alia Asche, et aucuns iours apres il transmit son neveu; E 2 52 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST de Betheuconrt bad sent from France as interpreter) to say that tlie King hated the Christians, so that during his hfe they would have little success ; that he had caused the death of our companions, but that Asche would find means to deliver him and all the other culprits into our hands. At this Gadifer rejoiced greatly, and sent word to him to take his measures well and to let him know the place and the hour, which was done. Chaptek XXXI. — How Asche betrayed his master in the hope of en- trapping Gadifer and his companions. Now this was a double treachery, for by betraying the King his master, he hoped, with the help of his nephew Alphonse, who was constantly with them, to entrap Gadifer and his men, thinking that their small numbers would ren- lequel Monsieur de Betbencourt auoit amene de France pour estre son trucbement, et luy manda que le Roy le bayoit, et que tant qu'il vesquist nous n'aurions riens d'eux sinon a grand' peine; et qu'il estoit du tout coulpable de la raort de ses gens ; et s'il vou- loit qu'il trouueroit bien maniere qu'il luy fairoit bien prendre le Roy et tons ceux qui furent a la raort de ses compagnons ; dont Gadiffer fut moult ioyeux, et luy manda qu'il appoinctast bien la besongnc, et quo il luy fit s9auoir le temps et I'lieurc, et ainsi fut fait. CiiAi'irRE XXXI. — Conime Aclie traldt son Seigneur en esperance de traliir Gadifer et sa comparjnie. Or estoit cestc traison double, car il vouloit trayr le Roy son Seigneur et estoit son propos et son intention de trair apres Gadiffer et toutes ses gens, par renbortcmcnt de son novcu nomme Alpboncc, Icquel dcmcuroit eontinucllemcnt auec nous ; ct s^auoit que nous estions si pen de gens, qui luy scmbloit bien qu'il n'y auoit gueres affaire a nous destruire, car nous u'estions OF THE CANARIES. 53 der them an easy prey. But we shall sec in the sequel liow he succeeded. When Ascho judj^cd that the opportunity was come, ho sent to summon Gadifer, telling him that the King was in one of his castles, in a village near Acatif, with fifty of his people. This was on the eve of St. Catharine, 1402. Gadifcr immediately took nineteen men, and, march- ing all night, arrived at the spot before daybreak, and found them in a house taking counsel against the Christians. He thought to have entered without difficulty, but they had set a guard round the house, who made a desperate defence, and wounded several of our men. Five of those who killed our companions came out, three of whom received fearful wounds, one with the sword and the others with arrows. At last the Christians succeeded in forcing the house, but as Gadifer had found that the men in it were not guilty of the death of his men, he set them free at the instance of Asche. He only retained the King and another named Alby, and having chained them round the neck, led them straight to the demeurez en vie qu'vn bien peu de gens de defFence. Or orrez qa'il en aduint ; quand Asche vit sou poinct pour faire prendre le Roy, il manda a Gadifer qu'il vinst et que le Roy esfcoit en vn de ces chastiaux en vn village pros de rAcatif, et auoit ciuquante de ses gens auec luy, et fut la veille Saincte Catherine, mil quatre cans et deux, et s'en alia toute nnit et arriua sur eux ainchois qu'il fust iour, la ou ils estoiet tous en vne maison, et auoient leur couseil centre nous. Si cuida entver sur eux, mais ils garderent I'entree de la maison, et mirent grand' defFence en eux, et blesserent plusieurs de nos gens, et s'en yssirent cinq de ceux qui auoient este a tuer nos compagnons, dent les trois furent mallement blesses, I'vn d'vne espee parray le corps, les autres de flesches ; si entrerent nos gens sur eux a force et les prindrent ; mais pource que Gadifer ne les trouua point coulpables de la mort de ses gens, il les deliura a la requeste dudit Asche ; et fut rctenu le Roy et vn autre nomme Alby, lesquols il fit euchesncr par les cols, et les mcua tout droit en la place ou ses gens 54 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST place where bis men had been killed. When he reached this spot, where the bodies had been covered over with earthj his anger overcame him, and seizing Alby, he would have struck off his head, but the King assured him that he had not been guilty of the death of the men, and offered his own head to the axe if he should be found either guilty or conniving at the slaughter. Gadifer warned him that what he said would be at his own peril, for he should in- form himself thoroughly on the matter. The King further promised Gadifer to give up all those who were concerned in the death of his men. They then returned all together to Rubicon, where the King was put into two sets of irons. After a few days he freed himself from one pair of fetters, which were too wide. When Gadifer saw this, he had him put in chains, and removed the other pair of fetters, which galled him badly. auoient este tuez, et les trouua oii il les auoient couuers de terre, et moult cource print ledit Alby, et luy voaloit faire trencher la teste ; mais le Roy luy dit enverite qu'il n'auoit point este a la mort des compagnons ; et s'il trouuoit qu'il en eust oncques este consentant ne coulpable, qu'il obligeoit sa teste a coupper. Lors dit Gadiffer que bien se gardat, et que ce seroit a son peril, car il s'informeroit tout a plain, et en outre le Roy luy promit qu'il luy bailleroit tons ceux qui furent a tuer ses gens, et ataut s'en allerent tons ensemble au chastel de Rubicon, la fut mis le Roy en deux peres de fers. Aucuns iours apres se deliura par faute de fers mal acoustres qui estoient trop largcs ; quand Gadifer vit cela, il fit enchainer ledit Roy, et luy fit oster vn pere de fers qui moult le blessoient. OV THE CANARIES, 55 CiiAi'TKR XXXII. — How Asche stipulated with Gadifer that he should be made King. A few days after Asche came to the castle of Rubicon, and it was arranged that he should be made King on condition that he and his partisans should receive baptism. When the King saw him, he looked at him with indignation, exclaim- ing: "Fore tro7icqueuay ," which means "Wicked traitor." Aschc, however, took leave of Gadifer, and invested himself with the royal robes. A few days after, Gadifer sent seven men in quest of barley, for the store of bread was almost out. They collected a great quantity, and placed it in an old castle, which was said to have been built by Lancelot Maloisel,' and then set out to fetch men from Chapitkb XXXII. — Covime Asche appointa a Gadifer qii'tl seroit Boy. En aucuns iours apres vinfc Asche au chastel de Rubicon : et parlerent qu'il seroit Roy par condition qu'il feroit baptiser luy et tons ceux de sa part, et quand le Roy le vit venir, il le regarda moult despite ment en disant : ^^Fore troncqueuaij,^^ c'est a dire, Traistre mauuais. Et ainsi se partit Asche de Gadifer, et se vestit comme Roy ; et aucuns iours apres transmit Gadifer de ses gens pour querir de I'orge : car nous n'auions plus de pain si peu non. Si assemblerent grande quantite d'orge, et le mireut en vn vieil chastel que Lancerote Maloisel auoit jadis fait faire, ^ This important reference to an earlier occupation of the island is connected with the naming of the island of Lancerote, and also carries us back to a fact in the history of Atlantic exploration which has been only recently developed. M. d'Avezac, with his usual untiring research, has shewn that the discoverer of this island was of the ancient, but now extinct, Genoese family of Malocello. In a Genoese map of the date of 1-155, made by Bartolommeo Pareto, are inserted against the island the words "Lansaroto Maroxello Januensis ;" and a passage in Petrarch (born in 1304), to the effect that an armed Genoese fleet had penetrated as far as the Fortunate Islands a generation back (a patrum mcmoria), 56 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Eubicon to cany the barley. On their road they met the new King Asche with twenty-three men, who greeted them with great appearance of friendship, and joined company with them. But Jean le Courtois and his companions began to mistrust hira, and kept close together, except Guillaume selon que Ion dit, et de la se partirent et se mirent en cliemiu Bept compagncns pour venir a Rubicon querir des gens pour y porter I'orge, et quand ils furent sur le cliemin, ledit Asche qui estoit fait nouueau Roy, soy viugt-quatriesme, vint allencontre d'eux en semblance d'amitie et allerent longuement ensemble : mais Jean le Courtois et ses compagnous se commenceret a douter vn peu, et se tenoient tous ensemble, et ne vouloicnt point qu'ils assemblassenfc fors que Guillaume d'Andrac qui makes the voyage, which in all probability was that in which Lancelote Malocello sailed, to take place at latest in the close of the thirteenth century. In this fact we find the reason why Genoese map-makers of the fourteenth century affixed the arms of Genoa to this island by way of reserving a claim to it. But from this very reservation by the Genoese of a claim to the island of Lancjarote we are led to another most important fact, to which the present writer called especial atten- tion in his Life of Prince Henry the Navigator and its Results, London, 1868, viz., that the Canaries in the year 1341, the Madeira group and the Azores at periods anterior to 1351, were discovered for the crown of Portugal by Portuguese vessels commanded by Genoese captains. These facts are based upon a Genoese map of the latter date in the Laurentian library at Florence, in which all these groups are laid down, but with the sole claim of Lancerote for Genoa, a sufficient proof that they had not been discovered by the Genoese on their own account. By a treaty concluded in 1317, Denis the Labourer, King of Portugal, had secured the services of the Genoese Enunanuele Pezagno as hereditary ad- miral of his fleet, on the condition that he and his successors should supjily annually twenty exjDericnced Genoese captains to command the King's galleys. The re-discovery of the Canaries in 1341 is shewn by a docu- ment in the handwriting of Boccaccio, discovered in 1827 by Sebastiano Ciampi, which informs us that in that year two Portuguese ves.sels, commanded by Genoese captains, but manned with Italians, Spaniards of Castile and other Spaniards (llispani, including Portuguese), made that re-discovery. — R. II. M. OF THE CANAUIKS, 57 d'Aiulnic, who rodo with the iititivcs, and suspected notliing. AVhen the hitter saw their opportunity, they fell upon the said GuillaumCj and dragging him down gave him thirteen wounds, and would have killed him ; but Jean Ic Courtois and his companions hearing the noise, turned vigoi'ously upon them, rescued him with great difficulty, and carried liiiu back to the castle of Rubicon. CuAPTEii XXXIII. — How the King escaped from Gadifer's custody, and how he had Asche put to death. Now it happened that in the night of this same day the rightful King escaped from his prison at Rubicon, carrying with him the fetters and chains with which he was bound ; and as soon as he reached his own dwelling, he seized Asche (who had betrayed him, and made himself King), and had him stoned and afterwards burned. The next day but one, the garrison of the old castle, on learning how Asche cheminoit auec eux, et ne se doutoieut de riens. Quaud ils eurent cliemine vue piece, et ils virent leur poinct, ils chargerent sur ledit Guillaume, et I'abatirent a terra, et le blesserent de treize playes, et I'eussent paracheue, mais ledit Jean et les com- pagnons ouyrcnt le bruit et retournerent vigoureusenient sur eux, et le recouirent a grand peine, et le ramenereut au cliastel de Rubicon. Chapitre XXXIII. — Comment le Hoy eschapa des prisons de Gadiffer, et comment ilfd mourir Asche. Or aduint que ce iour propreoient par nuit Ic premier Roy eschapa de la prison de Rubicon, et emporta les fers et la chaino dent il estoit lie, et tantost qu'il fut a son hostel, il fit prendre ledit Asche qui s'estoit fait Roy, et aussi il I'auoit trahy, et le fit lapider de pierres, et puis le fit ardoyer. Le second iour apres, les compagnons, Icsquels cstoieut au vicil chastel sccurcnt com- 58 HISTOKY OP THE CONQUEST Lad fallen upon Jean le Courtois, d'Andrac and their com- panions took one of their Canarian prisoners to a high mountain, and having cut off his head, stuck it on a high pole, so that everyone might see it, and opened war upon the natives. They captured great numbers of men, women, and children, and the remnant betook themselves for refuge to the caverns, not daring to wait for the approach of the Christians, the greater number of whom scoured the country, while the rest remained at home to guard the castle and the prisoners. They used all their efforts to make captives, for it was their only solace till the arrival of M. de Bethen- court, who, as you will hear, soon sent them relief. Berthin had caused them many troubles and difficulties, and had occasioned the loss of many lives. ment le nouueau Roy auoit couru sus a Jean le Courtois et a d'Andrac et aux compagnons. Si prindrent vn Canare qu'ils auoient et luy allerent trencher la teste sur vne haute montagne, et la mirent sur vn pal bien hault, afin que chacun le peut bien voir, et de la en auant commencerent guerre a I'eneontre de ceux du pays. On print grand foisou de leurs gens et femmes et en- fans, et le surplus sont en tel poinct, qu'ils se vont tapissans par les cauernes ; et n'osent nulluy attendre ; et sont tousiours sur les champs la plus grand' partie d'eux, et les autres demeurent a I'hostel pour garder le chastel et les prisonniers et mettcnt toute diligence qu'ils peuuent de prendre gens; car c'est tout leur reconfort, quant a present, en attendat Monsieur de Bethen- court, lequel enuoyra de bref reconfort comme vous orrez. Berthin leur a fait vn grand mal et dcstoubier, et est cause de mainte mort donnee. OF THE CANARIES. 59 CiiAi'TER XXXIV. — Ilow Gadifer proposed to Icill all the fighting iiioii in the island of Lancerote. Gadifer and bis companions resolved, if they saw no other course open to them, to kill all the men of the country who bore arms, and to save the women and children, and have them baptised; and to remain there till God should provide otherwise for them. At Pentecost, in this year, more than eighty persons, men, women, and children, were baptised, with a good hope that God would confirm them in the fiiith, and make them a means of edification to all the country round about. There is no reason to doubt that if M. de Bethencourt had been able to return sooner to the Canaries, and if a few princes had given him their assist- ance, he might have conquered not only the Canaries, but many other great countries then very little known, but as profitable as any in the world, and full of misbelievers of divers laws and languages. If Gadifer and his companions Chapitre XXXIV. — Comment Gadifer eui propos de tuer tous les Jwmmes de deffence de lisle Lancerote. Si est le propos Gadififer et aux compagnons tel que si ne trouuent autre remede, lis tueront tous les hommes de deifence du pays ; et retendront les femes et les enfans, et les feront bap- tiser, et viuront comme eux iusques a tant que Dieu y ait autre- ment pourueu, et s'y out este a ceste Pentecoste que hommes et femmes et enfans plus de quatre vingts baptisez : et Dieu par sa grace leur vueille tellement confermer en nostra foy, que se soit bonne exemple a tout le pays de par de^a. II ne faut point fairc de doute que si Monsieur de Bethencourt pent venir, et qu'il east vn pen d'ayde de quelque Prince, on ne conquerroit pas seulement les isles de Canare, on conquerroit beaucoup de plus grands pays dequoy il est bien pcu de mention, et de bon, d'aussi bon s'il soit gueres au mondc, et do bien peuple de gens mescreaus, et de diuerses loix, et de diuers laugagcs. Se ledit Gadifer eust 60 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST would have put their prisoners to ransom, they would soon have recovered the expenses of the expedition. But God forbid that they should have done so, for most of them re- ceived baptism. And God forbid that they should ever be forced to sell them ! But they were amazed at receiving no tidings from M. de Bethencourt, and at seeing no ships arrive from Spain or elsewhere which were wont to frequent those parts, for they stood in great need of refreshment and comfort, and prayed God of His mercy to send them relief. Chapter XXXV. — How ]\I. dc Bethencourt's vessel arrived with vouchers. God's work is not long a-doing, and things are soon changed when it pleases Him ; for He sees and knows the thoughts and imaginations of the heart, and never forgets them who trust in Him, but brings them speedy comfort. voulu et ses compagnons prendre les prisonniers a renson, ils eussent bien recouuert les frais qui leur ont couste en ce voyage. Mais ja Dieu ne plaise, car la plupart se font baptizer, et ja Dieu ne plaise que necessite les contraigne qu'il conuinst qu'ils fussent vendus ; mais ils sont esbahies que Monsieur de Bethen- court n'envioye quelques nouuelles, ou qu'il ue vient quelque nauire d'Espagne ou d'ailleurs, qui ont accoustumc de venir et frequenter en ces marches ; car ils ont grande necessite d'estre rafraichis et reconfortez, que Dieu ])ar sa grace y veuille re- niedier. CuApn'RE XXXV. — Comment la barge do Monsieur de Bcthcncourt arriua Men authorisee. En pcu d'hcure Dieu labcurc, les clioses sont bie tost muees quaud il plaist a Dieu, car il voit et cognoist les ponscos cfc volonte des couurs, et u'oublie iamais ccux {|ui ont en luy bonne esperancc, et sout a ccste lieui'c reconfortez. 11 arriuu vne OF THE CAXARIES. 61 There arrived at the port of Graciosa a vessel from M. do Bethciicourt, which cheered their hearts, and supplied them with victuals and other necessities. There were in the vessel more than eighty men, although more than forty-four of them were almost laid up. The King of Castile had given them to M. dc Bethencourt, with a store of arms and provisions. And, as has before been said, M. de Betlien- court sent letters to Mcssire Gadifer de la Salle, in which, among other things, he informed him of his having done homage to the King of Castile for the Canary Islands. This vexed Gadifer, and made him less cheerful than usual in his manner, Avhich astonished his companions who were ignorant of the cause, and only knew of the reasons he had for rejoicing. Every one knew that M. de Bethencourt had done homage for the islands, but did not suspect that that was the cause of Gadifer's displeasure, and he enlightened none of them, but calmed himself and shewed his vexation as barque au port de I'lsle Graeieuse, que Monsieur de Bethen- court leur a transmis, dequoy ils furent tous ioyeux et en furent rafraischis et rauitaillez. II y auoit bien en la barque plus de quatrevingts hommes, dont il y en auoit plus de quarante-quatre en poinct de se trouuer sur les rens ; car le Roy de Castillo las auoit baillez a Monsieur de Bethencourt, et si y auoit de plusieurs artilleries et de viures assez : et comme i'ay deuant dit, le siour de Bethencourt a rescrit a Messire Gadiffer de la Salle vnes lettres ; ausquelles il lui rescriuoit plusieurs cliozcs, entre les- quelles il luy mandoit qu'il auoit fait bommage au Roy de Cas- tille des Isles de Canare de laquelle chose il n'en estoit pas ioyeux, et ne faisoit point si bonne chere qu'il vouloit faire. Les gentils-hommes et les compagnons s'en emerueilloient, car il scmbloit qu'il deuoit faire bonne chei'e, et qu'il n'auoit pas autre cause, mais nul ne peut s9auoir que c'estoit. Les nouuelles estoient par tout que Monsieur de Bethencourt auoit fait hom- mage au Roy de Castille, des Isles de Canare. Mais iamais per- sonne n'eust pense que ce fat este a cetto cause, et ledit Gadifer ne s'en fust dcscouucrt en nulluy : II s'appaisa, et en fit le moins 62 HISTORY OF TEE CONQUEST little as possible. Also, tlie master of the ship and of the bark told them of the fate of the traitors who had injured them whose names are mentioned above, on whom God had worked His Will and punished them for their sins ; for some were drowned off the coast of Barbary, and some were in their own country in punishment and disgrace. And now occurred a great marvel; for one of the boats of Gadifer's ship — that one which the Gascons had taken in the month of October of 1402, when they were drowned off the coast of Barbary — returned safe and sound from the place where they had perished, a distance of five hundred leagues,^ and arrived at the port of Graciosa in the August of 1403, at the same place whence they had taken it when the traitor Berthin deserted them and set them on shore. This was hailed as a great boon, for they needed the boat greatly; and now that the bark was come with the men and provisions, Gadifer gave them the best welcome he could, though with a heavy heart. He asked what news they semblant qu'il pent : Item le maistre de la nef et barqtie leur dit au vray qu'estoient deueuus les traistres qui taut leur ont fait de mal, desquels les noms sont cy deuant declarez ; ausquels Dieu y a monstre son bon plaisir, et en a prins vengeace du mal qu'ils leur out fait. Car les vns sont en Barbarie noyez, et les autres sont a leur pays a honte et a des-honneur, et est aduenu vne grande m.erueille: car I'vn des bateaux de la nef Gadiffer, que les Gascons qui la estoient amenerent au mois d'Ofitobre mil quatre cens et deux, auquel ils sont noyez et perls en la costc de Bar- barie, est reuenu sain et entier de plus de cinq cens licues d'icy, la oil ils furent noyez, et arriua au port de I'isle Gratieuse au mois d'Aoust, mil quatre cens et trois, en la propre place oii ils auoient prins, quand le traisti'e Bertliin les cut trains, et fait bouter hors de la nef la oil ils estoient et mettrc ji terre ; et ce tenoicnt-ils a moult grand chose : car c'est vn grand reconfort jiour eux. Or est la barque recueillie et les gens et les viuros, et leur fit ledit Gadifer la raeilleure chare qu'il peut, prcuez qu'il ne An exat;;n:cr;itio)i, more likely twn liiiinlrcd iiiilos at tlio most. OF THE CANARIES. 63 brought from Castile, and the master of the vessel replied : '^ I know of none but that the King had welcomed M. de Bethencourt, who will soon be here ; but he had sent Mme. de Betheucourt back to Normandy, where I believe she now is. It is now some time since I left the country, and even then he was making every preparation for his return hither, for which he is very anxious ; and we must not fail to do the best we can till he arrives." To which Gadifer replied : " We shall not fail, nor cease to labour, though he be absent, as we have hitherto done.^^ CHArxEii XXXVI. — How Gadifer left Lancerote in the barge to in- spect all tlie other islands. After M. de Bethencourt^s vessel had arrived at Rubicon and unloaded her cargo of provisions (wine, corn, etc.), Messire Gadifer went on board of her with the greater part fut pas trop ioyeux; il leur demanda des nouuelles de Castille, et le maistre de la nef luy respondit qu'il n'en s9auoit nulles, fors que le Roy f:iit bonne chore a Monsieur de Betbencourt, et sera de bref par de9a, mais qu'il ait fait mener Madame de Bethen- conrt en N'ormandie ; et ie cuide de ceste heure qu'elle y est ; B y a ja grand' piece que ie suis party du pays, et il se hastoit fort des a done de I'enuoyer, a celle fin qu'il retournast par de(^a: car il luy ennuye tres-fort qu'il n'est par de9a, et seurement il y sera de bref, il ne faut pas laisser a faire du mieux que Ton pourra tant qu'il soit veuu. Si respondit Gadiffer, aussi fera non dea, on ne lairra pas a besongncr si n'y est, nyent plus qu'on a fait. Chapitre XXXVI. — Comme celle targe partit dp. VIsle Lancerote pour visiter toutes les autres isles. Et apres que la barge de Monsieur de Bethencourt fut arriuee au port de Rubicon, et ils eurent recucillis tons les viures qui y estoient, vins, et farincs, et autres choscs ; Messire Gadifer se 64 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST of his company, and put to sea to visit the other islands on behalf of M. de Bethencourt with a view to their future conquest. The master and crew of the bark were moreover very anxious to secure some of the produce of these parts, which would bring them great profit in Castile, such as skins, fat, orchil,^ (which is very valuable, and is used for dyeing), dates, dragon's blood, and many other things. For partit et se niit en la mer dedans la barque auec la pluspart de la compagnie, pour aller visiter les autres isles, pour Monsieur de Bethencourt, et pour la conqueste qui, se Dieu plaist, se fera a bonne fin. Aussi le maistre de barque et les compagnons auoient grand desir de gaigner, pour remporter des besougnes de par de9a, pour y gaigner en Castille, car ils peuuent emporter plusieurs manieres de marchandises, comrae cuirs, gresses, our- soUe, qui vaut beaucoup d'argent qui sert a tainture, dattes, sang drago, et plusieurs autres choses qui sont au pays : car lesdites • Orchil ; Ital. orciglia, Span, orchilla. This lichen yielding a beautiful purple dye was for centuries imported largely, and still is imported, from the Canaries and the other Atlantic islands, especially the Cape Verde Islands, though by far the largest quantity has in recent times been brought from the east coast of Africa. Some have supposed, from the passage now under the reader's notice, that this jalant was first found in the Canary Islands, but it was known and in use as a dye long before the time of Bethencourt. We learn from the Istoria Genealogica delle famiglie nohili Toscane of Eugenio Gamurrini, Fiorenza, 1668, vol. i, p. 274, that the noble Florentine family of the Rucellai derived their name from the secret of dyeing with orciglia, introduced for the first time into Italy from the Levant by one of their ancestors. The date of this event is placed by the Giornale de" Letter ati d' Italia., torn. 33, part 1, art. 6, p. 231, about the year 1300. Hence the family were named Oricellari, frequently mentioned in the archives of Florence. This name by corruption became llucellari and llucellai, and from it comes the modern botanical name of the lichen " Koccella tinctoria." The dye itself is called " oricello," and I venture to surmise that this word is derived from the Latin "oricella" or "auricella" (the diminutive, of auricula), the lower fleshy part of the ear, an idea wliich the con- sistency and feel of the plaut wlien growing may have suggested. — R. II. IM. OV THE CANARIES. 65 these islands were uuder the protection and dominion of M. de Bethencourt, who had made a proclamation on the part of the King' of Castile that none should visit them but by his permission, he having gained that privilege from the King, of which fact Gadifer, when he went to the islands, was ignorant. They arrived at the island of Erbanie, where Gadifer disembarked with Remonnet de Leneden, Hanne- quin d'Auberbosc, Pierre de Revil (or Eeuil), Jamet de Barege, and others of the company, together with their prisoners and two Canarian guides. Chapter XXXVIT. — How Gadifer landed on the island of Erbanie. A few days after the lauding of Gadifer in the island of Erbanie, he and Eemonnet de Leneden, with thirty-five companions, started for the river Vien de Palmes to see if they could come upon any of the natives, and nearly reached isles estoient et sont en la protection et seigneurie de Monsieur de Bethencourt et auoit-on crie de par le Roy de Castille que nul n'y allast sinon par son conge, car ainsi auoit il impetre du Roy ; lequel Gadiffer quand il vint es isles il ne sgauoit mie que c'estoit. Et arriuerent en I'isle d'Albanye, et descendit ledit Gadifer, Remonnet de Leneden, Hannequin d'Auberbosc, Pierre de Reuil, lamet de Barege, auec autres de ceux de la compagnie, et du nauire et des prisonniers qu'ils auoient, et deux Canariens pour les conduire. Chapitke XXXVII. — Gadifer part de la barge pour aller en VIsle d' Erbanie. Qvand Gadifer fut passe auec la barque en I'isle dAlbanie, aucuns iours apres se partit luy et Remonnet de Leneden, et les compagnous de la barque iusques au nombre de trente cinq hommes pour aller a Ruissel de Palmes veoir s'ils pourroient rencontrer aucuns de leurs ennemis : et arriuerent pres de la P 66 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST it by nightfall. They came upon a fountain^ by which they rested a while, and then began to climb a high mountain whence they could overlook a great jDart of the country; and when they were halfway up the mountain^the Spaniards would go no farther, but twenty-one of them turned back, most of them cross-bow men. Gadifer was much displeased, but kept on his road with his twelve remaining men, only two of whom were archers. After reaching the summit, he took six companions and went to the place where the river falls into the sea, to ascertain whether there were any harbour; and then returning up the stream, found Remonnet de Leneden and his companions waiting for him at the en- trance of the Palm Grove, which is wonderfully difficult of access, and is only two stones^ throw in length and two or three lances broad. They found it necessary to take off their shoes to pass over the slabs of marble, which were so smooth and slippery that they could only cross them on hands and feet, and even those who were behind had to hold the ends of par nuict, et ti-ouuerent vne fontaine la ou ils se reposeret vn peu, puis comencerent a moter vne haute motaigne ; dequo}'' Ton peut bie aduiser vne grand' partie du pays ; et quand ils furent bien my-voye de la montaigue, les Espagnols ne voulurent aller non plus auant, et s'en retournerent vingt et vn qu'ils estoient Arballestriers la plus grand' parfcie d'eux, et quand Gadifer vit cela il n'en fut pas ioyeux, et s'en alia son chemin luy treizieme, et n'y auoit que deux archers. Quand ils furent a mont, il print six compagnons, et s'en alia la ou le ruisseau chet en la mer, pour s9auou' s'il y auoit aucun port : et puis s'en retourna con- tremont le ruisseau, et trouua Remonnet de Leneden et les com- pagnons qui I'attendoient a I'entree dcs palmiers ; lii est I'entree si forte quo c'est vne merucille, et no dare pas plus de deux iets do picrre, efc do deux ou trois lances de large ; et lour coiuiiut deschuusser leurs soulliers pour passer sur les pierres de marbres et estoient si honnies et si glissantes qu'on no s'y pouuoit tenir fors a quati'e pieds, et encor conaonoit-il qvu^ les deniiers ap- OP THE CANARIES. 67 their lances for the foremost to push their feet against, and they, when safely over, in their turn pulled the hindmost after them ; beyond, the valley was lovely and unbroken, and very pleasant : it was shaded by about eight hundred palm trees in groups of a hundred and twenty-six, with streams running between them; they were more than twenty fathoms high, like the masts of a ship, and were so green and leafy and full of fruit that they were a goodly sight to behold. There they dined in the shade on the turf, near the running brooks, and rested awhile, for they were very weary. Chapter XXXVIIl. — How they came upon their enemies. They then resumed their journey, and climbed the side of a great hill, and sent forward three of their number, who, puyassent les pieds a ceux des autres de deuant auec les bouts des lances, et puis tu'oient les derniers apres eux : et quand on est outre, Ton trouue le val bel et honny, et moult delectable, et y peut bien auoir huict cens palmiers qui ombroient la vallee, et les ruisseaux des fontaines qui courent parmy, et sont par troupeaux cent et six vingts ensemble, aussi longs comma mats de nef, de plus de vingt brasses de hault, si verds et si feiiillus, et tant chargez de dattes que c'est vne moult belle chose a re- garder. Et la se disnerent sous le bel ombre sur I'herbe verte, pres des ruisseaux courans, et 1^ se reposerent vn petit, car ils estoient moult lassez. Chapitre XXXVIIl. — Comme ils s'entr'encontrerent sur leurs ennemis. Apres se mirent au chemin et monterent vne grand coste, et ordona trois compagnons pour aller deuant assez longuet ; et qiiand ces trois compagnons furet vn peu eslongnez, ils encon- p2 68 HISTOKY OP THE CONQUEST when tliey had gone some distance^ came upon their enemies, whom they attacked and put to flight. Pierre the Canarian captured a woman, and caught two others in a cavern, one of whom had a little child at the breast, which she strangled, it is supposed from fear of its crying. • Meanwhile Gadifer and the others knew nothing of all this, but suspecting that in so fruitful a country as the plain before them there must be inhabitants, he arranged his men wide apart, so as to cover as much ground as possible, for there were only eleven left. Chapter XXXIX. — How those whom they encountered in the fruitful country attacked the Castilians. It happened that the Castilians who remained with them came upon a band of about fifty natives, who ran at them and held them in check till their wives and children were out of reach. Their companions, who were scattered trerent leurs ennerais et leur coururent sus, et les mirent en chasse, et leur tollit Pierre le Canare vne femrae, et en prit deux autres en vne cauerne, dent I'vne auoit vn petit enfant allaitant qu'elle estrangla : en pense bien que ce fust pour doute qu'il ne criast. Mais Gadifer ne les antres ne s(j"auoient de tout ce fait, sinon qu'ils se douterent bien qu'eu vn fort pays qui estoit la deuat en la plaine auoit des gens. Si ordonna Gadifer de si peu de gens qu'il auoit a couiprendre tout ce mauuais pays; et se rengerent assez loing I'vn de I'autre: car ils n'estoient demeurez derriere que onze. Chapitre XXXIX. — Comment ceux qu'ils encontrerent att fort Pays coururent sus aiu Castilians. Si aduint que les Castilians qui estoient demourez auec cux, si arriuerent sur vne compagnie de gens qui estoient enuiron cinquante personnes ; Icsquels coururent aux Castilians, et les enchanterent, tant que leurs femnios et leurs enfaus fui'ent OF THE CANARIES. 69 ill difFereiit directions, hastened to their help with all speed, the first who arrived being Remonnet de Leneden all alone, wlio threw himself upon the natives, but was sur- rounded, and but for Hannequin d^Auberbosc, who attacked them vigorousl}^, and made them give way, would have been in peril of his life. Then in the moment of need came Geoffrey d'Auzonville, armed with a bow, and completed the discomfiture of the natives. Gadifer, who was near the scene of the encounter with three companions, came up as quickly as he could and made straight for the mountains, whither the Canarians had fled; but before thej could meet, the night overtook them, and though they came within speaking distance, they could hardly see one another. It was so dark that with great difficulty he collected his men together; and when, after walking all night, they reached the vessel, they had only taken four women, though the chase had lasted from vespers till midnight, and they were so tired that they could liardly drag one step before the other. But for the sudden nightfall which surprised esloignez. Les autres compagnons qui estoient de bien loin espartis se tray ret vers le cry le plus tost qu'ils purent, efc arriua premier Remonnet de Leneden tout seul, qui leur courut sus, mais lis rencloiret entre eux : et ne se fust Hannequin d'Auber- bose, qui la serrement vint ferir entre eux, et apertement fit guerpir la place ; Remonnet esi^oit en peril de mort. Aussi il survint Geoflfroy dAuzonuille atout un arc en sa main, et bien leur estoit besoin, et les mit du tout en fuite. Mais Gadifer qui estoit bien auant au fort pays venoit tant qu'il pouuoit, soy quatriesme, et print le cliemin droit aux montagnes, la ou ils tiroient leur en aller ; et vcuoit au deuant quand la nuict le sur- print, et en fut si pres qu'il parla a eux, et a grand' peine s'entre trouuerent entre eux, tant faisoit obscur, et s'eu reuindrent tout nuict a la barque, et ne peurent riens prindre fors que quatre femmes, et dura la cbasse de haute-heure de vespre iusques a la nuit, et furent si lassez d'vne part et d'autre que a peine peurent ils haster leurs pas, et se n'eust esle robscurite de la nuict qui 70 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Gadifer and his companions^ not one of the Canarians would have escaped them, though the Castilians had hung back from the beginning and had not joined in the chase. After this, Gadifer would not trust them throughout the voyage, which lasted for about three months, till M. de Bethencourt came to the country with an entirely fresh crew. Chapter XL. — How Gadifer passed over into the Great Canary, and spoke with the people of the country. They then quitted Erbanie, and arriving at the Great Canary at the hour of prime, they entered a large harbour, between Feldes and Argonnez, where about five hundred Canarians came out to speak with them, two-and-twenty of whom were persuaded to come on to the vessel and ex- change figs and dragon^s blood for fishing hooks, old iron, and little knives. The drag-on^s blood was well worth two surprint Gadifer et ses copagnons, il n'en fust ia eschape nulluy, et des le commencement les Castilians s'arresterent, et ne furent point a la chasse. Et oncques puis Gadifer ne s'y voulut fier en tout le voyage, trois mois ou enuiron, iusques a tant que Monsieur de Bethencourt vinst au pays a tout vne autre com- pagnie. Chapitbe XL. — Comment Gadifer passa d, la grand' Canare et parla aux gens du pays. Et lors se partirent d'Erbanie et arriuereut en la grand Canare a heure de Prime, entrerent en vn grand port, qui est entre Eeldes et Argonnez, et la sur le port vindrent des Canares enuiron cinq cens, et parlerent a eux, et venoient a la barque vingt et deux tous ensemble, apres qu'ils les auoient asseurez, et leur apportoient des figixes et du sang du dragon, qu'ils changeoiet pour haing a pescher, et pour vieille ferraille de fer, et pour petits cousteaux, et eurent du sang du dragon, qui valloit bicn OF THE CANAlilES. 71 hundred ducats, while what was given in exchange was hardly worth two francs. When they had gone away and their hoat was near the shore, they began quarrelling, and the commotion lasted for a long while. When it was over, they put out to sea again, and came to the bark as before, bringing their articles of traffic, and this lasted all through the two days that the ship remained there. Gadifer also sent Pierre the Canarian to speak with the King, who was five leagues distant, and as he did not return exactly at the appointed time, the Spaniards who were masters of the vessel, would not. wait, but set sail, and went four leagues off to take in water, but were prevented from landing by the Canarians, who never fail to attack any small force which seeks to enter their country, for there are a great number of nobles amongst them, according to their condition and manner of life. In this place we found the testament of the thirteen Christian brothers who had been killed by the natives twelve years before. The Canarians killed them. deux cens doubles d'or, et tout tant qu'ils leur baillerent ne valloit mie deux francs. Et puis quand ils estoient retraits, et le bastel s'accoustoit a terre, ils couroient sus I'vn a I'autre, et duroit rescarmouche vne grand' piece. Quand cela estoit passe, ils se remettoient en la mer, et venoient en la barque comme deuant, et apportoient de leurs choses, et dura ce fait deux iours qu'ils furent la ; et transmit Gadifer Pierre de Canare parler au Roy, qui estoit a cinq lieues de la. Et pource qu'il ne retourna mie a la droite heure qu'il deuoit retourner, las Espagnols qui estoient maistres de la barque ne vouloient plus attendre, ains firent voile, et s'en allerent a quatre lieues de la, et cuiderent prendre eau, mais les Canares ne les laisserent prendre terre, et sans faute ils combattront qui y entrera a peu de gens, car ils font grand quantite de nobles gens selon leur estat et leur maniere; et nous auons trouue le testament dcs Freres Chrestiens qu'ils tuerent ores a douze ans qui estoient treize j^ersonnes ; pour ce les tuerent selon que dieut les Canares, car ils auoient 72 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST according to their own account^ for having sent into Christian countries a bad account of these people, among whom they had lived seven years promulgating the articles of the faith. The testament warned all who might read it to beware of trust- ing the natives, in spite of their fair seeming, for that they were traitors by nature, although six thousand of them were of gentle blood. Nevertheless, Gadifer resolved, if he could get a hundred archers and as many fighting men, to enter the country, take up a strong position, and there remain till by God^s help he had subjugated the people and converted them to the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. Chapter XLI. — How the company left the Great Canary, and, passing by Ferro, came to Gomera. The company then departed and resumed their journey to the other islands, and when they came to Ferro, they coasted along it without landing, and passed straight on to Gomera, where they arrived in the night, and found the transmis lettres en terre des Chrestiens alencoatre d'eux auec lesquels lis auoient demoure sept ans, qui de iour en ioiir leur annoncerent les articles de la foy ; lequel testament dit ainsi, que nul ne se doit fier a eux pour beau serablant qu'ils facent, car ils sont traistres de nature, et se disent entre eux six mille gentils- homraes. Si est le propos Gadifer que s'il pent finer de cent archers ; et autant d'autres gens, d'entrer au pays, et soy fortifier et demourer iusques a taut que a Taido de Dieu il soy mis en nostre subicctiou ot a la foy de nostra Seigneur lesus Christ. Chapitue XLI. — Comment la compagnie se partit de la Grand' Canare, et passa Visle de Fer, iusques d V isle de Gomere. Et lors se partircnt la compagnie, et prindrent le chemin pour aller visiter toutes les autres isles ; et vindrent a I'isle de Fer, et les cosfcierent tout du long sans prendre terre, efc passerent tout droit en I'isle de Gomere, et arriuerent par nnit, ct ceux de I'islc OP THE CANAIMKS. 73 natives making fires on the shore. They accordingly sent some of the crow in a boat in the direction of the fires^ who, finding a man and three women, captured them and brought them back to the vessel. There they remained till day- break, when some of them landed to take in water, but the people of the country assembled and attacked them, so that, the position of the ground being against them, they were forced to return to the ship without taking in water. Chapter XLII. — How Gadifer and his company left Gomera and came to Ferro, where they remained twenty-two days. Soon afterwards they departed and took the road to the island of Palma, but a great storm and a contrary wind drove them towards Ferro, where they arrived in the day- time and landed. There they remained at least twenty-two days, and took four women and a child. They found great faisoient du feu en aucuns heux sur le riuage de la mer, si se mirent les compagnons en vn coquet, et descendirent au feu, et trouuerent vn homnae et trois femmes qu'ils prindrent et les amenerent a la barque, et la demeurerent iusques au iour, et puis descendirent aucuns pour prendre eau ; mais les gens du pays s'assemblerent, et leur coururenfc sus, et tant qu'ils furent con- traincts eux en retourner a la barque saus prendre eau ; car la place estoit en trop grand desauantage pour nos gens. Chapitre XLII. — Comment Gadifer et la compagnie se partlrent de la Gomere, et vindrent en Visle de Fer, la otl Us demourent vingt deux iours. Apres se partirent de la, et prindrent leur chemin en I'isle de Palmes, mais ils eurent vent contraire et grand tourment ; et leur conuint tenir le chemin de I'isle de Fer, et y arriuerent de iour et prindrent terre : et la demourerent bonne piece vingt deux iours : et prindrent quatre femmes et vn enfant, ct trouuerent 74 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST numbers of pigs^ goats^ and sheep, though the country is very barren all round for a league from the shore ; but in the centre of the island, which is very high, the country is fertile and pleasant, and full of large groves, which are green in all seasons ; it contains more than a hundred thousand pine trees, most of which are so thick that two men can hardly make their arms meet round them ; the water is good and plentiful, for it often rains in those parts; and quails abound in astonishing quantities. There are now very few inhabitants in this place, for every year some of them are carried off" captive, and in 1402, it is said that no less than four hundred of them were taken ; still, those who were then in the island would have spoken with the Christians if they had had an interpreter. Chapter XLIII. — Ilow they passed over into Palma and returned from the other group, coasting along the islands. Having found means to secure an interpreter, who knew pores, chieures, brebis grand plaute, et est le pays tres mauuais, vne lieue tout en tout par deuers la mer ; mais sur le milieu du pays qui est moult haut, est beau pays et delectable, et y sont les boccages grands, et sont vers en toutes saisons, et y a des pins plus de cent mille, dequoy la plus grande partie sont si gros que deux bommes ne les sgauroient embrasscr, et y sont les eaux bones a grand plante, et tant de cailles que raerueilles, et y pleut souuent ; et ne sont or endroit que peu des gens, car cbacun an on les prend : et encor I'an mil quatre cens et deux, il fut prins, selon ce que Ion dit, quatre ceus personnes; mais ceux qui y sont a present feussent veims s'il y oust eu quelquc truchenient. CiiAPiTRE XLIII. — Cunimerd Us passevent en, Vide de Palmes, puis retournerent de Vautre Bende, costeaut les Isles. Si a dcpuis trouue maniere d'auoir vn truchemcnt qui S9ache OF THE CANAIIIKS. 75 the country and spoke the language of this island and the others, they departed and went straight on to Palma, where they anchored to the right of a river which fell into the sea, and having supplied themselves with water for their return, again set sail. When they had passed the island of Palma, they had so good a wind that in two days and nights they reached the port of Eubicon, a distance of five hundred miles, having coasted along the other group of islands with- out landing anywhere. After an absence of about three months, they found their companions like themselves well and hearty, and more than a hundred prisoners in the castle of Rubicon. They had killed many natives, and reduced the others to such extremity that they knew no longer what to do, but came from day to day to throw themselves upon their mercy, so that hardly any who remained alive were unbaptised, especially of those who might have given trouble and been too much for them. The island of Lancerote, in which there were only three hundred men when they first le pays, et parler le langage pour entrer en icelle isle et es autres; puis se partirent, et s'en allereut tout entour par dela droit en I'isle de Palmes, et print port au droit dVne riuiere qui chat en la mer, et la se fournireut d'eau pour leur retour, et se partirent de la : et quand ils em-ent double I'isle de Palmes, ils eurent si bon vent qu'ils furent en deux iours et deux nuits au port de Rubicon, la oii il y a cinq cens mil entre deux ; et s'en vindrent costeant de I'autre bende toutes les isles iusques audit port sans predre port nulle part; et auoient demeure trois mois on enuiron et reuindrent sains et haitiez, et trouuerent les compagnons en bon poinct, qui auoient plus de cent prisonniers en chastel de Rubicon ; et y en auoit en grand foison de morts, et tenoient leurs ennemis en telle necessite qu'ils ne sgauoient plus que faire, et se venoient de iour en iour reudre en leur mercy; puis les vns puis les autres ; tant qu'ils sont demourez pen de gens en vie qu'ils ne soient baptizes ; et specialement des gens qui les puissent greuer et sont au dessus de leur fait. Quant a I'isle de Lancerote en laquelle auoit plus de deulx cens homnics, quad ils 76 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST arrivedj is a pleasant little island^ twelve leagues in length by four in breadth^ and here M. de Bethencourt landed in July 1402. Chapter XLIV. — How Gadifer visited all the other islands, and what advantages they possessed. Gadifer also visited all the other islands by the direction of M. de Bethencourtj in order to discover the best means of conquering them. Having visited and remained in them some time, he was able to observe their peculiarities and the profit to which they might be put. They were very fruitful and pleasant, with a healthy and agreeable climate, and he saw no reason to doubt that if they fell into skilful hands, such as there were in France, they would prove very profitable, and that if, please God, M. de Bethencourt would return, the enterprise might be brought to a successful con- clusion. y arriuerent ; c'est vne bonne petite isle qui ne contient que dotize lioues de long et quatre de large, et y descendit Monsieur de Bethencourt au niois de Juillet, mil quatre cens et deux. Chapitre XLIV. — Comment toutes les autres Isles ftirent vlsltees de Gadifer, et de quelles vertus elles estoievt. Et quant des autres isles, Monsieur de Bethencourt les a faict visiter par Messire Gadiffer et autres cliargez de ce faire, et tant qu'ils ont aduise comment elles seront conquises, et y ont fre- quente et demeure par espace de temps, et ont veu et cogncu de quelles maniei'os et de quel profit ils sont ; et sont de grand pro- fit et fort plaisantes, et en bon air et gracieux, et ne faut point doubter que s'il y auoit des gens commo il y a en France, qui sceussent faire leur profit, ce seroicnt vncs fort bonnes isles, et profitables; et si phxist a Dieu que ]\[onsieur de Betliencourt soit Venn, au plaisir de Dieu on en viendra a cliof el bonne intention. OF THK CANAUIKS. 77 CuAPTKR XLV. — How ISI. de Bethencourt arrived at Rubicon in the island of Lanceroto and the welcome he received. On the same day that the bark arrived at Rubicon, on re- turning from the islands, she again set sail and anchored in another port, called Aratif, [or Alcatif ] and made the natives supply her with meat for her return. Thence she set sail for Spain, carrying with her a gentleman named Geoffrey d'Ausonville, whom Gadifer had sent with letters to M. de Bethencourt acquainting him with the state of things, and of all that had been done in the said bark. But before the vessel reached Spain, M. de Bethencourt had arrived at Rubicon with a small but gallant company, and received such a welcome from Gadifer and his companions as would be difficult to describe. Then came the Canarians who had been baptized, and prostrated themselves upon the ground to do him reverence, according to the custom of their country, signi- fying by this action that in everything they threw them- Chapitre XLV. — Comment Monsieur de Bethencoiirt arriua a Rubicon en VIsle Lancerote, et la chere qri'on luy fit. Le iour proprement que la barque arriua au port de Rubicon au retour des isles, la barque se partit et s'en alia en vn autre port nomme I'Aratif, la leur fit-on liurer chair pour leur retour, et se partirent de la pour eux en aller en leurs pa3's en Espagne, et la transmit veoir M. de Bethencourt par GadifFer vn gentil- homme nome Geofray d'Ausonuille, lequel porta lettres a Mon- sieur de Betlieucourt come tout se portoit, et tout le demaine que ladite barque auoit faict; mais deuant qu'icelle barque arriuait en Espagne, Monsieur de Betbencourt fut arriue au port de Rubicon a belle petite compagnie, et Messire Gadifer et toute la com- pagnie vindrent au deuant de luy, on ne sgauroit dire la grand' chere qu'on luy faisoit. La y vindrent les Canariens qui s'estoient faict baptiser, qui se couchoient a terre en luy cuidant faire reuerence, disant que c'est la coustume du pais, et leur maniere et disont que c'est a dire quand ils se couchent que dn tout ils se 78 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST selves upon liis clemency and mercy ; both, great and small miglit be seen weeping for joy^ so that the news reached the King who had so often been taken and escaped again ; and he and his party were so terrified that before three days were out, he was taken again, with eighteen companions, though not without difficulty. When he was taken, they found plenty of barley and other provisions ; and when the other Canarians saw that their King was taken, and that they could no longer hold out, they came every day to yield obeisance to M. de Bethencourt, of whom at last the King begged an audience. He was led before him in the presence of Messire Gadifer and several others, and prostrated himself before him, owning himself conquered, and throwing himself upon the mercy of M. de Bethencourt, of whom and of Messire Gadifer he besought pity, and promised to be baptized and all his house, at which all rejoiced, for they hoped it was a good opening for taking the other islands and bringing mettent en la grace et a la mercy de celuy a qui eela se faict ; vous eussiez veu pleurer tous grands et petits de ioye et tant que les nouuelles vindrent au Roy qui taut de fois auoit este pris, et s'est tousioura eschappe, et luy et tous ses alliez eurent si grand peur que deuat qu'il fust trois iours accomplis ledit Roy fut pris luy dix-neufiesme, qui leur auoit faict beaucoup de peine : ils trouuerent a cause de sa prise assez de viures, orges a plante et plusieurs autres choses ; et adonc quand le deraeurant des Canares vid que leur Roy estoit pris, et qu'ils n'y pouuoiet plus resister, ils se venoient tous les iours rendre a la mercy de Monsieur de Betliecourt. Le Roy requerant qu'il parlast a Monsieur de Bethencourt, et fut mcne vers ledit Seigneur en la presence de Messire Gadifer et plusieurs autres ; et adonc ledit Roy se print a se coucher disant qu'il se tenoit vaincu, et se mettoit en la mercy de Monsieur de Bethencourt, et luy cria mercy et k Messire Gadifer, et leur dit qu'il sc vouloit faire baptizer et tout son hostel, dont Monsieur de Bethencourt fut bien ioj^eux et touto sa compagnie; car ils esperoient que c'estoit vn grand com- mencement pour auoir lo dcmourant des isles, ot pour les tirer OF THE CANARIES. /» them to tlie Christian faith. M. de Bethencourt and Messire Gadifer then went and spoke together apart, and embraced each other, weeping for joy at having been the means of bringing so many souls into the way of salvation, and then arranged how and when they should be baptized. Chaptkr XLYI. — How the King of Ijancerote besought M. dc Bethen- court that he might be baptised. On Thursday, the 20th of February, 1404, just before Lent, the pagan King of Lancerote begged M. de Bethen- court to have him baptised, and accordingly he and all his house received baptism, at the hands of Messire Jean le Verrier, chaplain to M. de Bethencourt, on the first day of Lent. He shewed every appearance of sincerity and every hope of becomingagood Christian,and received from M.de Bethen- court the name of Louis. After this, all in the island came tous a la foy Chrestienne. Monsieur de Bethencourt et Messire Gadifer se tirerent a part, et parlerent ensemble et s'entre- accollerent et baiserent pleurans IVn et I'autre de grand ioye qu'ils auoient d'estre cause de mettre en la voye de saluation tant d'ames et de personnes; et conclurent eux deux comment et quand ils seroient baptisez. Chapitre XLVI. — Comme le Hoy de Lancerote requit Monsieur de Bethencourt qu'ilfust haptise. L'an mil quatre cens et quatre, le ieudy xxv* iour de Feurier, deuant Caresme-prenant, le Roy de Lancerote payen, requit Monsieur de Bethencourt qu'il fust baptise, lequel fut baptise luy et son mesnage le premier iour de Caresme; et monstroit par semblant qu'il auoit bon vouloir et bonne esperance d'estre bon Chrestien, et le baptisa Messire Jean Verrier chappellain de Moseigneur de Bethencourt, et fut nomme de par Icdit Seigneur Lovys. Adonc tout le pays I'vn aprcs I'autrc se faisoit baptiser 80 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST one by one to be baptized^ both small and great ; and there- fore an instruction was drawn up as simple as possible for the guidance of those who were already baptized, and for the preparation of those who by the grace of God should afterwards receive baptism. Brother Pierre Bontier, and Messire Jean le Verrier, priest, both learned clerks, com- piled it to the best of their ability. Chapter XLVII. — Of the Introduction to the Faith which M. de Bethencourt gave to the newly baptized Canarians. Firstly, there is one only Almighty God, who, in the beginning of the world, made the heaven and the earth, the sun, moon, and stars, the sea, the fishes, beasts, and birds, and the man who was named Adam, from one of whose sides He formed the woman who was named Eve, the mother of all living, and called her Virago, the wife of my side. He formed and ordained all things under Heaven, and created a place of great delight called the terrestrial et petits et grands ; et pour ce, on a ordonne vne instruction ainsi comme ils ont sgeu faire le plus legerement qu'ils ont peu, pour introduire ceux qu'ils ont baptisez, et qu'ils pensent qui seront baptisez d'oresnauant s'il plaist a Dieu, ledit religieux Messire Pierre Bontier et Messire Jean Verrier estoient assez bons clercs qui la firent au mieux qu'ils peurent. Chapitre XLVII. — G'est V introduction que Monsieur de Bethen- court haille aux Canariens Chrestiens baptisez. Premierement il est vn seul Dieu tout puissant qui au comence- raeut du mode forma la ciel et la terre, les estoilles, la lune et le soleil, la mer, les poissons, les bestes, les oiseaux, Thomme nomme Adam, et de I'vne des costes forma la femme nommee Eue, la more de tons viuans et la nomma Virago, femme de ma coste et forma et ordonna toutes les choses qui sont soubs le Cicl, et fit vn lieu moult delectable nomme Paradis Tcrrestre, la OP THE CANARIES. 81 Paradise, in which He placed the man and the woman ; and there was in the beginning one only woman united to one only man (and whoever believes otherwise sins), and Ho gave them to eat of all the fruits which were therein, save only of one, which was expressly forbidden to them, but soon after, through the persuasions of the devil, who dis- guised himself as a serpent and tempted the woman, she ate of the forbidden fruit, and gave of it to her husband ; and for this sin God drove them from the terrestrial Para- dise and its pleasures, and uttered three maledictions against the serpent, two against the woman, and one against the man ; and thenceforward were condemned the souls of all those who should die before the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, who willed to take a human body of the Virgin Mary to redeem us from the pains of Hell to which all had previously been condemned. ou il mit rhomme et la femme; et la fut premierement vne seule femme conioincte en vn seul homme ; et qui autrement le croit il peche ; et leur abandonna a manger de tons les fruits qui la estoient, excepte d'vn, lequel il leur defFenclit expressement ; mais tantost apres par I'exhortement du diable qui se mit en guise d'vn serpent, et parla a la femme, et luy fit manger du fi'uict lequel Dieu auoit defeudu, laquelle en fit manger a son mary ; et par ce peche les fit Dieu bouter liors du Paradis terrestre et delices, et donna trois maledictions au serpent, et deux a la femme, et I'vne a 1' homme ; et de la en auant furent condamnes les ames de tous ceux qui auant la Resurrection de nostre Seigneur Iesvs Christ trespassoient, lequel voulut prendre chair humaine en la Vierge Marie pour nous tous rachepter des peiues d'enfer ou tous alloient iusques au temps dessus dit. 82 HISTOEY OP THE CONQUEST CllArTER XLVIII. — In like manner of Noah's Ark, for the introduction of the natives of the island to the Faith. And after men had begun to multiply upon the earth, they committed many bad and horrible sins, at which the Lord's wrath was kindled, and He caused it to rain so as to destroy all flesh which was upon the earth ; but Noah, who was a just man and feared God, found grace in His sight, so that He warned him that He was about to destroy all flesh from men down to the birds, and that His Spirit should no longer abide among men, but that He would send upon them the waters of the Deluge. And He commanded him to make an ark of wood squared and polished, and to smear it within and without with bitumen. Bitumen is a glue so strong and tenacious that when two pieces are brought together and joined with it, they cannot be separated by any means except by the natural blood of women's flowers. It is found on the water in the great lakes of India. The ark was to be of a certain length and breadth, Chapitre XLVIII. — Dg mesme exemple de I'Arche de Nouel iioxir mtroduire ceulx de lille. Et apres que les gens commencerent a multiplier sur tcrre ils firent moult de maux et d'horriblcs pechez, dequoy nostre Seigneur se corron9a, et dit qu'il pleuueroit tant qu'il destruiroit toute chair qui estoit dessus terre. Mais Noe qui estoit homme iuste et Dieu craignant, trouua grace deuant luy, auquel il dit qu'il vouloit destruire toute chair de I'liomme iusques aux oiseaux, et que son esprit ue demeureroit mye en I'homme per- nianablement, et qu'il ameneroit les eaux du deluge sur eux, et luy commanda qu'il fist vne arclio de bois carre, poly, et qu'il I'oindroit deuant et dehors de Betun ; Bctun est vn glu si fort et si tenant, que quand deux pieces de fait en sent assemblees et ioinctes, on no les pcut par nul art des-assemblcr sinon par sang naturel do flours do femmes ; et le trouuo Ton flottant es grands lacs do Indie sur les aygues ; et qu'cllo fust de certaiue longueur OF THE CANARIES. 83 SO that ho might place therein his wife and his three sons with their three wives, and of all things in which was life one pair of each with him. Hence do we all proceed. After the Deluge, when they saw that they were increased to great numbers, one named Nimrod sought to reign by force, and gathered every one to him in a plain called the plain of Sanaar, and they resolved to make a general divi- sion of the three parts of the world. Those which were descended from Shem, the eldest son of Noah, should have Asia. Those who were sprung from Ham, the second son of Noah, should have Africa ; and the descendants of Japhet, the third son, should have Europe. But before they sepa- rated, they commenced a tower so large and so strong that they intended it to reach to heaven in perpetual memorial of them. But God, who saw that they did not cease from their work, confounded their tongues in such a manner that no one could understand what his neighbour said ; and hence came the languages which we now have. Then God sent His Angels, who caused so strong a wind to blow that they overturned the tower even to near the foundations, et largeur, la ou il mettroit sa femme et ses trois fils et leurs trois femmes ; et de toutes choses portant vie mit auee luy vne paire de cbacun ; dequoy nous sommes tous issus. Apres le deluge quand ils virent qu'ils fureut multipliez grand nombre, vn nomme Nimbrod voulut regiier par force, et s'assemblerent tous en vn champ nomme le chap de Sanaar, et ordonnerent a com- prendre de coramun les trois parties du raonde ; et que ceux qui estoient descedus de Sem I'aisne fils de Noe teudroient Asie ; et ceux qui estoient clescendus de Cam I'autre fils de Noe tendroient Afrique. Mais ainchois qu'ils se departissent, ils commenceret vne tour si grand' et si forte, laquelle ils vouloient qu'elle vinst iusque au ciel en perpetuelle mcmoirc d'eux ; niais Dieu qui voit qu'ils ne cesseroient leur ouurage, leur confondit leur langages en telle maniere que nul n'entendroit la voix de I'autre, et la furent les langages qui au iourd'liuy sont, et puis enuoya les Anges qui firent si grand vent venter qu'ils abatirent la tour iusques G 2 84 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST which are still visible, as reported by those who have seen them. Chapter XLIX. — Continuation of the Instruction in the Faith. And after that they wandered out into the three parts of the globe, and the generations descended from them still exist. Of one of their tribes issued Abraham, a perfect man and who feared God, to whom God gave the Promised Land, that is, to his descendants. And God loved them much and made them His holy people, and called them the Children of Israel, and brought them out from the bondage of Egypt and did great wonders for them, exalting them above all the nations of the world, as long as they were good and obedient to Him. But, in defiance of His will and His laws, they took to themselves women of other faiths, and worshipped idols and golden calves which Jero- boam had set up in Samaria, wherefore His anger was kindled against them and He destroyed them and delivered pres des fondemens qui encore y paroissent, ce dient ccux qui les ont veus. Chapitre XLIX. — Encore pour introduire ceulx des illes. Et apres se departirent es trois parties du monde, et encores sont les generations qui d'eux sent descendues ; et de Inno de ses generacions yssit Abraham homme parfait et Dieu craiguant, a qui Dieu donna la terro de promission, voire a ceux qui de luy yssiront ; et Dieu les ayma moult et les fit son sainct peuple, et s'appellerent les fils Israel, et les mit hors du seruage d'Egypte, et fit de grades merueilles pour eux, et les exauga sur toutes les gens du monde tant comme il les ti'ouua bons et obeissans a luy. Mais centre son commandement et sa volonte, ils se prindrent aux femmes d'autres loix, et adorerent les idoles et les viaulx d'or que Jeroboam avait faits en Samarie, pourquoy il se cour- ronca a cux, les fit destruire et les bailla es mains des paycns, et OP THE CANARIES. 85 them into the hands of the heathen, and to the Philistinea many times. But as soon as they repented and appealed to His mercy. He deHvered them and brought them into great prosperity, and did for them such things as Ho did for no other people ; for He gave them Prophets who spoke by the Mouth of His Holy Spirit, and foretold things to come and the advent of our Lord Jesus Ciiuist, who should be born of a Virgin (that is to say of the Virgin Mary, who was descended from this people, of the race of King David, who was of the line of Judah, the son of Jacob) and that He should redeem all those who had been condemned by the sin of Adam. But they would not believe nor take knowledge of His coming, but crucified Him and put Him to death, notwithstanding the great miracles He had done before them. And therefore they were destroyed as everyone knows, for go where you will, you will find no Jews who are not in subjection to others, and who are not day and night in fear and dread for their lives ; this is how they have become so pale, as you now see them. les Pliilistins par plusieurs fois; mais tatost qu'ils sc repentoient, et ils luy crioient mercy il les releuoit, et les mettoit en graude prosperite, et fit telles choses pour eux qu'il ne fit one pour nul autre peuplc, car il leur donna les Prophetes qui parlerent par la bouche du sainct Esprit, et leur annongoient les choses a aduenir, et I'aduenement de nostre lesus-Christ, qui deuoit naistre d'vne Vierge, c'est a s9auoir la Vierge Marie, laquelle descendit de ce peuple, de la lignee du Roy Dauid, lequel Roy descendit de la lignee de lada tils de lacob, et qu'il rachepteroit tous ceux qui estoient condamnez par le pecbe d'Adam. Mais ils ne voulureut croire ne cognoistre son aduenement, ains le crucifierefc et le mirent a mort, nouobstant les grands miracles qu'il faisoit en leur presence, et pour ce sont ils ainsi destruits comme cliacun SQait ; car allez par tout le monde, vous ne trouuerez luifs qui ne soieut en suiectio d'autruy, et qui ne soit iour et nuit en peur et en ci'ainte tie sa vie, et pour ce sout ils aiusi descoulourez comiuo vous vecz. 86 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter L. — Of the same matter for the instruction of the Canarians. Now, at the time that the Jews put our Lord to death, He had many disciples, and specially twelve (one of whom be- trayed Him), who were continually with Him and saw His great miracles : wherefore they had a firm faith, and wit- nessed His death, and, after His Eesurrection, He ap- peared to them several times, and illuminated them with His Holy Spirit, and commanded them to go out into all the world to preach concerning Him the things which they had seen, and told them that whosoever should believe in Him and be baptised should be saved ; but that all those who believed not in Him should be condemned. Let us, therefore, believe firmly that He is an Almighty All-knowing God, Who came down to earth, and took human flesh in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and lived more than two and thirty years, suffered and died on the tree of the Cross to Chapitee L. — Encores de celle mesme inatiere pour introduire les Canariens. Or il est vraj que aincliois que les luifs mirent a mort nostre Seigneur lesus, il auoit moult de gens qui estoicnt ses disciples, et specialeraent il en auoit douze, dequoy I'vn deux le trahit ; les- quels estoient continuellement auec luy, et luy voyoient faire les grands miracles ; parquoy ils creurent fermement, ot le virent mourir, et apres sa resurrection s'aparut-il a eux par plusieurs fois, et les enlumina de son sainct Esprit, et leur comnianda qu'ils allassent par toutes les parties du monde preschor do hiy toutes les choses qu'ils avoient veues, et leur dit que tous ceux qui croiroient en luy et seroient baptisez seroient sauuez, et tous ceux qui en luy ne ci'oyoient seroient condamnez. Or croyons done fermement qu'il est vn Dieu tout puissant et tout S9acliant, qui dcscendit en terra, et print chair humaine au ventre de la Vierge Marie, et vesquit trento deux ans et plus ; et puis ])rint mort et passion en I'arbro do la Croix, pour nous OP THE CANARIES. 87 redeem us from the pains of Hell (into which we were falling throuf^h the sin of Adam, our first father), and rose again the third day, and, between the hour of His Death and the liour of His Resurrection, descended into Hell, and drew out thence His friends and those who had been cast therein through the sin of Adam, and thenceforward for that sin none shall be cast therein. CriAPTEK LI. — How Ave must believe the ten Commaudincnts of the Law. We must believe the Ten Commandments of the Law, which God wrote with His Finger on two tables of stone on Mount Sinai a very long time ago, and gave them to Moses to shew to the people of Israel. There are two chief com- mandments : First, to believe in, to fear, and to love God above all things, and with all one^s heart ; and second, never to do to others what we would not have them do to our- selves. And whosoever shall keep these Commandments, rachcpter des pcines d'Enfer, en quoy nous descendions tous pour le peche d'Adam nostra premier pere, at resuscita au tiers iour, et entire I'heure qu'il mourut, et I'liaure qu'il rasuscita, descendit en enfer ; et en tira hors ses amis et ceux qui par le pecbe d'Adam y estoiant trasbuchez at de la en auant par ce peche nul n'y entrera. [Chapitre LI.] — Comment on doit croire les dix Commandemens de la Loy. Novs deuons croire les dix Commandements de la Loy que Dieu ascriuit da son doigt en deux tables au Mont de Sinay moult long temps deuant, et les bailla a. Moyse pour monstrer au peuple d'Israal, dont il y an a daux das plus principaux ; c'ast que Ton doit ci'oire, craindre, et ayraer Dieu sur toutes choses, et de tout son courage, et I'autre que Ton na doit faire a autruy co que I'o ne voudroit qu'autruy luy fist ; et qui gardera bien cas Commandements et les choses dessusdictes croira fermcmant, 88 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST and believe firmly the above-mentioned tilings, shall be saved ; and we know of a truth that everything' which God commanded in the Old Law prefigures what He has com- manded in the New, as, for instance, the brazen serpent which Moses set up on a staff in the wilderness to cure the bite of the serpents, prefigures our Lord Jesus Christ, who was suspended on the tree of the Cross and raised on high to protect and defend all who should believe on Him from the teeth of the devil, who before that had power over all the souls which he had up to that time ruined. Chapter LII. — How we must believe in the Holy Sacrament of the Altar. In those days the Jews killed a lamb, which they sacrificed at the Passover, none of whose bones they broke, which prefigured our Lord Jesus Christ, Who was crucified and put to death on the Cross by the Jews on the day [or rather at the season] of the Passover, but without breaking his bones ; and they ate this lamb with unleavened bread, il sera saune. Et s^achons de vray que toutes les choses que Dieu commanda en hx vieille Ley, sent par figures en celles du nouueau testament, ainsi que seroit par figure par le serpent derrain que Moyse fit dresser au desert bien haut sur vn fust contre la morsure des serpents, qixi parfigure nostre Seigneur Icsus Christ qui fut pendu et leue bien haut en I'arbrc de la Croix, pour garder et deffendre tons ceux qui en hiy croycnt, contre la morsure du Diable, qui parauant auoit puissance sur toutes les ames lesquelles il pcrdit adoncqucs. [CiiApri'KE LII.] — Comme oil doit eroire le Sacremcnt de VAustel. En ce temps les luifs tuoicnt vn aignel dequoy ils faisoient leurs sacrifices Ji leurs Pasqucs, et ne luy brisoient nuls os ; Icquel poui'figurc nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ qui fut crucifie ct Tnort en la croix par les luifs le ionr dc leurs Pasqucs, sans liiy l>riscr nuls os, et mangerent icelny aignel auec pain azymc, OF THE CAXAHIKS. 89 and with tho juice of wild lettuces. Tins shews that the wafers for the Sacrament of the Mass should bo made with- out leaven, though the Greek Church holds othei*wise, and that because our Lord, knowing that He should die on tho Friday, anticipated the Passover and kept it on tho Thurs- day, so He probably had leavened bread ; but we, who hold the law of Rome, maintain that He used unleavened bread and the juice of wild lettuces, which is bitter and prefigures the bitterness of the servitude of the children of Israel in Egypt, from which they were delivered by the direction and will of God. And there are many other things which He said and did which are full of so great mystery that none but great scholars can understand them ; and for the sins which we have committed we must never despair, as did the traitor Judas, but must seek for pardon with great contrition of heart, confessing them devoutly, and He will pardon us ; also, we must never be idle, which is a great danger, for by the state in which He finds us when He comes we shall be judged. We must also keep ourselves c'est pain sans leuain, et auec ius de laitues champestres ; lequel pain nous pourfigure que Ton doit faire le Sacrament de la Masse sans leuain, mais les Grecs ont la contraire ; et pour ce que 'nostra Seigneur sgauoit qu'il dauoit mourlr le Yendredy auanga-il sa Pasqua et la fit le leudy ; et peut estre qu'il la fist de pain leue. Mais nous qui tenons la Loy de Romme, disons qu'il la fit de pain sans leuain; et le ius des laictues champestres, qui est amer, qui nous prefigure I'amertume en quoy les fils d' Israel estoient en Egypte en seruage ; duquel lis furent de- liurez par le commandement et volonte de Dieu. Et y a taut d'autres choses qu'il dit et qu'il fit, qui sent pleines de si grands mysteres que nul ne les pent entendre, s'il n'est moult grand clerc ; et pour peche que nous facions ne nous desperons mie, ainsi que fit ludas le traistre, mais en querons pardon auec grand' contrition de cceur, et nous en confessons dcuotement, et il nous pardonnera ; et ne soyons mie parcsseux, c'est vn trop grand peril ; car scion I'cstat on il nous trouucra nous serous 90 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST from mortal sin as much as possible, which will be the salvation of us and of our souls, and let us always remember the words which are here written, and shew them and teach them to those who shall be baptised in these parts, for in so doing we may gain much of the love of God and obtain tbe salvation of their souls and ours ; and, in order that it may be the better understood, we have drawn up this instruc- tion as simply as we could according to the knowledge which God has given us ; for we have a good hope in Him that one of these days some good and learned clerks shall come out hither who shall arrange all in good form and order, and shall explain the Articles of the Faith better than we have been able to do, and shall bring forward the miracles which God has worked for them and for us in days gone by, and the judgment to come, and the general resurrection, so as to root out the false beliefs which have long existed and still remain among many of the people of these islands. iugez. Si nous gardens de pecher mortellement le plus que nous pourrons, et ce sera le sauuement de nous et de nos araes, et ayons tousiours memoire des paroles qui icy sent escriptes, et les monstrous et apprenons a ceux que nous faisons baptiser parde<5^a, car en ce faisant nous pouuons grandement acquerir I'amour de Dieu et le sauuement de nos ames et des leurs. Et afin que mieux le puissent entendre nous auons fait et ordonne ceste introduction le plus legerement que nous auons sceu faire selon le peu d'entedement que Dieu nous a donne ; car nous auons bon esperance en Dieu que aucuns bons clercs preud'homraes venront vn do ces ioui's parde9a qui addresseront et mettront tout en bonne forme et en bonne ordonnance, et leur feront entendre les articles de la Foy mieux que nous ne scauons faire, et lour appliqueront des miracles que Dieu a foits pour eux et pour nous au temps passe ; et du lugement aduenir, et de la generale Resurrection, afin d'oster leurs coeurs du tout de la mauuaisc creance en quoy ils out longuement este et sont encore on la plus grand' partio d'eux. OF THE CANARIES. 91 CuArxKU LTII. — (Of the excellence of the islands, and of the facility of subduing them with the other countries of Africa.) It must not be wondered at that Monsieur de Bethencourt should have undertaken such a conquest as tliat of these islands, for many others in times past have undertaken equally strange enterprises in which they have succeeded ; and there is no doubt that, if Christian men would give a Httle support to the undertaking, all the islands, both great and small, would be conquered, from which might accrue so much good that it would rejoice all Christendom. M. de Bethencourt, who, together with Messire Gadifer de la Salle, visited and inspected the islands as well as the coasts of the Moors, from the Straits of Morocco to the approach to the islands, said that if any noble Prince of the Kingdom of France or elsewhere would undertake any considerable con- quest on this side, a most feasible and reasonable under- taking, he might do so at little cost ; for Portugal, Spain, [Chapitee LIII.] — (Be la honU des isles et facilite de les conquerir avec les autres pays de V Afriqice.') Nulz ne se doit esmerueiller si Monsieur de Bethencourt a entrepi'ins de faille vne telle conqueste, comma est celle des isles de parde^a ; car maints autres au temps passe ont fait d'aussi estranges entreprises dont ils sont bien venus a chef, et ne doute Ton point que si les Chrestiens vouloient vn peu secourir le fait, toutes les isles et vnes et autres, et grandes et petites, seroient conquises ; dont si grand bien pourroit aduenir que toute Chres- tiente s'en reiouyroit, et Bethencourt, qui toutes ces Isles Cana- rianes a veu et visite, et aussi a fait Messire Gadiffer de la Salle bon cheualier et sage, et aussi out-ils toute la costiere des Mores et du destroit de Maroch en venat vers les isles, dit ainsi, que si aucun noble Prince du Royaume de France ou d'ailleurs vou- loit entreprendre aucune grand' conqueste par dec^-a, qui seroit vno chose bien faisable et bien raisonable, il le poui'roit faire a peu de frais : car Portugal, ct Espagnc, et Aragon les fouruiroiet pour 92 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST and Aragon would supply them for money witli victuals of all sortSj with ships better than any other country, and with pilots who knew the harbours and these countries. Besides, there could be no point more favourable for the conquest of the Saracens, nor from which they could be attacked with less trouble or cost than from here. The journey thither is easy and short, and comparatively uncostly ; and, as to the islands themselves, especially the Canary Islands, they have the most healthy climate of any, and contain no venomous auimals,'^for during all the long time that Bethencourt and his company remained there, no one suffered from sick- ness, which surprised them greatly. Moreover, the islands may be reached, in favourable weather, from Rochelle in less than a fortnight, from Seville in five or six days, and from all other parts in the same proportion. Another ar- gument is that the country is flat, wide, and broad ; and supplied with all good things, with fine rivers and lai-ge towns. Then, again, the infidels have no armour nor any leur argent de toutes vitailles, et de nauires plus que nul autre pays, et aussi de pilots qui S9auent les ports et les coutrees, et si on ne s9auroit dire par oil ne par quelle part qu'il voudroit faire conqueste sur les Sarrasins, plus licite ne plus propre, ne qui plus legerement se peast faire et a mendre peine et mendre const qu'elle seroit par de9a. Car la raison y est telle que le chemin est aise, bref et court, et peu coustable au regard des autres chemins. Et quant aux isles de parde^a, le plus sain pays est qu'on ne pent trouuer, et n'y habite nul beste qui porte velin, et specialemet es isles Cauariennes, et si y a demoure ledit de Bethencourt bien longuemont et sa compagnie, que nuls n'y out este malades, dequoy lis out este bien esbays. Et si y feroit-on en temps couenable de la Rochelle en molns de quinze iours, et de Siuille en cinq ou six iours, et de tons les autres ports sem- blablcment. Vne grand' raison y est ; que c'est vn plain pais grand et large ct garuy de tous biens, de bonnes riuicres et do grosses villes. Encor y a-il vne autre raison, les mescreans sont tels qu'ils n'ont nuUcs aruuircs (lucloonqucs, ne sons de I'aire OF THE CANARIES. 93 knowleclo-o of warftiro, and they can receive no help from their neighbours, for the lofty and astonishing Montes Cleros divide them from the people of Barbary, who are also situated at a great distance from them. They are not, therefore, to be dreaded like other nations, for they have no projectile weapons, which are thoroughly proved by Mon- sieur de Bourbon and many others who were at the siege of Africa in [1390,^] to be the best and most important of African weapons. Indeed, every one knows that in battle nothing is more formidable than the bow, especially in these regions, for this people cannot carry so much armour as they do in France on account of the length of the roads batailles. lis ne SQauent que c'est de guerre, et si ne peuuent auoir secours d'autre gens : car les monts de Clere, qui sent si grands et si merueilleux, sent antra eux et las Barbarians qui leur sent moult lointaius ; et si na sent mia gens qui soiant a ra- douter, ainsi qua saroiant autras nations ; car ils sent gens sans traict, et Ton la paut bien prouuer par Monsieur da Bourbon, at par maints autras qui furent deuant Afriqua, I'an [13'J0]\ que 1^ est la meillaur at le plus bel de toutes laurs puissances ; et c'est vna ohosa que chacun sQait qu'en bataille c'est la chose qui est plus crainta qua trait, at par special es marches de par de9a ; car on ne pent estre si fort arme comme Ton seroit en Fx'ance pour la longueur du chemin, et aussi pour le pays qui est vn peu plus 1 Tliis date was left in blank in the MS. Africa was an ancient and very splendid city, the Aphrodisium of Ptolemy, standing on a point of land projecting into the sea, now known as Has Mehediah, some ninety miles south-east of Tunis. It had been destroyed by the Mahometans when they took Carthage, but was rebuilt and fortified by the Caliph Mehedi, who named it Mehedia. At a later period it fell into the hands of the pirates of Sicily, by whom it was called Africa. Andrea Dorio captured it from the pirate Dragut. Charles V, fearing it might fall again into the hands of the Mahometans, and begrudging the immense expense of maintaining it, razed it to the ground. For the description of the attack on Africa by Louis II, Duke of Bourbon, referred to in the text, see Froissart, torn, iv, p. 211. 94 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST and the heat of the climate. Again, here one may easily learn news of Prester John ; and, once in the country, one may encounter a certain people called Farfus,^ who are Christians, and who might afford much valuable informa- tion, for they are acquainted with the neighbouring countries and speak the languages. One of these accompanied Be- thencourt and his companions in the conquest of the islands, and through him they learned many useful things. Chapter LIV. — How M. de Bethencoiirt rode over the couutry to make himself acquainted with its different localities. Now, it is the intention of M. de Bethencourt to examine chaut : et ]30uri'oit on auoir legeremet des nouuelles du Prestre- Jean ; et qui seroit entre au pays, on trouueroit assez pi^es de la vue maniere de gens qui s'appellent Farfus^ qui sonfc Chrestiens, et pourroient addresser de moult de choses qui seroient grande- ment profitables ; car ils sgauent les pays et les contrees, et parlent les langages, et en cette compaguie en a-U vn qui tous- iours a este en la eonqueste visitant lesdites isles, et par luy s'est on informe de moult de choses. [Chapitbe LIV.] — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt clievatiche le 2Jais pour le savoir et congnoistre. Or est I'intention de Monsieur de Bethencourt de visiter la 1 Eergeron, in his edition of Bethencourt of 1630, offers in a side-note the following illustration : — " Chrestiens Africains dits Farfanes a Marroc, et llabatins h Tunis"; for the following explanation of which I am indel)ted to my learned friend Seiior de Gayangos. There is even now existing in Spain a family of the name of Farfan, deriving its descent from a baud of warriors, fifty in number, who served in the wars in Morocco, and, returning to Spain in the time of John II of Castile, received the name of " Caballeros Farfanes." Being Spaniards they were Christians, and hence the reference to their being found in ^Morocco. Bergeron's use of the word "Rabatins" as applying to these knights is simply in the sense of "warriors," the word being derived from the fortified city of llal)at, on the west coast of Morocco. It is in no way connected with Tunis. OF THE CANARIES. 95 the country from Capo Can tin, which is half-way between the Canaries and Spain, to Cape Bojador, a promontory to the right of the Canaries, extending on the other side to the Rio d'Ouro,^ to see if ho can find a good harbour, or any place which ho may fortify and make tenable, when place and time may serve, so as to obtain a footing in the coun- try, and be able to put it to tribute if he succeeds. And had he received any assistance from France, there is no reason to doubt that, either now or later he would succeed in his attempt, especially with regard to the Canary Islands, for with God's permission and under the advice of his sove- reign lord and master the King of France, his intention was and still is to carry out his enterprise still farther. But without aid he could not carry it on to any perfection, to the honour and advancement of the Christian Faith, which is not as yet known in those parts, through the fault of those contree de la terre ferme de Cap de Cantin, qui est mi-voye d'icy et d'Espagne, iusques au Cap de Bugeder qui fait la pointe de la terre ferme au droit de nous, et s'estend de I'autre baiide iusques au fleuue de I'or,^ pour voir s'il pourra trouuer aucun bon port et lieu qui se peust fortifier et estre tenable quand temps et lieu sera, pour auoir I'entree du pays, et pour le mettre en treu s'il chet a poinct. Et si ledit Seigneur de Bethencourt eust trouue quelque confort au Royaume de France, il ne faut point douter que de present, ou bien-tost apres, qui ne fust venu a son attente ; et specialement des Isles Canariennes, comme, se Dieu plaist, ledit Seigneur y aduiendra et du surplus par le conseil de son Prince et souuerain Seigneur, le Roy de France, son inten- tion estoit et est encores de bouter le fait plus auant : mais sans ayde il ne le pourroit mie bien mainteuir pour venir en vne grande perfection, a I'honneur ct exaucement de la foy Chres- tienne, qui n'est mie de^a cognue par faute de ceux qui telles ' With reference to this Rio d'Ouro or River of Gold, on which have been raised questions of great importance in the history of geograpliical discovery, see note on page 102. 96 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST who onglit to have undertaken the task long ago to in- struct these people in the knowledge of God^ whereby they would have gained great honour in this world, and in the sight of God great glory and merit. Chapter LV. — How M. de Bethencourt took measures for learning the ports and passages of the land of the Saracens. As M. de Bethencourt had a great desire to learn the true state and government of the land of the Saracens and their sea-ports, which were reported to be good on the main land for twelve leagues towards us to the right of Cape Bojador and the island of Erbanie, where M. de Bethen- court now is, we have here inserted sundry notes on this subject, extracted from a book by a mendicant friar who made the tour of this country and visited all the sea-ports, which he mentions by name. He went through all the countries. Christian, Pagan, and Saracen, of those parts. Glioses deussent entreprendre, et qui pieqa le deusseut auoir entreprins, pour monstrer au peuple qui y habite la cognoissance de Dieu, et en ce faisant, il puisse acquerir grand honneur en ce inonde et de Dieu grand gloire et grand merite. [Chapitrb LV.] — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt met 'peine do savoir les port et passagez des pais des Sarazins. Et pour ce que ledit de Bethencourt a grand' voulente de S9auoir la verlte de I'estat et gouuernement du pays des Sarrasins, et des ports de mcr, que Ton leur dit estre bons du costc de la terre forme que marche douze lieues pres de nous au droit dn Cap du Bugeder, et de I'lsle d'Erbanye la ou ledit Sieur de Bethencourt est a present ; auons cy endroit mis aucunes choses, touchant cos marches, extraits d'vn livre que fit vn Frere mendeat, qui enuironna iceluy paj'^s, et fut a tous les ports de mer, Icsquels il deuise et nommc, et alia par tous les Royaumes Chrestiens, et des Paycns, et des Sarrazins qui sont de cette OF TIIK CANARIES. 97 and names them all. He mentions the names of the pro- vinces, and the arms of the kings and princes, which it would be tedious to describe. We therefore have only selected for the present those portions which bear upon subjects relating to the projected conquest. Finding his account correct of the countries they already knew, they relied on his information with regard to all the other coun- ti'ies ; they have therefore inserted in the sequel other ex- tracts from his book, as they found occasion. Chapter LVI. — How a Mendicant Friar explains the things which he had seen by a book that he had made about them. "We will begin at the part where, being outside of the Montes Clares,^ he came to the city of Marocco, which was con- quered by Scipio Africanus, and which formerly used to be bende, et les nomme tons ; et deuise les noms des Prouinces, les armes des Roys et des Princes ; qui seroit longue chose a descrire. Si n'en prendrons, quamt a present, fors ce qui nous est mestier pour nous addresser de moult de choses au fait de la conqueste la ou il eschei'ra a poinct. Et pour ce qu'il parle si au vray des contrees et des pays dont nous auons vraye cognois- sance, il nous semble que ainsi doit-il faire de tous les autres pais et pour ce auons nous cy-apres mis aucunes choses qui sont en son liure, dont nous auons mestier. [Chapitre LVI.] — Comment un Frere mandeant devise des choses qu'il a veues par uu livre qii'tl en fit. Et coramencerons quand il fut outre les monts de Clere, il vint en la cite de Maroch, laquelle Scipion I'Africain conquit, qui jadis souloit estre nommee Carthago, et estoit chef de toute 1 The Atlas Mountains, called by Bergeron "Montes Claros" from the Spanish, and translated " Monts de Clere" in the text. The name, which is not, I think, traceable to any ancient source, seems arbitrarily given in the sense of the range being " illustrious" or widely known. H 98 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST called Carthage,^ and was the capital of all Africa. From thence lie went towards the ocean to Nifet- and Samor^ and to SaflB, which last place is very near Cape Cantin: he then pro- ceeded to Mogador, which is in another province called GasuUe/ and there commences the chain of the Montes Glares. Thence he came to the aforesaid Gasulle, which is an extensive country, well stored with all good things. He then proceeded towards the coast to a port called Samateue,'^ and thence to Cape Non, which presents itself in coming near our islands. Thence he put to sea in a pensil,^ and came to port Saubrun/ and coasted along the country of the Moors, which is called the Sandy Shores, as far as Cape Bojador, which is twelve leagues from us. It is in a great kingdom called Guinea. There they took their way Afrique, et de la s'en vint vers la mer Oceane a Nifet et Samor et a Saphi, qui est bien pres du cap de Cantin, et puis vint a Moguedor, qui est en vne autre Prouince qui s'appelle la Gasulle, et la commencent les Monts de Clere, et de la s'en vint a la Gasulle dessusdite, qui est vn grand pays garny de tons biens, et s'en alia vers la marine a vn port qui se nonime Samateue ; et de la au Cap de Non, qui est en venant vers nos isles ; et la se mit en mer en vn pensil, et viut au port de Saubrun, et toute la costiere des Mores qui se nomme Les Plaigues Arcncuses iusques au cap de Bugeder, qui marclie deux lieues pres de nous, et est en vn grand Royaume qui s'appelle la Guinoye, et la ^ A blunder so manifest as to need no comment. 2 Anafe or Anf, the ancient name of Dahr-el-beida. ^ Azamor. * Variously spelt Gozola, Godala, Guzzula, and Gaziila, from tiie ancient well known form Gajtulia. * An irrecognisable name, probably Cape Sim or Tafolane, alias Tefetneh. * I have failed entirely in tracking this word. ]\I. C'liarton, iu his Voyaqeurs anciens et modernes, translates it "barque." ' Bergeron renders this Port Sabreira, but I find no authority for either name. Query, Porto Cansado. OP THE CANAKIES. 99 and proceeded to see and take cognisance of the islands of tLis side, and they went in search of many other countries by sou and land of which wc make no mention. The Friar then parted from his com23auions and went eastwards through many countries till he reached a kingdom called Dongalla, in the province of Nubia, inhabited by Christians. The Patriarch of Nubia has for one of his titles the name of Prestcr John. Nubia extends on one side to the deserts of Egypt, and on the other to the Nile, which comes out of the domains of Prester John ; and the kingdom of Dongalla extends to the point where the river Nile divides into two branches,^ one of which forms the Eiver of Gold, which flows towards us, while the other runs through Egypt and falls into the sea at Damietta. From these countries the Friar went into Egypt as far as Cairo, and at Damietta went on board a vessel manned by Christians and came back to Sarretta,^ which is opposite Granada, and proceeded thence over land to the city of Marocco ; he then crossed the Montes Claros and passed into Gazula : there he found prJndrent leur chemin et allerent voir et aduiser les isles de par dega : et chercherent maints autres pays par mer et par terra, dont nous ne faisons nulle mention ; et se partit le Frere d'eux, et s'en alia centre Orient par maintes contrees^ iusques a vn Royaume qui s'appelle Dongala, qui est en la prouince de Nubie, habite de Chrestiens, et s'appelle le Prestre-Jean, en vn de ses tiltres, Patriarche de Nubie ; qui marchit d'vn des costes aux deserts d'Egypte, et de I'autre coste a la Riuiere de Nil qui vient des Marches du Prestre Jean, et s'estend le Royaume de Don- gale iusques oil la riuiere de Nil fourche en deux parties, dont I'vne fait le fleuve de I'Or qui vient vers nous, et I'autre s'en va en Egypte, et entre en mer a Damiette, et de celles marches s'en alia le Frere en Egypte au Caire; et a Damyate entra en vne nef de Chrestiens, et depuis reuint a Sarette, qui est front a front de Grenade, et s'en alia arriere par terre a la cite de Maroch, et trauersa les monts de Clere, et passa par la Gasulle; et la trouua * See note on page 102. * Zera? H 2 100 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST the Moors, fitting out a vessel to go to the Eiver of Gold, with whom he made terms and put to sea with them. They directed their course to Cape Non and Cape Saubrun, and then to Cape Bojador, and so along the whole coast southwards as far as the Kiver of Gold.^ Chapter LVII. — Continuation of the same. According to the Friar's book, when they gained this river, they found on its banks ants of very great size, which drew up the grains of gold^ from under the ground, and the merchants made wonderfully large profits by this voyage. They then departed from this river and held their course along the sea-shore, until they found a rich and fertile island called Gulpis, where they made large profits. The inhabitants are idolaters. Thence they went on till they Mores qui armoient vne galei'e pour aller au fleuue de Tor, at se loiia auec eux, et entrorent en mer, et tindret le chemin au cap de Non, et au cap de Saubrun, et puis au cap de Bugeder, efc toute la costiere deuers Midy iusques au fleuue de I'or. [Chapitre LVII.] — Encore de mcsmes. Et selon que dit le livre du Frere, quand ils furcnfc la oil ils trouuerent fermis sur la riuage du fleuue, dont les fermis estoient moult grands, qui tiroient grauelle d'or de dessoubs la terre, et gagnerent les marchands merueilleusement en ce voyage ; puis se partii^ent de 1^ et tindrent le chemin selon le riuage de la mer, et trouuerent vne Insula moult bonne et riche, ou ils firent grande- ment leur proffit, qui s'appelle isle Gulpis, la sont les gens idolatres, et de la se partirent et allerent plus auant, et trouuerent 1 See note on page 102. * This is but the old story from Herodotus of the Indian ants, which were smaller than a dog but larger than a fox, and which, in making their subterranean dwt-llings, pushed up sand cliargod with gold. OF THE CANAKIES. 101 came to another isle called Caable, which they left on the right hand. 'JMien they fonnd on the mainland a mouutaiu called Alboc, very lofty and abounding in natural wealth, in which rises a very large river. Here the Moorish galley turned back_, but the Friar remained some time there, and then entered the kingdom of Gotome (Ghoroma ?), where the mountains are so high that they are said to be the loftiest in the world, and some call them in their language the Mountains of the Moon, while others call them the Gold Mountains : they are six in number, and from them spring six large rivers, which all fall into the River of Gold and foi-m a great lake. In the midst of this lake is an island named Palloya, peopled with blacks. Thence the Friar proceeded further till he came to a river named Euphrates, which comes from the Terrestrial Paradise. He crossed it and passed through many countries and regions till he came to the city of Melee, which was the residence of Prester John. He remained there several days, for he saw there a considerable number of marvellous vne autre isle qui s'appelle Caable, et la laissereut a main dextre. Et puis trouuerent vne montaigne en terre ferme moult haulte et moulte abondante de tous biens, qui s'appelle Alboc, de laquelle naist vne riuiere moult grande ; et de la s'en retourna la galere des Mores, et le Frere demoura aucun temps illec ; puis s'en antra au Royaume de Gotome ; la sent les montagnes si hautes que Ton dit que ce sent les plus hautes du monde, et aucuns les appellent en leurs langages les monts de la Lune, et les autres les monts de Tor; et sent six, et naissent d'elles six grosses riuieres qui toutes cheent au fleuue de I'or, et y font vn grand lac ; et dedans ce lac a vne isle qui s'appelle Paloye, qui est peuplee de gens noirs. Et de la s'en alia le frere tousiours auant iusqu'en vne riuiere nomme Eufrate, qui vient du Parradis Terrestre, et la trauersa, et s'en alia par maints pais et par maintes diuerses cotrees iusques a la cite de Melee, la oil de- meuroit le Prestre Jean ; et la demoura moult de iours, pour ce qu'il y voyoit assez de choses mei-ueilleuses, des quelles nous ne 102 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST tilings, of which at present we make no mention in tliis book, in order to hasten on to other matters, and for fear the reader might take them for lies. In like manner the season before Monsieur de Bethencourt set out in a boat, with fifteen companions, fi'om one of the islands called Erbania and went to Cape Bojador, which lies in the kingdom of Guiuea, about twelve leagues from us, and they took some of the people of the country and returned to the Great Canary, where they found their companions and their vessel awaiting them. Chapter LVIII. — The Mendicant Friar speaks of the River of Gold. And as the Mendicant Friar asserts in his book that it is only a hundred and fifty French leagues from Cape Bojador to the Biver of Gold^ — and so the map has shown it to be — it is faisons nulle mention, quant a present, en ce liure, pour plus brieuement passer outi'e, et pour doute que se ne semblast au lisant estre inensonges. Et mesinemet se partit la salson auant Monsieur de Bethencourt, et vint par dega vn basteau auec quinze compagnons dedans, d'vne des isles nommees Erbanie, et s'en alia au cap de Bugeder, qui siet au royaume de la Guinoye, a douze lieues pres de nous ; et la prindrent des gens du pays, et s'en retournerent a la grand' Canare, la oii ils trouuerent leurs compagnons et lour nauii^e qui les attendoient. [Chapitre LVIII.] — Si i^arle lefrere mandeant dufleuve de Vor. Et diet ainsi lo frere mandeant en son liure, que Ton ne compte du cap de Bugeder iusques au fleuue de I'or que cent cinquante lieues Francoises ; et ainsi la monstre la carte, ce n'est singlure 1 This story of tlie Mendicant Friar is a confused onibodimont of the geographical traditions of the period. The Rio d'Oro, or River of Gold, here mentioned, is laid down on three maps anterior to the time of Bethencourt: viz., on the Portulauo Mediceo, of the date of 1351, in the Laurentian Lil)rary at Fluronco ; on tlie map made by the Venetian OF TIIK CANARIES. 103 only a three days' voyage of ships and sailing boats ; for galleys, that hug the shore, take longer. Therefore, to get que pour trois iours pour naues et. pour barges ; car gallees qui vont terre a terre prendrent plus long ohemin ; ct quand pour brothers Pizzigaui in 1367, uow in the Libraiy at Parma ; and on the famous Catalan map, or rather atlas, of the date of 1375, in the Paris Imperial Library. On the third sheet of this last is the representation of a boat-load of explorers off the coast to the south of Cape Bojador, accompanied by a legend in Catalan, which, as it bears in a very interesting manner upon the ^Mendicant Friar's story, as well as upon a very important question in the history of national priority in discovery, I shall here quote and comment upon. The legend runs thus :— " Partich luxer dii Jac. Ferer, per anar al riu de I'or, al gorn de Sen Lorens qui es k X de Agost, y fo en I'an mcccxlvi": " The ship of Jaime Ferrer started to go to the River of Gold on St. Lawrence's day, the 10th of August, 1346." The event here recorded is corroborated by the following legend, which occurs in a collection of papers, pre- sented to the Archives of Genoa in 1660 by M. Federico Federici, and discovered in 1802, by M. Griiberg de Hemsb. "Recessit de civitate majorisarum Galeatia una Joannis Feme Catalan! in festo Sancti Laureutii, quod est in decima die mensis Augusti, anno Domini 1346, causa euudi ad Rujaura, et de ipsa Galeatia nunquam postea aliquid novum habueruut. Istud flumen de longitudine vocatur Vedamel et similiter vocatur Ruiauri, quia in eo recolligitur aurum de pajola. Et scire debeatis quod major pars gentium in partibus istis habitantium sunt electi ad colligendum aurum in ipso fiumiue, qui habet latitudinem unius legue et fondum pro majori nave mundi. " Jstud est caput finis Terrarum Affricte occideutalis, etc." "On St. Lawrence's day, viz., the 10th of August, 1346, a galley belonging to the Catalan John Feme, left the city of the Majorcans with the purpose of going to Rujaura [the River of Gold], but of said galley no news has since been received. On account of its length that river is called Vedamel. It is also called Ruiauri, because the gold of Pajola is collected in it. You must also know that the majority of the inhabitants of these parts are employed in collecting gold in this river, which is a league wide, and deep enough for the largest ship in the world. " This is the Cape Finisterre of West Africa." Now I have had occasion, in my Life of Prince Ilenry the Navigator, to demonstrate that Cape Bojador, here stated by the Mendicant Friar t<) be north of the River of Gold only one hundred and fifty French lOi HISTORY OF THK CONQUEST from here to there we do not hold to be a difficult matter; and if things in that country are such as they are described in the y aller d'icy nous n'en tenons pas grand' compte; et si les choses de par deQti sont telles commes le liure du frere Espaguol le deuise, leagues, had proved the 7iec plus ultra of Atlantic exploration until rounded by Gileaunes in the service of Prince Henry, in 1434. The Dieppese claim to have passed it in the previous century ; and M. d'Avezac has drawn the inference from these two legends that this voyage must have been preceded by many others, " because," he argues, " one does not fit out an armament with a fixed destination without knowing, approximately at least, the point one has to arrive at." I have shewn, and here repeat, that the contrary was the case, and that the expedition was fitted out for the express purpose of finding the unknown mouth of a river in which gold was collected, and the existence of which had become known to the mercantile populations in the Mediterranean through the medium of commercial intercourse with the Arabs. The fact of the voyage having been recorded not only in the archives of Genoa, but also on the face of a remarkably handsome map prepared with extreme carefulness and labour, is a proof that the expedition was one of unusual importance and anxiety, such as the purpose I have suggested would involve. Had it been merely an un- successful venture to a point already known even approximately, we should not expect to find the expedition recorded on the face of a map at all, but we should reasonably IiojDe to find that point laid down with an approximation at least to accuracy on charts of the period, and especially on the one on which this individual expedition was recorded. As, fortunately, the maps are existing on which the river indicated by the legends is laid down, we have by their help, in conjunction with the wording of the legends themselves, an opportunity of testing how far the geographical information they convey is, either approximately or at all, in accordance with the knowledge which would be derived from even one antecedent maritime exploration. The two legends manifestly refer to the same event : they both record an expedition which started on the same day /or (he purpose of going (in the Catalan per anar, and in the Latin causA eundi) to the same river. This river, the Ruiauri or River of Ciold, was so called because gold of Pajola was collected in it, and from its length it was called Vedamel. Now, in the Venetian map of the brothere Pizzigani, made in 1367, twenty-one years after the expedition of Jaime Ferrer, we find laid down, iii a latitude a little south of the Canaries, the river Palolus, rising in a large lake, on which is the following legend in OP THE CANARIES. 105 book of the Spanish FriaVj aud as those who have explored those parts assert, it is Monsieur de Bethencourt's intention, et aussi ceux qui ont frequente en ces marches dient et racomp- tcnt, a Tayde de Dieu et des Princes et du pcuple Chrestien, I'in- Latiu : — "This lake proceeds from the ^Mountain of the Moon, and passes through saudy deserts." lu the middle of its course the river bifm-cates, aud again joins, forming an island, on which in Latin is the inscription — "The island Palola : here gold is gathered." Into the opposite or eastern extremity of the lake flows the Nile, the eastern branch of which takes its northward course towards the INIediterrancan, in its well-known position. "We thus find a river exactly corresponding with the description of that for which Jaime Ferrer started on St. Lawrence's day, in the year 13-iG. Three of the four specialities indicated in the Genoese document are here substantiated by Venetians who, like the Genoese, had commercial relations with the Arabs ; and that on a map bearing no reference whatever to the voyage of Jaime Ferrer. AVe have a river on which gold is collected, and it is the gold of Palola or Paiola, and we also have an explanation of the expression that from its length it is called Vedamel. That length may be judged when it is made to extend from the Nile, delineated in its true position as falling into the ^Mediterranean, to another outlet into the Atlantic a little south of the Canaries. The fourth speciality of the river, as given in the Genoese document, is the name Yedamel itself, which I think I can shew to mean River of Nile, in conforndty with the old idea of the Nile having a western outlet into the Atlantic, as referred to in the Mendicant Friar's narrative, see page 98. The Genoese document in which the name Vedamel occurs is so care- lessly spelt that the name of " Jayme Ferrer," a well recognisable Catalan name (see " Ferrer," in Torres Amat's Escritores Catalanes)^ is misspelt " Joannes Feme"; and the Genoese form for the Rio d'Oro is in the course of two or three lines spelt both " Rujaura" and " Ruiauri." It is not difficult, therefore to suppose that "Vedamel" is a misspelling for "Vedanill," in which we recognise the Arabic words "Ved" or " Wadi," a river, and " Nill," the Nile. Pliny had long ago declared that a branch of the Nile debouched on the west coast of Africa, and an ample description of it is given by the Arab geographer Edrisi in the middle of the twelfth century, who, after speaking of the sources of the eastern Nile, says, "The other arm of the Nile (the Nile of the Blacks) flows into the western districts, and, reaching from the east to the extreme west, empties itself into the sea not far from the island of Ulil, which is a day's sail from its mouth ; and on that Nile of the 106 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST with the help of God, and of Christian princes and people, to open the road to the River of Gold ; and if he succeeds, it tention de Monsionr de Bethencourt est d'ouurir le chemin du fleuue de Tor : car s'il en venoit a bonne fin ce seroit grande- Negroes, or on another river which mixes its waters with it, are situated the abodes of the people of Nigritia." A reference to the map of Abul-Hassan Ali Ben Omar (1230) shews us this Western Nile, under the name of Nil Gana, falling into the Atlantic in about the latitude of the Gambia. The map of Ibn Said (1274) has it, under the name of Os Nili Ganah, a little more noi-th- ward. That of Abulfeda (1331) with the same name, yet a little more northward. The retention of the belief in this river as a branch of the Nile by the Arab geographers is shewn by an Arabic map, preserved to us by M. Jomard in his Monuments de la Geographies by a Moor named Mohammed Ebn-Aly Ebn- Ahmed al Charfy of Sfax, and bearing date 1009 of the Plegira, which corresponds with a.d. IfiOO. That the river itself was the Senegal is shewn by Azurara, the chronicler of the con- quest of Guinea in the time of Prince Henry, who speaks of it as the Ryo do Nillo, which they call the Canega. Both in the Pizzigani map and in the Catalan map which records the voyage of Ferrer, this river, whose existence was thus learned from Arab sources, is called the River of Gold. But while this notion of a river of gold, debouching on the west coast of Africa, was thus handed down geographically from ancient times, the mercantile cities of Italy would have the impression more immediately brought home to them by the gold brought across the desert from Guinea into the Mediterranean, We find in the treatise Delia Decivia of Balducci Pegolotti, who was a factor in the great Florentine house of the Bardi, and who wrote in the firet half of the fourteenth century that the malaguette pepper, which was the product of the Guinea coast, was then among the articles impoi'ted into Nismes and Montpellier ; and De Barros expressly states (Dec. I, fol. 33) that the malaguette imported into Italy before Prince Henry's time was brought from Guinea by the ]\Ioors, who, crossing tlie vast empire of ]\landingo and the deserts of Libya, readied the Mediterranean at a port named Muudi Barca, corrupted into Monte da Barca, and as the Italians were not acquainted with the locality whence it came, they called it "grains of Paradise." It would be unreasonable to doubt that, with the malaguette from Guinea, gold was also transi)()rted by these merchants across tiic desert to their port in the Mediterranean, and though the Italians were ignorant of tiie country whence it came, they OF THE CANARIES. 107 will be greatly to tlio honour and profit of tho kingdom of Franco and of all Christian kingdoms ; inasmuch as access merit I'lionncur ct le profit du Royaume tie France ct de tous les lloyaumes Clircstiens ; veu que Ton approcheroit les marches du would not fail to learn that it lay somewhere on the western coast of Africa. "We have therefore but to rejjeat the poet's apostrophe to the " auri sacra fames," to perceive the motive which would induce an enterprising party of men to encounter extreme danger for the sake of discovering a sea-path to the mouth of such a river. But these very maps themselves prove how utterly ignorant the bold Majorcan adventurer was of the position of that mouth. The Pizzigani map places it north of Cape Bojador ; the Catalan map itself offei'S a suggestion only of where that mouth might be, some short distance south of that cape. But both these indications resolve themselves simply into conjectures, inasmuch as neither north nor south of Cape Doyador is there any river at all which could hy any pretence he made to correspond with the Vedamel or Rujauri till we come to the Senegal, which is at least seven hundred miles south of Cape Bojador. Whether Ferrer himself passed Cape Bojador or not it is impossible to state and futile to conjecture, for the legend itself tells us that nothing more was heard of the expedition. That which was subsequently named the Rio d'Ouro by the Portuguese could by no possibility have anything to do with the Kio d'Oro which Ferrer went to seek, for the simple reason that the former is no river at all, but only an arm of the sea, the appearance of which deceived the Portuguese, and to which they gave the name of the llio d'Ouro because there they first received gold in ransom for captives. For precisely the same reason it is clear that the Rio d'Ouro of the Portuguese can in no sense be identical with the Fleuve d'Or referred to in this and the two preceding chajiters and in Chapter LVI, where the Spanish mendicant friar lyingly asserts that he had accompanied some ^Moors in a galley to that river. How far credence is to be conceded to this narrative may be judged from a perusal of Chaj). LVII. That an European should, as there described, cross the continent of Africa and escape to tell the tale is not very probable, and the narrator betrays his misgiving that his story may be taken for lies. But I think I can throw some light on thi^ matter. In speaking of a famous and very largo city of the negroes named Kucu, Edrisi says, " Some negroes thiuk that this city lies on the Nile itself, others on a river flowing into the Nile ; but in truth the Nile passes through the city Kucu, and then diffuses itself through sandy plains into the desert, and thence merges into lakes, just as the Euphrates does in Mesopotamia. The reader has 108 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST would be obtained to the territories of Prester John, from which comes so great a variety of rich commodities. It cannot be doubted that progress has often been retarded in past times for want of enterprise, and without boasting too much of this undertaking [Monsieur Bethencourt and his people], will do as much as in them lies to vindicate their credit therein; for he will take pains to ascertain whether the thing is feasible, or whether it be utterly impossible to carry it out in any way. And so, by God's help, he will overcome much people, and bring them over to the Christian faith, which is always lost for want of teaching and instruction. And this is a great pity ; for in all the world you will no- where meet with a finer or better formed race, both male and female, than the people of these islands. They are very intelligent, and only require instruction ; and as the Sieur de Bethencourt is very anxious to know the state of the neighbouring countries, both islands and terra firma, he Prestre Jean dont tant de biens et de ricliesses viennet. Et ne doit on point doubter que moult de choses sont demourees au temps passe par default d'entrcprise, et si ne se vauteut mie de ce faire ; mais ils feroient bien taat que Ten deura tenir pour excusez luy et toute sa compaignie ; ear il mettra peine s^auoir s'il se pourra faire ou non ; et s'il ne se peult ores faire en nulle maniere ; si conquerra-il a I'aide de Dieu moult de peuple, et le mettra a la foy Chrestienne, qui s'est tousiours perdu par fault,e de doctrine et d'enseignement, dequoy e'est gi-and pitie : car allcz par tout le raonde uous ne trouuerez nulle part plus belles gens, ne raieux formez qui sont es isles de parde9a, et liomraes et feuimes, et sont de grand entendement, s'ils eussent qui leur nionstrast : et pour ce qu'il a grande vouletc de s^auoir I'estast de tous les autres pays qui leurs sot prochains, taut isles que only to recognise in the mendicant friar's language, as he easily may do, a rechauffe of the confused geograjjhy of Edrisi, not losing sight of tl)e good fiiars stiunble over the reference to the Euphrates, to judge whether the fear of the narrator as to his credit for veracity is a reason- able one. ^\'hat tlien becomes of the voyage of the Moors to tlie Fleuve dol'Or? OP THE CANARIES. 109 will spare noitlier pains nor exertion in making himself acquainted, as fully as possible, with all these countries.^ CilAPTKR LIX. — How Monsieur de Bethcncourt, INIcssire Gadifcr, and their companions, had a great deal to suffer in many ways. We must now return to our first subject, and recount the events thereto relating in due order; and we must first state that after the capture of the King of Lancerote, and when the provisions which de Bethencourt and Gadifer had ob- tained by his capture were exhausted, they experienced much sufi'ering, having been accustomed to good and plen- tiful fare. For the space of a year they were without bread and wine, and lived upon flesh and fish as well as they could. For a very long time they slept upon the bare ground, without either woollen or linen covering beyond the tattered dress which they wore in the day-time. This was terres fermes, le dlt Seigneur de Bethencourt meltra, peine et diligence de foy informer tout a plain de toutes ces marches. [Chapitre LIX.] — Corame le dlt Sieur de Bethencoiirt, Gadifer et leur compagnie eurent heaucoup a souffnr en plusieurs manieres. Or faut il retourner a nostre premiere matiere, et la pour- suiure ainsi que les choses escheent dorenauant icy endroit ; et dirons apres la prinse du Roy de I'isle Lancelot, et que les viures que le dit Bethencourt et Gadifer eurent recouuers a sa prinse furent despedus, ils auoient eu moulte a soufFrir, eux qui auoient accoustume de bien viure. lis ont este par Tespace d'vn an sans pain et sans vin, et vescu de chair et de poisson, car faire le conuenoit ; et ont este moult long temps couchans a terre plaine sans draps, linge ne langes, fors en la pauure robbe deschiree qu'ils auoient vestue, dont ils sont moult greuez, et en outre ^ No better evidence than this fifty-eighth chapter is needed to shew that the French had not previously passed Cape Bojador. Let the reader specially notice, on page 10(5, *' It is Monsieur de Bethencourt's intention to open the road to the River of Gold." 110 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST a grievous trial to tliera^ independently of tlie great exer- tions which they had to make against their enemies^ but which finally resulted in bringing them into subjection. By God^s grace^ they are baptized and brought into our faith, although, in consequence of the treachery before described, they had rebelled against the French and waged mortal war with them, especially the inhabitants of the island of Lancerote. Chapter LX. — How Monsieur de Bethencourt and Messire Gadifer liad words together. One day, during the year one thousand four hundred and four. Master Gadifer de la Salle appeared very thoughtful, so much so, that Monsieur de Bethencourt asked him what was the matter with him, and why he wore so strange a mien ; upon which Gadifer replied that he had been a long time in his company, and had undergone great hardships, and that it would be hard upon him to have had to undergo so much for nothing. He therefore desired that one or pour le grand trauail qu'il leur a conuenu prendre centre leurs ennemis, lesquels ils ont tous mis a mercy, et par la grace de Dieu ils sent baptisez et mis en nostre foy, qui par la trahison qui leur fut faicte, comme dessus est diet, se rebellerent eontre eux, en eux faisant guerre mortelle, et par especial ceux de I'isle Lancelot. [Chapitre LX.] — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt et Messire Gadiffer eurent paroles eitsemble. Vng iour aduint que en I'an mil quatrc cens et quatre, Messire Gadifer de la Salle estoit tres-fort pensif j tant que Monsieur de Bethencourt luy demanda qu'il auoit et pourquoy il faisoit si estrange cliere : adonc le dit Gadifer luy dit, qu'il auoit este vn grand espace de temps en sa conipaguie, la oil il auoit eu de grands travaux, et qu'il luy fairoit bien nial d'auoir perdu sa peine, et qu'il luy vaillast vno ou deux de ses isles, a cello fin OF THE CANARIES. Ill two of the islands should be delivered over to him, that he might improve them and increase their value for himself and his descendants. He further asked de Bethencourt to let him have Erbauia, another island called Enfer,^ and Gomera, all these islands being as yet unconquered and having much remaining to be done to them. When Mon- sieur de Bethencourt had hoard all that he had to say, he replied: " Monsieur de la Salle, my brother and my friend, it is quite certain that when I found you at La Rochelle you were willing to come with me, and we were pleased with one another and had no words. The expedition which I have made thus far was commenced from my house of Grainville in Normandy, and I took out my own people, my own ship, my own provisions, and artillery, and everything that I could provide, to La Eochelle, where I met with you, and finally, by God^s help, I arrived here in your company and in that of all the worthy gentlemen and other leaders of my company ; and now let me remind you that qu'il les augmentast et mist en valeur pour luy et les siens ; et outre diet au dit de Bethencourt qu'il luy vaillast I'isle d'Erbanie, et vne autre isle qui s'appelle Enfer et la Gomere, toutefois toutes icelles isles n'estoient pas encor conquises ; et y auoit beaucoup a faire a les auoir. Et quand Monsieur de Bethen- court I'eut assez ouy parler, il luy respondit : Monsieur de la Salle, men frere et mou amy, il est bien vray que quand il vous trouuay a la Rochelle vous fustes content de venir auec moy et estions fort contens I'vn de I'autre sans quelques paroles : le voyage que i'ay faict iusques icy fut commences des mon hostel de Grainuille en Normandie, et ay amene mes gens, mon nauire, viures, et artillerie, et tout ce que i'ay peu faire, iusquez en ycelle ville de la Rochelle, 1^ oii il vous trouuay, comme jay dit sidevant, tant qu'a la fin ou ie suis venu, a I'ayde do Dien, de vous, et de tons les bons Gentilshommes et autres bons champions de ma copagnie : et pour vous respondre a ce que me demandes, ' TenerifFe. 112 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST the islands and countries which you demand are not yet conquered, nor brought to that condition to which, please God, they by and bye will be brought, for I trust they will all be conquered and the inhabitants be baptized. I entreat you, therefore, as I am not tired of your company, be not you tired of mine. It is my intention that your trouble shall not be thrown away, but you shall receive the reward which is most justly your due. Let us now, I pray you, dismiss this subject, and do all in our power to remain as brothers and good friends. ^^ " That is very well,^^ said Messii-e Gadifer, " but there is one thing which causes me dissatisfaction, namely, that you should already have done homage of the Canary Islands to the King of Castillo, and you call yourself sole lord of them, and even have caused the said King to pi'oclaim, through the greater part of his kingdom, and especially at Seville, that you are the Lord of them, and that none should enter the Canary Islands with- out your permission ; the King has further issued a decree that you are to have a fifth, either in kind or in money, les isles et pays que demanclez ne sont pas encor conquis, ne mis la, Oil, se Dieu plaist, ils fei-ont ; car i'espere qu'ils seronfc conquis et baptisez, ie vous prie qu'il ne vous ennnye point, car il ne m'ennuye pas d'estre auec vous : mon intention n'est point que perdiez vostre peine, et que vous ne soyez rcmuuere, car il vous appartient bien. Ie vous prie que nous paraclieuions et faisions tant que nous soyons fi'eres et amis. C'est tres-bien diet, ce diet Messire Gadiffer de la Salle a Monsieur de Bethencourt, mais il y a vne chose dont ie ne suis pas content, car vous auez desia faict rhommage au Roy de Castillo des isles Canariennes, et vous en dictcs du tout Seigneur, et mesmes a faict crier ledict Roy de Castillo par la pluspart de son Royaume, et en especial en Siuille, que vous en estes Seigneur, et que nuls ne viennent parde^a esdictes isles Canarienes sans vostre conge ; et outre a faict crier, que il veut que de toutes les marcliandizes qui seront prinses esdictes isles, et seront portccs au Royaume de Castille, quo vous on ayez Ie quint de la raarchandise ou Ie quint denier. OV THE CAXAlMi:S. 1 1 -"i of all the commodities exported from these islands into the kingdom of Castille." " With respect to that," said Bethoncourt, " It is indeed true that I have done homage, and that I hold myself to be the true lord of these islands, since such is the pleasure of the King of Castille. But to satisfy you, I hereby promise, if you will only wait for the completion of our undertaking, to leave you that which shall give you perfect satisfaction." Messire Gadifer replied : " I shall not remain long enough in this country, for I must return to France. 1 do not wish to stay here any longer." Monsieur de Bethencourt could not at that time hold any further conference with Gadifer. It was evident that Gadifer was by no means satisfied. Nevertheless he had really lost nothing, but had been a gainer in many ways, as, for instance, in prisoners and other things which he had taken in these islands ; and if he had not lost his vessel, his condition would have been still more improved. However, these two knights made as amicable a settlement as they could for the time being, and, leaving the island of Laucerote, they came to Erbania, named Qnant au regard de ce que vous dictes, diet Bethencourt, il est bien vray que i'en ay faict rhommage, et aussi ie m'en tiens le vray Seigneur, puis qu'il plaist au Roy de Castille. Mais quand pour vous contenter, s'il vous plaist attendre la diffinitiue de nostre aflfaire, ie vous bailleray et laisseray telle chose dequoy vous serez content. Cedict Messire Gadiffer, ie ne feray pas tant en ce pais, car il faut que ie m'en retourne en France, ie ne veux plus icy estre. Monsieur de Bethencourt ne peut oncques pour I'beure auoir plus j^aroles de luy, et paroist bien que ledit Gadiffer n'estoit point content, si pourtant n'auoit-il riens perdu, mais auoit gagne en plusieurs manieres, comme prisonniers et autres choses qu'il auoit eu et prins esdites isles ; et s'il n'eust perdu la nef, il en eust encores plus amende. Lesdits Cheualiers pour celle heure s'appaiserent le mieux qu'ils peurent, tant que ils se partirent de I'isle Lancelot, et vindrent en I'isle d'Erbanie I Ill HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Forteveutura^ and occupied theinselves veiy well, as you will hereafter hear. Chapter LXI. — How M. de Bethencourt went to Erbanie, and from thence made a long and profitable journey, for it occupied his attention more than ever. Then M. de Bethencourt proceeded to the island of Erbanie, where he made a great raid upon the enemy, and captured several, and sent them to the island of Lancerote. Then M. de Bethencourt began to fortify himself against attacks from enemies, in order to place the country in subjection, and also because he had been given to understand that the King of Fez was making preparations to attack him and his company, declaring that all the islands belonged to him. Accordingly, M. de Bethencourt remained in that island three months, and explored the whole country. He found the inhabitants to be men of large stature, powerful, and firmly attached to their forms of government. Monsieur de nomniee Fort' uuenture, et besongnerent tres-bien comma vous oi-rez cy-apres. [CuAPrrRK LXI.] — Comment Monsieur de Bethencourt s'en alia en Visle cV Erbanie, et Id Jit vn fort grand voyage, et ban, car il lug besongna iilus que oncqucs mes. Puis apres passa Monsieur de Bethencourt en I'lsle d'Erbanie, et fit vne grand rose, et out prins de leurs ennemis, et les ont passez en I'lsle Lancelot. Et apres a commence Monsieur de Bethencourt a se fortifier a rencontre des ennemis, afin do mettre le pays en sa subiection ; et aussi pour ce qu'on leur a donne a entendre que le Roy de Fez se vent armer contre luy et sa coni- pagnie, et dit que toutes les Isles luy doivent appartonir; et a este Monsieur de Bcthencovu't en icelle Isle bien trois mois, et couru tout le pais ; et a trouuc Icdit sieur des gens de grand stature, fors et moult fermcs en lour loy. Monsieur de Betlien- OK rilK (.'ANAKIKS. 115 Hctlu'iiooiirt knew very well how to fortify liiinself, and cominenced a fortress on the broad brow of a mountain near a fresh spring at a league's distance from the sea. He called it Richcroque. This fortress the Canarians took after M. de Bcthenconrt had returned to Spain^ and they killed some of the people whom he had left behind to defend it. (^iiAPTKR LXII. — llow Bethencourt and Gadifor again had words together. After Monsieur do Bethencourt had begun to fortify him- self, he and Messire Gadifer had several woi'ds together which were not very pleasant. Messire Gadifer was in a place that he had to a certain extent fortified. A corre- spondence took place between the two; and in Messire Gadifer's letters to Monsieur de Bethencourt there v?ere only these words : " If you come here ; if you come here ; if you come here," and nothing more. To which M. de court a fort entendu a soy fortifier, et a commence vne forteresse en vn grand pendant d'vne montagne, sur vne fontaine vifve a vne licue pres de la mer, qui s'appelle Richeroque ; laquelle les Canares ont prins depiiis que Monsieur de Bethencoui't retourna en Espagne, et tuerent vne partie des gens que ledit sieur y auoit laisse. [CilAPriRE LXII.] — Comment BethencouH et Gadiffer eurent \_encore\ 2mroUes ensemble. Appres que Monsienr de Bethencourt eust commence a, soy fortifier, ledit sieur et Messire Gadifer eurent plusieurs paroles ensemble, lesquelles n'estoient pas fort plaisantes I'vn a I'autre et estoit ledit Messire Gadifer en vne place qu'il auoit aucune- ment fortifiee ; et rescrirent I'vn a I'autre ; et y auoit aux lettres que Messire Gadifer rescrit a Monsieur de Bethencourt seulement pour toute escriture, se vous y venez, se vous y venez, se vous y venex, et non autre chose. Et a done !^^onsicHr dc Bethencourt i 2 110 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Betliencourt replied, by his poursuivant, named Sejcpuis: "If YOU show yourself here; if you sliow yourself here; if you show yourself here''; and for a time the two felt great hatred to- wards each other, and used angry words; till, at the end of a fortnight, Monsieur de Bethencourt sent a fair little com- pany to the Grand Canary, and Messire Gadifer went also. This took place on the twenty-fifth of June, one thousand four hundred and four, and he proceeded to the Grand Canary in Monsieur de Betheucourt's barge, in order to see the country in company with the party which that nobleman had sent out ; and accordingly they put out to sea. But a few days afterwards they experienced a dreadful storm, for in one day they were driven a hundred miles by a contrary wind. They subsequently reached the Great Canary near Telde, but they dared not enter the harbour, for the wind was too strong, and it was nightfall ; so they proceeded twenty-five miles further to a town called Argygneguy, and there they put into port and remained at anchor eleven days. At this place Peter the Canarian came to speak with them, and afterwards the son of Artamy, luy rescrit par son poursaiuant, nomme Sejepuis, se vous y trouuez, se vous y trouuez, se vous y trouuez ; et furent vne espace de temps en grosse haine et en grosses paroles ; iusque au bout de qviinze iours, que Monsieur de Bethencourt enuoya vne belle petite compagnie en la grand' Canare ; adonc Messire .Gadifer y alia; ce fut le vingt-cinquiesme ionr de Juillet mil quatre cens et quatre, et passa a la grand' Canare en la barge de Monsieur de Bethencourt, pour voir le pays auec la comj>agnie que ^Mon- sieur de Bethencourt auoit ordonne, et entrerent en mcr. Mais en aucuns iours apres ils enrent merneilleuse tourniente, car ils singlcrent en vn iour entre deux soleils cent niilles auec vent contraire ; et apres arriuei'ent en la grand' Canare prcs de Teldes, mais ils u'orent prendre port, ear le vent venoit trop fort, et cstoit sur hi nuitee ; et passerent vingt cinq inille plus auant, iusques a vne ville nomme Argygneguy, et \ii prindront port, et demcurercnt onze iours a I'atiero. Illec vint Piotre le Canare parler ?i rux, et puis y vinf h> Ills d'Artamy le Roy du pays, et OF TIIL; CANAUIES. 1 1 7 Kinji; of tlie country, and other Canarians, came in great ininihors to the vessel, as they h:ul dune on Ibrniei- occa- sions. But when they saw our party, and how few we were in number, they determined to entrap us, and Peter the Canariau told us they would give us fresh water, and they brouirht some hog-s as a present for us. lie tlien set an ambush, and when the boat touched the shore in order to take these things on board, the Canarians seized the end of the rope ^yh^ch was thrown to them out of the boat, while the boatmen held the other, and at this moment the am- bush sallied out and pelted our people with large stones, so that they were all wounded. They then seized two oars, and two barrels full of water, and a cable, and prepared to rush into the water to capture the boat ; but Hannibal, Gadifer's bastard son, all wounded as he was, seized an oar and drove the Canarians back, at the same time pushing the boat well out to sea ; for several of the company were lying in the bottom of the boat and dared not raise their heads : there were two or three of the srentlemen of Mon- clcs autres Canares grand foison, ec venoient a, la barge ainsi qu'ils auoient fait autre fois. Mais quaud ils vireut nostre com- ruune, et que nous estions peu de gens, a la fin ils nous caidereut ti'uhir; et nous dit Pietre le Canare qu'ils nous donneroient de I'eau fraiche ; et nous fit venir des pourceaux qu'ils nous deuoient donner, et mit vne embusche ; et quaud le bastel fut aborde pres de la terra pour recueilllr les choses, Ics Canares tenoiet le bout d'vne corde en terra et ceux du batel tenoient I'autre ; adoc saillit rembuche sur eux et leschargerent de moult grand iet de pierre ; tellement qu'ils fureut tous blessez, et leurs tollirent deux auirons, trois barils plains d'eau, et vn chable, et saillirant tout a coup en la raer pour cuider prendre le bastel : mais Hanibal, bastart de Gadifer, tout ainsi blesse qu'il estoit, print vn auirons en sa main, et les rebouta, et eslargit le bastel bien auant en la mer, car plusieurs des autres s'estoiant laissez clioir au fons de bastel et n'osoient dresser la teste. II y eut deux ou trois gcntils-hommes de Monsieur de Bcthencourt qui auoient 118 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST sieur de Bethoncourt who did good service, and then the party returned to the vessel much beaten and hurt, and a fresh company put off in the boat. It being now quite evident that truce was broken, they returned to the skirmish, but the Canai-ians came against them with shields emblazoned with the arras of Castile, which they had taken from the Spaniards the previous season, and our companions suffered considerable loss, while they inflicted little on the enemy. So they returned to the ship, weighed anchor, and proceeded to the port of Telde, and there they remained two days. CiiAPTEU LXIII. — How Gadifer and the master of a veseel held a conversation, as you will hear. Then they departed and returned to the island of Erbania, to Monseigneur de Bethencourt ; and when they neared the coast the wind proved contrary, so Gadifer went by land, and came upon an ambuscade of Castilians who had pauois qui y seruirent beaiiconp, et puis s'en rcuindrent a la barge bien battus efc navrez ; puis rnirent des autres compagnons frais aa bastel. Quand ils virent que treues estoient rompues, ils retournerent pour escarmoucher a eux, mais les Canares vindrent contre eux auec pauois armoyez des armes dc Castillo, quils auoient I'autre saison gagne sur les Bspagniols ; et gasterent nos compagnons assez de bon trait saus porter dommage a leurg ennemis si peu que nou. Si s'en retournerent a la barge et leuerent leurs ancres et s'en allerent au port de Teldes, et la dcmourerent deux iours. [Chapitre LXIII ] — ComiiiG Gadifer et le mestre tVune [»</] eure)i.t j^arloiucnt, couDiie vans orrcs. Puis s'en partirent de la, et s'en retournerent en I'isle cVErbanie vers Monseigneur de Bethencourt ; et quand ils furent acostez a la terre, le vent leur fut contraire ; si dcsccndit Gadifer et s'en vint par forrc vi arrina sur viio rinlnisclio do Casiillans ([iii OF THE CANAUIKS. 119 arrived iti a barge, and had brouglit a large supply of pro- visions for Monsieur de Bethencourt, and they said that one day of that week forty-two Canarians had met ten of their companions well accoutred, and had severely routed them ; but perhaps they wore well aware that they were new comers, for tliey never gave way to such violence against their neighbours with whom they were acquainted. And when Gadifer, who was already very down-hearted at wit- nessing many things which displeased him, reached the company, he perceived plainly, and decided in his own mind, that the longer he remained in the country the less he would gain ; and that Monsieur de Bethencourt was altogether in favour with the King of Castile. Besides which, he learned from the master of the vessel which had brought the provisions for Monsieur de Bethencourt, that the King had sent him thither for the purpose of reinforcing him with provisions ; and many things he said in favour of the said De Bethencourt. Gadifer was very downcast at all this, and could not refrain from telling the master of the estoient venus en vnc barge, et estoit arrim' la barge a tous grand plaule de viures pour Monsieur de Bethencoart ; et disoient qu'vn iour de celle sepraaiuc quarante deux Canares ancient encontre dix de leurs compagnons tres-bien apparliez, et qu'ils les auoient tres asprcment chassez, mais peut estre qu'ils cognoissoient bien que c'estoiciit gens nouueaux. Car ils ne s'abandonnoient mie ainsi sur leui's voisins qu'il cognoissoient. Et quand Gadifer fut arriue a tout la compagnie luy estant bien fort lasse de voir beauconp de eboses qui luy desplaisoient, et voyoit, et pensoit bien que taut plus il seroit au pays et tant mains acquerroit, et que Monsieur de Bethencourt estoit de tout poinct en la grace du Roy de Castille ; et encor outre ce qu'il ouit dire au maistre de la barge qui auoit amene les viures a, Monsieur de Bethencourt, car il disoit que le dit Roy I'auoit enuoye par de^a pour le constiiler et rauitailler ; et des biens bcaucoup qu'il rapportoit et disoit du dit Bethencourt, et tant (pic ledit Gadifer s'cii csliabii fort, ot ne se pcut tcuir qu'il ne 120 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST vessel that M. de Bethencourt had not done everything by himself, and if others had not seconded him, matters would not have advanced so far ; and if he had brought these pro- visions a year or two earHer, it would have been more to the purpose, and many angry words passed ; in fact, so many, that they were repeated by the master to M. de Bethencourt, who was much hurt and annoyed that Gadifer should be so jealous of him. So much so, that shortly afterwards, when they met each other, M. de Bethencourt said to him: '^I am very grieved, my brother, that you should show so much jealousy of my welfare and of my honour ; and did not think that you would exhibit so much animosity against me." Then Gadifer replied, that it was not fair that his trouble should be unrewarded ; that he had been long away from his country ; and that he clearly saw that the longer he stayed where he was, the less it would be to his advantage. To which M. de Bethencourt rejoined : '' That is ill said of you, my brother ; for I have no such dishonest wish as dil au maistre de la barge que ledit Sieur Betliencoui't u'avoit pas tout fait de luy, at que se autres gens que luy n'y eussent dusogne, les choses ne fussent pas si auancees ; at qua s'il fust venu a tout les viures qu'il auoit aportes depuis vn an ou deux, ils feussent venus encor plus a poinct ; at y aust beaucoup de paroles, et tant que les paroles vindrent par la dit maistre a Monsieur Bethencourt, dont Monsieur de Bethencourt fut bieu esbaliy at bien cource que le dit Gadifer auoit si grande euuie sur luy ; et taut que tantost apres ils s'entra rencontrerent : et luy dit Monsieur de Bethencourt, Ja suis bien esbahy, mou frere, comment vous auaz si grand cnuie de mon bien et honnaui', at na cuidons pas que vous eussiez vn tel courage contra moy ; et adonc respondit Messire Gadifer, qu'il ne dauoit pas auoir perdu sa peine, at qu'il auoit este grande aspassa de temps hers de son pays ; et qu'il voyoit bien que tant plus il seroit la et tant moins gaigneroit. Monsieur da Bethencourt luy respondit, Mon frere, c'ast mal dit a vous; car ie n'ay pas si dcs-honneste OF THE CANAKIKS. 121 to witliliolc] the duo recognition of your rights so soon as, by God^s grace, things shall have reached a better state of perfection than at present." Gadifcr then said : " If you would concede to me the islands of which I formerly spoke to you, I would be content.'' Monsieur de Bethencourt replied that, having done homage of them to the King of Castile, he could not undo that act. Upon which more hard words passed between them, which would be too long to repeat. So it fell out that within eight days M. do Bethencourt, having got together his people and his supplies, he aud Gadifer left the Canaries for Spain, neither of them very well pleased with the other. M. de Bethencourt went in one vessel, and Gadifer in another ; and settled their mattei's in Spain, in the manner that you will presently learn. vouloir que ie ne le vueille recognoistre quand les choses seront, se Dieu plaist, venues a plus grande perfection qu'elles ne sont. Cedit Gadifer, si me vouliez baillir les isles qu'autre fois voas ay parle, ie serois content. Respond Monsieur de Bethencourfc qu'il en auoifc fait bommage au Roy de Castille, et qu'il ne s'en deferoit point ; et il y eut de grans paroUes qui trop longuez seroient a raconter et de quoy je me passe pour le present. Auint dedans huict iours apres que Monsieur Bethencourt eust arrune ses gens et ses besongnes, ledit Bethencourt et Gadifer se partirent des pays des Caiiares, et s'en allerent en Espagne, non pas fort bien contens I'vn de I'autre ; et se mit Monsieur de Bethencourt en sa nef, et ledit Gadifer en vne autre, et beson- gnereut ensemble quand ils furent en Espagne, comma vous orrez cyapres. 122 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST CirAi'TER LXIV. — How the Sieur de Bethencourt and Gadifer arrived in Spain, and Gadifer, not being able to gain his point against Bethencourt, returned to France, and Bethencourt to the Islands. A sliort time after Monsieur de Bethencourt and Messire Gadifer de la Salle left Erbanie in no very good humour with each other. Monsieur de Bethencourt sailed for Spain in one vessel and Gadifer in another, but when they reached Seville, M. de Bethencourt took possession of several things that Gadifer said belonged to him ; and the King of Castile was informed of the whole dispute, but Gadifei-^s assertions were not believed. Whereupon he declared that he would return to France, where he had much to attend to. In short, he clearly saw that no other course was open to him. Accordingly, he left Spain and returned to France, nor did he ever again make his appearance in the Canary Isles. M. de Bethencourt had much ti'ouble afterwards in subduing the said islands, as you will hear moi'e fully by and bye. [Chapitre LXIV. — Comvie le Sieur de Bethencourt et Gadifer arriuerent en Espague, et Gadifer ne pomiant gaguer autre chose contre luij, s'en retourne en France et Bethencourt es isles. '\ Dedens ung pou de temps apros se partit derbanne Monsieur de Bethencourt et Messire Gadiffer de la Salle noii mye trop bien dascort. Monsieur de Bethencourt estoit en une barge et Gadiffer en une autre pour passer la mer en Espaigne ; mais quant ilz furent en Syville Monsieur de Bethencourt empescha plusieurs choses que le dit Gadiffer disoit luy appartcnir, tant que le Roy de Castillo en east les nouuellcs ; mais ricn ne valut pour ledit Gadifer, et incontinent dit qu'il vouloit aller eu France en son pais et qu'il y a\ioit bien affaire ; le dit Gadifer voyoit bien qu'il n'y pouuoit autre chose faire, et pour co cen vouloit il aler. Et se partit le dit Gadiffer du royaume d'Espaigne, et s'on alia en France en son pays, et oncqnes puis on no Ic vit csdites isles de Cauare : et eut depuis Monsieur do Bethencourt bien a besongner a conquerir ledites isles de Canare ainsi commc vous orrc/ plus a plain oy nprcs. Sy nous tairons dc cesto OF THE CANARIRS. 123 But for the pvcscnt wc will leave this matter, and will speak of tlioso islands wliicli M. de Bethencourt visited or caused to be visited, and of the manners, customs, and government of the people. Chapter LXV. — Here in the first place the island of Furro is treated of. We will first speak of the island of Ferro, which is one of the most distant. It is a very beautiful island, seven leagues in length and five- in breadth: it is in the shape of a crescent, and is very difficult of access, for it has no good port or en- trance; but it has been visited by the Sieur de Bethencourtand by others, for Gadifer was there a considerable time. Formerly it had been extensively inhabited, but the natives had been captured at different periods and been made slaves of in foreign countries, so that few now remained. The surface of the island is a high table-land, covered with large forests of pine and laurel, bearing wonderfully large and long- berries. The ground is good to till and suitable for corn, raatiere quant a present, et parlerons des isles que Monsieur de Bethencourt a visitees et fait visiter, des manieres et des con- ditions, et gouuernement des isles. [Chapitee LXV.] — Yoj pade preinierement de lille de For. Si parlerons premierement de I'isle de Fer, qui est vne des plus lointaincs, et dit que c'est vue moult belle isle, et contieut sept lieues de long et cinq de large : et est en maniei-e d'vn croissant, et est tres forte : car il n'y a bon port nc bon enti'age, et a este visitee par ledit sieur et par autres ; car Gadifer y fut bien longuement, et souloit estre bien peuplee de gens, mais ils ont este prins par plusieurs fois et menez en clietifuoisson en estrangez contrces; et y sont au iourd'hui demourez pea de gens, et est le pays haut et assez plain ; gamy de grands bocages de pins et de lauriers portans meures si grosses et si longues que nicrucilles; et sent les terres bonnes pour labourer, pour blcds, 12 L niSTOKY OF THE CONQUEST for vines, and all other things. There are many kinds of fruit-bearing trees. There are falcons, hawks, larks, and quails in great numbers ; and also a kind of bird with a pheasant's plumage^ but of the size of a parrot^ and of small flying power. The water is good, and there is great abund- ance of animals, such as hogs, goats, and sheep. There are lizards as large as cats, but harmless, although very hideous to look at. The inhabitants are a very fine race, both men and women. The men use long lances without iron points, for they have no iron,^ nor any other metal. They grow a considerable quantity of grain of all sorts. In the highest part of the island are some trees which pour vin et pour toutes autres choses ; et si on y trouueroit mains autres arbres portans fruict de diuerses conditions : et y sent faucons, espreuiers, alloiJettes et cailles a grand plante, et vne maniere d'oiseaux qui ont plume de faisant, et est de la taille d'vn papegaux, et ont courte voUee. Les eaues y sent bonnes, et y a grand plante de bastes ; c'est as9auoir pourceaux, chievres, et bi'cbis, et y a des lesai'ds grandes comme vn chat, mais elles ne font nul mal, et si sent bien hideuses a regarder. Les habitans d'illec sent moult belles gens hommes et femmes, et portent les hommes greds lances qui ne sont point ferrees : car ils n'ont point de fer ne d'autre metail : et y croit blcds de toutes maniere assez. Et au plus liaut du pays sont arbres qui 1 This passage shows that this island did not derive its name, as it would seem to do, from iron. On inquiring why this island was called Ilierro or Ferro [1. e. iron], Galindo found that the natives called it Esero, which in their language means " strong"; and as they had no iron in use aniongat them, when tht;y saw that it was a "strong" material corresponding to the name of their island, thoy called iron inditVerontly by the name of Esero or Hierro, the Spanish word for that metal, so that at last they translated the real name of the island Esero into the Si)anish one Ilierro, of which Ferro is the Portuguese form. This seems a very unsatisfactory solution. It appears that in the Guanche language "hero "or "herro" means a well or cistern, such as are used in this island for preserving rain-water, and hence the easy lajjse into "hierro," " ferro," or, as the French chaplains make it, " fer." OF llIK CANAIMES. 125 arc nlwfiys dripping with a most clear delicious water, which falls into a pool nc^ar llio trees formed by the continual dropping ;^ it is the most excellent for drinking that can tousiours degouteiit eau bt'lle et clere qui diet on fosse aupres des arbrcs, la mcilleare pour boire que Ton s^auroit trouuer ; efc ' One of these trees, called the "Garoe" or "Holy Tree," has been made famous both by those who have exaggerated its merits, and by its depreciators and those who have denied its existence. All sorts of in- accuracies have been stated both on the one side and the other. For- tunately we possess a detailed description of it by Father .Fuan de Abreu (ialindo, who had the curiosity to pay a visit to this remarkable tree, and whose account may be seen at page 47 of his Hixtoria de la Coiiquisla de las siete islas de Gran Canaria^ written in 1(132, and pub- lished at Santa Cruz de Teuerife in 1848. It was a gigantic til {Laurus foetens), standing by itself on the top of a steep rock, about a league and a half from the sea, in the district of Tigulahe. The circumference of the trunk was twelve spans, the diameter four, and its height, to the topmost branch, was forty spans. The circumference of all the branches was 120 feet. The branches were thick and extended, and the leaves distilled sufficient water to furnish drink to every living creature in Ferro. On the north side was a cistern divided into two, each half being twenty feet square and sixteen spans deep. One of these was for the inhabitants, the other for cattle. At this part of the island a cloud or mist arose in the morning, and was carried by the south-easterly winds along a narrow gully which reached from the sea to the cliff, and being there checked by the face of the rock, rested on the thick leaves and wide- spreading branches of the tree, and thence distilled in drops during the day. Of the age of the tree, reputed to be very great, we have no authentic record. The date of its final destruction has been mis-stated by many. Leopold von Buch tells us, without giving his authority, that it still existed in 1689 ; Father Nieremberg places its downfall in 1629 ; and Nufiez de la Pefia in 1625. It happens, however, that an official record of the event survives which shows them all to be wrong. In a work entitled Noticias del Ilierro, by Bartholome Garcia del Castillo, it is recorded that the tree was overthrown in a hurricane ; and that, at page 184 of the second " Libro Capitular "of the island, stands the following memorandum, made by the ayuntamiento, under date of 12th June, 1612. '^ Since the Arbre Santo (Holy Tree) has fallen, and the cisterns in which the water used to be collected are blocked up with the trunk and the branches, and as it is necessary that all of it must be removed, and the earth which fell at the same time cleared away: it is ordered and commanded," etc. 126 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST be found anywhere. The quality of this water is such that, if any one had eaten till he could eat no more, and were to drink of this water, in one hour the food would be entirely digested, and the man would have as great an appetite as he had before having eaten. CiiArxER LXVI. — Of the island of Palina, tlie most distant of all. The island of Palma, which is farthest out in the ocean, ^ is larger than the map describes it; it is very high and veiy steep, covered with large forests of various sorts of trees, such as pines and dragon-trees, bearing dragon's blood, and other trees yielding milk of great medicinal vakie, and fruits of various kinds. There are good rivers flowing through it, and the land is excellent for agriculture of all sorts, and the pastures are excellent. The country is est icelle eau de telle condition que quand on a tant nienge que on ne pent 23lus, et on boit d'icelle eau, aincliois qii'il soit vne heure la viande est toute digeree, tant qu'on a aussi grand voulente de menger qu'on auoit aupavauant qu'on avoit mange. [Chapitre LXVI.] —De Vlsle de Palme qui est la iilus lointaine. L'isle de Palme, qui est la plus auant d'vn coste de la mer Oceane, est plus grande qu'elle ne se monstre en la carte, et est tres-haute et tres foi'te, garnie de grads bocages de diuerses conditions, comme de pins et do dragonniers portant sang de dragon, et d'autres arbres portant laict do grande medccine, et de fruictage de diuerses manieres, et y court bonnes riuieres parmy, et y sont les terres bonnes pour to us labouragcs et bien ' This statement, although nearly correct, is not perfectly so, as the reader will immediately recognise from the early European geographei-s having made the first meridian to ])ass through the island of Fcrro as hcing the westernmost of the group. OF THE CAN A i; IKS. 127 sti-ony- Mini woll peopled, for this island lias not been so much visited as the others. The inhabitants arc a fine people, and only live upon flesh. It is the most delightful country that we have found amongst all those islands, but it is very much out of the way, being the most distant from the maiu land. It is only a hundred French leagues, however, distant from Cape Bojador, which is on the main land of the Saracens. The climate of the island, moreover, is extremely good, for, unless by accident, the people are never ill, and thev live to a e-reat ajje. Chapter LXVII. — After that of the island of Gomcra. The island of Gomera is fourteen leagues from the last mentioned. It is a very steep island, in the shape of a trefoil. It is very high and tolerably level, but the gorges ai-c wonderfully wide and deep. This country is inhabited by a tall people who speak the most remarkable of all the languages of these islands, and speak with their lips, as if garnies d'herbages. Le pays est fort et bien peuple de gens ; car il n'a mie este ainsi foulle comme Ics autres pais ont este. lis sent belles gens et ne viuent que de chair : et est le plus delectable pais que nous ayous trouue es isles de parde9a, mais il est bien adesmain, car c'est la plus loiutainne isle de terre ferine. Toutefois il n'y a du cap de Bugeder, qui est teri'c fermc des Sarrasins, que cent lieaes Frangoises, et aussi c'est vne isle ou il y a fort bon air, ne iamais voulentiers on n'y est malade, et les gens y viuent longuement. [Chapitre LXVII.] —St/ apres de I' Isle Gomere. L'Isle de Gomere est quatorze lieues parde^a, qui est tres forte isle, en maniere d'vne trefle ; et le pais bie-hault et assez plain, mais les baricanes y sot merueilleusemcnt grandes et parfondes, et est le pais habite de grand peuple qui parle le plus estrange langaige de tons les autres pais de parde<^'a ; et parlent 128 HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST they had no tongues ; and they have a tradition that a great prince, for no fault of theirs, caused them to be banished and had their tongues cut out; and, judging by the wa}^ tbey speak, one could well believe it. The country abounds in dragon-trees and other kinds of wood, and in small cattle. There are also many other notable thino-s which it would be tedious to describe. Chapter LXVIII. — Of tlie island which is called Tonerfiz, but which some call the Island of Hell. The island of Hell, which is called Tonerfis [Teneriffe], is shaped like a harrow, almost the same as the Great Canary. It is about eighteen French leagues in length and ten in breadth. In the middle there is a large mountain, the highest that there is in all the Canary Islands ; and the base of the mountain extends over the greater part of the island, and all round are valleys well wooded and intersected with running streams, and abounding in dragon-trees and many des baulievres ainsi que si feussent sans langue, efc diet on parde^a que vng grand prince pour aucun meffaict les fit la rnettre en exil, et leur fit tailler leurs langues, et selon la maniere de leur parler on le pourroit croire. Le pais est garnj de dragon- niers et d'autre bois assez, ot de bestiail menu, et de moult d'autres choses estranges qui seroient longuez choses a raoontor. [Chapitre LXVIII.] — De lille rpii sappelle lijUe [_Toncrfiz] aucnns lappellejit lille Jeuffer. Lille denffer, qui se dit Tonerfis, est en maniere d'vne lierclio, presque ainsi que la grand' Canare, et contient enuiron di.\- huict lieues Francoises de long et dix de large, et en tour le meilleur a vne grand' montagnc la plus havite qui soit en toutes les isles Canariennes, et s'estent la parte de la montagne de tous costez par la plus grand partie de tonte I'isle ; et tout entour sont les baricanes garnis de grands bocages et de belles fontaines oourantes, de dragonniers et do inonlt d'nntros nrhres do dinors(>s OP THE CANARIFS. 129 otlicr kinJs of wood.^ The country is very good for all kiuds of agriculture, and numerously inhabited by the hardiest race to bo found in all these islands. They have never been run down or carried into servitude like those of tho other islands." Their island is ten leagues south of Gomera, and on the other side towards the north it is four leagues distant from the Groat Canary ; and in those parts it is pronounced to be one of the best islands there is. mauieres et conditions. Le pays est raout bon pour tous les labourages, et moult grand peuple y habite, qui sont les plus hardis de tous les autres peuples qui habite es isles; et ne furent oncques courus ne menez en seruage comme ceux des autres. Et marche leur pays pres de la Gomere a six lieues deuers le midy et de I'autre eoste deuers le nort a quatre lieues de la grand' Canare ; et dit on par deqa. que c'est vne des [plus ?] bonnes isles qui y soit. ^ The Teyde or Peak of Teneriffe, one of the largest volcanic cones known, is more than ten leagues in circumference at the base, and towers 11,430 feet above the level of the ocean. The crater on the summit presents a solfatara of about 300 feet in diameter and 100 feet deep. The view from the top, as described by Sabin Berthelot, took in a range the diameter of which exceeded 100 leagues. Lancerote was seen on the verge of the horizon at a distance of 160 miles. Then Fuerteventura, stretching its length towards the Great Canary. Westward the shadow of the Peak spread itself out in an immense triangle so as to lap over Gomera, while Palma and Ferro showed their scarped summits a little beyond. Thus the entire Archi- pelago of the Canaries lay like a relief map under his eyes. 2 Nuilez de la Pena tells us that the natives of Teneriffe called them- selves " Guanchinet," which the Spaniards corrupted into " Guanche." " Guan" meant " person," and " Chinet " was the same as " Teneriffe"; so the two words combined meant "a man of Teneriffe." Of all the Canariaus, the Guanches of Teneriffe held out the longest against their conquerors. It was not till 1490 that they lost their independence, and were entirely subdued by the Spaniards. 130 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter LXIX. — Of the Great Canary and its inhabitants. The Great Canary is twenty leagues long^ and twelve broadj and is shaped like a harrow ; it is distant twelve leagues from the island of Erbanie. It is the most celebrated of all the islands. On the south side there are large and remarkable mountains, but on the north the country is tolerably flat and good for agriculture. The country is well wooded with pines, firs, dragon-trees, olive- trees, fig-trees, date-palms, and many other fruit-bearing trees. The inhabitants are tall, and look upon themselves as noble,^ having none of the lower orders amongst them. [Chapitee LXIX.] — Sy parlle de lillc de la Grand' Canarie, et des gens qui y sont. La grand' Canare contient vingt lieues de long et douze de large ; et est en maniere de herche, et conte Ton douze lieues de la grand Canare iusques en I'isle d'Erbannie, et est la plus renommee de toutes les autres isles, et y sont Ics montagnes grandes et merueilleuses du coste de Mid}", et deuers le nort assez plain pays et bon pour labourage. C'est vn paj'^s garny de grand boccages de pins et de sapins, de dragonniers, d'oliuiers, de figuiers, de palmiers portans dattes, et de moult autres arbres portans fruicts de diuerses manieres. Les gens qui y habitcnt sont grand peuple, et se dient gentilshommes, sans 1 It may be here stated, once for all, that the various measurements and distances given by Bethencourt's cliaplains arc, as might be ex- pected, very inaccurate : as, for example, in the present instance ; the Great Canary, whicli is nearly round, has for its greatest diameter thirty miles, and is about fifty-five distant from Fuerteventura. 2 Viera tells us that the nobles of the Great Canary wore recognised by sjiecial distinctions and enjoyed particular iirivilogos. They wore the beard and hair long. The foi/can or liigh priest, whose authority was equal to that of the princes, had the sole right of conferring nobility and arming knights. The law required that the aspirant should be known to possess lands and flocks, should be of noble descent, and in conilition to bear arms. OP Til 10 CANARIES. 131 Tliey Lave barley, beans, and g-raiu of every sort. Every- thing grows there. They are great fishermen,^ and net (or hunt) very well. They go quite naked, save for a girdle of palm-leaves. Most of them print devices on their bodies, according to their various tastes, and wear their hair tied behind in the fashion of tresses. They are a handsome and well-formed people. Their women are very beautiful. They wear skins round the middle of the body. The people are well off for animals, such as hogs, goats, and sheep ; there is also a kind of wild dog~ like a wolf, but small. M. de Bethencourt, Gadifer, and several of the company went to the island to study their habits and their government, and to look out for landing places and the entrances into the country, which are good and free from danger, but of which ceux d'autre condition. lis ont forment, feuves, bleds de toutes series ; tout y croit, et sent grands pesclieurs de poisson, et noiient merueilleuseraent bien : ils vont tous nuds fors que les brayez qui sont de feiiilles de palmiers, et la plus grand' partie d'eux portent denises entaillees sur leur chair de diuerses manieres, chacun selon sa plaisance ; et portent leurs cheveux liez par derriere ainsi qu'en maniere de tresses. Ils sont belles gens et bien formez, et leurs femmes sont bien belles ; affublez de peaux pour couurir leurs membres honteux ; ils sont bien garnis de bastes, c'est a sgauoir pourciaux, chievres et brebis, et de chiens sauuages qui semblent loups, mais ils sont petits ; Monsieur de Betlieneourt, et Gadifer, et plusieurs autres de sa comj^agnie y out este, tout en effet pour voir leur maniere et leur gouuerne- ment, et pour aduiser les descendues et les entrees du pays qui sont bonnes et sans danger, mais qu'on y tiengne ordonnance, 1 Viera speaks of two modes of fishing in use by the Canarians : the one spearing by torchlight ; the other by poisoning the water with the juice of the '■Habaiba,^'' a species of Euphorbia piscatoria. A species of the same genus, the Eitphorbia hijberna, is used by the peasants of Kerry for the same purpose. It is so powerful, tliat a small creel, filled with the bruised plant, suffices to poison the fish for several miles down a river. 2 Following the narrative of King Juba, Pliny derives the name of Canaria from the great number of dogs that the Mauritanian explorers found in the island. k2 132 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST they took due note, sounding and measuring the harbours and coasts wherever a vessel could put in. Half a league from the sea on the north-east are two towns, two leagues distant from each other, one called Telde and the other Argones, situated on the banks of running streams. Twenty- five miles thence to the south-east is another town, situated on the sea, which beats against it and serves admirably as a fortification on one side, while there is a sti'eam of fresh water on the other. This town is called Arginegy,^ and a very good harbour might be made of it for little vessels in danger from the fortress. It must be acknowledged that et assonde et mesure les ports et les costieres de la terre par tout oil nauire peat approcher, A demy lieue pres de la mer du coste du nordest sent deux villes a deux lieues I'vne de I'autre, I'vne nommee Telde, et I'autre Argone, assises sur ruisseaux courans. Et a vingi-cinq mille de la du coste de suest, si est vne autre ville sur la taer en tres bon lieu pour fortifEer et illec luy bat la mer entres bon lieu pour fortifier et d'un coste a vn ruisseaux d'eaue douce de I'autre coste, laquelle se nomme Argi- negy ; et y pourroit on faire tres -bon port pour petits naulres au danger de la forteresse. II ne faut point dire que ce ne soit vne ' Sabin Berthelot, in his Histoire Natii,relle des Canaries, thus de- scribes the little town of Argyneguy, or rather Arguineguin. He says it might have contained about four hundred houses, the remains of which are seen in a ravine of the same name. They stand in several rows around a great circle, in the centre of which are the ruins of a more considerable building. In front of the entrance to this building is an enormous semicircular seat with a back to it, made of stones joined without cement. The idea suggests itself that this house was the residence of a chief, and that the council assembled in this spot. Long stout beams made of laurel (barbusano), an almost indestructible wood, now extremely valuable for its excellence and rarity, still cover some of these dwellings, the shape of which is elliptical. Inside are seen three recesses sunk into the thickness of the wall, which is eight or nine feet thick. The fireplace is near the entrance-gate, and faces the recesses at the end. The wall is without cement and constructed of stones, rude and unchiselled on the out- side, but in the interior perfectly cut and worked to measure. These stones are as well joined together as the best of our nuisons could do it. OF TIIK CANARIES. 133 the island is a most excellent one^ and replete with ad- vantages ; corn grows twice a year without the land requir- ing any improvement, and if the land was not so badly cultivated more things would grow than one would be able to mention. Chapter LXX. — Of the island of Erbauia, called Fortaventura, in ■which were two kings. The island of Fuerteventure, whicli we call Erbannie, as also do the people of the Great Canary, is twelve leagues from that island on the north-east. It is about seventeen leagues long and eight broad, but in one place it is only a league and a half in breadth from sea to sea. The soil is sandy, and a great stone wall traverses the island right across from one side to the other. The country is varied by plains and mountains, and one can ride on horseback from one end to the other. In four or five places there are running streams of fresh water, which might be made to turn mills ; and on the banks of these streams are large fort bonne isle plaine des tons bies ; et y viennent les bleds deux fois I'an sans y faire nul ameudement, et si ne sQaaroit-on trop mal- aisement labourer la terra qu'il n'y viengne plus de biens qu'ou ne sgauroit dire. [Chapitke LXX.] — Sij parle de lille derhanye dit Fortauenture, en laquelle y avoit deulx Boys. L'Isle de Fort auenture, que nous appellons Erbanne, aussi font ceux de la gi'and' Canare, est douze lieues par de^a du coste de nort est, laquelle contient enuiron dix-sept lieues de long, et huict de large, mais en tel lieu y a qu'elle ne contient qu'vne lieue d'vne mer a autre. La est pays de sablo, et est la vn grand mur de pierre qui comprend le pays tout au trauers d'vn coste a I'autre : le pais est garny de plain et de montagne, et peut-on cheuauclier d'vn bout a I'autre, et y trouue Ton en quatre ou en cinq lieues ruisseaux courans d'eau douce, dequoy nioulins pourroicnt moudre, et a sur ccs naisseaux de grands 134 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST groves of trees called tarhais,^ which produce a salt g'um, fine and white, but it is not a wood to be turned to any serviceable account, for it is twisted, and its foliage is like heath. The country is plentifully furnished with other trees, which produce a milk of great medicinal value, like balm, and there are other trees of marvellous beauty which contain more milk even than the others. They are divided into squares, and each square bears a kind of thorn like brambles. The branches are as large as a man^s arm, and when they are cut the wound is filled with a milk of marvellous virtue.^ There are other trees also, such as date-palms and olives, and mastic trees in great abundance. A plant also grows there which is very valuable, called orchil. It is used for dyeing cloth and other things, and is the best plant for that purpose that is known anywhere ; bocages de bois qui s'appellent Tarbais, qui portent gomme de sel bel et blanc ; mais ce n'est mie bois de quoy on peut fairs bonne ouuraige, car il est tortu et semble bruyere, de la feiiille. Le pays est moult garny d'aufcre bois qui porte laict de grand' medecine en maniere de baulme, et autres arbres de merueilleuse beaute qui portent plus de laict que ne fot les autres arbres, et sont carrez de plnsieres carres ; et sur chacune carre a vn reg d'espine en maniere de ronces, et sont les branches grosses comme le bras d'vn home, et quand on les couppe tout est plain de laict qui est de merueilleuse vei'tu : d'autre bois comme de palmiers portans dattes, d'oliuiers, et de mastiquers y a grand plate, et y croit vne graine qui vaut beaucoup qu'on appelle orsolle ; elle sort a teindre drap ou autres cboses, et est la meillure grayne dicelle que Ton s9acbe trouuer en nul pais ' The Rev. R. T. Lowe, author of The Flora of Madeira, who has made the botany of this group of ishands a special study, gives lue the following note on this word. " I can find nothing at all like this in my (carefully identified) vernacular names of Fuerteventuran jilants, but the plant meant was probably Erica arborea^ L., though now quite extinct in Fuerteventura, and called in the other islands ' Breuo.' " - The Euphorbia Canariensis. When tlie skin of this plant is in- OP THE CANARIES. 135 and if only this island be once conquered and brought into the Christian faith, this plant will prove of great value to the lord of the country. The people of the country are not very numerous, but very tall, and difficult to take alive ; and so formidable are they that, if any one of them is taken by the Christians, and turns upon them, they give him no quarter, but kill him forthwith. They have villages in great number, and they live more closely together than is the custom with the inhabitants of the island of Lanzerote. They eat no salt, and live only on flesh, which they preserve without salt, hanging it up in their houses till it is quite dry, and then they eat it. This meat is much more savoury, and beyond all comparison finer, than any that is prepared in France. The houses smell very bad, on account of the flesh that is hung up in them. They have good store of tallow, which they eat with as much relish as we do bread. They are well ofi" for cheeses, which are superlatively good, pour la condition d'icelle ; et si lille est vne fois conquise et niise a la foy chrestieune, icelle graine sera de grad valeur au sieur du pais : le pais n'est pas trop fort peuple de gens ; mais eeux qui y sont, sont de grande stature, et a peine les peut-on prendre vifs, et sont de telle condition que si aucun d'eux est prius des chresties, et il retourne deuers eux, ils le tuent sans reraede nul. lis ont villages grand foison, et se logent plus ensemble que eeux de I'isle Lancelot. lis ne mangent point de sel, et ne viuent que de chair, et en font grand garnison sans saler, et la pendent en leur hostieulx, et la font seiclier iusques a tant qu'elle est bien fanee, et puis la menget, et est icelle chair beaucoup plus sauoureuse, et de meillure condition que celle du pais de Franco sans nulle compai'aison. Les niaisons sentent tres-mal, par cause des chairs qui y sont pendues : ils sont bien garnis de suif, et le mangent aussi sauoureusement comme nous faisons le pain. Ils sont bien garnis de formaiges, et si sont cised, an acrid milk exudes which contains active medicinal properties, and, when dried, furnishes the drug known as euphorbium. loG HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST the best tLat are made anywhere about. They are made of the milk of goats^ with which this island is more numerously stocked than any of the rest. Sixty thousand might be taken every year, and great pi^ofit made of the hides and fat^ of which each animal yields full thirty or forty pounds. The abundance of the fat and the excellence of the meat are astonishing, far superior to what they have in France. There is no good harbour for large vessels to winter in, but very good ones for small craft. Throughout the whole of the plain country, wells might be sunk for soft water for watering the gardens and other purposes. There are some good districts for agi-iculture. The inhabitants are of a resolute character, very firm in their religion, and they have temples in which they ofPer their sacrifices.^ This island is the nearest to the country of the Saracens, for there are only twelve French leagues between it and Cape Bojador, which is the main land of Africa. souueraineraent bos, les meilleures que on sache es parties d'enuiroii: et si ne sont faits que de laict de chieure, dont tous le pais est fort peuple plus que nulle des autres isles, et en pourroit- on prendre chacun au soixante mille, et mettre a profit les cuirs et graiffes, dont chacune beste rend beaucoup, bien trente efc quarante liures : c'est merueilles de la graisse qu'ils rendent, et si est merveille que la cher est bonne trop biaucoup meilleur que ceulx de France sans nulle coraparaison. II n'y a point de bon port pour niuerner gros nauire, mais pour petit nauire il y a tres-bons ports : et par tout le plain pais pourroit-on faire puits pour auoir eaue douce, pour arrouser iardins, et faire ce qu'on voudroit. II y a de bones veines de terre pour labourages ; les habitans sont de dur entendement, et moult fermes en leur loy, et ont esglise oil ils font leurs sacrifices. C'est la plus pres isle qui y soit de terre dcs Sarrasins, car il n'y a que douze lioues FrauQoises du cap de Bugeder qui est terre fcrme. ' Vicra tells us tliat at Fuerteventura there existed remains of large circular stone buildings, called ^' efeqitenes,'" devoted to woi-ship. They gciuM'ally stood on the top of a mountain. The sacritices wei'e offerings of liuttcr and liliations of goats' milk. OF VUK CANARIES. 137 CiiArrKu LXXI. — Of the island of Laiicerote. The island of Lancerote lies four leagues north-north- east from the island of Fuerteventura. Between these two is the island of Lobos, which is not peopled, and is nearly- round. It is a league in length and the same in breadth ; it is a quarter of a league from Fuerteventura on one side, and three leagues from Laucerote on the other side. On the side of Erbanie there is a very good harbour for galleys. The number of sea-wolves that come there is astonishing, and every year might be got a sufficient quantity of skins and fat to fetch five hundred gold doubloons and more. As for the island of Laucerote, which is called in their lan- guage Tite-roy-gatra, it is of the size and shape of the island of Rhodes. It contains many villages and fair houses, and used to be well peopled, but the Spaniards and other corsairs of the sea have so fi'equently made captures among them, and thrown them into slavery, that now there are but few remaining, for when M. de Bethencourt arrived [Chapitre LXXL] — Sy parle de Idle Lanlot. L'isle de Lancelot est a quafcre lieues de I'isle de Forte-auenture du coste de nort nort-est; et est entre deux l'isle de Louppes, qui est despeuplee, et est presque ronde, et ne contient que vne lyeue de long et autant de large, a vn quart de lyeue derbanne dit Forte-aueture, et de I'autre part a trois lieuees de l'isle Lancelot. Du coste d' Erbanie est tres-bon port pour galleres. La viennent tant de Lous-marins que c'est merueilles, et pourroit- on auoir chacun an des peaux et des graiffes cinq cens doubles d'or ou plus. Et quand a l'isle Lancelot, qui s'appele en lour langaige Tlte-Boy-gatra, elle est aveques du grant et de la fa^on de l'isle de Rhodes. H y a gi*and foison de villages et de belles maisons, et souloit estre moult peuplee de gens. Mais les Espagnols et auti'es corsaires de mer les ont par maintes fois prins et menez en seruaige, tant qu'ils sont demourez pcu de gens. Car quand Monsieur do Bethencourt y arriua, ils n'estoient enuiron que 138 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST there were scarcely three hundred people. These he con- quered, though with great trouble and difficulty, and, by the grace of God, had them baptized. On the side towards the island of Graciosa the country is so inaccessible, that it would be impossible to enter it by force ; but on the other side, towards Guinea, which is the main land of the Saracens, the country is tolerably flat and free from wood, with the exception of some brushwood useful for fuel, and a kind of wood called Hyguerres,^ with which all the country abounds from one end to the other. It contains milk of great medicinal virtue. There is great abundance of springs and reservoirs of water, as also of pasture land and good land for tillage. A great quantity of barley grows there, of which they make excellent bread. The country is well supplied with salt. The inhabitants are a fine race. The men go quite naked ; excepting for a cloak over their shoulders, which reaches to their thighs, they are indifferent trois cens personnes qu'il conquesta a grand' peine et a grand trauail et, par la grace de Dieu, baptisez ont este. Et du coste de I'isle Gracieuse, le pays et I'etree est si forte que nul n'y pourroit entrer a force ; et de I'autre coste deuers la Guinoye, qui est terre ferme de Sarazins, est plain pays ; est asses plain, et n'y a nuls bois, fors que petits buissons pour ardoir, si ce n'est vne raaniere de bois qui s'appelle Hygueres, dequoy tout le pays est gamy d'vn bout a I'autre, et portent laict de grand raedecine. II y a grand foison de fontaignes et de cisternes, et de pasturages et de bonnes terres a labourer; et y croist grand' quantite d'orge, dequoy on fait de tres bon pain. Le pays est bien gamy de sel, les habitans sont belles gens, les liommes vont toiis nuds fors qu'vne ruantel par dei^riere iusques au jaret, et ne sont point ^ 1 am indebted for the following note to the Rev. R. T. Lowe. '" From one or two herbaceous species of Euphorbia being still called in Lanzerote ' Iliguerilla,' it is probable that the two common shrubby species E. Regis Julxje^ Webb, and E. balsamifera, Ait., now called ' 'J'abayba,' were the plants intended. Von Ruch says that the closely allied shrubby E. piscatoria, Ait., is called in Palma ' higerilla.'" OF THE CANARIES. 139 to other covering. The women are beautiful and modest. They wear long leather robes, which reach down to the ground. Most of them have three husbands, who wait upon them alternately by months, the husband that is to live with the wife the following month waits upon her and her other husband the whole of the month that the latter has her, and so each takes his turn. The women have a great many children, but have no milk in their breasts ; they therefore feed them with their mouths^ and thus their under lips are longer than their upper ones, which is an ugly thing to see. The island of Lanzerote is an excellent and charming island, and might well be extensively visited by merchants ; and much business might be carried on, for there are two harbours in particular which are exceedingly good and easy of access. Orchil grows here, and a large and profitable trade is carried on in it. But we will dwell no longer on this subject, but return to M. de Bethencourt, who is in the kingdom of Castille, in communication with the sovereign of the country. lionteux de leurs membres. Les femmes sont belles et lionnestes, vestues de grands houppelandes de cuirs trainans iusques a terre. La plus grand' partie d'elles ont ti'ois maris, et seruent par mois; et celuy qui la doit auoir apres, les sert tout le mois que I'autre la tient, et sont tovisiours ainsi a leur tour. Les femmes portet moult d'enfans, et n'ont point de laict en leurs mammelles, ainsi allectent leurs enfans a la bonche, et pour ce ont elles les boullieuses de dessoubs plus longues que celles de dessus ; qui est laide chose a voir. L'isle Lancelot est vne fort plaisante isle et bonne, et y peut arriuer beaucoup de marchands et de marchandises, car il y a par especial deux bons ports et aisez. II y croit de I'oursolle qui est fort marchande et profitable. Nous laissei'ous a parler de ceste niatiere, et parlerons de Mon- sieur de Bethencourt, qui est au royaume de Castille deuers le roy du pais. 140 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter LXXII. — How M. de Bethencourt took leave of the King of Spain. When M. de Bethencourt had got rid of Master Gadifer, he procured letters patent from the King of Castillo^ to the effect that he had done homage for the Canary Isles, and then took leave of the said king to return to the islands, for he was wanted there. Gadifer had left his natural son and several others behind him, and for this reason the Sieur de Bethencourt was anxious to return with as little delay as possible. Indeed he would not have gone to Castillo had he not feared that Master Gadifer might steal a march upon him, and make some statement to the King of Castillo which he would not like. Not that he could say that the Sieur de Bethencourt had done anything wrong, but, as I have already said, he was anxious to have his letters all made out and engrossed and sealed. The king had previously granted and caused to be delivered to him certain letters patent in Seville, but they were not as important as these [Chapitke LXXII.] — Comment Monsieur de Betliencourt prit conge die Roy d'Espagne. Qvand Monsieur de Bethecourfc eust faict a Messire Gadifer, il recueillit lettres au Roy de Castille comme il auoit fait sou liommage des isles de Quenare, et print conge dudit roy pour s'en retourner es isles ; car il en estoit besoing. Ledit Gadifer auoit laisse son bastard et aulcuns autres auec luy, pour laquelle cause ledit Sieur de Bethecourt vouloit retourner le plus brief qu'il pourroit. II ne fust ja alle en Castille, si ce n'eust este qu'il doubtoit que Messire Gadifer eust entreprins sur luy, et qu'il eust rapporte quelque chose au Roy de Castille dequoy il n'eust pas esie content : non pas qu'ou luy sceust dire chose que ledit Sieur eust deseruy ; mais comme i'ay dit par cy-devant, il desiroit auoir ses lettres toutcs faictes, grosses et seellees. Le roy luy en auoit en parauant bailie ct fait bailler lettres en Siuillo, mais ils n'estoient point comme dernieres. Le roy luy OF TUE CANARIES. 141 last. In those tlio king gave him full power to coin money in the country, and granted him a fifth of all the mer- chandise which should be imported from the said islands into Spain. The letters were passed before a notary named Sariche, living in Seville ; and in the said town will be found all the acts and regulations of the said de Bethen- court. And seeing that the king was highly pleased with him, several of the citizens of Seville took a great liking to hiin, and made him very handsome and gratifying presents in the way of armour, provisions, money, and gold, to meet his more pressing necessities. He was very well known in that city, and greatly beloved. The said Seigneur de Bethencourt took leave of the king and returned to the islands in high spii-its, like a man who felt that he had managed his matters well. On reaching the island of Fuerteventnra, he was received by his people with great joy, as you shall presently hear more in detail. donna plain pouuoir de faire monnoye au pais ; et luy donna le cinquiesme denier de toutes les marcbandises qui vendroient des dites isles en Espagne ; et furenfc les lettres passees deuant vn tabellion nomme Sariche demeurant en Siuille ; et en ladite ville de Seuille on troauera tout le faict et gouuernement du dit Bethencourt. Et auecques ce que le roy estoit fort content de luy aucnns bourgeois de Siuille I'aimoient fort, et luy firent beau- coup de plaisir, come d'armures, de viures, d'or et d'ai'gent a son grand besoin. II estoit fort bien cogneu en la dite ville et fort ayme. Ledit Seigneur de Bethencourt print conge du Roy, et s'en retourna aux isles tout joyeux, come celuy a qui il sem- bloit qu'il auoit bien fait ses besongnes, et arriua a I'isle de Forteauenture, la oil il fut recueilly de ses gens bien joyeusement, comme vous orrez cy-apres plus a plain. 142 HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST Chapter LXXIII. — How the Sienr de Bcthencomt arrived in the island of Erbanie. When Monsieur de Bethencourt arrived in tlie island of Erbania, called Fuerteventura, lie found there Hannibal, Gadifer's bastard son, who came forward to greet him; and the Sieur de Bethencourt gave him a very courteous recep- tion. " Sieur/^ said Hannibal, " what has become of my master ?^^ ''He is returned/^ said Monsieur de Bethencourt, to France, to his own country." " I should much like to be with him," replied Hannibal. '' Please God," said M. de Bethencourt, " I will take you thither when my enterprise is completed." " I am very distressed," said Hannibal, ''that he has left us without sending us any intimation." " I think," answered M. de Bethencourt, " that he has written to you by my pursuivant." And so he had. The Sieur de Bethencourt then proceeded to a fortress named Eicherocque, which he had caused to be constructed, and there he found some of his people. Fifteen of them had that day made a sally against the encoiy, but the Chapitre LXXIII. — Comme ledit Seigneur arriua en lille derhane. Or est arriue Monsieiir de Bethencourt en I'isle d'Erbanne nommee Fort'auenture, et a trouue Hannibal bastart de Messire Gadifer, lequel luy vint au deuant luy faii-e la reuerence, et ledit Seigneur le receut honnestement. Monsieur, dit Hannibal, qu'est deuenu Monsieur men maistre, ce dit Monsieur de Bethencourt il s'en est alle en France en son piiLs. Adonc ce dit Hannibal, je voudrois bien que ie feusse auec luy, ce dit ledit Sieur, ie vous y meneray, si Dieu plaisf, mais que i'aye fait mon entreprise : ie suis fort esbaliy, eo dit Hannibal, comment il nous a luissez sans nous enuoyer quelqno nouuelle : ie pense, ce dit ^lonsieur de Befcliencoui't, qu'il vous ait rescript par mon poursuiuant, aussi auoit-il ; ledit Seigneur arriua en vue forteressc nommee liirJic- rocque, laquellc il auoit fait faire, et trouua vne partio de ses gens en icello place, il en estoit sailly quinzo de la place iceluy iour, et estoient allcz courir sur Icurs ennemis, ct lours enncmys OF THE CANARIES. 143 Canariaiis opposed them so vigorously^ that tliey killed six outrifrht, and the remainder, much beaten and dis- heartened, retreated to their fortress. M. de Bethencourt soon devised a remedy for this. There was another fortress there, named Baltarhayz, in which were quartered another portion of the company, and among them Hannibal. Mon- sieur de Bethencourt took his departure with all his com- pany from Eicherocque, which he left empty in order to take